• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Title Page
 Map
 Special contributors
 Preface
 Table of Contents
 History and geography
 Politics and government
 Travel and transportation
 Commerce and manufacturing
 Natural resources
 Public finances, currency...
 Labor conditions -- educational...
 Appendix I. How to canvass Mexico:...
 Appendix II. Mexican tariff: General...
 Appendix III. Weights and...
 Appendix IV. Postal service
 Appendix V. Colonization decre...
 Appendix VI. Oil production...
 Appendix VII. Treaties between...
 Bibliography
 Index














Group Title: Mexican year book.
Title: The Mexican year book
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089356/00001
 Material Information
Title: The Mexican year book
Series Title: Mexican year book.
Uniform Title: Mexican year book (Los Angeles, Calif.)
Physical Description: 2 v. : ill., maps ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Mexican Year Book Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Los Angeles
Publication Date: 1920-1921
Frequency: annual
regular
 Subjects
Subject: Economic conditions -- Periodicals -- Mexico -- 1918-   ( lcsh )
Periodicals -- Mexico   ( lcsh )
Spatial Coverage: Mexico
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: Began with 1920/21; ceased with 1922/24.
General Note: "The standard authority on Mexico."
General Note: Published by: Times-Mirror Press, 1924.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00089356
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 09091153
lccn - 22009576

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Map
        Page 3
    Special contributors
        Page 4
    Preface
        Page 5
        Page 6
    Table of Contents
        Page 7
        Page 8
    History and geography
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
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    Politics and government
        Page 99
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    Travel and transportation
        Page 154
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    Commerce and manufacturing
        Page 191
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    Natural resources
        Page 222
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    Public finances, currency and banking
        Page 321
        Page 322
        Page 323
        Page 324
        Page 325
        Page 326
        Page 327
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        Page 335
        Page 336
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    Labor conditions -- educational system
        Page 338
        Page 339
        Page 340
        Page 341
        Page 342
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    Appendix I. How to canvass Mexico: Chief commercial centers
        Page 375
        Page 376
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    Appendix II. Mexican tariff: General rules
        Page 402
        Page 403
        Page 404
        Page 405
        Page 406
    Appendix III. Weights and measures
        Page 407
        Page 408
    Appendix IV. Postal service
        Page 409
        Page 410
    Appendix V. Colonization decree
        Page 411
        Page 412
        Page 413
        Page 414
        Page 415
    Appendix VI. Oil production 1921
        Page 416
    Appendix VII. Treaties between the United States and Mexico
        Page 417
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    Bibliography
        Page 515
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    Index
        Page 519
        Page 520
        Page 521
        Page 522
        Page 523
        Page 524
Full Text






THE

MEXICAN YEAR BOOK

The Standard Authority on Mexico

1920-21


EDITED BY
ROBERT GLASS CLELAND, Ph. D.


LOS ANGELES
MEXICAN YEAR BOOK PUBLISHING CO.
1922



















THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK
1920-1921








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SPECIAL CONTRIBUTORS


H. N. BRANCH - - Washington, D. C.
CHARLES E. CHAPMAN - University of California
ISAAC J. COX - - Northwestern University
CHESTER LLOYD JONES - - New York City
PERCY A. MARTIN Leland Stanford Jr. University
PRED W. POWELL - - Washington, D. C.
HERBERT L PRIESTLEY University of California
WALLACE THOMPSON - - New York City
























Copyright, 1922
Mexican Year Book Publishing Co.
Los Angeles, Cal.









PREFACE

The Mexican Year Book is issued to meet the demand for
unbiased and systematized information concerning Mexico. The
book has furthermore been written expressly for the American
public, and has no connection, official or unofficial, with the
Mexican government. This is in contradistinction to former
Mexican Year Books, which were compiled primarily for English
use and claimed some measure of official patronage. These ceased
publication in 1914.
In dealing with Mexican figures absolute accuracy is an ideal
to be striven for, but one never likely to be attained. Of recent
years, moreover, the difficulty of obtaining reliable data has been
greatly increased by the confusion into which the recent revolu-
tionary disturbances have thrown so many of the sources upon
which one is dependent for official information and statistics. In
this dilemma, the files of the Doheny Foundation, now at Occi-
dental College, have proved to be of the greatest benefit.
Much of the credit for the merits of the volume is to be given
to those scholarly contributors whose names appear on another
page. In large part they have made the book possible, and the
editor offers them his unfeigned gratitude. It is also advisable
to add that the unsigned articles appearing in the Year Book,
with the exception of the Foreword to the Constitution of 1917,
were written by the editor.
There are certain inconsistencies of a minor nature in the
mechanical makeup of the volume which the critical reader will
easily discover for himself. Among the most marked of these is
the variable use of the accent in the spelling of Spanish names.
For such departures from uniformity the editor acknowledges
sole responsibility.
A word of deep regret remains to be recorded. When the
publication of the Year Book was first proposed, the Honorable
Franklin K. Lane-a man whose long career in public office closed
without a stain, and whose intimate acquaintance with Mexico
and Mexican conditions made him universally recognized as an
authority upon that country-agreed to write an introduction to
the volume. Death came before the article was finished.
It was the belief of Mr. Lane, shared by many others, that
the interests of Mexico and of the United States would both alike
be served if the American people knew more about Mexico and
better appreciated its problems and possibilities. The Mexican
Year Book is dedicated to the fulfillment of this object.

ROBERT G. CLELAND.
Los Angeles, California,
December 15, 1921.
















CONTENTS



SECTION I. HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY Pages
Historical Summary ............................................. 9-80
Viceroys of New Spain............................. ............... 80-81
Governments since Independence. .................................. 82-85
Influence of Geography................... ...................... 86-96
States, Territories, Capitals and Population .......................... 97-98

SECTION II. POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
The Government of Mexico ...................................... 99-110
List of Cabinet Officers and State Governors .............. .......... 111
Foreword to the Mexican Constitution ............................ .112-115
Translation of the Constitution............................... ... ..116-153

SECTION III. TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION
Travel in Mexico.............................................. 154-162
The Railroads of Mexico....................................... 163-188
Transportation Facilities at Mexican Ports ........................ 189-190

SECTION IV. COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURING
Foreign Commerce ................................ ............ 191-212
Suggestions for Expediting Trade. ............................ 212-215
Consular Offices and Ports of Entry ............................... 216-219
M manufacturing ............................... ................. 219-220
Hydro-Electrie Development ................................ .. 220-221

SECTION V. NATURAL RESOURCES
Concessions .................................................... 222-238
Agriculture .............................................. 239-255
M ining ...................................... ................ 256-289
Petroleum Industry ...................................... . 290-320

SECTION VI. PUBLIC FINANCES, CURRENCY AND BANKING
Federal Budget ................................ ............... 321-326
N national D ebt ................... ............... ................ 327
Currency ............. ..... .................................... 328
Banks and Banking ........................... ................. 329-337









SECTION VII. LABOR CONDITIONS-EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM
Pages
Labor Conditions............................................338-354
Educational System ............................................. 355-373

APPENDIX
I. How to Canvass Mexico: Chief Commercial Centers.........374-401
II. Mexican Tariff: General Rules.............................402-406
II. Weights and Measures..................................407-408
IV. Postal Service....................... .................. 409-410
V. Colonization Decree ..................................... 411-415
VI. Oil Production, 1921..........................................416
VII. Treaties between the United States and Mexico.............417-514
VIII. Selected Bibliography. ......... ...................515-518

Index .............................................. ..... .. ... 519-524

MAPS
1. Reference Map of Mexico ......................... Opposite Title Page
2. Mining Centers............................... ..... ............ 258
3. PAnuco-Tuxpam Oil Fields.................. ....................291













SECTION I-HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY

HISTORICAL SUMMARY
I. BEFORE THE CONQUEST
The Original Inhabitants: When Cortes landed on the red
sand plains of Vera Cruz four hundred years ago, he found a
country whose inhabitants differed greatly among themselves in
language, customs, and cultural development.
A certain degree of unity and a high order of civilization had
been attained in the Valley of Mexico, where the Aztecs held
sway; but to the north was a large population of uncivilized, or
"wild," Indians, such as the Apaches, the Seris, and the Yaquis
-tribes whose characteristics and manner of life differed in no
respect from those of their kinsmen living in what is now Arizona
and New Mexico. South of the Aztec center dwelt a people
of another type. Oldest, probably, and in many respects most
civilized, most persistent, and certainly most mysterious of all
the races of Mexico, were these Mayas of the Guatemalan border
and of the Peninsula of Yucatan. Their great stone temples at
Palenque, Uxmal, and Chich6n Itza were already centuries old
when the Spaniards came, and the origin of their civilization
was even then lost in the mists of antiquity.
The central part of Mexico was populated by many tribes of
varying degrees of civilization. Chief of these at the time of
the Spaniards were the Aztecs. But the Aztecs constituted only
one branch of a much older and larger family called the Nahua,
which occupied most of modern Mexico south of a line running
from Tampico on the Gulf to San Bias on the Pacific. Other
important branches of this Nahua family were the Toltecs and
Chichimecs.
Besides these, there were innumerable other tribes whose ori-
gin and racial connection have long been matters of speculation
and uncertainty. Indeed, the whole question of the origin of
the peoples of Mexico is one that still perplexes archaeologists
and ethnologists alike. Some authorities endeavor to trace the
Maya and Aztec beginnings back to Asia, to Africa, or even to
the fabled continent of Atlantis. And at least one devout, if
misguided Englishman, Lord Kingsborough, spent a princely
fortune seeking to identify the more highly civilized peoples of
Mexico with the lost ten tribes of Israeli Yet to this very day,
no one can say definitely from what ancient race these peoples
sprang, or whence they began their long migrations to the
peninsula of Yucatan and the land of An(huac.








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


It is generally agreed, however, that the various peoples
who inhabited Mexico before the Spaniards, came into the coun-
try from the north in a series of great waves or migrations.
Earliest of all, so far as it is possible to determine, were the
Mayas who settled in Yucatan probably about the third century,
A. D. Almost contemporaneous with the Mayas were the Zapo-
tecas, a hardy, independent people of Oaxaca and Guerrero.
Next came the Otomies, from whom many of the sedentary tribes
of central and southern Mexico are sprung. They occupied the
region now included in the states of San Luis Potosi, Guanajuato,
Michoachn, Mexico, Quer6taro, and Morelos.
Not long after the Otomies, came the first of the Nahua family
-the Toltecs, a race much farther advanced than the Otomies,
whom they either subdued or drove out of their original pos-
sessions. The Toltecs built up a comparatively well organized
kingdom, with its capital at the modern city of Tula, about 30
miles northwest of Mexico City. But after a period of ascen-
dancy their power in turn was overthrown. One explanation
given for this was the over-indulgence of the tribe in pulque, a
drink which it is believed they discovered. About the same time
a roving, warlike people, called the Chichimecs, began to dispute
their supremacy. The Chichimecs, though inferior to the Toltecs
in civilization, were much their superiors in military ability, and
soon displaced them as the dominant factor in Central Mexico.
The Aztecs: Lastly came the Aztecs, the most important
branch of the Nahua family. The origin and early history of
this people is so obscure and interwoven with myth that the
historian can do little better than fall back upon the interesting
legend which tells of the founding of the Aztec empire. The
story, according to one version, runs as follows:
"The Mexicans came also from the remote regions of the
north.... and arrived on the borders of Andhuac (Valley of Mex-
ico) toward the beginning of the fourteenth century, some time
after the occupation of the land by the kindred races. For a
long time they did not establish themselves in any permanent
residence, but continued shifting their quarters to different parts
of the Mexican Valley. After a series of wanderings and ad-
ventures they at length halted on the southwestern border of the
principal lake, in the year 1325. They there beheld, perched on
the stem of a prickly pear, which shot out from the crevices of
a rock that was washed by the waves, a royal eagle of extraordi-
nary size and beauty, with a serpent in its talons, and his broad
wings opened to the rising sun." This legend, it is almost
superfluous to add, is still preserved on Mexican coins and the
national flag.
Regarding this omen as the fulfillment of prophecy, the wan-
dering Aztecs established a settlement in the swampy margins
of the lake, sinking piles for the foundations of their reed or








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


tule houses, and naming their pueblo Tenochtitlkn, or the Place
of the Stone-Cactus. From this humble beginning dates
the rise of the famous Aztec "Empire." In the course of
some two hundred years, particularly through the political
skill and military ability of the Montezuma dynasty-if such a
term may be applied to the ruling family of a semi-civilized people
-the crude collection of huts on the lake's margin grew into
a populous, ordered city, and the tribe developed into an organ-
ized nation, holding sway, not only over the Valley of Mexico,
but also over a vast territory beyond.
The Aztec kingdom, embracing about 16,000 square leagues,
in reality consisted of a confederation of three separate tribes
with their capitals respectively at Mexico, Tezeuico, and Tacubaya,
but the Aztecs completely dominated the alliance and controlled
both its policies and government. Beyond the actual limits of
the alliance, scores of subjugated tribes, conquered from time
to time in indescribably savage wars, paid various forms of
tribute to the Aztec sovereign. Most oppressive and heartless
of these exactions was the annual toll of victims required for the
human sacrifices. In various forms this Aztec overlordship
extended from one ocean to the other, and from the northern
limits of the Valley of Mexico as far south as the Isthmus of
Tehauntepec.
Civilization: The civilization of the Aztecs, whether bor-
rowed from the Toltecs or Mayas, or of their origin, was re-
markably well developed. Hospitals and public charities existed
for the sick and the unfortunate. Trades and crafts, especially
among the metal workers, lapidaries, and weavers, were organized
under a system not unlike the guild system of mediaeval Europe,
with well defined rules and an established order of apprentice-
ships. There were also regularly graduated social classes, a well
organized system of local and national government, an elaborate
judicial system, and a rudimentary postal service.. There was also
among the priests some skill in medicine, and a more correct
knowledge of the solar system than that possessed by the Greeks
or Romans.
On the other hand, there were certain serious deficiencies of
the Aztec civilization almost as marked as were its attainments.
Painting and music existed only in the crudest forms. There
was no coinage system and no system of phonetic writing.
Neither wax nor oil was employed for light. The only domestic
animals were rabbits, turkeys and little dogs, all alike used for
food.
Government: The Aztec government was theocratic and mil-
itary. At its head stood an hereditary sovereign; next came the
priests; then a very powerful nobility; and finally the army.
Slavery and peonage were fundamental institutions. Much of
the land was held by the king, the priests, the nobility and the








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


military chiefs. Village communal holdings, however, were an
essential feature of the system of land tenure, and each villager
cultivated his own part of the common lands.
The judicial system was organized in a manner partaking of
a high degree of civilization. In all the principal cities
there were inferior and superior courts, and a sort of police or
justice court, corresponding in some degree to the ward magis-
trate of modern times. Above these stpod a supreme court (to
which appeals might be taken) consisting of the king and his
highest councillors. Laws and court records were preserved by
official "stenographers" who made use of an elaborate system
of ideographic writing for the purpose.
In the punishment of criminal offenses, little leniency was
shown. The theft of gold or silver was punished as an act of
sacrilege as well as an offense against society. The culprit was
first flayed alive and then sacrificed to the god of precious metals.
Other crimes were punished by crushing the head of the prisoner
between two stones, or by cutting his heart out as he lay bound
alive upon the altar. A young man found drunk was beaten to
death, and a young woman stoned. A slanderer was singed with
pine torches until the scalp was laid bare.
Court: The court of the emperor, Montezuma, was organ-
ized after the style of an oriental monarch. Six hundred nobles
and men of rank were his personal attendants; three hundred or
more youths served daily at the royal table. The latter was
furnished with every variety of fish, flesh, fowl, fruit, and vege-
table known to the country. Little chafing dishes, heated with
charcoal, stood at each plate to keep the viands warm. Napkins
and bowls of water, precursors of the modern finger bowl, were
,furnished each guest both before and after eating. The table
was adorned with ornaments and dishes of gold, silver, and semi-
precious stones, curiously wrought to imitate a thousand objects,
animate and inanimate, in which the land abounded.
For Montezuma's edification and amusement, there was an
aviary containing every species of bird to be found in Mexico.
Three hundred servants were assigned to the care of these birds.
Besides this aviary, there was also a great zoological garden con-
nected with the palace, and a choice collection of human freaks.'
Albinos, dwarfs, giants, and the like, were all a part of this
royal museum, and each was provided with his separate apart-
ment and his own keeper.
Calendar: One of the highest evidences of Aztec civilization,
borrowed perhaps from their Maya or Toltec predecessors, was
their accurate and detailed method of reckoning time. The year
was divided into 18 months of 20 days each. Both months and
days were named, the latter being called after familiar objects,
such as Dawn, Wind, House, Lizard, Serpent, Death, and so on.








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


As there were 365 days in the Aztec year, it was so arranged that
5 intercalary days should come, according to the modern calendar,
from February 24 to 28, inclusive. Every 104 years, 25 additional
days were added to care for the annual six hour excess over the
365 days-this, of course, on the same principle that accounts
for our own leap year. Instead of reckoning by centuries, as we
do, the Aztecs dealt in cycles, each of which consisted of 52 years
and was divided into quarters of 13 years. The beginning of
each new cycle was the occasion of a great religious festival,
culminating in the rite of kindling the sacred fire upon the bare
breast of a human sacrifice.
The City of Mexico: The City of Mexico, or Mexico as it is
more properly called, the old TenochtitlAn of early Aztec days,
built as it was in the midst of a marshy lake, was connected with
the mainland by four great causeways of stone. The chief of
these, still used as a street in the modern city, was four or five
miles long and wide enough for ten horsemen (had there been
such a thing in pre-Spanish times) to ride abreast upon it. Many
of the streets were "very wide and straight," while others were
merely canals, built to furnish water to the city and outlying
gardens, and to provide a passageway for canoes. The main
thoroughfares were regularly lighted, cleaned, and patrolled;
while in sanitary provisions the city, numbering between 60,000
and 100,000 inhabitants, was far ahead of its European contem-
poraries. It has been spoken of as "probably more spacious,
cleaner, and healthier than any European town of that time."
Among the most characteristic features of the city, and of
Aztec economic life as a whole, were the great market places
where the business activities of the people centered. The largest
of these was minutely described in the second letter of Cortes
to his sovereign, Charles V. In this letter he says:
"There is one square twice as large as that of Salamanca, sur-
rounded by porticoes, where are daily assembled more than 60,000 souls,
engaged in buying and selling; and where are found all kinds of mer-
chandise that the world affords-as for instance articles of food, as well
as jewels of gold and silver, lead, brass, copper, tin, precious stones, bones,
shells, snails, and feathers. There are also exposed for sale wrought and
unwrought stone, bricks burnt and unburnt, timber hewn and unhewn, of
different sorts. There is a street for game, where every variety of birds
in the country are sold, as fowls, partridges, quails, wild ducks, fly-catch-
ers, widgeons, turtle doves, pigeons, reed birds, parrots, sparrows, eagles,
hawks, owls, and kestrels....There are also sold rabbits, hares, deer, and
little dogs, which are raised for eating. There is also an herb street,
where may be obtained all sorts of roots and medicinal herbs that the
country affords. There are apothecaries' shops where prepared medicines,
liquids, ointments and plasters are sold; barber shops, where they wash
and shave the head; (razors of obsidian were used) and restaurateurs,
that furnish food and drink at a certain price.... There are all kinds of
green vegetables, especially leeks, onions, garlic, watercresses, nasturtium,
borage, sorrel, artichokes, and golden thistle; fruits also of numerous
descriptions.... honey and wax from bees.... Different kinds of cotton








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


thread of all colors in skein are exposed for sale in one quarter of the mar-
ket, which has the appearance of the silk market at Granada, although the
former is more abundantly supplied. Painters' colors as numerous as can
be found in Spain, and as fine shades; deerskins dressed and undressed,
dyed different colors; earthenware of a large size and excellent quality;
large and small jars, jugs, pots, bricks, and an endless variety of vessels,
all made of fine clay, and all, or most of them, glazed and painted....
"Every kind of merchandise is sold in a particular street or quarter
assigned to it exclusively, and thus the best order is preserved. They
sell everything by number or measure; at least so far we have not
observed them to sell anything by weight. There is a building in the
great square that is used as an audience house, where ten or twelve per-
sons, who are magistrates, sit and decide all controversies that arise in
the market, and order delinquents to be punished. In the same square
there are other persons who go constantly about among the people observ-
ing what is sold, and the measures used in selling; and they have been
seen to break measures that were not true."

Religion: The Aztecs, like the Greeks, were pantheists. In
addition to a supreme being, corresponding to the Olympian
Jove, they worshipped thirteen major gods and over two hun-
dred inferior divinities. Two of their gods deserve special men-
tion. One of these, Quetzalcoatl, the God of the Air, or the Fair
God, was the god of peace and of prosperity. It was he who had
taught men to cultivate the earth, to work in metals, and to make
laws. But Quetzalcoatl had been driven from the country by a
stronger divinity, leaving among the Aztecs the tradition of his
kindly rule and the promise of his beneficent return. The legends
pictured him as a being of princely stature, with white instead
of copper colored skin, a full beard and thick black hair. In the
coming of Cortes, the Aztecs saw at first the fulfillment of this
cherished prophecy.
In direct contrast to the character of the Fair God, was the
Aztec conception of Huitzilopotchli, or Mexitli, their ferocious
God of War. After making all due allowance for the prejudice
and exaggeration of the Spanish conquerors in their descriptions
of the worship of this inhuman deity, the fact still remains that
the practices of the Aztec religion were as cruel and bloodthirsty
as any the world has known.
The largest of the Aztec temples was built of stone, in the
form of a truncated pyramid, and overlooked all other buildings
of the city. "Three of its sides were smooth," according to the
quaint old description of Don Antonio de Solis, "while the fourth
had stairs wrought in the stone; a sumptuous building and
extremely well proportioned. It was so high that the staircase
contained a hundred and twenty steps, and of so large a compass
that on the top it terminated in a flat, forty-foot square. The
pavement was beautifully laid with jasper stones of all colors.
The rails, which went around in the nature of a balustrade, were
of a serpentine form, and both sides were covered with stones
resembling jet, placed in good order, and joined with white and








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


red cement, which was a very great ornament to the building."
A thick wall, eight feet high, surrounded the temple proper,
making an enclosed area large enough to contain a village of 500
families. Gardens, sanctuaries, shrines, and apartments for the
priests were contained within this enclosure. The encircling
walls were cut by four huge gates, each of which faced one of
the cardinal points of the compass.
The most characteristic feature of the Aztec religion was the
human sacrifice in various forms. Sometimes the victims were
drowned, sometimes burned, sometimes starved to death, some-
times compelled to take part in a sort of gladiatorial contest
against overwhelming odds. The most common, as well as the
most revolting form of sacrifice, however, was conducted by the
priests on the great altar stone on top of the temple. The
method of carrying out this rite was thus described by one of the
early Spanish chroniclers:
"At the sound of musical instruments they brought forth an Indian
from among the prisoners taken in war. He was accompanied and sur-
rounded by illustrious noblemen. His limbs were painted red, with white
stripes; one-half of his face was painted red; a white plume was glued
into his hair; he carried in one hand a walking stick, very gay with knots
and ties of leather, and some feathers inserted in it; in the other hand
he bore a shield with five small bundles of cotton on it; on his back was
a little bundle which held a few eagle feathers, lumps of ocre, pieces of
gypsum, candlewood, and papers bound with rubber."
When the procession reached the top of the great temple, the victim
was placed upon the sacrificial stone; and there, in the sight of all the
city below, "four ministers of the sacrifice seized him by the hands and
feet and held him fast, while the high priest ascended to the rock with
his knife in his hand and cut the victim's throat....The blood drained
into the bowl in the center of the rock, and poured through a canal, and
ran down the side in front of the chamber of the sun; and the sun, sculp-
tured on the face of the rock was drenched with blood."
The heart of the victim was afterwards cut out and presented
to the sun, and the body, or certain parts of it, eaten by the
worshipers.
In perhaps the most typical form of sacrifice, the heart was
torn out while the sacrifice remained alive. The skulls of the
victims were spitted and placed as a gruesome fringe around the
temple. Statements, perhaps exaggerated, credit the Aztec
priests with sacrificing 20,000 persons annually in this worship,
and of putting to death 60,000 victims when the great temple
was dedicated.
The significance of this debasing and dehumanizing religion
in Aztec history ought not to be overlooked. Its chief influence
was to render its followers callous to human suffering and indif-
ferent to human life. It also furnished a plausible explanation
for the harsh measures adopted by the Spanish conquerors to
subdue the city. Finally, the demand for victims for the sacri-
fice did much to drive the tributary tribes into alliance with the
Spaniards against the Aztecs when Cortes appeared.








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


II. THE SPANISH CONQUEST
Development of Spain: The Aztec "Empire" reached the
height of its power under Montezuma II, who came.into power in
1503. The reign of this sovereign, however, rested upon a very
insecure and rapidly disintegrating foundation. The great mass
of his own subjects were almost ready for revolt; the priesthood
and nobility were discontented; and the tribes held in vassalage
were only deterred by fear from throwing off the oppressive
Aztec rule.
Meanwhile, across the Atlantic, Spain was rapidly developing
into one of the marvelous nations of the age. Before the close
of the fifteenth century, two sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isabella,
had succeeded in uniting a group of jealous, independent, or
semi-independent, kingdoms and provinces into a compact, uni-
fied nation. The turbulent and warlike nobles-source of so
much of discord and weakness in all the nations of mediaeval
Europe, and especially so in the provinces of Spain-were com-
pelled to acknowledge actual as well as nominal allegiance to the
,crown. The three great military orders, so long independent
of secular control, were taken over by the king, and the revenues
from their huge estates turned into the royal treasury. National
finance was reorganized and taxes so systematized that within
thirty years the income of the crown had increased from less
than a million reales to more than 26 million. Granada was cap-
tured from the Moors, and the Jews expelled from the kingdom,
both for the sake of religious uniformity and of political unity as
well.
Thus, when Charles V, greatest of Spanish sovereigns and
of Holy Roman Emperors after Charlemagne, came to the
throne of Ferdinand and Isabella in 1516, he found a country
conscious of national unity, content with a government of royal
absolutism, and possessed of a vigor and energy that demanded
outlet beyond the narrow bounds of the Iberian peninsula. The
exploration, conquest, and colonization of the new world of
America was to furnish a proper field for the restless activity
of his adventurous subjects.
Preparations for the Conquest: For many years after the
first voyages of Columbus, the center of Spanish activities in the
new world remained fixed in the West Indies. Cuba, Porto Rico
and Jamaica had been erected into flourishing colonies before any
very successful attempts were made to plant a Spanish settlement
on the mainland. Most important of all, however, was Hispaniola
or Santo Domingo, not inaptly called "the mother of the Spanish
American Colonies." "Here," to quote a vivid description,
"Seaports had been built, towns and villages planted, and fortifica-
tions erected; gold mines had been opened, agriculture was in progress, stock
was raised, farms were worked, and even certain crude industries had been








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


established. Nobles, soldiers, merchants, artisans, negroes, speculators,
priests, friars, and slave traders jostled each other in the public square of
the city of San Domingo; and in the harbor, caravel, galleon, and brigantine
were loading up with Brazil and other native woods, cotton, sugar, and
gold ingots, and complaining letters from those in power and those out of
power, and were taking on board a motley homeward-bound company of
suspended officials returning to Spain under a cloud, Jews and new converts
expelled from the island, and Carib slaves."
Using the West Indies as a basis for colonizing efforts, various
adventurous leaders had already sought to establish settlements
on the mainland prior to the appearance of Cortes upon the scene.
Castilla del Oro, with its center at Darien, was among the earliest
of these. The moving spirit of the Darien settlement, Vasco
Nufiez Balboa, in 1513 discovered the South Sea or the Pacific.
Other expeditions to regions now included in Central America,
brought back sufficient gold and vivid enough reports to fire the
ambition and imagination of every eager spirit in the West
Indies.
In 1517, Velasquez, the founder of Havana and Governor of
Cuba, a "man covetous of glory and somewhat more so of money,"
sent one of his lieutenants, Hernandez de C6rdova, on an explor-
ing and slaving expedition to the coast of Yucatan. C6rdova,
who was "very prudent and courageous and strongly disposed to
kill and kidnap Indians," found evidences of an advanced civ-
ilization in Yucatan and brought back tales of the remarkable
wealth of the inhabitants.
The next year Velasquez sent out a second expedition under
Grijalva, who sailed as far north as the Pinuco River and
secured some $20,000 in gold from the coast natives. Inciden-
tally, too, he heard vague reports of a great king in the interior,
who lived in a marvelous palace, ruled over a vast empire, and
possessed unlimited quantities of gold, silver and precious stones.
Stirred by these reports, Velisquez once more outfitted an expe-
dition for the mainland. The command of this venture was
entrusted to a man of middle life, named Hernando Cortes, whose
boldness in the face of opportunity, and remarkable skill as an
organizer had only begun to appear in his character. The expe-
dition over which Cortes was made commander consisted of a
fleet of 11 vessels, carrying on board 600 men, 200 Indian slaves,
16 horses, 13 firelocks, 10 guns, and 4 falconets.
Before the expedition sailed, Velasquez repented of having
appointed Cortes its leader and sought to recall him. But Cor-
t6s paid no regard to the governor's message, and sailed from
Cuba on February 18, 1519. After touching on the shores of
Yucatan and Tabasco, he continued northward and on April 21,
1519, founded a settlement on the Mexican coast to which he
gave the name of the Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz. To the author-
ities of this municipal government, which he himself had estab-
lished, Cortes then resigned his commission from Velasquez and








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


received from them, acting ostensibly for the Spanish crown, a
new appointment to command the expedition. Then, at the head
of a mere handful of men, Cortes set out for the interior, there
to conquer a kingdom and lay the foundations for three hundred
years of Spanish rule.
The Conquest: The march of Cortes from the coast to Mexico
has aptly been called a "succession of audacious deeds." Some-
times playing upon the hostility of the conquered tribes against
the Aztecs, he built up strong alliances with the native rulers
that furnished material reinforcements for the meager force of
Spaniards. Again, either suspecting treachery or wishing to
teach a terrible lesson to any who might oppose his advance, he
ordered his men to fall upon an Indian tribe-the Cholulans-
and, unless the number has been greatly magnified, slew 6000 of
them in two days of bloody fighting.
Meanwhile, in the palace of Montezuma there was fear and
vacillation, born more of superstition than of physical cow-
ardice. For Montezuma, a "superstitious fatalist," dared not
oppose the coming of Cortes, in whom he saw the fulfillment of
the old Aztec prophecy of the return of Quetzalcoatl. The white-
sailed ships in which the Spaniards reached the coast; the horses
upon which they rode-such animals as no Mexican had ever
seen before; the noise and death that came from their firearms;
the white skins, black hair, and beards of the strangers, all led
the Aztec Emperor to believe the Fair God had once more
returned to rule over his people.
Augmenting this conviction, according to the old Spanish
accounts, were many "Presages, horrible, and wonderful Por-
tents, which God either ordained, or permitted to depress the
Spirits of those fierce people and render less impossible to the
Spaniards that great work which his Providence was about to
accomplish, by means so disproportioned to it."
Due chiefly to Montezuma's superstitious fears, Cort6s and
his command were given a friendly welcome to the city of Mex-
ico by the Aztec sovereign. With equal wonder, the short, bronze
Indians saw the tall, armed Spaniards, some of them mounted on
strange, four-legged beasts, pass through the streets of the city
to Montezuma's palace, and the Spaniards noted the evidences
of civilization, the buildings, the shops in the market places, the
strange fruits and birds, the abundant supplies of precious met-
als, and the oriental splendor of the royal court. It was natural,
too, that what they saw should be magnified and made more
magnificent than in reality it was.
Relations between the invaders and the Aztecs did not con-
tinue long on a friendly basis. Cortes, realizing the hopeless-
ness of his position in the face of a concerted uprising, compelled
Montezuma to live as a hostage with the Spaniards. But long








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


before his control of the city was assured, even by this ruse, the
audacious commander was forced to meet grave danger from an
unexpected quarter. This was the arrival of a thousand men
sent by the disgruntled Velasquez to arrest his former lieutenant
and to take possession of any conquests he might have made
The expedition, under Pknfilo de Narveez, landed at Vera Cruz;
and thither Cortes hastened in person to meet it, leaving what
force he could spare in Mexico under command of Pedro de
Alvarado. After a successful engagement against Narvaez, Cor-
t6s succeeded in winning over most of his rival's troops to his own
cause and then hastened back to Mexico. Here he found condi-
tions come to a serious pass. Alvarado, freed from the wiser
councils of Cortes, through rashness and cruelty had brought
about a native uprising that threatened the Spaniards with exter-
mination.
Though Cortes succeeded in temporarily checking this first
outbreak, a second and more formidable rebellion flared up
within a few days. In the ensuing fighting, Montezuma was
either killed by his own people or done to death by the Span-
iards. In his place the Aztecs chose for their sovereign Monte-
zuma's brother, a man of great personal bravery, who continued
to besiege the Spaniards with the utmost vigor.
SOn the night of July 1, 1520, Cort6s attempted to escape from
the city with his Spanish soldiers and Indian allies. One of the
great causeways, since known as the Puente de Alvarado, was
chosen for the avenue of retreat; but before the escape was com-
pleted, the Aztecs discovered the maneuver and fell upon the
Spaniards in overwhelming numbers. The latter, though des-
perately hard pressed, forced their way beyond the city; but
the battle cost the lives of more than 400 Spanish and almost
ten times as many of their allies. The night has ever since been
known as the "Noche Triste" (Night of Misfortune) in Mexican
annals.
The triumph of the Aztecs in driving the Spaniards out of
the city was short-lived. With the aid of additional Indian
allies, Cort6s invested Mexico on all sides and for three months
maintained an effective siege. Then, on August 13, 1521, by a
combined attack on land and water, he once more entered the
Aztec capital and forced its surrender.
The land thus conquered, the Spaniards, like the English col-
onists of the next century, named after the mother country.
"From what I have seen and heard concerning the similarity
between this country and Spain," wrote Cortes to his sovereign,
"its fertility, its extent, its climate, and in many other features
of it, it seems to me that the most suitable name for this country
would be New Spain, and thus in the name of your Majesty, I
have christened it."







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


Spread of Spanish Rule: The boundaries of the land, to
which Cort6s so fittingly gave the name of New Spain, were far
wider than those of the Aztec "empire," even in its most glo-
rious day. Indeed, the capture of Mexico and the overthrow of
the Aztecs was but the beginning of Spanish conquest. Cortes,
in the face of bitter rivalry at court, having sought and obtained
the appointment of governor and captain-general of New Spain,
at once pushed forward the frontiers of Spanish rule, using
always the aid ,of Indian allies as one of the chief means of
accomplishing this purpose.
Either through treaties or by conquest, Spanish settlements
were thus established in Vera Cruz, Oaxaca and Tehuantepec.
Olid, one of the chief lieutenants of Cort6s, extended the royal
power over Michoacan. A shipyard was set up at Zacatula, a
seaport on the Pacific, in what is now the state of Guerrero.
Colima and Jalisco were also brought under Spanish sovereignty
about the same time. On the Gulf Coast, the Huasteca region,
now so famous for its oil deposits, lying along the Pinuco River,
was also subdued and partially colonized.
While these conquests were taking place in various parts of
what we now know as Mexico, other expeditions were reducing
the Central American countries of Guatemala and Honduras. On
the march thither, the modern states of Chiapas and Tabasco
were partially explored; and a few years later a beginning was
made of the conquest of the Maya territory of Yucatin.
To the northwest of Mexico City, Nufo de Guzman, one of
the cruelest of the Spanish Conquistadores, and a deadly enemy
of Cort6s, established the Spanish rule in Sinaloa, and founded
the important town of Culiacn. Later, Sinaloa and parts of
Michoachn and Jalisco were erected into a province, known as
Nueva Galicia, over which Guzman, the ruthless, was appointed
governor.
About the time Guzm6n began his career in Sinaloa, Quer6-
taro was conquered by Indian allies of the Spaniards and the
way laid open for a new advance to the north. This was in 1531.
A few years later, a remarkable series of explorations served to
extend the geographic knowledge of the Spaniards and the
bounds of New Spain over an area many times larger than that
first conquered by Cortes.
Of these explorations the most important were carried out by
three adventurous leaders. The first of these was a shipwrecked
Spaniard named Alvaro Nufez Cabeza de Vaca, who bore the
proud title of the Treasurer of the Colony of Florida. The next
was Hernando de Soto, one of the conquerors of Peru; the last
was Francisco VAsquez Coronado, governor of Nueva Galicia.
Vaca, for six years a captive among the Indians, crossed from a
point on the Gulf of Mexico where his vessel was wrecked,
through Texas, northern Coahuila, Chihuahua, and Sonora, to







IIISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


the Spanish settlement of Culiacn. His reports, and those of
the three men who were with him, did much to stimulate further
exploration and conquest in the regions over which his wander-
ings carried him.
De Soto's expedition gave to the Spaniards a knowledge of
the Mississippi River and of the area lying between it and Flor-
ida. Coronado, and the expeditions subsidiary to his main
undertaking, explored the vast southwest, from the Gulf of
Lower California and the Colorado River, through Arizona, New
Mexico, western Texas, and Oklahoma to the "Kingdom of the
Gran Quivira" in eastern Kansas.
While these expeditions were' making their remarkable dis-
coveries by land and extending the far flung boundaries of the
Spanish empire over what is now the southern and southwestern
part of the United States, other expeditions, going by sea, were
crossing the Gulf of Lower California to the Peninsula, and even
rounding this to sail up the mainland as far as Oregon. Cabrillo
and Ferrelo planted the Spanish flag in California. Villalobos,
in command of another expedition, crossed the Pacific to the
Philippines, as Magellan had done two decades before.
These, and other explorations of the Spaniards, whether by
land or sea, were not haphazard affairs, but were all inspired by
clearly defined motives. The crown encouraged exploration so
that colonies might be set up to serve as "feeders" for the
mother country and check the advance of other nations in the
new world. The discovery of precious metals was also of primary
interest to the king, since this redounded greatly to the profit
of the royal treasury. Individuals were eager to engage in expe-
ditions of exploration and conquest because of the promise such
ventures held of wealth and power. The success and fame
achieved by Cortes and Pizarro were not the only illustrations
of the fulfillment of these ambitions, for in scores of other cases
successful conquistadores received from the crown large rewards
in the form of land grants, slaves, mining claims, and high
political favor.
Another unusually strong motive, especially in the early
years, was the lure of romance and of the fabulous. A few years
ago, men were seeking to invent flying machines and wireless
telephones. Three hundred years ago, the Spanish conquista-
dores went out in search of El Dorado, of the Seven Cities of
Cibola, of the Gran Quivira, of the Fountain of Youth, of
the Island of the Amazons, and of other strange places, where
amazing wealth was said to exist, and where all sorts of novel
adventures and new experiences waited the discoverer. After the
wireless telegraph we did not ridicule those who sought to apply
the same principle to the telephone. After the first Langley
machine, we did not ridicule those who sought to build a more
perfect airplane. Why, then, was it so ridiculous for the Span-








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


iards of the early sixteenth century to go into the wilderness of
New Mexico or of Kansas, seeking marvelous cities and wealthy
kingdoms, where every vessel was made of gold, and jewels were
more plentiful than stones? Had not Columbus just discovered
a Continent, and Cortes conquered an Empire but little inferior
to those of fable and romance ?
Another motive, again, for many explorations, was the desire
to obtain accurate information regarding certain geographic
speculations. One of the most persistent of these early problems
was the reputed existence of the so-called Strait of Anian, sup-
posed by Spanish geographers and philosophers to connect the
Atlantic Ocean with the South Sea, and thus to furnish a direct
route to the rich markets of the Orient. For centuries Spanish
navigators and even overland explorers sought this strait, whose
counterpart, known as the Northwest Passage, was the objective
of so much of British and French exploration in later years.
A final motive, not without influence even upon the crown
and laymen, but especially strong with the church's representa-
tives, many of whom deserve to rank among the greatest of the
builders of Spanish empire, was the zeal of converting heathen
peoples and the desire to establish Christianity in the most
remote corners of the continent.
Settlement: The influence of these various motives, as shown
on a previous page, had carried the Spaniards far from the
scene of the triumphs of Cort6s before two decades of Spanish
rule in Mexico were past. But these explorations were merely the
beginning of the founding of New Spain. Before Spanish rule
and civilization could be effectively established, the regions
opened up by the discoverers had to be occupied with permanent
settlements.
In effecting these settlements, various motives and agencies
came into play. The discovery of precious metals and the build-
ing up of great mining centers was one of the most effective
causes of actual Spanish expansion. In the wake of the miner
came the stock-raiser, with his princely ranges and his unnum-
bered thousands of long-horned, free-running cattle.
Farthest out on the frontier, often beyond the prospecting
holes of the most venturesome miner, stood the mission, serving
both church and state in its influence upon the uncivilized Indian
tribes. Companion institutions of the mission, but wholly under
secular control, were the other distinctive frontier institutions
of the Spanish crown-the presidio, a military settlement; and
the pueblo, or incorporated town.
After the first wave of exploration and conquest spent itself
in Mexico, about the middle of the sixteenth century, the expan-
sion of Spanish settlement and rule went on under the influence
of the church, mining booms, government initiative, or the rest-








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


less ambition of some individual empire builder, in a more
ordered, but scarcely less rapid way. This progress, of course,
was not accomplished without overcoming innumerable obstacles
and constant difficulties. Jealousy and intrigue ceaselessly under-
mined the work of constructive leaders and, frequently, as in
the case of Cort6s, forced the men of greatest energy and genius
into retirement or disgrace. Native hostility was always pres-
ent; and in 1542, the great Mixton War in Nueva Galicia threat-
ened the utter extinction of Spanish rule along the western coast.
The crown, also, was frequently disastrously short-sighted in his
colonial policy, or too hard pressed by European complications
to provide properly for his overseas domain.
Yet in the face of these, and a score of other difficulties, the
Spanish occupation of Mexico continued with almost unbroken
regularity from one generation to the next. "Between the return
of Coronado and the end of the century," writes Dr.
Herbert E. Bolton, in the Colonization of North America, "the
frontiers of actual occupation moved forward, roughly speaking,
from Guadalajara, Quer6taro, and Pinuco, to a line drawn irreg-
ularly through the mouth of the Rio Grande westward to the
Pacific, with many large spaces, of course, left vacant to be filled
in by subsequent advances. The Spanish pioneers, like those of
England and France, recorded their home attachments by the
place names given their new abodes, and thus the whole northern
district of Mexico was comprised within the three provinces of
New Galicia, New Vizcaya, and New Leon. During the same
period the Philippine Islands had been occupied as an outpost
of Mexico."

III. SPANISH COLONIAL GOVERNMENT AND INSTITUTIONS
Political Divisions: Long before the explorations and settle-
ments spoken of in the preceding paragraphs were completed,
the Spanish crown had put into effect a highly organized system
of government, which applied not only to New Spain, but to all
other Spanish possessions in the new world, as well. Since Mex-
ico for 300 years lived under this government and still finds its
influence dominant in many branches of national life, a survey
of its main features will not be out of place.
To begin with, the whole of the Spanish colonies, whether in
North or South America, or wherever they might be, were
regarded, not as the territory of the nation, but as the personal
possession of the sovereigns of Castile. Consequently, the gov-
ernment of Mexico, as of all the rest of Spanish America, rested
wholly in the hands of the crown and was carried on entirely
apart from the national government of Spain by a distinctly, sep-
arate and independent body of officials.







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


For purposes of administration, these royal possessions were
divided, from very early days, into two great kingdoms or vice-
royalties, known respectively as New Spain and Peru. The vice-
royalty of New Spain included not only Mexico, but also the
rest of the mainland north of the Isthmus of Panama, part of the
South American coast, the West Indies, and even the far-off Phil-
ippines.
The viceroyalties in turn were subdivided into districts,
known as audiencias, and these for their part into lesser dis-
tricts, called gobiernos or provinces. Mexico proper comprised
two of the four audiencias into which New Spain was divided.
These were known to the Spaniards as Mexico and Nueva Galicia.
Council of the Indies: At the head of the whole colonial sys-
tem, next of course to the sovereign, and acting as his direct
agent, stood a body called the Council of the Indies. This at
first consisted of eight members, but the number was afterwards
increased. Appointment to the Council carried with it a large
salary, high honor, great responsibility, and permanent residence
at the royal court. Generally speaking, only those iho had
seen actual service in the Americas or in the Philippines were
appointed to this body.
The functions of the Council were of a threefold character-
to enact all laws for the government of the colonies; to serve as
a final court of appeal for grave judicial cases; and to advise
the king on all important colonial questions. In this last capac-
ity, the body also exercised the highly important function of
nominating all civil and ecclesiastical officials for the colonies.
Casa de Contrataci6n: Only secondary in position and author-
ity to the Council of the Indies, was the Casa de Contrataci6n, or
House of Trade. This body, which sat at Seville until 1717, and
after that at Cadiz, has been described as a "board of trade, a
commercial court, and a clearing house for the American traffic."
Its functions were both administrative and judicial. Acting in
the former capacity it granted licenses, equipped and inspected
vessels, instructed captains as to loading and sailing, kept close
watch over persons going to or coming from the colonies,
accounted for all goods, revenues and precious metals connected
with colonial trade, and enforced all the stringent and detailed
provisions of the crown's commercial regulations.
In its judicial capacity, the Casa had oversight of all cases
arising from theft or other crimes committed on the voyage to
or from the Indies; of issues involving the royal revenue; of eva-
sions of emigration laws or trade regulations. In brief, a viola-
tion of any of the commercial laws of the colonies might be heard
before the Casa. With its findings and decisions, the ordinary
courts of Spain were forbidden to interfere.








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


Institutions in the Colonies: At the head of the royal officials
resident in Mexico stood the Viceroy. In authority and rank, he
was literally what his title signified-the King's substitute. His
functions were of the greatest variety and importance and
included such vital issues as the defense of the kingdom and the
oversight of the royal revenues. His court "was formed upon
the model of that of Madrid, with horse and foot guards, a house-
hold regularly established, numerous attendants, and ensigns of
command, displaying such magnificence as hardly retained the
appearance of delegated authority." The viceroy's term, nom-
inally for three years, was frequently lengthened by the King so
that during the 300 years of Spanish supremacy 62 viceroys
ruled over Mexico.
The Audiencia: Only slightly lower than the viceroy, and in
some functions even his superior, stood the Audiencia. This
body acted both as a council of state and as the supreme court
within the colonies. To it appeals might be made, even over the
viceroy's head. One of its most important functions was the
administration of government in the interval between the death
or departure of one viceroy and the coming of his successor.
The first audiencia was established at Mexico City in 1528.
Twenty years later, a second audiencia was set up in Nueva
Galicia, with its seat, after 1550, at Guadalajara.
The Residencia: In order to place a check upon the rule of
colonial officials and to hold them responsible for any abuse of
power, an inquest was held at the end of their term of office by
special commissioners appointed by the crown. Such an investi-
gation was called a Residencia. Information touching the offi-
cial's misconduct was invited from every quarter, and the reports
and evidence thus received were forwarded to the Council of the
Indies. Theoretically, such an arrangement should have kept
the colonial government free from corruption and abuse, but the
effectiveness of the residencia was too often destroyed by the
use of bribes or the influence of the guilty officials at the royal
court.
Provincial and Local Government: While the viceroy and
audiencia represented the supreme political power in Mexico,
there were many subordinate branches of government, some of
which, in certain particulars, might even claim direct responsi-
bility only to the crown. The country, as already indicated, was
divided into two audiencia districts. These, in turn, were made
up of numerous gobiernos or provinces, very similar in boun-
daries to the modern Mexican states. Each province was under
control of a governor and captain general. To meet a special
need, for something like the first hundred years of Spanish rule,
both the conquest and government of the frontier provinces,








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


however, were entrusted to outstanding leaders known as Adelan-
tados. These "proprietary conquerors," as they have been
called, were "men of means, obligated to bear most of the
expense of conquering and peopling the wilderness, in return
for wide powers, extravagant titles, and extensive economic
privileges."
Within the provinces were smaller political units known as
corregimientos, each under the jurisdiction of an alcalde,
appointed by the audiencia. There were also organized Indian
communities, known as partidos, and incorporated towns. Each
of the latter had its coat-of-arms from the king and conducted
its government by means of a cabildo, or municipal council,
whose members, the regidores, were almost the only elective offi-
cials in New Spain. Indeed, the only approach to popular sov-
ereignty in Mexico during the Spanish regime, was this faint
measure of local administration possessed by the towns. Else-
where, there was not the slightest opportunity for the people to
learn or practice the extremely difficult art of self-government.
Everywhere the offices were bought and sold in keeping with the
custom common in Spain.
Spain's Economic Policy: The Spanish policy of absolutism
in government likewise found its counterpart in complete con-
trol of the economic life of the colonies by the crown. The Mer-
cantile System, from which this practice sprang, was then in uni-
versal favor with European statesmen; but in the case of the
Spanish colonies, the Mercantile idea was given a practical effec-
tiveness seldom witnessed in the colonies of other nations. As
its primary object was to enrich and strengthen the mother coun-
try, the welfare of the colonies was purely a secondary considera-
tion.
One essential of Spanish success in enforcing this system was
a rigid monopoly of colonial trade and strict exclusion of for-
eigners from the American provinces. In this, the aim was not
merely to exercise an absolute control over colonial commerce,
but also to keep a knowledge of the mineral wealth and military
weakness of the Spanish possessions from dangerous European
rivals. Severe penalties were consequently provided for viola-
tions of the laws against intercourse with foreigners. And if the
latter, either through accident or design, entered Mexican waters
they were liable to suffer execution or a living death at enforced
labor in the mines.
In order to render the royal control of commerce more effec-
tive, and to protect trade so far as possible from the disastrous
raids of English, French and Dutch privateers, vessels bound to
or from the colonies were required to sail under convoy in annual
or semi-annual fleets. Until 1720, Seville was the only city in
Spain from which this commerce might be carried on; while Vera








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


Cruz was the only port north of Panama at which the fleets were
authorized to touch. On the Pacific, the harbor of Acapulco
witnessed the yearly arrival (when the vessel was not wrecked
or captured by roving freebooters) of a richly laden galleon from
Manila, carrying the stuffs of China and the East, and normally
manned by a half dead, scurvy stricken crew. The goods that
reached Mexico in this "Manila galleon" were mostly trans-
ported overland to Vera Cruz for re-shipment to Spain.
The effect of Spain's economic policy upon Mexican develop-
ment was most unfortunate. Her commercial restrictions made
it possible for a few well entrenched houses to monopolize almost
all the foreign trade of Mexico and to realize a normal profit of
two or three hundred per cent. The common people, naturally
enough under such conditions, could not enjoy the use of
imported goods, but were restricted to the primitive articles of
their own making. The market that Spain furnished for Mex-
ican products, aside from gold and silver, was likewise so inade-
quate as to discourage any real development of agriculture or
industry. As a by-product, the policy also encouraged smug-
gling and evasion of customs regulations on an enormous scale,,
and incidentally laid the foundation for much of the discontent
that afterwards flared out in revolution. The short-sightedness
of the whole policy was well summed up by Humboldt, eminent
geographer and statesman, when he said, "The supplying of a
great kingdom was carried on like the provisioning of a block-
aded fortress."
The Indian Policy of Spain: One of the most complex prob-
lems faced by Spain in Mexico after the conquest was that pre-
sented by the native inhabitants. In theory the Indians were
regarded, not as foreigners, but as subjects of the crown, with
many of the limitations and privileges of minors. But while one
Spanish king after another tried to throw around his distant
wards. the protection of royal favor, until the crown's Indian leg-
islation has been styled "an impressive monument of benevolent
intentions," the harsh oppression of Spanish conquerors and col-
onists, actually on the ground, woefully defeated the humane
measures of the sovereign at Madrid.
Indians taken in war or surrendered in lieu of tribute were
first treated as slaves; but about 1530 this practice was forbidden
by royal command. The common method of dealing with the
natives was then through the encomiendo system. This system,
brought over from the West Indies where the Spaniards began
it in 1497, was based on the practice of partitioning out large
areas of land to individual Spaniards and of allotting with the
land the forced labor of such Indians as lived upon it. Theoret-
ically, the encomenderos, or holders of such grants, were sup-
posed to protect, civilize, and convert the Indians entrusted to







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


them. Actually, they so abused and exploited their charges that
the system became one of the worst scandals of Spanish rule.
The need for labor on the haciendas, in sugar mills, in the
construction of irrigation and drainage canals, in household
service, for the erection of churches, dwellings, and public build-
ings, and especially in the mines, was very pressing. Lack of
machinery and proper transportation facilities compelled the use
of man power for almost every conceivable form of labor.
Nowhere was the demand for every kind of labor greater
than in the mines. To supply this particular industry, the mita
system developed along with the encomiendas. Under this sys-
tem, whole Indian communities were transported from their
established homes to distant mining centers and compelled to
work in the mines themselves or in the reduction works. The
labor was so extremely exhausting and dangerous that a current
proverb ranked it as another form of hell.
Between the cruelty of the encomenderos and the appalling
sacrifice of life in the mines, the native inhabitants of Mexico
were almost exterminated in certain sections. In 1552, for
instance, this letter was sent by one of the Spanish bishops to
the Emperor: "I am in the country about Vera Cruz. In most
of the towns nothing is remaining but the sites; where there were
two thousand Indians, there have not remained more than forty
inhabitants; and sometimes only four, six, seven, or eight. The
town that has most, numbers only two hundred inhabitants."
In spite of the extreme cruelty and oppression of the average
Spanish mine proprietor and encomendero, however, there were
many, especially among the ecclesiastics and higher officials, who
sought to alleviate the sufferings of the Indians and to improve
their condition. The most conspicuous of these was BartolomB
Las Casas, a one-time encomendero himself who, having turned
priest, devoted the rest of his life to the cause of the oppressed
natives. The two chief results of the reform movements insti-
tuted by Las Casas were the introduction of negro slaves to serve
as a substitute for Indian labor, and the promulgation by the
crown of the so-called New Laws. Under this royal code, issued
in 1542, provision was made for the extinction of all encomiendas
within a single generation. But vigorous opposition on the part
of the holders of such grants prevented the enforcement of this
feature of the law, and the system remained in effect until the
close of the century. Even when it eventually died out, various
forms of peonage sprang up to take its place.
While the encomienda system had in it little of good and an
abundance of evil, the other features of the crown's Indian pol-
icy were more commendable. The objects of this policy were
threefold-to reduce the nomadic Indians to village life; to sup-
press vice and heathen practices among them; and to give them
training and discipline that should make them self-supporting.








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


The chief agency in carrying out this royal program was the
church. This, like everything else in Mexico, was under'strict
control of the king. Actually, as well as in name, the sovereign
was the real patronato of the church in the colonies. The whole
of the ecclesiastical patronage and the nominations for ecclesi-
astical office were in his hands. No papal bull could be published
in Mexico without his consent, and even the funds derived from
the annates and the sale of indulgences flowed into the royal
treasury. In return, the crown supported the church financially,
and otherwise conducted its affairs as an integral part of the
colonial system.
Mexico itself was an archbishopric, divided into four bish-
oprics. In the smaller towns, the cura, or priest, carried on the
work of the parish. In addition to the secular clergy, there were
also many orders of the regulars. Most important of these were
the Franciscans, the Dominicans, and the Jesuits. Their work
was of particular significance in extending and holding the fron-
tiers for the crown, and in bringing some measure of civilization
to the outlying native tribes. The contribution of these mission-
ary friars, both to the expansion of New Spain and to the
advancement of the Indians, has thus been strikingly described
by the historian of Spanish rule in America, Dr. Herbert E.
Bolton:
"As their first and primary task the missionaries spread the Faith.
But in addition, designedly or incidentally, they explored the frontiers,
promoted their occupation, defended them and the interior settlements,
taught the Indians the Spanish language, and disciplined them in good
manners, in the rudiments of European craft, of agriculture, and even of
self-government. Moreover, the missions were a force which made for the
preservation of the Indians, as opposed to their destruction, so character-
istic of the Anglo-American frontier. In the English colonies the only
good Indians were dead Indians. In Spanish colonies it was thought well
worth while to improve the natives for this life as well as for the
next.... For these reasons, as well as for unfeigned religious motives, the
missions received the royal support. They were a conspicuous feature of
Spain's frontiering genius."

IV. MEXICO FROM 1600 TO 1810
Summary: By the close of the sixteenth century, the founda-
tions of Mexico, as we know that land today, had already been
laid. The native inhabitants had been conquered and brought
under Spanish rule. A wide-spread fusion of Indian and Span-
ish blood was fast giving rise to a new element in the population,
known as the Mestizo. The importation of negro slaves was soon
to add another strain to this racial intermixture. Political and
economic institutions had assumed, for the most part, definite
and permanent forms.
Mining, farming, stock-raising, and sugar-making were the
chief industries of the country. All civil and military authority,
except where the towns possessed some slight measure of inde-







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


pendence, was lodged in the hands of royal officials at
whose head stood the viceroy and the audiencias. The church,
both in its regular and secular branches, was firmly entrenched
throughout the occupied areas and had established cathedrals,
schools and monasteries in many of the larger towns; while on
the frontiers the missions were doing valuable service in Chris-
tianizing and subduing the wild tribes.
Through various agencies and under the direction of numer-
ous leaders, the boundaries of Spanish rule had been pushed
many leagues beyond the limits of the old Aztec empire. Settle-
ments, largely the result of mining booms, were to be found in
what is now the states of Zacatecas, Nuevo Le6n, San
Luis Potosi, Durango, Chihuahua, Sonora and Sinaloa. Explor-
ing expeditions had gone much beyond even these outlying
regions into Texas, Arizona and New Mexico. Indeed, a very
considerable colony had already been established in the latter
province by Juan de Ofiate, son of one of the founders of Zaca-
tecas. It was not until 1609, however, that Santa F6 was founded
as the northern limit of Spanish occupation.
Numerous cities or fair sized towns, most of which still rank
as important centers of population, were also established before
the close of the sixteenth century. The Aztec capital, almost
destroyed at the time of the conquest, had been rebuilt on a
larger and more pretentious scale by Cort6s. Serving as gate-
way to the interior, Vera Cruz had become an important com-
mercial center on the Gulf; while Acapulco, in a smaller way,
filled the same position on the Pacific. There were also lesser
ports, like Tampico and Zacatula, on either coast. In the interior,
Guanajuato, Guadalajara, Zacatecas, Fresnillo, Aguas Calientes,
Sombrerete, Durango, Mazapil, Saltillo, Monterrey, Parras, Santa
BArbara, CuliacAn, Compostela, and a score of other towns were
well beyond the experimental stage.
The Seventeenth Century: During the seventeenth century
the colonizing activities of Spain were chiefly expressed in efforts
to prevent the encroachment of European rivals, notably the
French and English, in the exploitation of mineral deposits, and
in the establishment of Franciscan, Dominican and Jesuit mis-
sions along a far stretching frontier from Louisiana to Lower
California. This period saw the permanent occupation of Coa-
huila, northern Chihuahua, and Sonora. It also witnessed the
temporary colonization of Lower California and eastern Texas;
the exploration of southern Arizona and the California coast;
and the enforced withdrawal of the Spanish colonists from New
Mexico as a result of a great Indian outbreak.
Politically, the century witnessed no very important institu-
tional changes in the government of New Spain, nor was there
much of significance to record in the internal developments of








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


the kingdom, except a series of unfortunate disasters. These
included a number of widely scattered Indian outbreaks, a negro
uprising in Vera Cruz, bread riots and mobs in Mexico City, sev-
eral severe floods that all but destroyed the capital and cost
many thousands of lives, the sacking of port towns by pirates
and buccaneers, including the capture of Acapulco by the Dutch,
a successful raid upon Campeche by the English, and the looting
of Vera Cruz by the notorious pirates, Van Horn and Lorencillo.
As the century closed, conditions both in Mexico and Spain
were in a precarious situation. In Mexico, there was discontent
among the Spanish and Mestizo population, and successful Indian
revolts along much of the frontier. In 1692, a half starved mob,
believing the viceroy had conspired to raise the price of food,
burned the palace and other public buildings in the capital,
looted many of the shops, and almost destroyed the city. Various
recurrences of such outbreaks took place for a decade after the
great mob of 1692. The government, in turn, was too often lax
or corrupt, and the administration of public affairs lamentably
inefficient.
Spain, on her part, in 1700 was a decadent nation, with an
imbecile, childless king, a bankrupt treasury, and a backward,
poverty-stricken people. She has been described at this period
by Dr. H. I. Priestley, one of the special contributors to this vol-
ume, as "a country without roads, without commerce, without
agriculture, and without industries." In 1713, however, at the
close of the War of the Spanish Succession, the Treaty of
Utrecht, while it took from Spain certain of her colonial terri-
tory and opened a breach in her wall of commercial exclusion,
recognized the right of the Bourbon family to occupy the Span-
ish throne and thus infused a new vigor and strength into the
decayed government at Madrid.
Revival Under Charles III: The culmination of Spain's reju-
venation under the Bourbons came in the reign of Charles the
Third, from 1759 to 1788. Though unfortunately a participant
in the Seven Years' War on the side of France, to which he was
bound by the Family Compact, Charles gave to Spain and Mex-
ico alike the best and most successful government either had
known for nearly two hundred years. In Mexico, his reign was
characterized by a reorganization of government, reforms in
administration, liberalization of commerce, an astonishing
revival of colonial industry, simplification of taxes, and a vigor-
ous expansion of the frontier.
The chief agent by which Charles carried out this remarkable
program was Jos6 GAlvez, a special commissioner or visitador
general, who sometimes acted with, and sometimes independently
of, the viceroy. Among the most important contributions made
by Galvez were the reorganization of the public revenues, includ-







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


ing the introduction of the system of intendancies, and the estab-
lishment of a new form of government for northern Mexico. The
Provincias Internas, or Interior Provinces (i. e., Nueva Vizcaya,
Sinaloa, Sonora, Coahuila, Texas, New Mexico, Baja and Alta
California), were taken out from under the jurisdiction of the
viceroy and erected into a separate political unit. Teodoro de
Croix was appointed commandant general of the new govern-
ment, whose capital was fixed at Chihuahua. Two new dioceses
were also created to cover the territory in question.
Under the system of intendancies, established in 1786, Mexico
was divided into twelve fiscal districts and three provinces, for
the purpose of simplifying and making more efficient the collec-
tion of royal revenue. Three years later, by royal decree, colo-
nial commerce was freed from most of the restrictions so long
imposed upon it. The mining industry, most important of all the
economic activities of New Spain, was also given fresh impetus
by the promulgation of a more liberal code of mining laws and
the establishment of a badly needed mining bank. Indeed, all
branches of trade and industry felt the quickening influences of
Charles III and his great minister.
Expansion: While radical changes were thus being made in
the internal affairs of New Spain, equally significant develop-
ments were taking place along the frontier. Even before
Charles III came to the throne, the early and middle eighteenth
century had witnessed important activities all along the north-
ern border. A strong line of presidios and missions had been
established in Texas before the first quarter of the century
as a check against French encroachment from Louisiana.
Chihuahua had become one of the richest of Spanish provinces
through the discovery of vast silver deposits near Santa Eulalia
and the present city of Chihuahua. New Mexico had been reoc-
cupied and the towns of Albuquerque and El Paso founded.
On the east, the new colony of Nuevo Santander, extending from
Tampico northward to the San Antonio River, was erected before
1750. While in the west, Jesuit missionaries, such as Kino and
Salvatierra, had established numerous missions in northern
Sonora, southern Arizona (or Pimeria Alta, as the region was
then called), and along the sterile gulf shore of Lower California.
The reign of Charles III was to witness a material advance
of this frontier. In 1763 the Treaty of Paris took Florida from
Spain, but in return gave her the French claims to Louisiana.
This necessitated an extension and strengthening of the eastern
border, since Spanish territory was now definitely exposed to
the English overland advance. The long line of presidios along
the northern frontier, following an inspection by the Marquis
de Rubi in 1766, was also readjusted and strengthened to pro-
tect the interior settlements against Indian attack and foreign
menace.







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


The most important advance of all, however, was made on the
extreme west. Here, the long coast, unoccupied as yet from
Lower California northward, though claimed long since by Span-
ish explorers, offered a tempting field for Russian colonization
from the north or English settlement by way of Canada. The
Manila galleon, with its precious cargo, also demanded a port of
refuge and supply on the California coast. Coupled with these
material motives, which largely actuated the crown and his
advisers to establish Spanish settlements in California, was the
unfeigned zeal of the missionary friars to Christianize the
Indians of the distant territory. The Jesuits having been driven
out of Mexico and Spain alike by Charles III in 1767, the work
of establishing the church in California fell into the hands of the
Franciscans; and in the first years, especially, into the hands of
one of their most zealous adherents, Father Junipero Serra.
Backed by the crown, and under the leadership of Governor
Portolk and Serra, the foundations of Spanish rule were laid at
San Diego in 1769. During the next two decades, a score of
missions, presidios, and pueblos were erected as a defense of the
long California coast line; attempts were made to open
direct communication between the northern outposts of Spanish
rule in New Mexico and the newly established colony at Monte-
rey; short-lived missions were established along the Gila
and the Colorado rivers to insure protection for the overland
trails from Sonora; a naval base was established at San
Bias to supply the California settlements with food; and various
exploring expeditions were sent northward to discover and
destroy any attempts at English or Russian colonization on Span-
ish ground.
Thus, Mexico under Charles III, judged by the extent of her
frontier, the condition of her industries, the efficiency of her
government, and the freedom of her trade, was enjoying a great-
ness she had never known before. But beneath this outward
prosperity and the apparent success of Spanish rule, forces were
rapidly working to bring about a complete revolution, not only
in government, but in many another feature of Mexican life.
The three centuries of tutelage were almost over. It remained
to be seen what Mexico would do when she attempted to walk
the difficult path of self-government alone.

V. THE ATTAINMENT OF INDEPENDENCE
Decay of Spanish Power: At the opening of the nineteenth
century, Mexico was still enjoying the material prosperity that
the reign of Charles III had brought about. Her population
numbered approximately 6,000,000, divided chiefly between
Europeans, Creoles, Indians and Mestizoes. Her mineral produc-
tion amounted to nearly $23,000,000 annually. Imports totaled







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


about $13,000,000, and exports $22,000,000. Agriculture yielded
approximately $15,000,000. Various forms of taxes brought into
the royal treasury some $20,000,000 yearly.
Yet despite these evidences of prosperity, signs were not lack-
ing of a serious weakening of Spanish control. The government
at Madrid had already lost most of the prestige it had gained
during the reign of Charles III. In 1790 the Nootka Sound con-
troversy, in which the French alliance-so long the cardinal ele-
ment of Spain's foreign policy-proved but a broken reed, forced
a definite relinquishment of Spain's claims to the northwest
coast. A few years later with the rise of Napoleon to power,
Spain sank into a mere appanage of France, and the welfare of
Mexico, as of other Spanish colonies, became entirely submerged
in the turbid stream of European politics. In Mexico, this French
entanglement resulted in multiplied taxes and other exactions
and in the diversion of funds from colonial objects to supply the
ever-increasing demands of the home government. The cession
of Louisiana to Napoleon and its subsequent sale to the United
States was but another indication of the evil consequences, from
the colonial standpoint, of Spain's subservient French policy.
Abuses in government, some of which Charles III had sought
to correct, became even more pronounced. Indian forays on the
frontier went on unchecked. Along the California coast, in Flor-
ida, and especially across the Mississippi, American adventurers
began to threaten the continuance of Spanish rule. In short,
whatever advantage and protection Mexico had enjoyed under
Spain's sovereignty since the time of Cortes, was fast disappear-
ing as the first decade of the nineteenth century neared its close.
Racial Intermixtures and Rivalry: As Spain's control over
Mexico grew weaker, numerous factors within the colony began
the work of revolution with unexpected and startling success.
One of the chief sources of discontent was the bitter rivalry that
obtained between the various classes of the population. The
intermarriage of Spaniards and Indians, owing to the dearth of
white women, was an essential element of Spain's colonial pol-
icy. This, and the introduction of negroes, had given rise to
some six or seven racial intermixtures. These, to use the classi-
fication of Humboldt, included the following groups:
1. Gachupines or Chapetones, Spaniards born in Europe.
2. Creoles, Spaniards born in Mexico.
3. Mestizoes, the descendants of Spanish and Indian blood.
4. Mulattoes, a mixture of negro and white.
5. Zamboes, the offspring of Indian and negro.
6. Negroes.
7. Indians.
8. Asiatics brought over by the Philippine Island trade (a
very minor element).








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 35

For all practical purposes, where class rivalry was involved,
these racial groups were reducible to three, namely, the Span-
iard, the Creole and wealthier Mestizo, the lower class Mestizo
and the Indian. The first element comprised the aristocracy of
the land. Though constituting only one-seventieth of the popu-
lation they were the dominant factor in the government, and
through their official position were able to amass royal fortunes
by the misuse of public revenues, the sale of political favors, the
manipulation of commerce, the control of land and other natural
resources. So universal was the practice of filling the higher
colonial positions with Spanish officials that only four of the
sixty odd viceroys who ruled over Mexico from Mendoza to
O'Donojf were native born.
The Creoles (who outnumbered the Gachupines 14 to 1) and
wealthier Mestizoes, many of whom were mine owners, hacenda-
dos, and powerful merchants, monopolized, like the Spaniards,
the resources and wealth of the country. Between them and
the Spaniards there were deep-seated sources of friction regard-
ing political preferment and social superiority; yet there was
no more real sympathy for the great mass of the common people
of the land on the part of this second class than on the part
of the first. To put the matter bluntly, the Creoles and wealthier
Mestizoes would gladly have seen the European-born Spaniards
withdrawn from Mexico, leaving in their own hands a complete
monopoly of the government and wealth of the country; but
they had no intention whatever of sharing either the political
or economic advantage thus obtained with the people as a whole.
The lower class Mestizoes and Indians, who constituted at
least ninety per cent of the population, possessed neither unity,
education, property, nor even complete personal freedom. Three
centuries of Spanish rule had not given them any conception of
the duties and responsibilities of self-government; it had not
changed in any essential their native characteristics; it had not
extinguished, though it had partially smothered, their instinctive
readiness to revolt; it had not welded them in any respect into
a law-abiding, unified, property-respecting people. Thus, between
the first two classes in control of the government and the wealth
of Mexico, and the vast bulk of the population, there was a great
gulf fixed, with no middle class to give the country strength,
stability, and soundness in its national life. This unfortunate
situation, from which Mexico has not yet .freed herself, was well
pictured to the crown by the bishop of Michoacan in 1799.
"The Indians and the castes (lower class Mestizoes) cultivate the soil,"
he wrote; "they are in the service of the better class of people.... Hence
there results between the Indians and the whites that opposition of interests,
and that mutual hatred, which universally takes place between those who pos-
sess all and those who possess nothing, between masters and those who live
in servitude. Thus we see, on the one hand, the effects of envy and discord,
deception, thefts, and the inclination to prejudice the interests of the rich;








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


and on the other, arrogance, severity, and the desire of taking every moment
advantage of the helplessness of the Indian. I am not ignorant that these
evils everywhere spring from great inequality of condition. But in America
they are rendered still more terrific, because there exists no intermediate state;
we are rich or ignorant, noble or degraded by the laws or the force of opinion."
Additional Sources of Friction: Besides the rivalry between
the wealthier native-born Mexicans and the Spanish officials, and
the far more significant, though as yet scarcely articulate dis-
content of the common people because of their social and eco-
nomic degradation, there were other factors in Mexico that pre-
saged a swift upheaval, unless radical changes should be made
before the century grew much older. The church, like the civil
government, was almost entirely in the hands of Spanish favor-
ites, and here, as in secular affairs, there was too wide a gulf
between the higher and the lower orders. The parish priests,
taken from the ranks of the humbler people, drew but a mere
pittance by way of salary; while in contrast, the archbishop
enjoyed an annual revenue of $130,000; the bishop of Puebla
received $110,000; the bishop of Valladolid, $100,000; and the
bishop of Guadalajara, $90,000.
In addition, the church, as the greatest money lending agency
in the kingdom, had incurred the ill-will of those whose prop-
erty it had taken over through mortgage foreclosure; while its
enormous land holdings, comprising, according to some authori-
ties, more than a fourth of the entire area of the country, had
become an object of. envy to a certain element of the popu-
lation, and the basis of legitimate fear to the rest. Tithes and
other ecclesiastical exactions added still further to the bill of
complaints; while the repressive policy in intellectual matters,
adhered to since the introduction of the Inquisition in 1571,
alienated the small but influential body of liberal thinkers who
were beginning to make their appearance at the close of the
century.
The commercial policy of Spain, already spoken of, the corrup-
tion in government, the multitude of taxes, direct and indirect,
the restriction on free economic development of the country, the
feudal position occupied by the privileged classes, and the tem-
poral power of the church were furthermore the object of attack
by all those whose minds had felt the stimulating influence of the
American and French revolutions.
The Beginning of the War of Independence: Yet despite these
favorable conditions for revolt, Spain, either by the use of force
or through the adoption of reforms, might conceivably have con-
tinued her hold on Mexico had she possessed complete freedom
of action in her own affairs. But this, in 1810, she by no means
enjoyed. The abdication of Charles IV in favor of his son, Fer-
dinand VII, had been followed by the seizure of the Spanish
throne by Napoleon on behalf of his brother Joseph. The result








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


was a division among the Spanish populace. A small coterie
supported the French usurper, but most of the nation, first led
by a central Junta and afterwards under the direction of a
regency, defied the government of Napoleon and entered upon a
long struggle for national independence.
The effect of this movement against the crown in Spain
affected very profoundly the course of events in Mexico, where
conditions were already ripe for revolution. In the first place,
the glamour and awe with which the person of the sovereign
had previously been surrounded by his overseas subjects was
now destroyed, leaving the colony bound to Spain by physical
force alone. A division also occurred in Mexico as in Spain,
between those who favored Joseph and those who sought to
return the former dynasty to power. The Spaniards, mostly
office-holders as they were, generally acknowledged allegiance
to the French party; while the Mexicans and Creoles took the
opposite position.
To the viceroy, Iturrigaray, who was then in power, the sit-
uation presented a critical dilemma. Rather than deal with it
alone, he accordingly summoned a Junta or assembly in which,
for the first time in Mexican history, the popular will was prom-
ised some measure of expression concerning an issue involving the
entire kingdom. But before this Junta could be held, the audi-
encia, representing the Spanish party, imprisoned Iturrigaray,
chose the archbishop, Lizana, viceroy in his stead and set them-
selves to govern the country. A number of the Creoles most active
in calling the Junta, were also thrown into jail or exiled from the
country; organizations were formed in many provinces to sup-
press any attempt at revolution; and allegiance was professed to
the popular party in Spain. Thus in various ways the Creoles
and wealthier Mestizoes, who saw in Iturrigaray's plan an oppor-
tunity for rising to political power, were driven into renouncing
all connection with Spain and agitating a movement for inde-
pendence.
Hidalgo: But the real impetus of revolution was not to come
from the more influential Mexicans, aspiring to displace Spanish
officials with members of their own party, but from the sub-
merged Indian and Mestizo population, instigated by a few zeal-
ous, patriotic, and fairly well educated leaders. Chief of these
was Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, a parish priest or cura, in the
little town of Dolores in the province of Guanajuato. Hidalgo,
widely read in the literature of the French Revolution and sin-
cerely interested in the welfare of the common people, began to
intrigue in various quarters some months before the actual out-
break of his revolt. The latter, indeed, was precipitated before
its time because of the premature discovery of Hidalgo's plans by
the authorities. But before the officers could seize the conspira-








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


tors, the latter openly proclaimed the revolution, giving to it the
famous watchword, or "Grito de Dolores"-Death to the Span-
iards; down with the evil government!
The news of the uprising in Dolores, which took place Sep-
tember 16, 1810, spread with remarkable rapidity throughout
the country; and with the sudden enthusiasm so characteristic of
subsequent Mexican revolutions, thousands of volunteers imme-
diately flocked to Hidalgo's standard. Within a few days the
revolutionary forces had effected the capture of two large towns
not far from Guanajuato and were preparing to move against that
important city itself.
Guanajuato, at that time containing some seventy-five thou-
sand inhabitants, was looked upon as one of the richest agricul-
tural and mining centers in the entire kingdom. It was defended
by a very considerable garrison which for better security had
taken refuge in the large royal granary, or Alh6ndiga de Granadi-
tas, whose thick stone walls promised an impregnable barrier
against any attack of the insurgent forces. All the European
Spaniards of the city likewise shut themselves in this fortress,
as well as many of the wealthier Creoles, who saw from the
character of Hidalgo's forces that little distinction would be
made between property of Spaniard, Creole or Mestizo, once the
revolution had gained the city. The gold, silver, quicksilver and
other contents of the royal treasury, as well as the most cher-
ished possessions of the individuals who sought refuge within
the granary, were also lodged behind its massive walls.
To capture this stronghold, Hidalgo had a force roughly esti-
mated at twenty thousand men. It was a rabble, however, and
not an army. A few troops from the royal garrisons in the
province had joined the revolutionists, but for the most part the
soldier-priest's followers were undisciplined, untrained, and
armed only with slings, bows and arrows, machetes, clubs, and
iron bars stolen from the mines. Yet even with such crude weap-
ons, their overwhelming numbers, augmented by thousands of
recruits from Guanajuato itself, enabled the revolutionists to
seize the granary and make themselves masters of the entire city.
The victory was won at heavy cost of life. It was followed
by an orgy of massacre, rape, plunder, and wanton destruction
of property such as Anglo-Saxon revolutions have scarcely known
since the far days of Matilda and Stephen. For almost the first
time in three hundred years, the instinct of the Mexican Indian
found itself freed from restraint. The oppression he had suffered
from his conquerors and long-time masters prompted him to
revenge. The craze for slaughter and bloodshed stripped from
him the last shreds of whatever civilization he had acquired.
The opportunity to loot, to give free rein to his lust, to burn
and destroy whatever his wild mood decreed, was seized upon







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


with appalling avidity. As a result, both those in Guanajuato
who sympathized with the revolution, as well as those who
opposed it, suffered indiscriminately from the outrages of the
insurgents. It was an unfortunate beginning for a war of inde-
pendence.
Hidalgo's failure to check the excesses of his followers was
partly due to sheer inability. The mob got beyond his control.
But it was also the result of two clearly defined motives, in
which the question of discipline figured not at all. The first of
these was to strike terror into the hearts of the opponents of
the movement, so that success could be more easily attained.
The second was to win adherents to the revolution by holding
out before the thousands to whom it would appeal the prospect
of loot and plunder after every victory.
The consequences of the capture of Guanajuatb were very
marked. The public and private funds that fell into Hidalgo's
hands were estimated at $5,000,000, and with this huge sum and
the prestige he had won from the victory, he was able to lift the
movement out of the ranks of a local insurrection into the char-
acter of a nation-wide revolt. But the results were not all clear
gain. The wholesale destruction of life and property consolidated
the higher orders-Spaniards, Creoles, wealthier Mestizoes and
the church-into determined opposition to a revolution, the
success of which meant the overturning of the existing order,
the downfall of the privileged classes, irrespective of race, and
the supremacy of the despised lower castes. In the face of this
graver menace, the rivalry between Spaniard and Creole was
forgotten, and the established government found' support in a
quarter from which otherwise it might have met its strongest
opposition.
The subsequent developments of the revolution under Hi-
dalgo's leadership must be told in few words. Leaving Guana-
juato with his forces constantly increased by fresh recruits, he
entered Valladolid without opposition on October 17, and from
there moved on toward Mexico City. Between Toluca and the
capital, at a place called the Mount of the Crosses, his follow-
ers, estimated at nearly eighty thousand men, were attacked by
a royalist force under Colonel Trujillo. In this bloody engage-
ment the insurgents won an indecisive victory, but Hidalgo
abandoned the idea of an attack upon Mexico, which lay only
six leagues distant, and withdrew in the direction of Queretaro.
In the meantime, a strong detachment of royalist troops under
Calleja, one of the most capable of the royalist commanders, was
advancing by the same road to meet the revolutionists. The
two forces came together at Aculco on November 7. In the bat-
tle that followed Hidalgo suffered his first serious defeat; and
after losing much of his artillery and provisions, withdrew in a
disorderly retreat to Valladolid.








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


Before the month was over, Guanajuato had fallen into Cal-
leja's hands, and Hidalgo had withdrawn to Guadalajara. Here,
in seeking to defend the passage of the Calderon River, which
lies some miles east of the city, Hidalgo's force of ninety thou-
sand undisciplined recruits was disastrously cut to pieces by
Calleja's ten thousand seasoned troops. This battle, which
occurred January 17, 1811, marked the end of Hidalgo's suprem-
acy. His army, routed, dispersed and wholly discouraged, dwin-
dled to a remnant of its former strength. His chief supporter,
Ignacio Allende, with whom he had already seriously disagreed,
now deposed him from command and assumed control of the
remaining troops.
The small force that remained under Allende's leadership,
having retreated to Zacatecas, continued its march northward to
Saltillo, apparently seeking to cross the Rio Grande, or even
reach the American border. But treachery, the accompaniment
of so many revolutions in Mexico, was already plotting the
betrayal of the retreating company. Near the city of Monclava
in Coahuila, a former supporter of Hidalgo, named Elizondo, in
command of a royalist force, waylaid and captured the retreat-
ing party. The prisoners were taken to Chihuahua; and there,
after formal trial, most of the leaders were executed by a firing
squad. Allende, Jim6nez, and Aldama, the highest officers in the
revolutionary army with the exception of Hidalgo, were shot on
June 26. Hidalgo, after a more prolonged trial, was executed
in the early morning of July 30. The heads of the four were
sent to Guanajuato, where for ten years they were enclosed in
iron cages at the four corners of the Alh6ndiga.
Morelos: The death of Hidalgo and his associates by no means
ended the revolution. But for a time thereafter it degenerated
into a bloody guerilla warfare in which the patriot forces were
too often indistinguishable from the innumerable troops of ban-
dits that everywhere sprang up with the weakening of the regu-
larly constituted government. Between the levies of the royal-
ists, the maraudings of these bandits, and the confiscations of
the revolutionists, the country was fast being reduced to ruin.
Cattle, growing crops, and all forms of trade suffered severely;
but the chief injury was done to the mining industry, which
passed almost immediately from a period of great prosperity
into a condition of utter prostration.
During this period, the larger cities were almost wholly under
control of the Spaniards; while the scattered bands that still
adhered to the revolution found innumerable hiding places in
mountainous districts or unfortified villages, from which they
levied toll on the surrounding country, swept down on small
parties of the enemy's troops, or terrorized the main highways
leading in every direction from the capital. In these activities,








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


each band was a law unto itself, for there was no longer a com-
mon leader or an organized command. The revolution was in
danger of losing itself in anarchy.
From this fate it was fortunately saved by the genius of one
of Mexico's favorite heroes-Jose Maria Morelos y Pavon. Like
Hidalgo, Morelos was originally a priest, born in humble circum-
stances. From the outset of the revolution he had distinguished
himself by unwonted military ability, confining his activities for
the most part to the regions between Acapulco and the capital.
A number of loyal supporters, including NicolAs Bravo, Mariano
Matamoras, Mier y Teran, and Guadaloupe Victoria, accounted
in no small measure for his success; but chief credit was due
after all to the genuine qualities of leadership Morelos himself
displayed.
When Morelos became the recognized head of the revolution,
conditions, as already indicated, were far from favoring its suc-
cess. Nevertheless, in the space of some eighteen months, he
succeeded in building up a formidable army with which he won
a number of important victories from the royalists and also
effected the capture of a number of important cities, includ-
ing Oaxaca, Orizaba and Acapulco. The success thus attained
made possible the calling of the first Mexican Congress. It met
September 13, 1813, in the town of Chilpancingo, in Oaxaca.
Though its membership consisted of but eight delegates, this
body on November 6 issued a manifesto declaring Mexico inde-
pendent of Spain, and appointed Morelos commander-in-chief of
the revolutionary army, and chief executive of the nation. A
year later the same congress drafted a provisional constitution
for the new nation.
By this time, however, the brief glory of Morelos had begun
to dim. His congress, like the Second Continental Congress of
the United States, had frequently been forced to adjourn its sit-
tings from place to place to avoid capture. Finally, on Novem-
ber 5, 1815, while the revolutionary government was in the act of
moving its temporary headquarters, Morelos was surprised by
a royalist force, to whose commander he had been betrayed, and
taken prisoner. Once in the hands of his old enemy, Calleja, who
had displaced Venegas as viceroy, the revolutionary leader found
short shrift. After having been condemned as a heretic and an
insurgent by the tribunal of the Inquisition, he was degraded
from his priestly office and executed by a firing squad, Decem-
ber 22, 1815. Just before his death he offered this brief prayer,
"Lord, if I have done well, thou knowest it; if ill, to thy infinite
mercy I commend my soul." Not inaptly was Morelos called
'the servant of the nation."
Success Under Iturbide: After the death of Morelos, the next
event of significance in the revolution was the brief success of







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


Francisco Xavier Mina, leader of a semi-filibustering expedition,
who attempted to cooperate with the remnant of the insurgent
forces still operating in scattered bands under various chieftains.
Mina, an enthusiastic liberal from Spain, sought to enlist recruits
and financial support for the Mexican revolution both in Eng-
land and in America. Having raised a few hundred men, he
landed on the coast of Tamaulipas in April, 1817, and attempted
an overland march to Guanajuato, where he expected to unite
with the revolutionists still left in the field. Near San Luis
Potosi his handful of men met and defeated a force of 1700 roy-
alists; but this, with a few minor successes won shortly after-
wards, constituted the sole fruit of the expedition. After severe
hardships and the loss of nearly his whole command, Mina him-
self was captured and executed, November 11, 1817.
Following the failure of.the Mina expedition the prospects
of the revolution underwent complete eclipse. Most of the
remaining insurgent leaders were captured and shot. A few
availed themselves of the clemency held out by the new viceroy,
Apodaca, and obtained the royal pardon. Only Victoria and
Guerrero kept the field-the former hunted like a wild beast,
without a single friend or -companion; the latter desperately
striving to hold together a few ragged followers, hoping that in
some way his pitiful band might become the nucleus for a
renewed national uprising.
In the midst of this situation, when from the insurgent stand-
point conditions were steadily going from bad to worse, an event
occurred in Europe which changed the whole complexion of
affairs and brought ultimate success .to the virtually
extinct rebellion. This was the Spanish revolution of 1820, the
humiliation of Ferdinand VII, and the restoration of the liberal
constitution of 1812. The triumph of the revolutionists in Spain
accomplished for Mexico what ten years of savage fighting had
failed to effect. A new vigor was enfused into the movement for
independence. The royalists saw little hope of permanently
crushing the revolution in Mexico with the liberals in the saddle
at Madrid. Finally, certain of the more powerful classes pre-
viously opposed to the revolution (including especially the higher
dignitaries of the church) saw with despair that the new order
in Spain presaged a serious curtailment of their privileges both
in Spain and in the colonies, and so resolved, by making them-
selves leaders of the revolution, to bend it to their own purposes
and thus to save in Mexico what the liberals were denying them
in Spain.
The leader of this new phase of the revolution was Augustin
de Iturbide, a native of Valladolid (Mexico), who from 1810 to
1816 had been one of the most vigorous and ruthless opponents
the movement for independence had anywhere encountered.








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


Because of popular dissatisfaction in one of the provinces over
which the viceroy had made him military ruler, Iturbide had been
removed, and for a number of years lived in retirement. From
this obscurity he was recalled by a group of conspirators who
hoped to bring about the independence of Mexico from the new
regime in Spain. Obtaining the viceroy's appointment to lead a
considerable force into the south of Mexico, where Guerrero was
still at large, Iturbide soon made common cause with the revolu-
tionary commander and on February 24, 1821, published a
pronunciamento called the Plan of Iguala.
This document proclaimed the independence of Mexico from
Spain, ordained the Roman Catholic religion as the only religion,
to be tolerated in the country, guaranteed protection to the reg-
ular and secular clergy in all their rights and properties, set up
a constitutional monarchy, with Ferdinand VII the chosen sov-
ereign, and proclaimed the perfect equality of Mexicans and
Spaniards. The support of the new government was entrusted
to the "army of the three guaranties," so called because of its
obligations to defend the Roman Catholic Church, maintain inde-
pendence, and preserve the union of Spaniards and Americans.
The success of the revolution under Iturbide's leadership and
the Plan of Iguala was assured from the beginning. Royalists,
clergy, and old-line revolutionists alike flocked to his standard.
The viceroy, Apodaca, was forced by his own supporters to
resign, thus making way for a man of more liberal tendencies,
General Juan O'Donojf. When the latter reached Mexico, he
found the country so completely under revolutionary control
that only three cities remained in the hands of the royalists. It
was not long, accordingly, before he began to negotiate with
the revolutionists. The result was the celebrated convention
of Cordova. By the terms of this agreement, O'Donojf recog-
nized the independence of Mexico under a form of govern-
ment which still bound that country very closely to Spain. The
throne of the new empire was first to be offered to 'Ferdinand
VII; and then in case of his refusal, to his brother, Charles. If
Charles declined, two other possible European candidates were
to be approached; and if neither of these accepted, the sovereign
should then be chosen by the Mexican Congress.
Following the signing of this treaty, Iturbide marched into
the capital in great state, September 27, 1821, and was every-
where greeted as the liberator of the nation. The city council,
or ayuntamiento, presented him with a gold key upon a silver
platter. The people shouted themselves hoarse with enthusiasm.
The Imperial Gazette proclaimed the triumph greater than
any witnessed in Imperial Rome.
With the suspension of O'Donoji's powers, a regency with
Iturbide as its head was next appointed to govern the country
until the emperor should be chosen, and in February, 1822, the








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


first congress elected under the Plan of Iguala assembled at the
capital. Almost from the beginning this body set about disputing
the powers of the regency. The next month word came that the
Spanish government had rejected the treaty of Cordova in toto
and refused to sanction Mexican independence.
A Short-lived Empire: Spain's action presented an oppor-
tunity of which Iturbide was quick to take advantage. On the
night of May 18, 1822, a mob formed in the streets of the cap-
ital, and under the influence of pulque, excitement, and a few
turbulent soldiers, proclaimed Iturbide Emperor of Mexico. The
latter, after a show of reluctance customary in such cases, gave
his consent to this tumultuous choice. The next day, after con-
siderable opposition, he was formally proclaimed "Constitutional
Emperor of Mexico" by an extraordinary session of congress and
took the title of Augustus the First. A month later the same
body passed a law declaring the monarchy "moderate, constitu-
tional, and hereditary." On July 21, Iturbide was formally
crowned emperor in the great cathedral of Mexico, amid an osten-
tatious display and the shouts of the multitude.
The rule of the new sovereign was short-lived. The adherents
of Ferdinand secretly sought his overthrow. The republicans
were outraged by the regal airs of his court. Congress found
its powers constantly trespassed upon by his assumption of
authority. A keen observer, early in his reign, thus foretold his
overthrow-and incidentally diagnosed the weakness of many a
subsequent administration under the republic.
"With a pleasing address," wrote Joel R. Poinsett, later American
minister to Mexico, "and a prepossessing exterior, and by lavish profusion
Iturbide has attached the officers and soldiers to his person, and so long
as he possesses the means of paying and rewarding them, so long will he
maintain himself on his throne; when these fail he will be precipitated
from it. It is a maxim of history, which will probably be again illustrated
by this example, that a government not founded on public opinion, but
established and supported by corruption and violence, cannot exist with-
out ample means to pay the soldiery, and to maintain pensioners and par-
tisans."
The struggle between Iturbide and congress came to a head
in the fall of 1822. After imprisoning a number of the leaders
of the opposition, the emperor issued a decree on October 30
dissolving congress and set himself to govern the country with
the aid of a self-constituted junta. Almost immediately discon-
tent flared forth into action. On December 2, Santa Anna, a
man whose ambitions were not unlike those of Iturbide himself,
"proclaimed" against the government at Vera Cruz. Victoria,
Bravo, and Guerrero, battle scarred leaders of the revolution as
they were, soon joined the movement. On February 1, 1823, the
Plan of Casa Mata, signed by numerous army officers, furnished
a basis for organized revolt in favor of a representative govern-
ment as opposed to Iturbide's autocracy. By March, the oppo-








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 45

sition had become strong enough to force the emperor's abdica-
tion. On April 7, congress declared the original coronation of
Iturbide null and void, voted him an annual pension of 25,000
pesos, and exiled him from the country. A few days later, the
same body ordered the election of delegates to a constitutional
convention and proclaimed a republican form of government for
Mexico.
After a brief stay in Italy, where he apparently came to fear
the designs of the Holy Alliance to reconquer Mexico, Iturbide
offered to return to his native land to aid congress in whatever
capacity the government might choose. Instead of accepting
his offer, however, congress declared him an outlaw and voted
the death penalty against him if he should set foot on Mexican
soil again. Ignorant of this proscription, Iturbide landed on the
coast of Tamaulipas with a single companion, July' 15, 1824. He
was recognized and arrested by the military commander of the
district. When his case was laid before the legislature of
Tamaulipas, that body voted his execution in keeping with the
national decree already spoken of. The sentence was carried
out four days later in the small town of Padilla. In 1838, the
"Liberator's" remains were transferred to the capital, where they
were buried in the stately cathedral in which the bodies of
Hidalgo, Allende, Morelos and other "benemeritos" had already
been interred.

VI. FROM INDEPENDENCE TO DIAZ

Problems of the New Government: The abdication of Itur-
bide left Mexican politics in extreme confusion. The constit-
uent congress, which began its sessions November 7, 1823, sat
almost a year before completing its labors. From the very begin-
ning the delegates were divided into two clearly defined par-
ties-the centralists and federalists. The former wished to keep
the national government as supreme under the republic as it had
been under the Spanish monarchy, when the provinces and
intendencies were merely administrative units. The federalists,
backed by many local bodies throughout the country, sought to
divide the powers of government between the national authority
and the authority of the states. Their model for this was the
government of the United States.
In the case of the United States, however, the division of
powers was the result of historical circumstance. In Mexico,
it was purely artificial. In the former instance, the thirteen
states created the federal government and voted to it a share of
their own sovereignty. In the case of Mexico, there were no
states until the central government had created them. The
United States of America represented a fusion of powers to








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


obtain unity and strength. The United States of Mexico repre-
sented a division of powers at the expense of unity and strength.
Aside from the adoption of the federal principle and the
division of the country into eighteen states and four territories,
the new constitution, proclaimed October 4, 1824, contained a
number of provisions of peculiar interest. The legislative and
executive branches of government were modeled closely after
those of the United States. Congress consisted of two houses,
the one comprised of two members from each state, the other
chosen according to population. The president was elected for
four years and had the power of veto. The chief departures
from the provisions of the American document lay in the estab-
lishment of the Roman Catholic religion as the only religion
legally permitted in the country; in vesting the executive with
certain arbitrary powers of arrest; in establishing a special com-
mittee, composed of one senator from each state, to exercise vari-
ous functions of congress when that body was not in session; and
in giving congress instead of the courts the power of interpreting
the constitution. A number of these provisions, one might add,
have been adhered to in all subsequent Mexican constitutions.
Even before the constitution was formally approved, Guade-
loupe Victoria and Nicholas Bravo, distinguished generals of the
revolution, had been chosen president and vice-president respec-
tively of the republic. The problems of Mexico, however, were
by no means solved with the inauguration of the new govern-
ment; and to understand the subsequent course of Mexican his-
tory, it is necessary to appreciate in some fashion how difficult
and deep rooted many of these problems were.
The ten years of revolution through which the country had
just passed left behind a legacy of evil. The chief industries of
the country, especially mining and agriculture, were completely
demoralized. Almost all the available capital had been dissipated
or driven out of the country. Roads and bridges had been so
destroyed by the military forces, or had gone so long without
repair, that transportation was virtually at a standstill. Public
revenues had fallen to 50 per cent of their former amount, while
national expenditures were running twice as large as the receipts.
Labor was badly disorganized as the laborers had either been
killed or scattered by the contending forces. In short, the pur-
chasing and producing power of the country was at its lowest
ebb. From the economic standpoint, Mexico was bankrupt.
But the effects of the revolution in a material way were even
less unfortunate than its influence along other lines. The
excesses of the armies (both Spanish and Mexican alike), the unre-
strained cruelties, the looting and confiscation of property, the
collapse of authority and non-enforcement of law all alike served
to create a spirit of revolution throughout the country which the
mere proclamation of a republic could not allay, and to give to








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


brigandage and crime (by no means dormant during the colonial
period) a more fertile soil for development than ever they had
known before. The revolution also laid open the northern fron-
tiers to unrestrained' Indian attack and weakened Mexican con-
trol over the border provinces.
Such, in the main, was the heritage left by the revolution to
the new republic. But these difficulties constituted only part of
Mexico's dilemma. To restore order and establish the reign of
law; to revive industry and develop commerce; to place the gov-
ernment finances on a satisfactory basis and to obtain foreign
capital for public and private needs; to secure the recognition
of other nations for the independent republic; to protect the
national domain against disintegration by revolution or en-
croachment from abroad-these were the obvious and immediate
problems with which the country had to deal.
Less apparent, but even more serious difficulties, however,
lay in the path of Mexican progress. The revolution had not
destroyed the class system under which all political and economic
control was exercised by an insignificant minority. The church
still kept its temporal power; while ecclesiastics and military
officers alike enjoyed special immunities and privileges before
the law. The monarchists were very much alive; while the repub-
licans had divided into petty factions instead of consolidating into
organized parties. Capable and unselfish leadership was lack-
ing. Accordingly, its place was taken by men of no great abil-
ity who, through control of the army or by resort to revolution,
elevated themselves to office and maintained a precarious hold
on power through dispensing favors and funds derived from the
national revenues to a select coterie of supporters.
The people themselves were uneducated, living from hand to
mouth in abject poverty, afflicted with diseases and lacking
energy or ambition, oppressed in every conceivable fashion by
their superiors and bound in most instances by a system of peon-
age little better than slavery. To expect such a people to make
a success of representative government was clearly to look for the
impossible. The people did not even participate in the govern-
ment, except as they became the tools of revolutionary leaders.
Success in self-government does not come by inspiration, but by
long training, hard experiment, and the development of popular
education. Mexico, having none of these prerequisites, was under-
taking a gigantic task.
A Decade of Revolution: The result was a kaleidoscopic
change from one administration to another during the first
decade of the republic. As Victoria's term drew toward its close,
he was faced by a revolt led by the vice-president, Bravo. In
the election of 1828, Guerrero, an .uneducated military hero, was
opposed by Pedraza, a man of Spanish blood and long training








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


in political affairs. By skillful manipulation of the election ma-
chinery, Pedraza won the presidency; but a mutiny at Jalapa,
led by Santa Anna, started a revolution in which Guerrero suc-
ceeded in forcing Pedraza to flee the country, after only a few
weeks in office. Guerrero was then proclaimed president, and
Anastasio Bustamante became vice-president. The new admin-
istration had been in office less than nine months when Busta-
mante revolted against his chief, and with the aid of Santa Anna
caused his overthrow. After a number of military reverses
Guerrero was treacherously seized on board a vessel in Acapulco
harbor and executed by a firing squad.
The success of Bustamante, however, was not more perma-
nent than that of his predecessor, though the repressive measures
he employed to discourage opposition were much more severe
than those Guerrero had countenanced.
"The opponents of his administration," wrote Rives, "were impris-
oned, banished, or shot. The press was effectually muzzled. The army in
general was well paid and its officers encouraged. The church also was not
neglected. And if there had only been officers enough to satisfy every-
body, there was no reason why Bustamante's administration should not
have continued indefinitely."
The supply of offices failing, however, Bustamante, like Guer-
rero, went out of office on the heels of a revolution. This affair,
assuming serious proportions in January, 1832, with an uprising
in Vera Cruz of which Santa Anna took command, continued for
nearly a year before Bustamante found it best to abdicate. By
a curious compromise Pedraza was then placed in power to serve
out the few months of the unexpired term to which he had been
elected nearly four years before.
This arrangement, made to suit the convenience of the vic-
torious revolutionists, was followed by a farcical election in which
Santa Anna became president and Gomez Farias acquired the
title of vice-president. Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, for nearly
a score of years the outstanding personage in Mexican history,
was a politician whose virtues were conspicuous by their rarity.
Control of government in his eyes meant particularly the control
of the public treasury. National welfare was wholly subordinate
to his own ambitions. The presidency offered unusual advan-
tages for personal gain, it was therefore to be eagerly sought
for and zealously held.
For some months after his inauguration, which occurred April
1, 1833, Santa Anna held fairly aloof from public affairs, allow-
ing Farias to exercise most of the presidential powers. Farias,
a man of advanced liberal views, vigorously proceeded to carry
out his reforms, aiming especially to reduce the secular power
of the church and to place the military in a subordinate position
to the civil authority. As a result of these reforms, Farias found
the country once more stirred by revolution. Santa Anna







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


returned to the capital in April, 1834, and assumed the duties of
the presidency. A reactionary party, comprised chiefly of army
and church supporters, proclaimed the plan of Cuernavaca and
besought Santa Anna to annul the legislation enacted by Farias,
dissolve congress and suspend the constitution. The petition fell
upon ready ears. As rapidly as conditions would permit, Santa
Anna assumed the role of dictator and delegated to himself the
entire sum of government functions. Congress, cabinet, and state
legislatures were all alike dispensed with, while even the local
offices were filled with creatures of his own choosing. In this
position of supremacy, the dictator was to remain until 'the Texas
revolution brought about his temporary discomfiture.
Foreign Issues: While the internal politics of Mexico were
thus pursuing their tortuous course, the foreign relations of that
country were becoming but little less involved. Mexican inde-
pendence had been recognized by the United States, where there
was deep sympathy for the revolutionary cause, as early as 1822.
But it was not until three years later that the first American
minister, Joel R. Poinsett of South Carolina (for whom the Poin-
settia is named) took up his duties in the Mexican capital. In
the interval, due at least in part to British influence, an unfortu-
nate spirit of suspicion and hostility had developed toward the
United States.
Poinsett's career in Mexico, especially during the first few
years, did little to allay this antipathy. At that time there was
a bitter feud between the two rival branches of the Masonic order
(known respectively as the Escoces or Scottish Rite adherents,
and the Yorkinos, or those who followed the York ritual) for the
political control of the nation. Poinsett, himself a Mason, dis-
played great activity in organizing York lodges and in building
up that wing of the order, because its membership represented
the liberal, anti-clerical element in the country, while the Escoces
were generally opposed to the republic and favorable to the main-
tenance of the privileged classes. As a result of this unwar-
ranted interference in Mexican politics, Poinsett found himself
a most unwelcome personage to the Scottish party. His expul-
sion from the country was urged by several of the state legisla-
tures and also figured as one of the formal objects of Bravo's
revolution in 1827-28.
Partly as a result of Poinsett's course, but more especially
because of the confused state of Mexican politics, the two chief
objects of his mission, namely, the adjustment of the American-
Mexican boundary, and the negotiation of a commercial treaty,
remained unaccomplished. In the meantime, British diplomats
and British investors had established their positions firmly in
the country, and were giving an English tinge to many a Mex-
ican policy. This British interest in Mexico was primarily of








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


economic origin. All through the colonial period, the merchants
and shipmasters of England sought to break down the exclusion
policy of Spain. By smuggling, special treaties, and the greater
freedom allowed under Charles III, this in some measure was
accomplished. But the coming of independence promised a much
more complete realization of commercial and allied opportunities
in Mexico than English business had ever experienced before.
'The chief fields of this activity were four in number: (1)
The development of Mexican markets for English goods and the
acquisition of raw materials for British industries. (2) The con-
trol of the Mexican carrying trade. (3) The floating of a Mexi-
can loan in England at high interest rates. (4) The acquisi-
tion and exploitation of Mexican mining properties, which the
revolution had forced into idleness and almost ruined.
The initiative along these lines did not originate altogether
in Great Britain, for the Mexican government itself, immediately
independence had been proclaimed, sent its agents to the United
States and to various European countries seeking to induce foreign
capital to come into Mexico and to negotiate a government loan.
These agents, as already indicated, were chiefly successful in
Great Britain, though a small amount of German and American
money was also enlisted in the development of Mexican mines.
American merchants, both by water shipments and through the
overland St. Louis-Santa F6-Chihuahua trade likewise furnished
formidable competition to the English houses; but for the most
part the economic opportunities offered by Mexico were pretty
largely monopolized by British interests during the first decade
or more of the republic.
With the close cooperation that has always existed between
the English government and English business, the diplomacy of
the former was exerted to stimulate the reliance of Mexico upon
British industries and capital, and to weaken, so far as interna-
tional usage would permit, the position of rival nations, espe-
cially that of the United States. In this particular instance, how-
ever, British ambitions were sadly disappointed. The millions of
pounds invested in Mexican mines were almost a total loss, while
the purchasers of Mexican bonds for a long time fared but little
better than the investors in mining stocks.
The independence of Mexico, recognized by most European
countries through the friendly offices of Great Britain and the
United States, was not acknowledged by Spain for many years.
A Spanish garrison held out in the fortress of San Juan de Ulia
until the closing part of 1825. For several years thereafter,
Mexican and Spanish vessels continued to fall foul of one another
off the Gulf and Cuban coasts, and in 1829 occurred the last
organized effort of Spain to regain control of her lost colony.
An expedition of some 3000 men under command of Gen. Bar-
radas left Havana in July on board a fleet of fifteen transports








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


convoyed by five men-of-war. The force was landed near Tam-
pico, after which the vessels returned to Havana. The result of
the ill-managed affair was never seriously in doubt. A royalist
uprising, upon which the Spanish monarch had counted, having
failed to materialize and most of the troops being stricken with
the plague, the remainder surrendered to Santa Anna, who thus
became a national hero and laid the foundation for his later
political supremacy. Another by-product of the invasion was the
enactment of stringent laws banishing those of Spanish birth
from Mexico.
Loss of Texas: Following this fiasco, little occurred outside
of domestic politics to excite comment (except, perhaps, the final
enactment of a treaty of commerce with the United States) until
the outbreak of the Texan revolution. The causes of this move-
ment cannot be discussed here at length. It is sufficient to say that
the influx of Anglo-Saxon settlers into the largest of Mexico's
outlying provinces presented a problem that the type of rulers
then in charge of the nation's affairs were in no wise competent to
solve. Short-sighted and aggravating legislation, coupled with
Santa Anna's usurpation of authority, soon led to .armed resis-
tance on the part of the Texas settlers, nominally at least in
defense of the republican constitution and to secure the separa-
tion of Texas from its preposterous dependence upon the gov-
ernment of Coahuila.
From this beginning, the revolt soon became a movement for
independence. The government of Santa Anna, never free from
the menace of rival factions, lacking funds to equip an adequate
expedition to reduce the Texans because of constant raids upon
the treasury, and compelled to pay as high as 40 per cent upon
such loans as could be negotiated, was in no position to pre-
vent the secession of the province. The capture of the Alamo
and the barbarous massacre of four hundred Texan prisoners
at Goliad merely stiffened the Texas purpose and intensified the
anti-Mexican feeling throughout the United States. The climax
came in the utter rout of the Mexican forces, led by Santa Anna
in person, at the battle of San Jacinto. In this engagement the
Texan loss was two killed and twenty-three wounded. The Mex-
ican loss was' six hundred and thirty killed, two hundred and
eight wounded, and seven hundred and thirty taken prisoners.
Among the last was Santa Anna himself, who was captured nine
miles from the battlefield as he was attempting to conceal him-
self in the tall sedge grass, disguised as a common soldier.
This battle marked the end of the Mexican invasion. Santa
Anna, after negotiating a treaty with the Texas government,
which the Mexican congress repudiated and which he himself had
no intention of honoring, was held many months a prisoner and
finally sent to Washington for an interview with President Jack-







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


son. From Washington he returned to Mexico, having lost much
of his prestige but none of his ambition or capacity for intrigue.
Some months after the battle of San Jacinto, but before Santa
Anna's return, the Mexican congress, acting as a constituent
assembly, drafted a new constitution, commonly known as the Siete
Leyes. This document, strongly centralist throughout, was espec-
ially noteworthy because it reduced the states to the status of
provinces and placed their governments almost completely under
national control. Anastasio Bustamante, the first president to
serve under the new constitution, faced serious difficulties. Spain
after the lapse of a decade and a half, had finally accepted the
inevitable and recognized Mexican independence. But friction
over unpaid claims had so developed between Mexico and France
that the latter prepared to enforce her demands by a hostile
demonstration. After blockading the chief harbors along the Gulf
to no very good purpose, the French fleet shelled and captured
the fortress of San Juan de Ulda and afterwards made an attack
upon the city of Vera Cruz. In this engagement Santa Anna lost
his left leg, but more than retrieved this misfortune by the fame
he acquired as a popular hero. The French claims were finally
adjusted by .the payment of six hundred thousand dollars, and
the grant of certain privileges to French subjects resident in
Mexico.
More Revolutions: Even before the French difficulty was .out
of the way, Bustamante was confronted with a growing unrest
throughout the country, incited chiefly by leaders of the federal-
ist party who urged the states to resist the encroachments of the
national government. YucatAn, Tabasco, Coahuila, and other
outlying states were involved in the movement; and finally, on
July 15, 1840, an insurgent force, having liberated Urrea and
Farias, two of the leaders of the revolt, took possession of the
national palace itself. For ten days, there was fighting in the
capital, with much more damage to the non-combatant inhab-
itants than to members of either contending force. At the end
of that time, a compromise was arrived at which left Bustamante
still in control of the government.
Before the next year's close, however, a much more formid-
able revolution, lead by Paredes and Santa Anna, was in full
swing. It had no connection whatever with the federalist pro-
gram of the preceding summer, but was solely the work of men
characterized by "disloyalty, hypocrisy, and the most sordid cal-
culation." In other words, Santa Anna and his satellites wished
once more to enjoy the rich spoils of office, and under high sound-
ing phrases threw the country into civil war to accomplish that
desire. Within two months, Bustamante had been overthrown,
the constitution of 1836 set aside, and a document, known as the
Bases of Tacubaya, under which Santa Anna enjoyed a com-








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


plete monopoly of power, was in effect. For more than two
years, under the guise of provisional president, this self-acclaimed
patriot ruled the country. Then, having forced the suspension
of a federalist congress and secured the enactment of a reaction-
ary constitution, by a thoroughly manipulated election he was
chosen president for five years. But even Santa Anna could not
retain the Mexican presidency for a full presidential term. The
extravagance and corruption of his administration; the constant
demands of the military leaders upon whose support he had to
depend; and a growing discontent over his failure to reconquer
Texas, afforded his antagonists ample opportunity for stirring up
the popular discontent. Santa Anna's demands for an appropria-
tion from congress with which to organize a campaign against
Texas, led to increased friction and the special tax finally voted
for the purpose only stimulated the widespread opposition.
The revolt began in Jalisco in the fall of 1844 and the gar-
risons of various towns shortly afterwards proclaimed against
the government. Paredes came forward to lead the movement,
congress showed itself defiant of presidential authority, and
finally the revolt spread to the capital itself. Santa Anna, una-
ble to effect a compromise with his victorious opponents, was
deposed from office and exiled from the country. Taking up his
residence in Cuba, he kept a watchful eye upon the course of
affairs in Mexico until in the war with the United States he
found an opportunity to return to power.
Santa Anna's successor to the presidency, General Herrera,
faced a gloomy situation. The treasury was bankrupt, the army
was mutinous, the capital was honeycombed with revolutionary
plots, his nominal supporters were poorly organized and dis-
loyal, and congress was only too ready to lay upon the executive
responsibility for all the national ills. The country's external
problems had also reached a critical pass. Popular clamor was
demanding an impossible invasion of Texas; California was on
the point of declaring her independence; and the United States
was pressing for a settlement of the difficulties between the two
nations in a decidedly hostile fashion.
War with the United States: This last circumstance served
as the immediate cause of Herrera's overthrow. Diplomatic rela-
tions with the United States were severed as a result of the
annexation of Texas; but this was done in response to popular
demand and was not the deliberate choice of the Mexican gov-
ernment. The Polk administration for various reasons was
anxious to send a minister to Mexico; and Herrera, except for
the fear of public outcry, was no less ready for a restoration of
amicable relations. It was finally intimated to President Polk
that Herrera would receive an American envoy for the settle-
ment of difficulties between the two nations. Accordingly, John








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


Slidell was despatched from New Orleans to negotiate with the
Mexican government.
Meanwhile, General Paredes, who had already figured as the
leader of numerous revolutions, was planning the overthrow of
Herrera. The coming of Slidell gave him the desired excuse to
proclaim his revolution, even though Herrera, fearful of the
storm he saw approaching, refused on the grounds of a tech-
nicality to recognize the American representative. Paredes
began his revolt on December 14, 1845. On the 31st, he was in
possession of the capital, Herrera having left the national palace.
The character of the revolution may accurately be judged from
Paredes' own words-"I am resolved," he said, "to make my
ideas triumph.... so I will shoot anybody who starts out to
oppose me, whether he is an archbishop, a general, a magistrate,
or anybody else." In the face of such a threat no opposition
developed, and on January 3 the subservient electors went
through the farce of casting their ballots for president. Strangely
enough the vote was unanimous for Paredes.
Within a few months after Paredes assumed office, war had
broken out between Mexico and the United States. The imme-
diate cause for this was an attack upon a small American force
commanded by Captain Thornton, who was operating as part
of General Taylor's army in the disputed territory opposite
Matamoras on the Rio Grande. The real causes of the war, how-
ever, were far more important than this border skirmish. Mexico
was suspicious and fearful of the United States and had accused
the American government of fomenting the revolution in Texas
in order to bring about the annexation of that province. On the
part of the United States, the grounds of complaint against
Mexico were of long standing and extremely aggravating. Claims
of American citizens (the payment of which had been the subject
of frequent negotiation and the justness of a large part of which
Mexico had admitted) remained unsatisfied. In her international
relations Mexico had been evasive and often guilty of gross viola-
tions of diplomatic usage. The rejection of Slidell, first by
Herrera and later by Paredes, still further added to the impatience
of the Washington government. The Mexican attitude toward
Texan annexation, and her refusal to negotiate a settlement of
the disputed boundary, intensified the friction between the
two countries. Finally, the American desire for California, over
which Mexico had long exercised no shadow of actual control, and
the fear that the province would slip into British hands, urged the
Polk administration to drastic action.
The attack on Captain Thornton's party was made April 24,
1846. On May 11, the American Congress voted almost unani-
mously in favor of a declaration of war. In Mexico conditions
were hopelessly confused. There was no money in the treasury,
no loyalty among the people for the Paredes administration, no







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


unity or plan of action in the face of impending invasion. A
monarchistic party, headed by Lucas Alaman, was seeking to
bring in a foreign prince. Congress, elected under an elaborate
plan designed to favor the privileged classes, was universally
denounced. From his exile in Havana, Santa Anna, the man of
many vicissitudes, was awaiting his opportunity to seize the gov-
ernment. This he was able to do, thanks to the short-sighted
connivance of the United States, before the Paredes administra-
tion had been quite nine months in power.
The war, meanwhile, in spite of a widespread belief among
the masses that the United States soldiers were lacking in
bravery and military skill, was going strongly against Mex-
ico. As eventually worked out, the American plan of campaign
called for four lines of invasion. A force under Colonel Stephen
W. Kearny, known as the Army of the West, was entrusted with
the conquest of New Mexico and California. In the latter prov-
ince a naval squadron, cooperating with volunteers from among
the American residents and the members of a United States
exploring expedition commanded by J. C. Fr6mont, had already
occupied the strategic centers.
A second army, under command of General Zachary Taylor,
after winning the sharp engagements of Palo Alto and Resaca
de la Palma moved southward for the capture of Monterrey and
threatened the capital from the north. This was known as the
Army of Occupation. Cooperating with Taylor's force, a smaller
command under General Wool, known as the Army of the Cen-
ter, was designed for the conquest of Chihuahua and Coahuila.
Lastly, the Army of Invasion, led by General Scott, was faced
with the task of capturing Vera Cruz and occupying the capital.
While these forces were carrying on the war by land, the United
States Navy occupied the important Mexican ports on the Gulf
and Pacific coasts.
With the details of tb war, there is no space to deal. After
Santa Anna's return from exile, he was made commander-in-chief
of the Mexican forces, and a good deal of temporary enthusiasm
was aroused against the American invasion. But the Mexican
cause met with an unbroken series of disasters. On September
25, 1847, after several days of heavy fighting, General Ampudia
surrendered the important city of Monterrey to the forces under
Taylor. In February of the next year, in the battle of Buena
Vista, the same American commander, with less than 7000 men
overwhelmingly defeated the "Liberating Army of the North,"
consisting of over 20,000 Mexican troops led by Santa Anna. In
this campaign the latter lost something over 8000 men, but
attempted to represent the defeat as a hard-won victory in his
reports to the capital.
The battle of Buena Vista, coupled with the occupation of
New Mexico and California, shifted the center of military activi-








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


ties to Vera Cruz and the capital. On March 29, the former city
and the strong fortress of San Juan de Ulfa surrendered to Gen-
eral Scott's force of 10,000 men after a terrific bombardment
from land and sea lasting for seventeen days. On April 18, at
the pass of Cerro Gordo, not far from the city of Jalapa, the
invading army stormed an almost impregnable position held by
15,000 troops under the command of Santa Anna in person. The
battle went the way of all other major engagements in the war.
The Mexican forces were driven from their position, losing many
hundred in killed and wounded. Santa Anna, Canalizo, and
Almonte fled while the engagement was still in progress; a
detachment of 3000 laid down their arms in a body; and the
retreat of the remaining army became an indescribably confused
and panic-stricken rout.
Behind the defenses of Contreras and Churubusco, just out-
side the gates of the capital itself, Santa Anna risked another
engagement. All the remaining Mexican forces, some 27,000 in
number, were brought together to resist the invaders. But the
battle, though heroically fought for a time, was only a repetition
of all that had gone before. The Mexican loss was nearly 3000
killed and wounded and almost as many in prisoners. Santa
Anna's final stand was made in the castle of Chapultepec. But
the 10,000 men he had concentrated here were dislodged and
driven in confusion into the city.
The Treaty of Peace: The fall of Chapultepec occurred Sep-
tember 13, 1847. That night Santa Anna, with a pitiful remnant
of the Mexican army, abandoned the capital and fled toward
Puebla. As a result of the fighting in the Valley of Mexico
alone, the Mexican forces had suffered a loss of over 7000 killed
and wounded, nearly 4000 prisoners, including thirteen generals
and three ex-presidents, and the greater part of their ammuni-
tion, ordnance, and supplies. Almost equally serious were the
wholesale desertions of the unclothed, unfed, unpaid, undisci-
plined, and discouraged common soldiers. Their patriotism
then, as always, required success rather than reverses to keep
itself alive. Thus the capture of the capital to all intents and
purposes ended the war. On September 16, Santa Anna resigned
the presidency to forestall his forced retirement by congress. On
October 7 he was deprived of the command of the army and a
few months later left Mexico under safe conduct from the Amer-
ican authorities, to remain in exile until another turn of the
wheel brought him back for a final hour of triumph.
Santa Anna's successor to the presidency was Manuel de la
Pefia y Pefia, presiding judge of the supreme court. His first
task was to create a government; for in the confusion incident
to Santa Anna's resignation and the loss of the capital, no one
could say surely whether the federal government was still in








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


existence or had ended in dissolution. A sort of rump congress,
however, had begun its- sessions at Quer6taro and with this as a
nucleus, Pefia succeeded in establishing at least a de facto gov-
ernment with which the United States might treat.
The treaty negotiations were long drawn out and frequently
promised a fruitless end. This result would have meant the long
continued and perhaps permanent occupation of Mexico by the
United States. In the latter country there were three parties,
namely, those who wished (or professed to wish) no acquisition
of territory from Mexico; those who were anxious to obtain
California and other regions north of the 320 parallel; and those
who sought to annex all or most of Mexico to the United States.
If it had not been for party politics and the slavery question, the
last mentioned group would have accomplished their purpose.
In Mexico, the political situation was extremely chaotic. One
party wished to continue the war in order to bring about Mex-
ico's annexation to the United States; a moderate group, led
by Pefia, sought to effect as speedy and favorable a peace as pos-
sible; the monarchists were hopeful of reestablishing the empire;
and Santa Anna's adherents were secretly planning his return
to power. Pefia y Pefia, having served his allotted time, gave
place to General Anaya, a member of the moderate faction.
Negotiations were accordingly continued with the American
commissioner, Nicholas P. Trist, until after many delays and
apparent failures, the Treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo was com-
pleted. Ratifications were exchanged May 11, 1848, and the two
countries were once more at peace.
The most important provisions of the treaty dealt with the
cession of territory. Mexico lost what is now the states of New
Mexico, most of Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah, and parts
of Colorado and Wyoming. The ceded territory included some-
thing over 500,000 square miles, or more than two-fifths of the
total area of the country. For this she received $15,000,000 in
cash and the cancellation of $3,250,000 in claims held against her
by American citizens. The sacrifice in territory was not so great,
however, as it superficially appeared. California, the most val-
uable of the lost provinces, was in fact independent of the mother
country-barring only a nominal allegiance-before the war
began. The rest of the territory, except the settled portions of
New Mexico, was occupied only by Indians, and over it Mexico
could not possibly exercise control. The contraction of bounda-
ries which resulted from the treaty was thus an actual advantage
to the real Mexico. Her government was rid of one of its most
perplexing problems, and the control of her remaining territory
lay at least within the realm of possibilities.
Six years after the Treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo the United
States acquired through the Gadsden Purchase 54,500 additional







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


square miles of Mexican territory to afford an all-American
right-of-way for the Pacific railroad. The purchase price was
$10,000,000. The territory ceded lay between the Rio Grande
and the Colorado River and for the most part south of the Gila.
.The Constitution of 1857: The close of the war with the
United States found Mexico in sad straits. The chronic bank-
ruptcy of the national treasury and the constant intrigues of
rival candidates for the presidency (a position which Herrera
filled for over two years after peace had been declared, with con-
siderable credit) were supplemented by a bloody race war from
1849 to 1851. About the same time, the republic was threatened
with disintegration by a series of state revolts. During the war
with the United States, Yucatan had set up a separate govern-
ment; and only a short time after the treaty of peace several of
the border states, harassed by Indian attacks which the federal
government could not repel, and heavily taxed to meet expenses
from which they derived no benefit, sought to establish an inde-
pendent government known as the Northern Republic. The
movement, however, lacked the necessary leadership to become
effective.
In 1851 Herrera gave place to Arista. The financial prob-
lems still remained acute, with expenditures exceeding receipts
by more than 200 per cent. Political factions continued their
active rivalries, while discontent with the administration
increased with every attempt the government made to raise the
taxes. The country's industries and economic life were almost
demoralized. Brigandage and crime went on virtually un-
checked. Indian forays along the frontier seriously depopulated
the northern states. Filibustering expeditions, chiefly American,
threatened to dismember the republic.
Arista could not withstand so much adversity. In January,
1853, he resigned, to be followed, after a brief ad interim, by
the recalled exile, Santa Anna. The latter, who had been
intriguing all along for a return to power, almost immediately
sought to make himself dictator, with the ultimate purpose of
establishing an empire and placing himself at its head. The gov-
ernment was accordingly centralized as never before, and a whole
host of 'supporters were bribed by appointments to civil or mili-
tary offices, especially created for the purpose, to carry out Santa
Anna's scheme. After a superficial triumph, however, the latter
fell to earth. Numerous minor uprisings were consolidated into
a major movement under Alvarez. The plan of Ayutla, demand-
ing Santa Anna's removal, the framing of a new constitution,
and the establishment of a representative government, gave a
definite program to the revolution. Ignacio Comonfort, com-
mander of the garrison at Acapulco, added his strength to the
movement; and in attempting to capture this stronghold, Santa








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


Anna suffered such a decisive reverse that his cause was ruined.
On the 9th of August he left the capital for Vera Cruz; and here,
after a few characteristic proclamations, took ship for Havana.
Though he afterwards returned to Mexico and died there in
1876, his political career was ended. He had enjoyed the fruits
of supreme power and enriched himself at the public treasury
for the last time.
The. years immediately following Santa Anna's overthrow
were marked by one of the few real struggles over questions of
principle that Mexican politics has ever known. The issues
involved had chiefly to do with the privileges of the church and
of the army. Both institutions had been in large measure exempt
from the workings of the ordinary law. Both claimed the right
of having offenses committed by their officials tried in special
tribunals. The higher clergy, especially, generally supporting
the most reactionary element in the government, had frequently
been involved in attempts to overthrow the republic and estab-
lish a monarchy. More than this, the church's enormous land
holdings had become a matter of grave economic concern; while
its willingness to join in a revolt against any government that
might either curtail its privileges or tax its possessions made it
a source of constant danger to the peace of the country.
The army, even more than the church, had been the perennial
field of revolution. Not once since independence had the civil
authority been freed from the danger of military supremacy.
The vital need in Mexican politics after the collapse of Santa
Anna was, therefore, to make all citizens equal before the law
and to establish the government upon a constitutional rather
than upon the military-ecclesiastical basis heretofore prevailing.
The first effective measure of the liberals, enacted while Al-
varez was still president, was the Law for the Administration of
Justice; or, as it is better known from the name of its framer,
then at the head of the supreme court, the Law of Jukrez. Under
this decree, class legislation was abolished, military and eccle-
siastical tribunals for offenses against the civil law were sup-
pressed, and the privileges previously enjoyed by the army and
clergy generally annulled. Shortly after the promulgation of
this law Alvarez was succeeded by Comonfort, a man of more
conservative type. But a revolution, chiefly engineered by eccle-
siastics and disgruntled military leaders, for a time threatened
even his administration. The defeat of this movement was fol-
lowed by the confiscation of much church land and of the estates
of the revolutionary leaders. In 1856 the Jesuit order was sup-
pressed, a fate it had once before suffered under Charles III.
This was followed by a law of much wider application, enacted
while Lerdo was justice of the supreme court and called by his
name, prohibiting civil and religious corporations from holding








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


land and allowing the tenants of such property to purchase it on
easy terms.
In the meantime, to further the liberal policies and make
them more permanent, a constituent congress was assembled to
draft a new instrument of government. The body began its ses-
sions February 18, 1856, and completed the constitution Febru-
ary 3 of the next year. This document, which nominally remained
in effect until 1917, was a much more advanced constitution
than Mexico had ever known before. The liberal ideas of fed-
eralism, suppression of class privileges, state supremacy over the
church, and many of the personal rights found in the United
States constitution were embodied in it.
The church party and conservatives generally so bitterly
opposed the constitution of 1857 that its promulgation was fol-
lowed by four years of almost constant civil war. Comonfort
himself turned against the document and a vigorous revolution
headed by Felix Zuloaga, in command of the "Army of Regen-
eration," seized the capital and prepared to establish a govern-
ment along the old lines. The liberals, however, had found a
real leader in the person of Benito Juirez. Taking up his head-
quarters at Vera Cruz he appealed to the Mexican people to vin-
dicate the constitution. For the most part, the struggle which
ensued was only a repetition of what the country had so often
experienced before. Industries were paralyzed, crops ruined,
brigands and guerrilla bands ravaged and laid waste on every
hand.
A division occurring in Zuloaga's party, Miguel Miram6n,
one of the ablest generals opposed to Juarez, was appointed to
the presidency by the conservative congress. To finance his cam-
paigns and maintain himself in power, Miram6n proceeded to
float a foreign loan of 15,000,000 pesos which was afterwards
to involve his country in no little difficulty. Meanwhile JuArez
had secured recognition for his government from the United
States and in 1859 issued one of the most drastic of anti-clerical
decrees. This measure, known as the Laws of Reform, was aimed
at the revolutionary and monarchistic activities of the clergy.
It provided for the confiscation of all property held by the
regulars and seculars, separated the church and state, dissolved
the monastic orders, and made marriage purely a civil ceremony.
The renewed activity of the conservatives following this
decree gave them increasing success for several months. Indeed
it was not until August, 1860, that the Juaristas won a signal
victory and turned the tide. This was followed in January by
the capture of the capital and the return of the liberals to power.
Juarez, who was now formally elected to the presidency, faced
a serious task. The liberals were not united, the conservatives
were anxious for a new opportunity to revolt, the nation's
finances were in chaos, foreign creditors were pressing for a set-







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


tlement of claims, and the country was overrun with hordes of
bandits and bands of guerrilla soldiers.
French Intervention: The hopeless condition of the treasury
and the contention of Juarez that the bonds issued by Miram6n
were invalid led to a suspension of payments on the national
debt. This in turn gave to certain interests outside of Mexico
an opportunity of which they were eager to take advantage.
Mexico's chief foreign obligations were due to citizens of France,
Great Britain and Spain. The last two governments, believing
the collection of the debt impossible, except through interven-
tion, decided to join with France in employing force to obtain
satisfaction. This agreement, signed October 31, 1861, was
known as the Convention of London.
While England and Spain had no ulterior purposes to serve
in the proposed intervention, the case of France was far other-
wise. Louis Napoleon, anxious to regain prestige lost by his
blunders in European politics, eager to stem the growing power
of Anglo-Saxon democracy, and seeking to build up a great
Catholic empire in the New World, looked upon the Convention
of London as merely the first step in the establishment of French
supremacy in Mexico. His ambitions were quickened, if indeed
they were not created, by certain French capitalists, eager to
obtain possession of the mines and other natural resources of the
country; and most actively of all, by those monarchists and cler-
icals who had fled from Mexico with the triumph of Juarez and
the liberal party.
In keeping with the terms of the Convention of London, a
French army, aided by British and Spanish naval forces, seized
Vera Cruz. A demand was then made for the payment of the
claims against Mexico and notice given that the allied force would
take steps to secure guaranties for the satisfaction of the debt.
On January 10, 1862, a proclamation was addressed to the Mexican
people denying that the invading force had any intention of con-
quest or of interference in Mexican politics. This was met in turn
by Juarez with a manifesto denouncing the allied nations and con-
demning as traitors any Mexicans who lent them their support.
At the same time, Juarez endeavored to negotiate with the
invaders. By the convention of La Soledad the allied forces
were allowed to march without opposition into the interior and
occupy certain towns where danger from yellow fever was not
so great as at Vera Cruz. Before long, however, the real purpose
of France began to manifest itself. General Almonte, one of the
conservatives who had been most active in the councils of Louis
Napoleon, returned from France with the definite program of
setting up an empire with Maximilian of Austria at its head.
The French commander explicitly refused to treat any further
with the Juirez government. Almonte and other monarchists







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


began a widespread propaganda to break down the loyalty of
the president's troops and to cause a popular uprising against
the republic.
With the French program thus revealed, Spain and England
withdrew from the alliance and left Napoleon to his own devices.
Open war then ensued between the French troops as they moved
toward the capital and the Juarez forces. The latter, though
delaying the enemy advance, notably by the defense of Puebla,
which resulted in the famous Cinco de Mayo victory, could not
prevent the final occupation of the City of Mexico. On June 10,
1863, Forey, the French commander, entered the capital and set
up a puppet government. This, consisting of a Junta Superior
de Gobierno of thirty-five citizens, an executive body of three
members selected by the Junta, and an Assembly of Notables
composed of the Junta and two hundred and fifteen additional
members also chosen by the Junta, proceeded to establish an
hereditary empire in the form of a limited monarchy, and invited
the Archduke Maximilian, brother of the Emperor Joseph of
Austria, to accept the throne.
When Maximilian with his wife, Carlotta, arrived in Mexico
he found the imperialist forces in control of the central part of
the country. A small force of republicans under Juirez were in
Chihuahua; and in Oaxaca, Porfirio Diaz kept alive a consider-
able opposition to the monarchist program. The obstacles in the
path of Maximilian, however, were not limited to the relatively
slight organized resistance these irreconcilables could make.
For one thing, the conservative party, which had brought him
to power, could not long be counted upon to yield him unanimous
support. So, as soon as Maximilian attempted to detach the
more moderate liberals from the republican opposition and join
them to his own cause, an unmistakable schism developed in the
ranks of his reactionary followers. The taxes which he was
compelled to lay to maintain his government also caused dis-
satisfaction; and finally such friction developed between the
French military command and their Mexican allies as seriously to
threaten the whole success of the movement.
Adverse factors outside of Mexico were also working for the
new emperor's downfall. Louis Napoleon, finding the burden
of the undertaking out of proportion to its glory, was growing
less enthusiastic in his support. But the chief danger lay in the
hostile attitude of the United States. Here the pressing demands
of the Civil War for a time prevented the government from
taking any active measures against the French program; but
with the coming of peace, the JohnSon administration assumed
a much more belligerent attitude. General Sheridan was sent to
the Rio Grande with 52,000 troops, and the American State De-
partment gave Louis Napoleon to understand that further sup-








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


port of Maximilian would lead to war. At the same time, secret
aid was extended to Juarez by the American government; while
hundreds of American volunteers slipped across the border to
join the republican forces.
Because of the demands of the United States, the French sov-
ereign withdrew his soldiers from Mexico in February, 1867, leav-
ing Maximilian dependent upon a very meager force of Belgians
and Austrians,.who were not in Louis Napoleon's service, and
the unstable support of his conservative following. From this
time on, the success of the republican cause was assured. The
imperialist control was limited to the four cities of Vera Cruz,
Puebla, Quer6taro, and Mexico. Puebla surrendered to General
Diaz on April 2. Quer6taro, whither Maximilian himself had
gone from the capital, was seized by the Juarist forces on May
14. Maximilian and his two chief Mexican commanders, Mejia
and Miram6n, were captured and executed by a firing squad, in
keeping with the usual custom, on the 19th of June despite pleas
of clemency from every quarter of the civilized world.
Thus ended the second Mexican experiment at monarchy, the
dreams of Louis Napoleon, and the vain hopes of the royalists.
This party, indeed, which had been a strong political factor
since the days of independence, was so completely crushed by
Maximilian's failure and the subsequent world-wide growth of
democratic principles, that it never appears again in Mexican
affairs. Yet the collapse of the monarchist faction and deliver-
ance from French supremacy failed in any way to solve the
nation's problems.
Renewed Confusion: The republican leaders after Maxi-
milian's execution could not long work harmoniously among
themselves, and soon revolutionary movements were flourishing
with all their normal vigor. The re-election of Juarez to the
presidency in 1867 was followed by a series of outbreaks in
Yucatan, Guerrero, and half a dozen other centers; while the
Yaqui and Apache raids along the northern frontier caused
serious loss of life and almost a cessation of industry from Coa-
huila to Sonora.
The election of 1870 brought out three candidates for the
presidency, namely, Benito Juirez, Porfirio Diaz, and Lerdo de
Tejada. Less than 16,000 votes were cast in this election (so lit-
tle voice did the mass of the people exercise in the government)
and as none of the candidates received a majority vote, the
choice of an executive was left with congress. Here a combina-
tion was formed to defeat Diaz and elect Juirez. As a result,
the Diaz faction proclaimed a revolution; but this met with only
fair success. In the summer of 1872, Juarez died very suddenly,
leaving Diaz and Lerdo to dispute the presidency. The latter,
by securing control of congress, won the first election, but this







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


triumph was only temporary. The government forces succeeded
in putting down a serious uprising of the Indians in Nayarit
(Tepic), which for a time menaced the cities of Guadalajara and
Zacateeas. But in 1876, when Lerdo was once more returned to
power through the usual election farce, Diaz took the field and
set in motion a widespread revolt.
Beginning his campaign at Matamoros, Diaz was soon forced
to cross the border into the United States. But sailing from New
Orleans disguised as a Cuban doctor, after a series of hairbreadth
escapes he succeeded in landing at Vera Cruz and eventually
reached his native state of Oaxaca. Two other influential leaders
now joined the movement against, Lerdo. These were Iglesias,
chief justice of the supreme court, and Gonzalez. As a result of
this combination, Lerdo's forces were defeated, and he and his
cabinet, with as much of the national funds as they could carry,
fled by way of Acapulco to New York.
The flight of Lerdo left Diaz a rival claimant to the presi-
dency in the person of Iglesias; but the latter was no match for
his opponent and soon abandoned the contest, finding a volun-
tary exile in San Francisco. In the ensuing election Diaz conse-
quently won an overwhelming victory. Out of 10,878 votes cast,
10,500 were in his favor.
As he had repeatedly pledged himself not to stand for reelec-
tion when his term expired, Diaz refused to appear as a candi-
date for the presidency in 1880. He was careful, however, to
see that the election went to General Gonzalez, a man of his own
choosing.
The four years of Gonzalez' administration were character-
ized by raids upon the public treasury, an increase of the national
debt, the levying of heavier taxes, and a general collapse of pub-
lic morality. Consequently when the election of 1884 ap-
proached, GonzAlez was out of public favor and Diaz, whose con-
trol of the army assured him control of the election, received
15,969 out of the 16,462 votes cast. From this time on for twen-
ty-six years he ruled as a dictator under the guise of a constitu-
tional president.
VII. THE DIAZ REGIME
Complex Problems: The reign of Diaz, except for the four-
year term of GonzAlez, lasted from 1876 to 1910. At the begin-
ning of this period, the fortunes of Mexico were at their lowest
ebb. The country was bankrupt and discredited with foreign
nations. Interest on the public debt had so long remained unpaid
as to reduce national credit to a minimum. Banditry and crime
abounded everywhere. The revolutionary instinct, never dor-
mant for any length of time since the beginning of the century,
awaited the first favorable opportunity to plunge the land again
into civil war. The northern border was almost a waste because







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


of Indian forays. Mining and agriculture, virtually the sole
industries of the people, were completely demoralized. A few
hundred miles of railway represented the only modern transpor-
tation facilities of the country. The rest consisted of mountain
trails and roads well-nigh impassable for wheeled vehicles. Such
conditions not only prevented any real economic advance, but
also encouraged revolution and brigandage, and made the devel-
opment of national unity impossible. Nor had there been in a
social or educational way any perceptible improvement of the
great bulk of the Mexican people since independence. The gulf
between wealth and culture and the ignorant masses had not been
bridged. Peonage was as widespread as it had been under the
colonial system. Self-government did not exist.
Diaz would have been something more than human if he had
solved all of these complex problems. Some of them he made no
attempt to deal with, at least directly, but concentrated his
remarkable energies and talents chiefly upon three. He estab-
lished law and order to a degree that Mexico had never known
before, and smothered revolution for thirty years. He raised his
government from a position of disrepute to one of universal
respect among the nations. He placed public credit on an envi-
able plane and brought about a marvelous development of the
land's resources. Along these lines few nations have ever made
such rapid progress in a single generation as Mexico made under
President Diaz.
The establishment of order and the maintenance of peace
were effected in three ways. First, by keeping firm control of
the army, starting point of nearly all revolutionary movements,
and by preventing the church from becoming active in politics;
second, by the complete centralization of government; and third
by the organization of an effective mounted police. Every office,
federal, state and local, was filled by a partisan of the administra-
tion. Elections became more than ever a farce. State governors
and legislatures merely reflected the will of the president. Local
politics were entirely controlled by jefes politicos, or district
administrators, who were responsible to the state governors and
under whose watchful eyes only those candidates and those meas-
ures acceptable to the administration ever received a majority
vote. Congress, and even the courts, similarly took their cues
from the executive in matters where for any reason he chose to
interfere.
This complete supremacy in government, extending over so
long a period, was maintained partly by the threat of force;
partly by making loyalty in office very well worth while through
various forms of material rewards; and partly by the personality
of Diaz himself-the strongest ruler Mexico has ever had, with
the possible exception of Cort6s, and in some respects the most
remarkable man of his generation the continent produced.







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


Closely allied with this centralized control of government was
the third factor in the Diaz program of maintaining order-the
organization of an efficient mounted police, commonly known as
the rurales. Independent of local control, scattered broadcast
throughout the country, this force constituted one of the most
effective agencies possible in discouraging banditry and checking
incipient revolution. Many of its members were ex-brigands
who had found it more advantageous to join the organization
under an executive pardon than to face a firing squad. They
were not of a type to be over scrupulous in their regard for the
forms of law and carried out whatever orders were given them
without compunction. More than one prisoner, whose public
trial might have proved embarrassing to the president or some
other influential official, met an unfortunate end. Almost inva-
riably such persons were shot by the rurales while "trying to
escape."
The successful establishment of order did much to win the
good will of foreign nations, but Diaz did not stop with this. By
refunding the national debt and meeting the interest payments
he reestablished Mexican credit in Europe. Serious difficulties
with the United States over private claims for damages (which
had been allowed by a joint commission) and constant border
forays were adjusted by prompt payment of the awards and the
negotiation of a treaty providing for the mutual crossing of the
border by Mexican or American forces in pursuit of hostile
Indians or marauders. A dispute over the boundary line with
Guatemala was also settled by peaceful means.
Economic Progress: The third task undertaken by Diaz,
namely the economic development of Mexico, could only be
accomplished through the aid of foreign capital and of foreign
initiative. Realizing this, in addition to making property and
life secure from banditry and revolution, Diaz enacted liberal
laws for the encouragement of foreign investments in Mexico,
stimulated the development of new industries by a reduction of
taxes and the grant of special privileges, and offered attractive
concessions to induce the construction of railroads.
The effect of this policy was all that Diaz could have asked
for. Foreigners and foreign capital began to pour into Mexico
in an ever-increasing stream. The transportation difficulty, one
of the most acute the nation faced from many standpoints, was
in large measure solved by the construction of 10,000 miles of
railways. The mining industry, thanks to foreign capital, for-
eign initiative, better organization and more scientific methods
introduced by foreign engineers, experienced a phenomenal
revival. The production of silver increased from about 21,000,-
000 ounces in 1880 to over 74,000,000 ounces in 1910. The out-
put of gold rose from 44,000 ounces to over 1,000,000 in the








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


same period. Copper production in 1890 was estimated at 4000
tons. In 1910 it was around 50,000. The production of lead rose
in the same period from about 21,000 tons to 133,000. To a less
degree agriculture and manufacturing felt the same stimulus;
and in 1903 a new and incalculably valuable source of wealth
was added to the nation's resources by the development of the
petroleum industry. Foreign commerce also underwent an
astonishing expansion, and the national revenue increased from
some 16,000,000 pesos annually to over 100,000,000.
American, British, French and German capital was chiefly
represented in the economic regeneration of Mexico under Diaz.
But because of the proximity of the United States, which found
a natural outlet across the border for its surplus capital as well
as for the surplus energies of its people, American investments
and holdings in Mexico greatly surpassed those of all other for-
eign nations combined. It was accordingly in later years one
of the settled policies of the Diaz government to favor European
investments, where this could be done without too great suspi-
cion of partiality, in order to check the growing influence of '
American citizens in Mexican affairs. This attitude, on a much
more pronounced scale, Carranza adopted during the whole of
his administration.

Elements of Weakness: The material prosperity of Mexico
under Diaz was not unaccompanied by certain evils. Though
progress was made in education, it was not commensurate with
the needs of the people. Wages showed a considerable increase,
thanks to greater demand for labor and the example of foreign
companies, but the condition of the average. peon, except in
favored localities, left much to be desired. Among the growing
middle class, there was also a spirit of resentment against the
large landowners (a feeling that was shared by the Indians in
many sections) and also against the policy of granting valuable
concessions to foreigners.
A political faction, known as the Cientificos, had also grown
up around the president. Many of these men, some of whom
were in the cabinet or served as state governors, found it possi-
ble by their political position to acquire enviable fortunes, not
so much through the ordinary forms of graft, as by the award
of favorable government concessions, by forming companies to
monopolize public or semi-public works, by acquiring land and
other natural resources in ways not always above suspicion, by
controlling the tax levies and assessments so as to avoid heavy
contributions to the public treasury, and even by bringing pres-
sure to bear upon the courts. This group--conservative, pro-
clerical, and able as its members were-came to embody in the
popular mind the most obnoxious features of the Diaz regime.








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


They represented special privileges, class rule, and the subvert-
ing of government to private ends.
Among the supporters of Diaz, however, there were rival fac-
tions which in all probability would have resorted to the old
method of settling the question of supremacy by revolution had
the president been a weaker man. One of the outstanding figures
was Jos6 Yves Limantour, probably the most capable financier
Mexico has yet produced. Ram6n Corral, a representative of the
self-willed Sonora faction, also occupied a dominant position.
Elected vice-president in 1904 and again in 1910, Corral was the
logical successor to the presidency had the old regime continued.
But he was exceedingly unpopular with the army, and not much
liked by the people as a whole. Another faction, consisting of
the so-called intellectual liberals, who were ostensibly opposed to
the Cientificos, was led by General Reyes, at one time Minister of
War in the president's cabinet.
The rivalry between these' various groups was but one of the
disintegrating factors in the closing years of the Diaz adminis-
tration. The revelation of certain glaring abuses practiced
against the laborers in some of the tropical states, especially
upon the rubber plantations of Chiapas, the henequen plantations
of Yucatan, and in the Valley of Mexico, as well as against the
Yaqui Indians of Sonora, led to widespread loss of popularity
on the part of the Diaz government with the American public.
These evils were not typical of general labor conditions. But
the common practice of peonage and the lack of any real free-
dom in government furnished the needed background against
which to paint the more extreme abuses in a way to damn the
whole existing order. Criticism by American writers quickly
found its way across the border and furnished effective ammu-
nition for those who were agitating a change in government.
Certain foreign interests in Mexico, whose rivals had profited by
the influence of Cientifico officeholders, had also become less
enthusiastic over the Diaz system, and were not at all averse
to his withdrawal from public life.
Thus, even before 1910, there were evidences of unrest
throughout the country. The Reyes liberals for a time threat-
ened to begin an active movement against the president's reelec-
tion, but the party found itself without a leader when Reyes
accepted a post in Europe to which he had been appointed to
keep him out of mischief. About the same time a serious riot in
the important copper camp of Cananea in Sonora promised under
radical leadership to assume the character of a political revolu-
tion. Criticism-some of it intelligent and well-founded, much of
it of the vaguest and most radical nature-began to be directed
against the whole political, social, and economic system that
Diaz had established. The government was said to be unrepre-
sentative, full of dishonest officials, and under the control of a








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


designing aristocracy. The evils of the labor system were vig-
orously assailed; and the large land holdings, some of which
covered millions of acres, were pointed to as the source of innu-
merable ills to the common people. Finally, the government was
accused of having bartered away the natural resources of the
nation-its lands, forests, mines, water, and oil fields-to foreign
companies and thus robbed the people of their legitimate heri-
tage.
The Collapse: lIad such disaffection arisen twenty years be-
fore, Diaz would either have checked its headway by force or
remedied the abuses leading to it. But he was now eighty-two
years of age and lacked the courage either to crush out opposi-
tion or alienate his supporters by radical reforms. The material
prosperity he had brought to the nation, the place lie had won
for it in international respect, the generation of peace and order
he had given to it, were not sufficient to prevent a recrudescence
of most of the old-time evils as soon as his own strength
wavered at the task. This, of course, he should have foreseen,
and perhaps did foresee, but was not able to prevent. Certainly
the critical weakness of his dictatorship lay in its failure to fit
the people themselves in some measure for the task of self-gov-
ernment and to trust the permanency of his reforms to their
hands. If this could not be done, because of the character of the
material with which he had to work, then the collapse of the
structure was certain.
The election of 1910 marked the beginning of the inevitable
revolution. The selection of Ram6n Corral for the vice-presi-
dency, which meant of course that he had been picked by Diaz
for his successor, caused much unfavorable comment; but there
was no formal opposition to the administration's program until
Francisco Madero, an obscure member of a wealthy family with
large agricultural and mining properties in Coahuila and Nuevo
Le6n, audaciously presented himself as a rival candidate for the
presidency. The immediate result was easily foreseen. The elec-
tion went with the usual overwhelming majority for Diaz, and
Madero found himself lodged in jail at San Luis Potosi with
more than an even chance of being shot.
After four months of imprisonment, however, Madero suc-
ceeded in making his way across the border into Texas, where
he began the organization of a formal revolution. Within a sur-
prisingly short time the movement attained serious proportions.
Orozco, Pancho Villa, and Abraham GonzAlez, the governor of
Chihuahua, joined the Madero cause. Before long the whole
American border, where the common people were generally more
advanced than in the interior, flared up in revolution. As gar-
risons were withdrawn from posts in the south to quell the north-
ern outbreak, uprisings occurred in the districts where the gov-








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


ernment interests were thus left unprotected. The age of Diaz
incapacitated him for vigorous action. His cabinet, especially
after Limantour's return from Europe in March, 1911, preferred
a compromise to the continuation of a war which would certainly
destroy much property and might lead to American intervention.
Finally, the corruption of government which Diaz had allowed
to grow up in his latter years had affected the army. Discipline
was weakened; and the soldiers were supplied with inadequate
equipment and inferior ammunition, to the great profit of men
high in military and civil, office.
Yet even under these conditions the rapid triumph of the rev-
olution was astonishing. Certainly no one dreamed that the Diaz
government, apparently so powerful and secure when Mexico
held her centennial celebration in 1910, would fall like a house of
cards before the succeeding summer. Orozco's capture of the
city of JuArez on May 10, 1911, definitely sealed the fate of the
generation-old regime. Twelve days later a convention was
agreed to between the government and the successful revolution-
ists. Diaz and Corral resigned; de la Barra, one of the more
popular members of the cabinet, became provisional president,
and plans were laid for holding a new election. On May 25, Por-
firio Diaz left the country-to die four years later in exile and,
as many say, in poverty.

VIII. A DECADE OF REVOLUTION
The Ill-Fated Madero: On October 2, 1911, Madero succeeded
to the presidency. He is best described as an altruist, with cer-
tain marked limitations even in his ideals, and as a reformer
without previous experience in politics or knowledge of practical
affairs. His revolution found its rallying cry in three expressions:
"Effectual suffrage; no reelection; redistribution of land." The
formal program was thus social as well as political. But the
movement, like so many of its kind, had such a heterogeneous
following that its very triumph was the signal for the beginning
of disintegration. In its ranks, especially after success seemed
assured, were to be found intellectual liberals keenly alive to the
country's needs; men of reactionary principles seeking to serve
personal ends by joining the victors; adventurers and politicians
anxious for office; lawless men of every sort, who saw in the tur-
moil and confusion of civil war an opportunity for loot and plun-
der such as their fathers had enjoyed before the days of Diaz.
Finally, there was a great host of peons and Indians fighting for
vague ideas of liberty and social justice, whatever that might
mean, or out of the instinctive delight in revolution so deep bred
in certain classes of Mexican people.
Madero's task, therefore, was only begun with the triumph
of the revolution. Yet the peace and order which flourished un-








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


der Diaz seemed so deep-rooted that for a time there was a gen-
eral belief in the continuance of the former tranquility during
Madero's presidency. Those who cherished this hope, however,
were due for a rude awakening. The congressional elections
held in October, 1912, developed a rivalry between the Constitu-
tional Progressive party, led by Gustavo Madero, the president's
brother, and the National Catholic party. Gustavo Madero was
accused, probably correctly, with having manipulated the elec-
tion returns in true Porfirista style. Moreover, the personality
and acts of the president himself became increasingly the subject
of popular criticism. Madero's failure to use stern measures to
check the growth of counter-revolutions alienated many of his
strongest supporters. The appointment of various members of
his own family to office exposed him to charges of nepotism.
His refusal to attempt the extreme social changes demanded by
his more radical supporters cost him favor in that quarter.
Finally, the common people, failing to realize their ideal of
"forty acres and a mule," lost interest in his cause; and the law-
less element, which had so recently gotten a taste of revolution,
showed little inclination to settle down again to a routine life of
peace and hard work.
All through the year 1912 there were serious outbreaks
against the administration. The Indians of Morelos, led by
Zapata, held the state against such federal troops as were sent to
subdue them, demanding as the price of submission a redistribu-
tion of the great landed estates. A somewhat similar outbreak
against the henequen growers occurred in Yucatan. In Chihua-
hua, Orozco and many other former Maderistas, renounced
allegiance to their former chief and with VAsquez G6mez as pro-
visional president, soon had the whole state under their control.
Though the backbone of this revolt was broken by federal forces
under General Huerta, danger immediately appeared in a new
quarter.
Felix Diaz, nephew of Porfirio and self-chosen leader of the
reactionists, had succeeded in occupying Vera Cruz, only to be
captured by government troops sent from the capital. Having
been released after a short imprisonment, he organized a new
conspiracy with the help of General Reyes, and on February 8,
1913, seized the national palace. For ten days (the decena tragic)
street fighting continued in the capital, with General Huerta. the
leader of the Madero forces, quietly watching his opportunity.
A compromise with Diaz having been arranged, Huerta threw
overboard his professions of loyalty to Madero and seized the
president, his brother, Gustavo, and the vice-president, Pino
SuArez. Gustavo Madero was immediately executed, while Fran-
cisco Madero and SuArez were shot by their guards five days
later as they were being moved from one prison to another.








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


Huerta's Brief Supremacy: The murder of Madero-for it
was nothing less, in spite of Huerta's protests to the con-
trary-left the latter temporarily supreme. Large property
holders, who hoped for a return of the strong policies of Diaz,
were generally content to accept the dictator without much con-
cern as to his method of obtaining office. Foreign companies
were divided in their support; but most of them, particularly
those backed by Lord Cowdray, the great' English financier,
actively aided the new administration. European countries gen-
erally recognized the Huerta government with alacrity; but in
two quarters vigorous opposition soon developed.
In the northern states a revolution began with the proclama-
tion of the Plan of Guadaloupe, following the execution of Abra-
ham Gonzalez under Huerta's orders. The movers in this out-
break were Venustiano Carranza, governor of Coahuila, and gov-
ernor Maytorena of Sonora. The latter soon fled to the United
States, but under the leadership of Alvarado, Benjamin Hill and
Alvaro Obreg6n, Sonora became more than ever a revolutionary
center. In the south, Zapata's followers also refused to lay down
their arms; while in Durango and Chihuahua, Pancho Villa added
his effective but disreputable strength to the revolution.
Even more serious from Huerta's standpoint was the openly
expressed hostility of the American government to his adminis-
tration. In July, Henry Lane Wilson, the American ambassa-
dor, who had consistently favored the Huerta regime, was
recalled to Washington and ex-Governor John Lind of Minnesota
came to Mexico as President Wilson's personal representative.
Lind brought certain demands from the American administra-
tion. These included a cessation of hostilities in Mexico, a proc-
lamation of general amnesty, a free election for the presidency,
and the elimination of Huerta from the field of politics. Huerta's
rejection of these demands was followed by a warning, from the
American State Department, similar to one President Taft had
issued some years before, for American citizens to leave Mexico.
Relations between the two countries for a time then remained
on the "watchful waiting" basis described by President Wilson
in his message to congress of December 2. Huerta's arrest of
one hundred and ten members of the Mexican congress soon gave
additional strength to Wilson's determination to refuse recogni-
tion to his government. In February, the Washington authori-
ties permitted the shipment of arms across the border for
the benefit of the revolutionists. In April the arrest of a party
of American marines, who had landed at Tampico for a supply
of gasoline, brought from Admiral Mayo a demand for formal
apology and a salute to the American flag. This demand, first
made without President Wilson's knowledge, was supported by
the American government; and when Huerta refused to comply,








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


Wilson secured the consent of congress for the use of force in
dealing with the issue.
On April 21, Vera Cruz was occupied after severe street fight-
ing by an American force to prevent the landing of a large cargo
of arms and ammunition from a German vessel. It was generally
expected that this incident would lead to war. But a more peace-
ful solution of the difficulties offered itself in the proposed media-
tion of the three South American countries, Argentina, Brazil
and Chile. The A. B. C. Conference, as it was called, met at
Niagara Falls and drafted a compromise affecting the immediate
issues between the two governments. In offering any permanent
settlement of the Mexican question, however, the conference
sadly failed.
By this time, between the opposition of the United States and
the growing power of the revolutionists, Huerta's cause was
hopeless. Accordingly, he resigned office on July 15 and left the
country. Two years later, while in the United States attempting
to foment a revolution against Carranza, he was arrested near
the border by American officers and placed in confinement. His
death occurred the same year.
An Unhappy Country: The withdrawal of Huerta merely
intensified the confusion and disorder that had again become
chronic throughout the country. The success of the Constitu-
tionalists, as the revolutionists styled themselves, was immedi-
ately followed by an irreconcilable schism among the leaders.
Carranza, backed by Obreg6n and Pablo Gonzalez, was opposed
by a combination composed of Villa, Maytorena, Blanco and
Philipe Angeles. To adjust their differences, the rival factions
met in a national convention at Aguascalientes; but the attempted
settlement only led to increased bitterness. The anti-Carranza
party, now known as the Conventionalists, for a time thereafter
secured the ascendency, occupied the capital, and declared
Eulalio Gutierrez provisional president. Carranza withdrew to
Vera Cruz, which thus for a time became his capital.
To trace the devious military history of Mexico for the next
two years would prove a tedious task. Zapata and Villa soon
lost control of the capital and became merely guerrilla fighters
.on a large scale. The former operated chiefly in Morelos, while
the latter ranged over a large portion of Chihuahua, Durango, and
parts of Nuevo Le6n. In other sections of the country similar
bands of bandit-revolutionists defied the Carranza authorities.
One of the best known of these was Manuel Pelaez, whose con-
trol of the Tampico oil fields furnished a serious international
problem and remained unbroken until the Carranza overthrow.
Meanwhile the condition of the country, especially from 1914
to 1916, was indescribably bad. Between the out-and-out ban-
dits, the so-called revolutionists, and the Carranza forces, there








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


was probably enacted the greatest destruction of property that
Mexico has ever known. The railroads almost ceased to func-
tion. The ranges were denuded of cattle. Agriculture in many
sections was entirely abandoned. Mines and smelters in all parts
of the republic closed down or were operated only at irregular
intervals. The currency system was completely demoralized and
the banks wiped out of existence. Loss and ruin on every hand
testified to the near approach of anarchy.
Greatly as the wealthier classes suffered, however, their losses
were much smaller, relatively, than those of the laboring popu-
lation. With the stagnation of industry, thousands of men who
had no means of subsistence beyond their daily wage, were
thrown out of employment. Food became dearer because of the
destruction of crops and the scarcity of cattle. A severe drought
added to the general misery, while widespread epidemics caused
fearful mortality among the weakened and half-starved popula-
tion. Nor was this condition greatly improved by Carranza's
refusal to permit the American Red Cross to extend its aid to the
stricken districts. The savage character of the fighting, with
the wholesale executions following every victory by whatever
party, the unspeakable atrocities committed by Villa and Zapata,
and the incomprehensible massacre of inoffensive victims, inten-
sified still further the wretchedness of the unhappy people.
Carranza: While the country was passing through this period
of travail, recognition was extended to the Carranza government
by the United States on October 19, 1915, and by the European
powers before the close of the year. The new administration
from the outset had declared itself legitimate successor to the
Madero revolution, and its announced program of reform
included many radical social and political changes. Among
these was the suppression of the Catholic church, the return of
the common or pueblo lands and a redistribution of large landed
estates, the restriction of foreign holdings, favorable labor legis-
lation, and the establishment of a genuine representative govern-
ment.
To make these effective, a constitutional convention was held
at Quer6taro in November, 1916, at which, it is needless to say,
only delegates acceptable to the government were present. The-
text of the new constitution, signed January 31, 1917, is given
elsewhere in this volume. It was radically anti-clerical, anti-
foreign, anti-monopolistic, and pro-labor. The promulgation of
this document, however, did not solve the government's problems.
Briefly put, these included the suppression of chronic banditry
and revolution, the settlement of serious difficulties with the
United States, the rehabilitation of the nation's finances and
industries, and the maintenance of Carranza's position of leader-
ship among his own followers.








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 75

Complications with the United States were of many kinds.
The murder of American citizens and the destruction of Ameri-
can owned property continually increased the tension between
the two governments. These acts of lawlessness, which the Mex-
ican' officials claimed were not preventable in the disturbed state
of the country, were accompanied by deliberate measures of con-
fiscation on the part of a number of the states and of the federal
government. Several of the provisions of the Queretaro consti-
tution, after that document had been promulgated, were also pro-
tested by the American State Department, as were also a number
of Carranza's tax levies and presidential decrees. One of the
most serious sources of complaint was the attempt to "national-
ize" the oil industry-a retroactive measure which foreign oil
companies justly and bitterly opposed.
But even before this petroleum controversy reached its height,
a crisis of another kind brought the two countries to the verge
of war. Villa, angered by the recognition of Carranza and espe-
cially because permission was granted for federalist troops to
pass through American territory for an attack upon his position,
on March 9, 1916, led a foray across the border and attacked the
town of Columbus, New Mexico, causing the death of some
twenty persons, about half of whom were United States soldiers.
Only a few months before this raid one of his bands had held up
a train near the town of Santa Isabel in Southern Chihuahua and
killed all but one of a party of nineteen American mining men
who were on their way to reopen a large mining property at Car-
ranza's request. Public indignation, which the Santa Isabel mas-
sacre called forth, had not subsided before the Columbus raid
gave it renewed vigor.
As a result of these outrages President Wilson ordered the
mobilization of an American force and sent General Pershing
across the border into Chihuahua with 12,000 men to capture
Villa. The latter fled to the mountains and could not be taken.
Moreover, as Pershing advanced further and further into Mex-
ico, the Carranza troops stationed in the territory began to impede
his progress. Finally, on June 22, a detachment of American
cavalry was fired upon as it approached the town of Carrizal. At
least twenty of its number were killed and seventeen taken pris-
oners.
President Wilson thereupon issued an ultimatum to Carranza,
demanding a disavowal of the act and the release of the Ameri-
can prisoners. The latter were accordingly set at liberty and it
was agreed that a joint commission should be appointed to settle.
so far as possible the points at issue. Whether or not this was
merely a temporizing expedient hit upon by Carranza, as many
assert, its work was sadly disappointing. Pershing's force was
withdrawn from Mexico, but friction between the two govern-
ments was not permanently allayed.








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


Undoubtedly one of the reasons for the failure of the United
States to press the various issues more vigorously was the menace
of the European war, and the realization that sooner or later
America must become involved in it. When finally th;s occurred,
Carranza's ill-concealed sympathy for the German cause led to
increased coolness on the part of President Wilson for a govern-
ment whose very existence was dependent upon American favor,
and whose actions he had previously condoned, even when such
a policy exposed him to vigorous criticism from many quarters.
Critical Issues: Domestic difficulties were also thickening
around Carranza's head. After the constitutional convention an
election was held in which he, as a matter of course, was chosen
to the presidency, thus ending the necessity of styling himself,
as he had done up to that time, First Chief of the Constitutional-
ist Army. The demands created by the war in Europe led to a
great revival of Mexican industries in those regions where com-
parative peace prevailed, and because of this prosperity, Car-
ranza was able in some measure to provide for his pressing finan-
cial needs. Taxes and duties were increased and multiplied, so
that the public revenue showed a marked increase over anything
Mexico had ever known before. The failure to meet interest pay-
ments on the national debt also aided the treasury to make a
favorable showing.
But Carranza had need of all the funds he could lay hands
on. The army, or rather the military chiefs, though unable to
restore order, demanded and received most of the government
revenue. Carranza's refusal to meet their requests would have
led to defection and additional revolutions. The banking system
and the currency were so demoralized that no sound financial
basis could be reached until their complete reorganization.
Most of the state governments, professedly loyal to the execu-
tive, were following their own choice in matters of any moment.
In Yucatan, Governor Alvarado had set up an extremely social-
istic administration which to all intents and purposes was inde-
pendent of federal control. In lower California, Governor Cantu
collected the revenues, granted concessions, and raised or low-
ered export duties without thinking it worth while to obtain con-
sent of the central government. Plutarco Calles and de la Huerta
in Sonora were nominally somewhat more inclined to submit to
federal oversight; but Carranza seldom ventured to impose upon
them anything which they opposed. Similar conditions prevailed
in almost every other state which made a pretext of supporting
the executive.
Nor can it be said that the Carranza government ever attained
a hold upon the Mexican people. His promised reforms were not
forthcoming. Graft in its most obnoxious forms flourished
among federal officials, from the highest to the lowest. Elections








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


were no more free than under Diaz. Life and property were
insecure. The overthrow of the Cientificos had been succeeded
by the formation of a new class of overlords, high in political
and military office, who were becoming rich by devious ways and
at whose hands the common people fared no better than before.
As though these grounds of unpopularity were not sufficient,
Carranza's own personality failed to inspire any loyalty or
enthusiasm in the popular imagination.
So, in spite of the administration's organs to the contrary,
the government was never very secure in its position, and with
the beginning of 1919 unmistakable signs pointed to its over-
throw. Several of Carranza's most faithful supporters in his
contest with Huerta and afterwards against the Villa-Zapata
faction, began to show open opposition. Governor Alvarado of
Yucatan acquired a newspaper in the capital in which Carranza
was lampooned and criticised severely. But the most dangerous
combination developed in Sonora. Here Alvaro Obreg6n, a one-
armed hero of the revolution whose support had made possible
Carranza's success, was the recognized leader of an ambitious,
active following known as the Sonora group. This included Gen-
eral Plutarco Elias Calles, former military governor of the state
and later a member of the federal cabinet; Adolfo de la Huerta,
civil governor of Sonora; and General Benjamin Hill, a revolu-
tionary officer of much distinction.
More than a year before the time set for the presidential elec-
tion, numerous aspirants began to lay plans for the coming cam-
paign. Carranza, though not a formal candidate himself, was
determined to choose his own successor. For a time, his favor
seemed to rest on Pablo Gonzalez, a general of ability and good
reputation who enjoyed a certain popularity with the common
people. Carranza's actual choice, however, as it afterwards
proved, was Ignacio Bonillas, a diplomat and politician of some
shrewdness, who was then ambassador to the United States.
His candidacy was especially urged on the ground that he was
a non-military man who would deliver the country from the curse
of army domination. But the candidate most likely to succeed,
unless Carranza could manipulate the election, was General
Obreg6n.
The End: At the beginning of 1920 it was perfectly obvious
that Carranza had no intention of permitting the election to take
its natural course. On various pretexts obstreperous members of
congress, as well as influential supporters of Bonillas' rivals on
the outside, were arrested by the president's orders. This led
Obreg6n to threaten a revolution in case Carranza prevented a
fair election. The climax came when federal troops were sent
to invade Sonora and displace de la Huerta by a new governor
named Soriano. About the same time Carranza moved to seize








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


the chief railway line on the west coast, the Southern Pacific of
Mexico, because of a threatened strike of the employees.
In both instances, the president was forestalled by the Sonora
officials. The only feasible gateway to the state was occupied by
local troops, making a federal invasion impossible except by
bringing soldiers through American territory. The permission
required for this could not be secured from Washington, where
Carranza's conduct had finally exhausted the patience of an over-
patient man.
At the time the governor of Sonora prepared to resist the
entrance of Carranza's troops, he also seized the railway, took
over the customs house and other government buildings at Agua
Prieta on the Arizona border, and secured the consent of the leg-
islature to proclaim the "Republic of Sonora." Independence,
however, was to be maintained only so long as the rights of the
state were endangered by the federal government.
From this beginning in Sonora, the revolution spread down
the west coast with a speed equal to the success of Madero's
movement against Diaz. Obreg6n, escaping in disguise from
Mexico City where he was under nominal arrest, organized the
movement in the southwest. Chihuahua, never Carranzista
except in name, joined the Sonora leaders. In the oil fields
Pelaez, as well as many of Carranza's former officers, espoused
the new cause with enthusiasm, thus shutting off the export
taxes on oil, one of the chief sources of the government's reve-
nue. Pablo Gonzalez and Obreg6n also effected a temporary
alliance. From the outlying states the movement spread until
little more than the capital remained under Carranza's control.
The Liberal Constitutional party, as the revolutionists were
now called, at this juncture formally demanded Carranza's resig-
nation and published the Plan of Agua Prieta. Under the terms
of this declaration, de la Huerta was created- temporary com-
mander of the revolution until the states accepting the movement
could elect his successor. When the Plan had been adopted by
the army, a provisional president was to be elected. Foreigners
were promised protection in their persons, property and legal
rights. Assurance was given that the economic development of
the country would constitute one of the chief objects of the new
regime. Lastly, the emphasis upon representative government
was embodied in the phrase, "Effectual suffrage, no reelection."
By May the revolution had grown so strong that Carranza's
overthrow was only a matter of a few days. As it was impossi-
ble to remain longer in Mexico City, the government prepared to
move to Vera Cruz, where a temporary capital was to be estab-
lished, or, failing this, where refuge might be found on board
some foreign vessel. The flight began in twenty-one trains
packed with troops, treasure, equipment and officials. But Car-








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


ranza was destined never to reach the desired haven. Gonzalez
had already cut the railroad between Mexico and Vera Cruz, and
other revolutionary bands attacked the convoy. Poor manage-
ment and confusion delayed the expedition at every stage; sup-
posedly loyal garrisons at critical points along the route went
over to Obreg6n.
When it became impossible to travel longer by train, Car-
ranza with a few of his closest followers sought to escape to the
Puebla Mountains, but fate had other plans. One night as he
slept in a miserable mountain hut, the fleeing president was
betrayed and killed. The assassination was hurtful to Obreg6n's
cause and certainly contrary to his repeated orders. It may be
safely said that he had no hand in it.
The New R6gime: The country, tired beyond description of
ten years of revolution and conditions closely bordering upon
anarchy, turned with relief to the new administration. De la
Huerta served as provisional president from June .1 to Novem-
ber 30. On December 1, Obreg6n assumed the reins of office.
The character and past performances of the new executive did
much to recommend him to the outside world, as well as to his
own people. He was generally acclaimed the hope of Mexico,
and his early public utterances seemed to assure an earnest
attempt, at any rate, to solve the domestic problems of his coun-
try in a rational spirit, and to compose its many difficulties with
other nations.
So far, however, the path of Obreg6n has not been free from
obstacles. The Mexican people, with their lack of education and
political training, were not remade by the revolution. Wide-
spread' depression, following the stimulus given by the war to
Mexican industries, has brought hard times and made the prob-
lem of government finance more difficult. National credit has
not yet been reestablished in foreign markets; the railroads have
not been restored to normal efficiency; the effects of revolution
have not been effaced from many aspects of Mexican life. Wide-
spread corruption in public office, so long the accepted feature
of Mexican politics, cannot easily be overcome. Promised re-
forms will be- difficult of execution. The combination which
placed Obreg6n in power has already shown signs of disintegra-
tion; and it will require both tact and firmness to hold even his
own cabinet in line. The provisions of the Quer6taro constitu-
tion, to which foreign governments objected when the document
was framed, still nominally remain in force, and over these and
the question of proper safeguards for American property and
citizens in Mexico, the United States and Obreg6n cannot agree.
Following the lead of Wilson's administration, President Hard-
ing has refused to accord Obreg6n recognition until these mat-
ters are satisfactorily adjusted. The latter, either on grounds








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


of principle, or because he fears such concessions to the United
States would weaken his hold on the Mexican people, has so far
refused to comply with the Washington demands. Yet no
administration across the border can expect to acquire permanent
stability without the formal recognition and moral support of the
American government.
It is undoubtedly true that Obreg6n today commands more con-
fidence than any Mexican leader since 1911. This feeling, how-
ever, is not one of unmixed optimism. More than a century and
a quarter ago a great English statesman voiced a truth which
today represents the attitude of thoughtful men toward the exist-
ing government in Mexico and the decade of revolution from
which it springs.
"I should, therefore, suspend my congratulations on the new liberty of
France," wrote Edmund Burke in 1790, "until I was informed how it had
been combined with government, with public force, with the discipline and
obedience of armies, with the collection of an effective and well distrib-
uted revenue, with morality and religion, with solidity and property, with
peace and order, with civil and social manners. All these things (in their
way) are good things, too; and without them, liberty is not a benefit while
it lasts, and is not likely to continue long."
If Obreg6n's administration can meet these tests, no man
since the dawn of Mexican history will have deserved greater
honor at the hands of his countrymen. If his government fails
in these particulars, it will assuredly not prove "a benefit while it
lasts, and is not likely to continue long."

AUTHORITIES
In addition to the general histories of Mexico, both in English and
Spanish, the following works will be found especially valuable to American
readers for material relating to particular subjects:
Bolton and Marshall, Colonization of North America (Expansion of
New Spain).
Bourne, Spain in America (Colonial Institutions and Policy).
Chapman, A History of California: the Spanish Period (Contains much
relating to the general colonial history of Mexico.
Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain (Indispensable
for the period prior to Independence).
Prescott, The Conquest of Mexico (Not altogether reliable, but widely read
and extremely fascinating).
Priestley, Jos6 GAlvez (Reforms and Institutions under Charles III).
Ibid., The Carranza Debacle (The best account of the Obreg6n revolution
yet published).
Rives, The United States and Mexico, 1821-1848 (An authoritative and
readable account of international relations).
Trowbridge, Mexico Today and Tomorrow (The best of recent short
narrative histories).
Ward, History of Mexico (Excellent for conditions immediately follow-
ing Independence).
VICEROYS OF NEW SPAIN
1. D. Antonio de Mendoza ...............................1535 to 1550
2. D. Luis D. Velasco...................................1550 to 1564
3. D. Gast6n de Peralta..................................1566 to 1568
4. D. M. Enriquez de Almanza ........................... 1568 to 1580








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 81

5. Conde de la Corufia.....................................1580 to 1583
6. D. Pedro Moya de Contreras...........................1584 to 1585
7. Marquds de Villa Manrique........................... 1585 to 1590
8. D. Luis de Velasco, the Younger........................ 1590 to 1595
9. Conde de Monterey ..................................1595 to 1603
10. MarquBs de Montes Claros.............................1603 to 1607
11. D. Luis de Velasco, the Younger (second term)........... 1607 to 1611
12. Dn. Fray Garcia Guerra................................1611to 1612
13. Marqu6s Guadaleazar.................................1612 to 1621
14. Marqu6s de Galvez.:............................. 1621to 1624
15. Marqu6s de Cerralvo..................................1624to 1635
16. MarquBs de Cadereyta.................................1635to 1640
17. Duque de Escalona.....................................1640 to 1642
18. D. Juan de Palafox y Mendoza.........................1642
19. Conde de Salvatierra................................. 1642 to 1648
20. Mareos Torres y Rueda................................1648 to 1649
21. Conde de Alva de Liste ..............................1650 to 1653
22. Duque de Alburquerque...............................1653 to 1660
23. Marquis de Leiva....................................1660 to 1664
24. D. D. Osorio de Escobar y Liamas ...................... 1664
25. Marquis de Mancera ...................................1664 to 1673
26. Duque de Veraguas...................................1673
27. D. Fr. Payo de Rivera ................................ 1673 to 1680
28. Marqu6s de la Laguna ................................. 1680 to 1686
29. Conde de Monclova.................. ...................1686to 1688
30. Conde de Galve...................................... 1688 to 1696
31. Juan Ortega y Montafiez..............................1696
32. Conde de Montezuma y Tula .............................1696 to 1701
33. Juan Ortega y Montaiez (second term)................ 1701to 1702
34. Duque de Alburquerque (second term) ..................1702 to 1711
35. Duque de Linares......................................1711to 1716
36. Marqu6s de Valero.................................... 1716to 1722
37. Marqu6s de Casa Fuerte...............................1722to 1734
38. D. J. Antonio de Vizarr6n ............................. 1734 to 1740
39. Duque de la Conquista................................1740to 1741
40. Conde de Fuenclara...................................1742to 1746
41. Conde Revillagigedo, the Elder ..........................1746 to 1755
42. Marqu6s de las Amarillas..............................1755 to 1760
43. D. Francisco Cagigal.................................. 1760
44. Marquis de Cruillas...................................1760to 1766
45. Marqu6s de Croix.....................................1766to 1771
46. D. Antonio M. Bucareli...............................1771to1779
47. D. Martin de Mayorga................................1779 to 1783
48. D. Matfas de Galvez..................................1783 to 1784
49. D. Bernardo de Gilvez.................................1785 to 1786
50. D. Alonzo Nuiez de Haro... ...........................1787
51. D. Manuel Antonio Flores..............................1787 to 1789
52. Conde de Revillagigedo, the Younger ...................1789 to 1794
53. Marqu6s de Branciforte...............................1794to 1798
54. D. Miguel de Azafiza.................................1798 to 1800
55. F. Berenguer de Marquina............................. 1800 to 1803
56. D. J. de Iturrigaray.................................1803 to 1808
57. D. Pedro Garibay.....................................1808 to 1809
58. D. Franco Javier Lizana............................... 1809 to 1810
59. Francisco J. Venegas..................................1810 to 1813
60. Felix M. Calleja..................................... 1813 to 1816
61. Juan Ruiz de Apodaca................................ 1816 to 1821
62. D. Juan O'Donoji ....................... ............. 1821








82 THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK

GOVERNMENTS SINCE INDEPENDENCE
FIRST PERIOD
First Regency...... September 28, 1821, to April 11, 1822.
Second Regency .....April 11, 1822, to May 18, 1822.
Augustine I.,
Emperor.......... Proclaimed May 18, 1822; took oath May 21; crowned
July 21, 1822; abdicated March 19, 1823.
Provisional
Government ...... The MarquBs of Vivanco, political chief of Mexico,
took charge on the abdication of Iturbide. On March
31, 1823, Congress elected a Supreme Executive Coun-
cil of three, which entered upon its duties on April 2,
1823.

UNDER CONSTITUTION OF OCTOBER 4, 1824
President ........... General Guadalupe Victoria, October 10, 1824, to April
1, 1829.
President........... General Vicente Guerrero, April 1, 1829, to December
17, 1829.
Acting President... .Licentiate Jos6 Maria de Bocanegra, December 17,
1829, to December 23, 1829.
Supreme Executive
Council ........... December 23, 1829, to December 31, 1829.
President ........... General Anastasio Bustamante, December 31, 1829, to
August 14, 1832.
Acting President ... ..General Melchor Muzquez, August 14, 1832, to Decem-
ber 24, 1832.
President........... General Manuel G6mez Pedraza, December 24, 1832,
to April 1, 1833.
President........... General Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, April 1, 1833,
to January 28, 1835.
President........... General Miguel Barragan, from January 28, 1835, to
February 27, 1836.
President ............ Licentiate Jos6 Justo Carro, February 27, 1836, to
April 19, 1837.

UNDER CONSTITUTION OF JANUARY 1, 1837
President........... General Anastasio Bustamante, April 19, 1837, to
March 18, 1839.
On the latter date Bustamante was replaced by Santa
Anna. From July 10 to July 17, 1839, General
Nicolas Bravo acted as President. Bustamante was
in charge from July 17, 1839, to September 22, 1841,
when Don Javier Echeverria was installed as Act-
ing President.

DICTATORSHIP
Provisional
President......... General Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, October 10,
1841, to October 26, 1842.
Substitute
President ........ .General Nicolas Bravo, October 26, 1842, to March
5, 1843.
Provisional
President ........ General Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, March 5, 1843,
to October 4, 1843.









HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


Substitute
President......... General Valentin Canalizo, October 4, 1843, to Feb-
Sruary 1, 1844.
Substitute
President......... General Valentin Canalizo, February 1, 1844, to June
4, 1844.
(Canalizo during this period was acting in lieu of
Santa Anna. who had been elected Constitutional
President, under the law of June 12, 1843.)

UNDER CONSTITUTION OF JUNE 12, 1843

President ....... ...General Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, June 4, 1844,
to September 12, 1844.
Acting President... General Jos6 Joaquin de Herrera, September 12, 1844,
to September 21, 1844.
Acting President... General Valentin Canalizo, September 21, 1844, to De-
cember 6, 1844.
President ........... General Jos6 Joaquin de Herrera, December 6, 1844,
to December 30, 1845.
President. .......... General Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga, January 4, 1846.
to July 28. 1846.
President .......... .General Nicolas Bravo, July 28, 1844, to August 4,
1846.
Acting President ... .General Jose Mariano Salas, August 5, 1846, to De-
cember 24, 1846. By decree of August 22, 1846, the
Constitution of 1824 was reestablished.


UNDER CONSTITUTION OF 1824
Vice-President and
Acting President..Don Valentin Gomez Farias, December 24, 1846, to
March 21, 1847.
President........... General Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, March 22,
1847, to April 1, 1847.
Substitute
President......... General Pedro M. Anaya, April 1, 1847, to May 20,
1847.
President .......... .General Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, May 20, 1847,
to September 16, 1847.
President...........Licentiate Manuel de la Pefia y Pefia, September 16,
1847, to November 14, 1847.
Acting President. ...General Pedro M. Anaya, November 14, 1847, to Janu-
ary 8, 1848.
President and
Acting President..Don Manuel de la Pefia y Pefia, January 8, 1848, to
June 2, 1848.
President........... General Jos6 Joaquin de Herrera, June 2, 1848, to
January 15, 1851.
President........... General Mariano Arista, January 15, 1851, to January
5, 1853.
Acting President.... Don Juan B. Ceballos, January 5, 1853, to February
7, 1853.


DICTATORSHIP

President with General Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, April 20, 1853,
Full Powers...... to August 11, 1855.









84 THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK

GOVERNMENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE REVOLUTION OF AYUTLA
Acting President.... General Martin Carrera, August 14, 1855, to Septem-
ber 12, 1855.
In charge of
Federal District...General Romulo Diaz de la Vega, September 12, 1855,
to October 4, 1855.
Acting President... .General Juan Alvarez, October 4, 1855, to December
9, 1855.
Substitute
President......... General Ignacio Comonfort, December 11, 1855, to De-
cember 1, 1857.
President ........... General Ignaeio Comonfort, December 1, 1857, to De-
cember 19, 1857.
Provisional
President ......... Benito Juirez, December 19, 1857, to June 15, 1861.
President........... Benito Judrez, June 15, 1861, to November 8, 1865.
1861-1867, period of French Intervention and of Max-
imilian.
President........... Benito JuArez, November 8, 1865, to December 25,
1867.
President ...........Benito Judrez, December 25, 1867, to December 1,
1871.
President........... Benito Juarez, December 1, 1871, to July 18, 1872.
(Died in office.)
President. ......... .Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, July 18, 1872, to Decem-
ber 1, 1872.
President........... Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, December 1, 1872, to No-
vember 21, 1876.
Provisional
President......... General Porfirio Diaz, November 28, 1876, to Decem-
ber 6, 1876.
In charge of the
Executive Power.. General Juan N. Mendez, December 6, 1876, to Feb-
ruary 16, 1877.
Provisional
President......... General Porfirio Diaz, February 16, 1877, to May 5,
1877.
President .......... .General Porfirio Diaz, May 5, 1877, to November 30,
1880.
President .......... General Manuel Gonzalez, December 1, 1880, to No-
vember 30, 1884.
President........... General Porfirio -Diaz, December 1, 1884, to Novem-
ber 30, 1888.
President........... General Porfirio Diaz, December 1, 1888, to Novem-
ber 30, 1892.
President ........... General Porfirio Diaz, December 1, 1892, to Novem-
ber 30, 1896.
President........... General Porfirio Diaz, December 1, 1896, to Novem-
ber 30, 1900.
President...........General Porfirio Diaz, December 1, 1900, to Novem-
ber, 1904.
President...........General Porfirio Diaz, December 1, 1904, to Novem-
ber 30, 1910.








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 85

President........... General Porfirio Diaz, December 1, 1910, to May 25,
1911.
Since the overthrow of Diaz, the following have exercised
executive power, though frequently their claims to the
office have not been admitted by the country generally
or recognized by other nations.
Francisco Leon de la Barra, May 25, 1911, to Novem-
ber 10, 1911.
Francisco I. Madero, November 10, 1911, to February
19, 1913.
Pedro Lascurain, from 7 p.m. to 7:46 p.m., February
19, 1913.
Victoriano Huerta, February 19, 1913, to August 13,
1914.
Eulalio Gutierrez, December 13, 1914, to January 25,
1915.
Roque GonzAlez Garza, January 30, 1915, to May, 1915.
Francisco Lagos Chfzaro, July 31, 1915, to October,
1915.
Venustiano Carranza, March 11, 1917; assassinated
May 21, 1920.
Adolfo de la Huerta, President ad interim, June 1 to
November 30, 1920.
Alvaro Obreg6n, December 1, 1920.







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


NATURE'S HAND IN MEXICO
A SKETCH OF THE GEOGRAPHY AND ITS EFFECT ON THE CLIMATE, THE
PEOPLE AND THEIR INDUSTRIES
By WALLACE THOMPSON
Author of "The People of Mexico," etc.
Area and Extent: The vast cornucopia-like triangle of land
which comprises the territory of Mexico lies south of nearly
three-quarters of the southern boundary of the United States.
Its western tip touches Southern California at the Pacific and
its most easterly point is five hundred miles south of Pensacola,
at the western end of Florida. For 1833 miles Mexico's north-
ern border is contiguous to the United States, 693 miles eastward
along arbitrarily marked lines from the Pacific Ocean to El
Paso, Texas, and the remainder southeastward along the sinuous
course of the Rio Grande to the Gulf of Mexico. Its jagged
southern border is hardly four hundred miles long, touching
Guatemala and British Honduras (Belize).
This cornucopia, grasping the Gulf of Mexico on the east
like a great hand, swings southeastward from the Pacific contact
with the United States until the most westerly point of the Guate-
malan border is five hundred miles east of Mexico's easternmost
contact with the United States oh the north.
Set apart, as Mexico is by her boundaries, she seems in form
much like a great peninsula, but she has, herself, two important
peninsulas as part of her territorial extent and configuration.
One is the Peninsula of YucatAn, which forms the eastern tip of
the cornucopia, the thumb of the curving hand which grasps the
Gulf of Mexico, an area of about 50,000 square miles. The other
is the long, narrow peninsula of Lower California, with 58,343
square miles, extending directly south of the American state of
California and connected with the Mexican mainland by only a
narrow strip.
That mainland comprises, with the two peninsulas, 765,762
square miles, and the 1561 square miles of coastal islands under
Mexican sovereignty bring the total area of the country up to
767,323 square miles. The greatest width of the mainland is 750
miles, and the greatest length is 1942 miles, from the northwest-
ern tip of Lower California, where it joins the United States, to
the southernmost point in the jagged Guatemalan border in the
Mexican state of Chiapas. The narrowest point in Mexico is
120 miles, at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, once discussed as the
possible site of an interoceanic canal, and in the time of Diaz
the route of a great trans-shipping railway between the Pacific
and the Gulf of Mexico. The Atlantic (Gulf of Mexico) coast-
line of Mexico is 1727 miles long, that of the Pacific (including
the long border of Lower California) 4574 miles.
Lying between 320 30' and 140 30' North Latitude and
860 30' and 1170 Longitude west from Greenwich, the triangu-







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


lar form of the Mexican territory places it about equally in the
temperate and torrid zones. This is a primary factor in Mex-
ican climate, but far more significant, indeed, is the contour of
the country itself.
Mountains: The land is largely mountainous, for if we-include
the fertile tablelands, nearly two-thirds of the country is cov-
ered with mountain ranges. The Rocky Mountains of the United
States, the great backbone of the Western Hemisphere, cross the
Mexican border into Sonora, and almost immediately south of
the international line begin spreading eastward. A long, slowly
rising valley a hundred miles wide, continues southward from
El Paso, narrowing rapidly, while to the eastward of this valley
rises a new range of mountains, obviously a part of the great
Rocky Mountain range, but unconnected with it in the United
States and south, indeed, of the broad flat plains of Texas. This
is the Sierra Madre. Oriental, or Eastern Mother Range, the con-
tinuation of the Rockies in Sonora and Durango being called the
Sierra Madre Occidental, or Western Mother Range. Further
south, these two join together, and spread to virtually the whole
width of Mexico, excepting for the Gulf coastal plain, some three
hundred miles wide, to the east. All of central Mexico is moun-
tainous, flattened only by vast plateaus which, according to the
accepted geological theory, were created by alluvial deposits
and lava dust from the mountains which still rise above them.
At the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the Sierra Madre flattens out
till, save for the relatively easy grades which climb from the
Gulf and from the Pacifiic to the summit of the low divide (about
three hundred feet above the sea) the mountains might be all but
gone. The narrow plane of the Isthmus passed, the mountains
rise again until the center of the great state of Chiapas is once
more a vast plateau accented with towering peaks, a formation
which continues southward through Central America, lowers
again at Panama, but joins directly, at last, with the South
American Andes.
In this vast sweep of mountainous territory are hundreds of
deep caiions or barrancas, great fertile plateaus, and many won-
derful mountains. Of these last the snow-peaked volcanoes about
the great.Valley of Anahuac, the site of Mexico City and for
ages the center of Mexican government and population, are the
most famous. Here are Popocatepetl (17,520 feet) and Ixtacci-
huatl (16,960 feet), and to the eastward the still more beautiful
cone of Orizaba (18,250 feet). Virtually at the same latitude,
but far to the west, is Colima (12,991 feet) a still active volcano.
Toluca (14,950 feet), close to the Valley of Mexico, Malinche
(14,636 feet) in the state of Tlaxcala, the Cofre de Perote
(13,400 feet) in the state of Vera Cruz, and Tancitaro (12,664
feet) are those of greatest height. Only the already great alti-
tude of the plateaus of Mexico from which most of the striking







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


mountains spring keeps hundreds of others from the notice of
travelers and geologists. The scenery which results from the
mountainous formations of Mexico is literally unsurpassed, for
Popocatepetl and Ixtaccihuatl can give the climber all the thrills
of the Alps, and the crater lakes to be found in one or two sections
of Mexico rival in splendor the more famous resorts of Europe.
The vast barrancas which mark the mountainous formation
all through Mexico are magnificent to contemplate, but the day's
journey down and up the sides of such a geological spectacle
as the Barranca of Beltran brings home to even the amateur
observer the terrific handicaps which these vast cuts put upon
the industrial development of the country. Much of the con-
quering of these handicaps was achieved under the broad rail-
way policy of President Diaz, and the work done still remains,
but many years must now pass before the final conquest is
achieved. Such a work as the building of the Colima branch of
the Mexican Central, carrying a direct line for the first time
from the capital to the Pacific, will hardly be repeated when rev-
olution threatens, for here, in less than one hundred miles, twenty
great bridges had to be built, most of them crossing barrancas
and cuts of geological formation, with virtually no streams fill-
ing them even in the rainy season. The Southern Pacific line
from the northern border in Sonora lacks but sixty miles of
linking up with the Guadalajara branch of the National Railways,
but thirty of those sixty miles are through a mountainous terri-
tory, cut with deep barrancas, so that the cost of building will be
close to a million dollars a mile.
Rivers and Streams: Such barrancas and valleys do not,
moreover, indicate either great water-power or navigable streams.
There is water-power in Mexico, to be sure, but it comes from
two factors, the sheer drops which give wonderful power sites
with tremendous heads of water, and the heavy torrential rainy
season. But the streams themselves do not carry sufficient water
the year around to justify any plant, and tremendous reservoir
development is vital to any power-plant design. Such reservoirs
have been built in various parts of Mexico, but at appalling
expense, and with an added and unexpected element of failure-
the porousness of much of the soil of Mexico. The mountains,
indeed, are of igneous rocks, but underneath is often limestone,
and more often still, in those places where a great impounding of
water might be made with a relatively low and inexpensive dam,
the soft, porous alluvial and volcanic-ash land with which the
.valleys have been filled.
This porous soil is a factor bearing on the absence of both
great water-power and navigable streams. Even in the lowlands
the streams run underground in Mexico, and while they can be
tapped by shallow wells, they deprive Mexico almost entirely of
the advantages of river transportation. Even the Rio Grande,







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


on the northern border, is useless for navigation most of the
year. The Phnuco, at whose mouth is located the great oil cen-
ter of Tampico, is navigable only a short distance above that
port. The broad, rich coastal plain along the Gulf of Mexico is
watered by tiny streams, all of which, excepting the partially
navigable PapaloApam, are useless for steamers and even for
launches most of the year. Not until we reach the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec do we find a river worth considering for transpor-
tation. The Coatzacoalcos, at whose mouth on the Gulf of Mex-
ico is Puerto Mexico, the eastern terminus of the Tehuantepec
National Railway, furnishes a highway which made possible the
relatively great development of American tropical plantations
during the years of peace under Diaz. Its mouth was then the
port of loading for great ships, but only by continual dredging
was it kept open, and today the port is abandoned except for
light-draft coasting ships. Further south, emptying into the
gulf at Frontera, is the magnificent system of which the Grijalva
and the Usumacinta are the chief streams. Here, indeed, have
plied and in the future will ply great river steamers, for upon
the banks of the Usumacinta, at least, are rich oil fields and the
fairest farming land in all tropical Mexico. Both the Grijalva
and Usumacinta are magnificent streams, and the latter is com-
parable, in its majestic volume, to the Mississippi itself. Only
the bar at Frontera keeps them from being navigable to ocean
steamers. For a brief period under President Madero this bar
was dredged so that fruit boats could enter and go to the docks
of banana farms, encouraging a promising industry which was
killed by heavy taxation and government neglect of the dredg-
ing, under the revolutionary presidents of recent years. But
this one system of rivers offers virtually all there is of naviga-
tion in Mexico-and they can serve but parts of two states,
Tabasco and Chiapas.
Yucatan, the peninsula which separates the Caribbean Sea
from the Gulf of Mexico, is virtually without rivers, the water
from the abundant rainfall of its interior finding its way to
underground streams in the porous underlying limestone.
On the west coast there are a few rivers. The most impor-
tant is the Lerma, which waters a large territory on the Pacific
side of the Continental divide, and allows some local transporta-
tion. The Balsas, in the states of Oaxaca and Guerrero, reaches
far inland, but rapids and shallows make its use for navigation
expensive and all but impossible. In Sonora is the Yaqui River,
navigable for small boats and of some value for transportation.
The Fuerte is also in this class.
Harbors: Another phase of the geography of Mexico which
affects transportation is the complete absence of good natural
harbors well located. The chief port of Mexico, Vera Cruz, has
a harbor which was built artificially around a partially protected







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


bay. Tampico is a port solely because of the jetties which nar-
row the mouth of the Phnuco and, with the help.of dredges, keep
the channel clear. Puerto Mexico has a similar problem, but the
smaller river makes dredging absolutely vital. Frontera is solely
a dredging proposition, as the Usumacinta and the Grijalva,
emptying together into the gulf, have formed a vast delta in the
lowlands which can probably never be narrowed to take advan-
tage of the vast volume of water which they pour out. Yucatan
has literally no semblance of a harbor, and its great crops of
sisal hemp are loaded from lighters at appalling expense.
On the Pacific, Acapulco has one of the ideal harbors of
the world, completely landlocked, and open for medium-draft
ships. But it is small, and moreover as yet almost inaccessible
to any railway survey, although it was used by the galleons from
Manila as a port for trans-shipment of the treasures of the Orient
across Mexico to the galleons from Cadiz which came to Vera
Cruz. Salina Cruz, the Pacific terminus of the Tehuantepec Na-
tional Railway, was built from an open roadstead with two lines
of jetties and sea-walls, a work which inattention has now all but
ruined. Manzanillo, the terminus of the only direct railway line
from Mexico City to the Pacific, was also built with sea-walls and
was opened by dredges. Mazatlan, further up the coast, the
chief port of the Southern Pacific Railway of Mexico, is still an
open roadstead. Guaymas, the port of the State of Sonora, is
accessible to only the light-draft ships.
These are all great natural handicaps, and have affected the
life of Mexico probably more than it will be possible to estimate.
The mighty and costly work of the Diaz regime in building har-
bors is a monument to that "materialistic" era which will last
through many years and has already played a tremendous part
in furnishing the sinews of revolution to succeeding governments,
for without that work Mexico would be far from capable of sus-
taining herself in the reconstruction period of today.
Climate: But beyond all these factors of mountains and riv-
ers and sea looms a yet greater problem, and still more far-reach-
ing-the problem of climate. As noted, Mexico lies in about
equal parts in the temperate and torrid zones. But the geolog-
ical zones are far more important, for climate is affected not
alone by latitude, but by altitude as well. These geological
zones are three, the hot country or tierra caliente, the temperate
country or tierra templada and the (relatively) cold country or
tierra fria. The hot country is the lowland section along the
coasts from sea-level to 3000 feet altitude, where the mean annual
temperature varies from 760 to 88' Fahrenheit. The Mexican
terminology includes not only the lowlands of the torrid zone,
but the whole coastal plain up to the northern border. The
tierra templada lies along the mountain slopes and in the lower
plateaus, between 3000 and 6500 feet altitude, where the tem-







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


perature is between 650 and 760. This zone takes in the north-
ern sections which are within the temperate zone proper. The
tierra fria takes in the high plateaus and the mountains, between
6500 and 12,500 feet, the yearly average temperatures varying
from 300 to 600, although the important sections record
500 or more.
The three geological zones each comprise about one-third of
the country, but half of the inhabitants live in the cold zone,
and only a quarter each in the temperate and hot sections. The
mean temperatures of the cold zone are approximately those rec-
ognized as the most favorable for physical exertion, but in the
hot country the body struggles against a handicap of almost
20F. more than the 650 at which it normally functions best.
More significant still are the temperatures of all the zones in
their relation to mental activity. The human mind is at its best
under the stimulus of a mean temperature of about 40F., but
even at Mexico City, 7500 feet above sea-level, the mean tem-
perature of winter is as high as 53. In the temperate and hot
countries the handicaps under which the brain functions run
to 200 and even to 450 above the 40 at which the human mind
works at highest efficiency. No stimulating winters, no clarify-
ing cool spells, even, in the midst of the endlessly beautiful sum-
mers of Mexico.
Only the cold zone has any advantages in temperature, and
these advantages are equally important with the fertility of the
soil in accounting for the predominance of population there.
Yet even where the temperature is favorable to at least physical
work, there is the debilitating sameness of the tropics, the assur-
ance that there will always be more difference between day and
night than between the seasons. There on the heights, too, the
nervous drain of altitude and of lack of moisture in the air takes
the place-with no advantage to the human machine-of the
humidity and heat of the hot country. At every turn in Mexico,
climate takes toll of human energy, even if we ignore the un-
doubtedly debilitating effect of tropical and sub-tropical light
upon the white men and upon their mixed-blood descendants as
well.
All these climatic factors, then, have continuous influence on
the health of all the Mexican people. The hot, humid weather
of the hot country makes those who live there low in resistance
to disease, while the nervous strain of the altitudes and dryness
of air in the better portions achieves a not dissimilar result in
lowering of resistance. It is axiomatic that the Mexicans as a
people are seldom well and, as has been recorded in detail else-
where,' this ill-health has been and is today one of the deter-
minants of the relatively low state of progress of the country.
No people who are continually sick and upon whose energies their
climate is a continuous drain can work well or achieve greatly.
1Wallace Thompson, The People of Mexico, Book I, Chap. V.







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


Rainfall: Another vitally important effect of Mexican geog-
raphy is the uncertainty and untoward distribution of rainfall.
This has forced upon the Mexicans their diet of corn and with
it their use of fiery condiments which are the chief causes of the
digestive disorders which ravage all classes. Moreover, the rain-
fall conditions have been vitally important in the determination
of the entire agricultural tendency of the country.
The seasons in Mexico are marked, not by winter cold and
summer heat so much as by seasons of rain and drought. The
winter is the dry season, roughly between October and May, and
the summer is the salubrious rainy season, from June to Septem-
ber. The distribution of rain throughout the year and the fail-
ure of the rains in the important growing seasons in some of
the otherwise fertile sections is due primarily to the geography
of the country. Professor Ellsworth Huntington of Yale, the
great American climatologist, finds that Mexico's summer rains
are due to the vertical rays of the sun which cause the rapid
rising of the heated air, with sudden expansion and condensation,
first over the low-lying hot country and later on the rising up-
lands of the tierra templada, where the function of the moun-
tains in bringing about condensation is amply proven by the
well-watered eastern slopes and the dry western sides of the
ranges.
This mountain contour and the peculiar shape of the Mexi-
can mainland (very wide at the north in proportion to the
south) create another important climatological effect-the broad
stretches of desert in the northern sections of Mexico. The so-
called continental type of climate which forms the American
deserts further north combines with the mountain contour and
the distance from the eastern seashore (driving the rain-clouds
southward) to make immense sections of Mexico desert, capable
of supporting, at best, only wandering herds. These deserts lie
between the broad arms of the great "Y" of the Mexican moun-
tain ranges, and combined with the mountain-sides themselves
render nearly three-fourths of the area of Mexico unfit for cul-
tivation, even if irrigation were general.
The result is that of the 500,000,000 acres of land in Mexico,
not more than 25,000,000 acres are arable. Great sections are
useless, so that in the state of Chihuahua, 90,000 square miles in
extent, only about 125,000 acres, or less than two-tenths of one
per cent, can be cultivated-and most of that arable portion is
irrigated.
The most fertile sections of Mexico are iich indeed, and in
the plateau valleys, where alluvial deposits and lava dust have
been poured in together to form the soil, great crops can be
raised-when there is rain. Only in relatively limited sections,
however, is rain sure to come at the times needed by the crops.
Often when it does come, it is in raging torrents which are







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


likely to wash cultivated fields away in a single night. It is this
condition which makes the so-called tierra templada, on the
slopes of the mountains, in many ways the least desirable of all
the farming land of Mexico.
Uncertainty of rainfall is, then, one of the outstanding results
of the Mexican climate as influenced by Mexican geography.
This uncertainty works forever upon the mind of the Mexican
farmer, making him a hopeless fatalist, making it less than worth
his while to attempt scientific cultivation. If there is rain, his
crops are good anyway, and if there is not rain, the cost of labor
and of fertilizer and seed are lost. The Mexican farmer is the
worst of gamblers, and his fondest hope is that his average crop
over a period of years will be twenty-five per cent of normal.
Irrigation is as yet in the distant future. Under such condi-
tions as climate and geography have forced upon Mexico (re-
quiring great and expensive storage facilities for the water),
irrigation is something which only government or extensive pri-
vate enterprise can achieve. In the closing years of the Diaz
regime (before 1911) many franchises were granted to large pri-
vate companies which planned irrigation projects, and the sum
of 90,000,000 pesos was ordered expended on government irriga-
tion projects over a period of years. A few of the private com-
panies had put their plans into execution, and many others, on
the way to accomplishment, were nipped and destroyed by the
subsequent revolutions. For the past ten years, nothing has been
done toward solving the problems of irrigating the fertile but
unwatered lands of Mexico.
Rainfall conditions have had much to do with the over-
emphasis on the land problem and indeed with the failure of suc-
ceeding governments to solve that problem. As in all arid coun-
tries, water rights were originally more important to the natives
than were land rights. In hundreds of the Indian communes
which persist in northern Mexico, the communal rights of the
Indians are distributed, not on the basis of land assigned, but
of the water allowed; about Monterrey, each Indian receives a
proportion of the water brought by the communal irrigation
ditches, and may take four times the amount of land which his
water will irrigate-for crop rotation, forage, etc. This inevita-
ble emphasis on water has perhaps had its part in directing the
attention of the Indians, in their demands for land distribution,
toward the cultivated haciendas where water is available. It
gives promise, however, of making possible the rehabilitation of
.the country through great irrigation projects which will make
tiny rich tracts available for distribution to industrious natives-
and foreign small farmers as well. In the government franchises
given under Diaz to private irrigation projects, provision was
always made that about one-third of the land brought into cul-
tivation should be turned over to the government for distribu-








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


tion to small native farmers. It may be that this plan, or one
like it, is the only possible solution of the Mexican land problem.
Climate and Agriculture: Aside from the personal effect of
these rainfall conditions, they have determined, with imperative
insistence, the type of agriculture which is followed in Mexico.
They have made corn (maize) the staple food of the country, as
wheat is the staple of lands where there is winter snow and reg-
ular rainfall throughout the year. They have allowed the devel-
opment of only the tropical products in the rich districts of Vera
Cruz and Oaxaca which were partially developed by foreign
stock companies under Diaz. They have, more than all, en-
throned, as the chief agricultural export of Mexico, the sisal
hemp of Yucathn. This desert product, which requires slow
growth for the maturing of the long, stout fibers out of which
are made rope and binder twine, is the greatest item of export
of Mexico which is the combined product of nature's bounty
and human enterprise. Coffee and some rubber and tobacco
and a little sugar Mexico has raised for export in other days,
but only sisal hemp, the product of the desert henequen plant,
and cotton in a few favored localities have become wealth-
producers in any great quantity. Mexico has long been an im-
porter of foodstuffs, for before the days of modern commerce
famine came with terrible regularity. Under Diaz, food was
imported in increasing quantities, and since his fall, Mexico has
been utterly dependent on the outside world for a large portion
of the nutriment of her people.
It is impossible now to predict when and how Mexico will
become an agricultural country in fact as well as in potentiali-
ties. Irrigation must come, and only when it does will agricul-
ture and the prosperity of agriculture fill the land. In one sec-
tion where irrigation has been carried through-the Laguna dis-
trict near Torreon, Coahuila-cotton is grown in quantity. This
product supplies the native industry of cotton weaving which
flourishes near Orizaba and in other isolated sections where
water-power development has been possible.
The desert character of the country in the north was respon-
sible for the development of a great cattle-raising industry, for
the land was cheap and the ranges vast. This has today been
virtually wiped out, and Mexico imports meat from the United
States-all the result of revolution, so that when peace comes
the cattle industry will surely be revived. But always the cattle
of northern Mexico have been of the range, still unfit for profit-
able slaughter, and sections suitable for their fattening have been
badly needed. There was, in other days, much shipment of range
cattle into the United States, and to the better watered southern
sections of Mexico. But although peace' will bring a revival
of the ranges, Mexico cannot look forward to becoming a great
meat-producing country until the irrigation problem' is solved.







HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


There are rich, well-watered sections of Mexico-this must
not be overlooked-but these have resulted in a crowding of
population on the plateaus and through the rich valleys such as
that of the Lerma River in Jalisco, and have contributed but
little toward the broad development of the country. In fact,
one of the characteristics of Mexico's population distributions
has been the tendency to gather into groups, so that a great city
like the capital or Guadalajara or Puebla, will have a dozen
cities and villages of considerable size close about it-and then
stretches of sparsely populated country for leagues until another
group is found. This is essentially climatic-and geographical.
Mineral Resources: The mountainous character of Mexico
has upturned great mineral riches, and this has naturally had its
effect on the nation. Mining camps and groups of mining camps
dot the country, and distinct territories are devoted to the mining,
here of silver, there of gold, here of copper, lead, etc. Indeed,
the geography of Mexico has had a tremendous effect in the cre-
ation there of a country primarily rich in minerals as she is poor
in agriculture. Oil is today the greatest single source of wealth
of Mexico, but the other minerals still have their important
bearing on her development.
The mineral wealth (oil as well as metals) has been the chief
attraction which has brought foreign capital to Mexico. The
Spaniards and to a lesser extent the Indians before them, mined
the mountains of Mexico, but it remained to foreign enterprise
in the time of Diaz to open up the great bonanza sections to
scientific development. In the train of this development came
more foreign capital of every sort, for agriculture, for industry,
for oil, for public service investment. This foreign capital, devel-
oping Mexico's latent resources, opened her to the world, and
brought forth her great promise of the future-it also gave the
revolutionists who overthrew Diaz a handy battle-cry of anti-
foreignism.
It seems unlikely that without the geographical and geolog-
ical conditions which offered the wealth of minerals to the devel-
opment" of capital, Mexico would or could have entered upon the
modern stage of her development. In that was the hope of the
past and in it, too, is the hope of the future regeneration of Mex-
ico. The tempting possibilities of such development are the only
bait which will bring back to Mexico the stream of foreign cap-
ital to which alone she can look for her prompt salvation, when
peace becomes permanent.
Industries: The geography and climate have had their hand,
too, in the industrial situation. Mining, in the time of Diaz,
drained the available labor away from the farms and away from
the small factories which then existed. The oil fields have more
recently taken a large proportion of the available workers. The







THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


supply of labor in Mexico is astonishingly small-the development
of the latent labor supplies in the Indian communes waits on
peace and on education. Temperamentally (and in this we find
the hand of climate) the Mexican is not a good factory worker.
The raw products which the land produces, sisal hemp, cotton,
rubber, etc., all demand for their profitable manufacture large
and intricate plants, such as Mexico has not built and for whose
operation she has never trained her people. Therefore, save for
the cotton factories (which produce only the coarser staples),
there is today in Mexico almost no industrial development. The
list of industries of which such a manufacturing town as Monter-
rey boasts, include, for instance, candle and match factories em-
ploying thirty or forty people, brass bed "factories," where the
products of American foundries are put together, soda water
factories-the industries which no city in any other land would
find worth mentioning. Mexican industry, indeed, waits surely
upon the development of raw materials, upon the education of her
laboring classes, and upon the solution of the problems of irriga-
tion and water power.
Development of Natural Resources: Geography and climate
have been cruel to Mexico-of this we need not deceive ourselves.
But throughout the list of unhappy conditions which has been
set down here there runs a promise of advancement and of better
things-when peace is assured and when foreign enterprise shall
again be welcomed. All of the advance which Mexico has made
in her long fight against an unkind nature has been made with
the help of foreign energy. First was Spain, and the three hun-
dred years in which she built the colony up to a semblance of a
modern state, creating great cities and peace and prosperity.
Then, after fifty years of destructive revolution, Diaz, and his
wise invitation to and use of foreign enterprise and foreign
money. Only in these two periods has Mexico been prosperous.
The greatest advance was under Diaz, when in thirty years
Mexico rose from the ashes of her revolutions and attained the
heights of commercial advancement. In that time her railways
were almost all of them built, all the water power which she now
has, developed, the great and productive irrigation section-
the Laguna cotton district-reclaimed from the desert, the sisal
hemp industry created, the factories, such as they are, built and
set in operation. Virtually all of these advances were made with
foreign capital and under the control of foreign engineers and
managers. Success crowned the faith and the efforts of all who
devoted themselves to these developments, and it was their con-
quering of the great natural handicaps of Mexico which made
possible the glowing tales of her "treasure-house." When such
times as those come again, and only when they come, will the
battle against Nature be resumed, and in its resumption, the
signs of man's great conquest reappear.








HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY


STATES AND TERRITORIES
In the Mexican Republic there are twenty-eight states, two
territories, and a Federal District corresponding to the District
of Columbia. The following table shows the size and popula-
tion of the several states:


States
Aguascalientes .....
(T) Baja California
Campeche.........
Chiapas...........
Chihuahua........
Coahuila ........ .
Colima ............
Distrito Federal....
Durango ..........
Guanajuato .......
Guerrero. .........
Hidalgo...........
Jalisco. ...........
Mexico ..........
Michoacan ........
Morelos ...........
Nayarit ...........
Nuevo Le6n.......
Oaxaca...........
Puebla ............
Quer6taro .........
(T) Quintano Roo..
San Luis Potosi....
Sinaloa...........
Sonora ............
Tabasco...........
Tamaulipas ........
Tlaxcala..........
Vera Cruz........
Yucatn. ..........
Zacatecas.........


Population
in 1912
124,497
53,254
86,685
456,371
423,387
376,747
80,500
763,170
509,585
1,085,681
620,416
655,187
1,220,160
1,000,903
1,003,491
183,705
175,731
373,207
1,059,789
1,118,439
247,195
9,328
638,832
329,317
275,107
193,675
256,278
186,642
1,165,934
347,781
480,690


Area
Sq. Miles
2,969
58,338
18,089
27,527
90,036
63,786
2,272
578
42,272
10,950
25,279
8,637
33,492
9,230
22,621
1,895
10,953
25,032
35,689
12,992
4,493
19,274
24,004
27,557
76,633
10,374
30,831
1,534
27,880
15,939
24,471


Capital
Aguascalientes
SEnsenada
La Paz
Campeche
Tuxtla Gutierez
Chihuahua
Saltillo
Colima
Mexico City
Durango
Guanajuato
Chilpancingo
Pachuca
Guadalajara
Toluca
Morelia
Cuernavaca
Tepic
Monterrey
Oaxaca
Puebla
Queret6ro
Santa Cruz de Bravo
San Luis Potosi
Culiacan
Hermosillo
San Juan Bautista
Victoria
Tlaxcala
Jalapa
M6rida
Zacatecas









98 THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK

COMPARATIVE TABLE
An interesting comparison of the density of population of
the various Mexican states with that of states in the United States
appears in the following table:


Population per
Mexico sq. mile
Aguascalientes........ ..... 40.6
Baja California. ........... .8
Campeche................ 4.7
Chiapas .................. 16.1
Chihuahua. ............... 4.6
Coahuila ................. 5.7
Colim a................... 34.2
Federal District ........ .. 1556.8
Durango... ............. 12.8
Guanajuato .............. 95.1
Guerrero.................. 20.1
Hidalgo. ................. 74.7
Jalisco .................... 37.9
Mexico................... 107.
Michoacn ................ 43.3
Morelos.................. 60.4
N ayarit.................. 15.1
Nuevo Le6n ............. 15.4
Oaxaca ................... 29.3
Puebla................... 90.2
Queretaro. ................ 68.8
Quintana Roo............. .4
San Luis Potosi........... 24.7
Sinaloa................... 9.6
Sonora.............. ..... 3.4
Tabasco.................. 18.6
Tamaulipas ............... 7.7
Tlaxcala.................. 115.4
Vera Cruz................ 38.7
Yucat n .................. 9.6
Zacatecas. ................ 19.2
Average density 20 per square mile


Population per
United States sq. mile
Iow a. ................... 40.
Nevada.................. .7
U tah .................... 4.5
Nebraska............... 15.5
Idaho. .................. 3.9
Colorado................ 7.7
Louisiana................ 36.5
District of Columbia...... 5517.8
Florida.................. 13.7
Illinois. ................. 100.6
Kansas .................. 20.7
Indiana ................ 74.9
Vermont................. 39.
Delaware ................ 103.
Wisconsin................ 42.
Kentucky ... ............. 57.
Texas................... 14.8
California................ 15.3
Arkansas ................ 30.
Maryland ............... 130.
So. Carolina. ............ 49.7
Arizona................. 1.8
Maine................... 24.8
North Dakota............ 8.2
M ontana ................. 2.6
Washington.............. 17.1
Oregon. ................. 7.
Ohio .................... 117.
Georgia................. 44.4
South Dakota ............ 7.6
Rhode Island ............ 508.5
Average density 30 per square mile













SECTION II-POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT

THE GOVERNMENT OF MEXICO
By HERBERT INGRAM PRIESTLEY, Ph.D.
University of California
The Government of The United States of Mexico is organized
under the provisions of the Constitution framed at Quer6taro,
and promulgated February 5, 1917. This document is, particu-
larly in its provisions for organization and administrative ma-
chinery, an elaboration of the Constitution of 1857. By it the
Mexican people are constituted "a democratic, federal, repre-
sentative republic, consisting of states free and sovereign in all
that concerns their internal affairs, but united in a federation
according to the principles of this fundamental law."-Art. 40,
Chap. I, Title II.
"The people exercise their sovereignty through the federal
powers in matters belonging to the Union, and through those of
the states in matters relating to the internal administration of
the latter. This power shall be exercised in the manner respec-
tively established by the constitutions, both federal and state.
The constitutions of the states shall in no case contravene the
stipulations of the Federal Constitution."-Art. 41, Chap. I,
Title II.
The country is divided into twenty-eight states, two territories,
and a Federal District which includes the capital. The pow-
ers of government are divided into legislative, executive and judi-
cial. It is expressly provided that no two or more of these pow-
ers shall be exercised by one person or corporation; even the
executive power shall not be vested in one person except in
accordance with Article 29, which provides for extraordinary
executive powers in times of grave public menace. This article
permits suspension of personal rights of citizens by general de-
crees for limited periods. If the suspension occurs.while Con-
gress is in session, that body controls the character of the grant
of powers to the executive; if Congress is in recess, it must be
convoked at once to grant the powers needed.
The Legislative Power is vested in a Congress composed of
a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies. The Chamber of Deputies
is composed of representatives of the people, chosen every two
years at the rate of one for each sixty thousand inhabitants, or
fraction thereof exceeding twenty thousand. The computation








THE MEXICAN YEAR BOOK


is still made upon the figures of the census of 1910, but a new
census is now being taken (1921). Each state and territory has
at least one Deputy. These Deputies are chosen by direct vote;
they must be Mexican citizens by birth, over twenty-five years
old, natives of the states or territories they represent, or be resi-
dents therein for six months prior to their election. They must
have no connection with any military forces in the area they rep-
resent, nor may they have connection with the executive Secre.
tariats, the Supreme Court, nor the State governments. No min-
ister of any religious faith may be a Deputy.
The Senators, two from each state and the Federal District,
serve four years, half retiring every two years. They must be
thirty-five years old. Both Deputies and Senators are guaranteed
immunity for opinions officially expressed. They are prohibited
from accepting other paid Federal or State offices.
Congress must hold sessions yearly beginning September 1st
and continuing not later than December 31st. The President may
convene either or both houses in extraordinary session. Alter-
nates (suplentes) are chosen at the same time that Deputies and
Senators are elected, in order to prevent possible lack of repre-
sentation through default of a principal.
Legislation is initiated, first, by the President of the republic,
second, by members of Congress, third, by the state legislatures.
Legislation initiated by the President or the legislatures is given
preference on the calendars.
Congress has power to decide the boundaries of the states,
enact tariff laws, control all mining, commerce, and institutions
of credit, create and abolish federal offices, declare war, and pro-
vide for the national defense. It may pass laws governing citi-
zenship, naturalization, colonization, immigration, and public
health. Means of communication, mints, the currency, weights
and measures, disposal of public lands, the diplomatic and con-
sular services, are subject to its rules. It may grant amnesties, but
the President alone may grant pardons. Congress also elects the
justices of the Supreme Court and lower Federal courts. It may
establish professional schools, museums, libraries, and other insti-
tutions of learning. It must elect the President when the popular
elections result in no choice, and it may also accept his resigna-
tion. The.Chamber of Deputies supervises the Federal auditor,
approves the annual budget, and hears charges against Federal
officers, and may bring impeachments before the Senate. The
Senate has the exclusive power to approve treaties, ratify if nec-
essary the President's appointments, permit movements of na-
tional troops outside the republic, and consent to the presence
of foreign fleets for more than a month in Mexican waters. No
officer, or body of the government, has authority to permit for-
eign troops to remain within the republic for any purpose.




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