For comment only
Do not QUOTE
BRINGING WOMEN IN:
TOWARDS A NEW DIRECTION IN
OCCUPATIONAL SKILLS TRAINING
International Center for Research on Women
Prepared for the Office of Women in Development, Bureau of Programs and
Policy Coordination, Agency for International Development under Contract
The views and Interpretations
in this publication are those
of the author and should not'
be attributed to the Agency
for International Development.
A major unmet need in developing countries is the provision of short term
basic and occupational skills training to reach the vast majority of the adult
rural and urban poor who have not received sufficient formal education to func-
tion economically in a modernizing society.
The 'occupational skills' concept as discussed in this paper situates
"training" in the context of the relationship it bears to "developing human
capabilities for a productive and satisfying working life",]/ and the oppor-
tunity it provides to secure an income-employment/work return to an education-
al investment. An intrinsic component of any such effort must be to ensure
that a large portion of those trained are meaningfully employed.
Occupational skills training differs in scope and nature according to the
level of formal schooling attained and the job requirement for which the
trainee is prepared. Clearly there is great need to promote such training for
both women and men. The problem is more critical for women, however, because
policy has not been directed toward developing a full range of skills training
for women. This paper focuses on the particular training needs of women who
have had no schooling or those who have entered and/or completed primary
schooling,2/ i.e. the preliterate, semi-literate and ideally 'functionally'
literate population,since this is the resource base of the non-elite spectrum
of the female population in the Third World. Any formulation in the redirec-
tion of policy related to skills training for women must ultimately take into
account the need to combine the 'reality' of the educational attainment of
the poor with national needs for specific occupational/job categories, rather
than to limit skills training only to the elite few.
This report is organized into three parts. Part I deals with the ration-
ale for training women in occupational skills and examines salient issues of
the current status of vocational training for women. Part II addresses the
question of access, that is, constraints that women face in obtaining and making
use of training. Part III offers a brief discussion of the concerns within
USAID regarding employment and income-generation skills training, and highlights
possible implications for women finally, a series of recommendations to deal
with many of the issues discussed are presented.
THE RATIONALE FOR A STRATEGY FOCUSED ON BASIC
AND OCCUPATIONAL SKILLS TRAINING FOR WOMEN
The case for the provision of basic and occupational skills training
opportunities for women is not an equity issue. Clearly women are more
highly represented among the marginally educated population and further
training programs for women will narrow the present gap between the sexes.3/
However, there are also far-reaching benefits to be accrued from programmatic
efforts on behalf of women insofar as the enhancement of direct income and
potential income generation of households are concerned, as well as for
overall national productivity objectives.4/ By providing labor to meet the
crutial shortages in skilled/semi-skilled professions, 5/ trained women can
contribute to household stability, economic survival as well as to national
productivity and growth. Their addition to the work force also serves to re-
duce unemployment and underemployment rates. Moreover, return of invest-
ments in training programs may well give a higher yield in the case of women
than that of men, because women who have acquired marketable skills are less
likely to emigrate than men. (Hammam, 1979; Harfoush, 1980).
There is some debate in development circles regarding the desirability
of promoting training programs for women outside of the formal structure.
Non formal vocational training is perceived by some to reinforce/perpetuate
the second-class-citizen status of women.
Occupational skills training--by definition--is oriented to the specific
enhancement of work and income potentials. Its criteria of success should
not, however, rest solely on short term work and income needs of women but
include longer range objectives of skills and knowledge that enhance women's
self reliance, autonomy in decision making, and participation and adaptation
to change. The gut issue is not one of formal versus non formal education,
for the population we are dealing with are adult women who for historical
reasons have 'lost out' already and who cannot 'be plugged back' into the
formal structure. The debate as such assumes significance only if one is
planning for future school age population.6/ Given the current disadvantaged
position of women, occupational skills programs represent one of the few mech-
anisms available for low income women to secure an income employment/work
return for educational/training investment.
A second set of issues operates to again underline the importance of
training in alleviating women's occupational disadvantage. Training pro-
grams involving women have by and large tended to reinforce a sex-segregated
labor market that has restricted women to the most economically marginal
positions. Women's lack of training in certain fields and the relegation of
training to "feminine appropriate" areas creates a vicious circle whereby
women cannot apply for work in certain fields because they have not received the
proper training; this in turn, perpetuates the prevalence of males in cer-
tain fields (labeled "men's work) and thus strengthens sex segregated occu-
pations further forcing women into marginal and low productivity sectors
Salient Characteristics of Current Programs for Women
A sex-based status hierarchy in the work structure of the Third World
is allowed to exist precisely because illiteracy, lack of training and on-
the-job experience keep women's productivity low, thus legitimizing discrim-
ination against them in hiring practices, and/or relegating them to the
lowest status-lowest paid jobs in the secondary labor market. (Standing,
Vocational training opportunities for women are expanding,yet expanding
primarily in areas which are considered'feminine appropriate"; this is occur-
ing at the expense of exclusion or discouragement of entry into male occu-
pation oriented programs. The following paragraphs will attempt to outline
the areas of expansion in both of these kinds of programs.
Explicit Exclusion of Women: There is compelling evidence across
regions and countries of the explicit exclusion of women from training cen-
ters offering industrial, technical, and mechanical skills, regardless of
whether the funding and management of such programs is under the auspices of
international agencies, bilateral agreements, national governments, etc.
The United Nations Specialized Agencies (UNDP, ILO, UNICEF, FAO) have chan-
nelled their educational efforts on behalf of rural and urban women to the
home economics streams. The World Bank funded educational projects in
Jordan, exclude women from training in food technology, textile technology
and other industrial streams, confining women to home economics and commercial
options. An AID sponsored Vocational Iraining Corporation Project in Jordan,
which is the major supplier of skilled and semi skilled industrial labor for
the public and private sector, is closed to women. In Sri Lanka, the Hotel
School of the State Hotels Corporation discriminates against women in a
burgeoning field of employment by blocking admission of women to the diploma
course in Management and Catering and to cooking courses (authorities main-
tain that women cannot work in 'hot' kitchens). A National Apprenticeship
Program in that country aiming to integrate school leavers into the main-
stream, limits female enrolment to only 6 of the 51 trade courses offered
nationwide. (University of Colombo, 1979). In Panama, women are still de-
nied access to traditionally masculine activities "since Panamanian voca-
tional training experts consider these courses to be exclusive to or peculiar
to the male sex, owing to the nature-of the work". (ILO, 1979: 55).
One of the most blatant examples of women's exclusion from training
programs whose content was directly linked to their productive role, is the
African experience. Whereas African women carry out between 70 to 100% of
agricultural production and 50% of animal husbandry care, they were virtually
excluded from non-formal rural education programs related to these areas.
By contrast the attendance in Nutrition and Home Economics courses was ex-
clusively female. (Safilios-Rothschild, 1972).
Explicit discouragements: In addition to the formal exclusion mentioned
above, women are explicit discouraged from entering certain types of training.
Theoretically programs are opened to both men and women, in practice women's
participation is often limited.
There is a strong assumption that women prefer single sex training pro-
grams for cultural reasons or because of the advantages involved in establish-
ing a sex monopoly over certain types of jobs. But this should not be con-
strued to mean that women are not receptive to other options which are more
productive. Thai women, for example, expressed preference to learn about
animal husbandry and crop cultivation, over training in weaving and the handi-
crafts; Jordanian women refused to enroll in specially designed courses in
cosmetology, pottery and mother of pearl industry, opting instead for carpentry
and dressmaking. The first experiment to set up an Industrial/Trade Training
Program for Women in Morocco received more applicants than they could handle.
Often there are not any legal barriers which limit the access of women
to certain fields, but administratively quotas are enforced in institutions
in such a way as to create de facto, a single sex specialization. This is a
noteworthy feature of the situation in Latin America. Likewise, where train-
ing programs are 'technically' open to men and women and where no quota sys-
tems exist to restrict women's access, there are cultural perceptions and
definitions of certain areas of specialization as exclusively masculine. 7/
This is the case in the Agricultural and the Practical Farms Schools in
Sri Lanka. Even when no quota exists to restrict women's access, de facto
perceptions and definitions make it difficult for women to even think of
applying. Four years after its establishment the government-sponsored
Industrial/Training Centers in Morocco had received only two applications
from women. In Egypt there is a male to female ratio of 9:1 in the second-
ary-level industrial schools and a 25:1 ratio in the agricultural schools.
Proliferation of programs specially designed for women are found only at
several levels: at the non formal levels for illiterates and school leavers
(involving sewing, knitting, embroidery, hairstyling, mostly geared towards
improving/beautifying the home rather than being market oriented) and at
Vocational Institute levels for those who completed primary school, involving
home economics streams with options in beauty culture, child care, weaving,
industrial sewing, pastry, hairstying, printing, flower and toy making. At
higher technical training levels women are almost exclusively offered commer-
cial options: i.e. secretaries, typists, assistant accountants, bookkeeper
aides, etc. While these courses may have some level of employment potential,
unlike the design for most "male" courses, little consideration is given for
the marketability of this women's training. (CINTERFOR: 1978).
The proliferation of women-specific vocational training as well as the
exclusion of women from certain training opportunities are clearly exemplified
in the practice of training women to become professionals.
Sex Segregation in Paraprofessional Training: The creation of middle and
lower paraprofessional jobs in various occupational categories is now a
well accepted practice in developing countries for several reasons. The short-
age of trained professionals and the high cost of training people as profes-
sionals are two of them. The determination to deliver services to as many
people in as short a time as possible--what is termed extension of coverage--
has also prompted the training of paraprofessionals. Finally, the belief that
paraprofessionals represent easily-trained, cheap resources, and the need to
create sources of employment have also promoted this practice.
Paraprofessional work can be carried out at several different levels,
depending on the complexity of the job or service involved. In the health
field, for instance paraprofessional work ranges from the level of health pro-
moters who do simple diagnosis and treatment, provide immunizations and refer-
ral, to nurse aides and, in certain cases, registered nurses.
Paraprofessionals are now quite common in several fields--health, nutri-
tion, and environmental sanitation, agricultural extension, instruction/edu-
cation and home economics (Kahler and Droegkamp, 1980). Although within each
field the educational and training requirements for potential paraprofessionals
vary widely, depending on the type of service and the particular project, most
require functional literacy and numeracy. The prototype of the paraprofes-
sional, as well as the most widely known example, is the "barefoot doctor" of
the People's Republic of China a health worker who has little previous formal
education and has received intensive health training during three to six
months (Sidel 1972; Sidel and Sidel 1974). A recent study reports that young
women who have dropped out of school have been trained to become successful
paraprofessionals and extension agents in the areas of agriculture, health,
community development, literacy instruction and non-formal education (Kahler
and Droegkamp 1980). Yet the study does not provide any sex-specific figures
for these types of paraprofessional training. Data are available from other
sources, however, that show very clearly that women are, in fact, not being
trained in all paraprofessional fields but, instead, are being channelled into
"feminine" ones, primarily health care and home economics (i.e., nutrition,
childrearing, environmental sanitation and personal hygiene).8/
Apart from the stereotyping of paraprofessional occupations, sex-segre-
gation between professionals and paraprofessionals within certain service
fields, notably that of health delivery, is a major issue. In training women
as health paraprofessionals in the modern health sector,9/ two types of sex-
stereotyping occur: first, paramedical occupations become defined as essen-
tially feminine vis-a-vis other kinds of paraprofessional occupations; second,
the sex-segregation between professionals (men) and paraprofessionals (women)
in the modern health field is reinforced and perpetuated.l0/ Witness the
case of Sri Lanka where 90% of all trainees in auxiliary paramedical courses
have been women: 85% of nursing students, 100% of dental nursing students
and 100% of midwifery students. In contrast, the more technically oriented
paramedical occupations of physiotherapy, radiotherapy and laboratory tech-
nology are dominated by males: women constitute between one-fourth and one-
third of these medical paraprofessionals (University of Colombo 1979).
The term paraprofessional has been given various meanings. In this
report it will be used to refer to all sub-professional level occupations which
are directly involved in service or technical delivery and which fall within the
professional service sector. Skilled industrial and crafts work will not be
considered paraprofessional work.
The stereotyping of paramedical occupations as feminine carries over
into the field of veterinary medicine. A study of vocational and parapro-
fessional training for women in Latin America demonstrates that when women
are trained as paraprofessionals in agricultural extension and animal hus-
bandry, they invariably become paraprofessionals in animal health. "In
this connection many institutions praise the excellent work done by women
in such fields as vaccination, artificial insemination, etc." (ILO 1979: 50).
The stereotyping of paramedical occupations as feminine poses another
problem--the little or non-existent remuneration that women receive for this
work. In training women as paramedics as a natural extension of their nur-
turing, caretaking role of wives and mothers there is a danger that the
paraprofessional work will be valuated by the same standards currently used
to undervalue women's home-related work. This tendency is already apparent
in official publications of the World Health Organization: "In most socie-
ties, women play an important role in promoting health, particularly in view
of their central position in the family; this means that they can contribute
significantly to primary health care, especially in ensuring the application
of preventive measures. Women's organizations in the community can be en-
couraged' to discuss such questions as nutrition, child care, sanitation and
family planning" (WHO and UNICEF 1978: 34, emphasis theirs). Consequently,
there is a danger that the potentially profitable, income-producing para-
medical work women become trained to do may be redefined as volunteer work,
justified by the "logical" affinity between mothering and caretaking.ll/
Paraprofessional work in all fields remains a source of income-genera-
tion for adult women. Possibilities for enhancing women's participation in
paraprofessional training and overcoming the problems described above are
presented in the recommendations.
STRUCTURAL PROGRAM ACCESS FOR WOMEN AND BY WOMEN
In addition to formal obstacles inhibiting women's access to train-
ing programs are subtler constraints inherent in the actual design of
training programs and those which are based upon woman's self definition
of her place in society. Ultimately, the extent to which women 'respond'
to training opportunities reflects, in large part, women's self concept,
self image, life expectations and ambitions.
For this part of the discussion, then, let us assume that the motiva-
tion to explicitly include women in training policy is present and examine
more carefully those subtle factors that often limit her ability to obtain
and make use of training opportunities available.
Implicit Exclusion: By paying little or no attention to the very
obvious constraints that women face with regard to mobility, autonomy, level
of education, the double burden, etc., the design of training programs often
excludes women by simply not accounting for them. Traditional assumptions
about women's work, their needs and motivations, when left unchallenged
result in the desigr/planning of programs in which women cannot participate
because proper account has not been take of the reality in which they func-
Implicit Discouragement: Women desiring to compete effectively in the
market place and possibly move into formerly 'male exclusive' work sectors
are frequently offered training in areas that lack market relevancy. A good
example is training in the handicrafts for which there is no market outlet,
or for which appropriate materials are not available. Such conditions not
only mean that women have invested time and resources unproductively, but
planners will believe that training for women is not cost effective.12/
A second problem accompanying training in certain skills is the
necessity for access to other resources, such as credit facilities, trans-
portation, and so forth. If women are not provided with these complementary
support networks critical to putting their training into practice they may
discouraged to become participants if and when training opportunities are
Basically the potentially limiting factors that operate to 'exclude'
or 'discourage" women in this respect can be divided into two broad catego-
ries: program access and women's access to programs. The first category
deals with the identification of training programs made available to them
and how these are planned and designed; the second, with the different modes
which encourage/discourage women from utilizing and/or investing in the
opportunities made available to them. While these factors are closely
inter related, the distinction may help to identify specific issues inhibit-
ing access that can be minimized and those points which can facilitate
women's ability to participate.
The discussion which follows is neither meant to be conclusive, nor to
imply that each issue identified is present in all situations (obviously
they are not). Its purpose is to highlight and illustrate issues that
appear as underlying factors to many diverse situations and are specific to
the access to training by women. There has been little research done to
examine the problem of access; yet the consequences of not addressing this
issue and thereby 'effectively excluding' women's participation are many.
What are some of the underlying premises of policy on which the plan-
ning and design for training programs for women are based?
Assumptions: Policy planners tend to view the roles and contribution
of women primarily, if not solely, in terms of her functions as wife and
mother at the loss of recognition to her role as producer. This is true
despite the fact that compelling evidence has been presented regarding woman's
significant contribution in both the formal and informal sectors of the econ-
omy. That woman's economic participation and contributions are under esti-
mated and undervalued is no longer a subject of debate, nor is the fact that
women's work participation is rapidly increasing in the Third World dictated
if not always by choice, certainly so by necessity (ICRW: 1980 a; 1980 b).
The fact that planners do not recognize this reality, at least in prac-
tice,is illustrated by the existing training opportunities for women support-
ing her reproductive functions. Recognizing this situation the ILO writes:
"Female enrollment in vocational training institutions is a fairly true
reflection of the precarious and often marginal situation of women in the
labor force. Consequently, vocational training is in practice not so much
an instrument for breaking down the barriers that women encounter in the
labor force as an extension of the discriminatory systems of participation".
(ILO, 1979) J1/
Cultural Images: In the process of modernization definitions of the
economic roles and responsibilities of women have been changing. In many
instances this means that women's actual behavior is different than the
"ideal" behavior prescribed by tradition. For some time now there have been
strong indications that the apparent social,cultural and even legal barriers
to women's participation are not as restrictive nor as static as has been
assumed (ICRW, 1980 b). In more recent years economic need has led to the
further breakdown of many of these 'ideal' role expectations. In fact,
changes in the roles and participation of women do not follow a linear de-
velopment, particularly when related to income generation and participation
in decision making (Mickelwait: 1976). The Chinese efforts to establish
a textile factory in 'Send', Yemen, provides a vivid illustration. When
the time came to recruit factory labor the Chinese requested female staff.
The government of Yemen was skeptical about the feasibility of this stipula-
tion, presuming that Islamic cultural constraints were serious enough to
prevent such participation. Following a massive radio campaign to recruit
women, over 600 Yemeni women (mostly heads of household) showed up to apply
for jobs when the factory opened (Hammam, 1979). Much of the breakdown in
cultural proscriptions can, in fact, be traced to family fragmentation and
the need for women to assume greater economic responsibility for themselves
and their families.
Aspirations: There is a definite gap between women's aspirations and
the kinds of opportunities that are made available to them in training pro-
grams. The fact is that in the absence of campaigns or governmental pro-
motions, women are applying for courses in 'male' occupations despite the
hostility and restricted access to resources and employment opportunities
that they thereby encounter (CINTERFOR, 1976). Studies conducted in
Colombia and Costa Rica have shown that women expressed a serious interest
to participate in training programs in 'male fields'. Only forty one
percent in Colombia and 24 percent in Costa Rica were reluctant to foray
into exclusively 'male' work territory (CINTERFOR, 1976).
Women both have and express desires to enter fuller and more diverse
range of economic and social opportunities. But those aspirations are
often ignored. Women have demonstrated in the face of unfavorable conditions
and limited opportunities their ability and determination to widen the
options open to them. In a study of rural Kenya which centered around the
differential access to agricultural extension services available to women
and men, it was noted that more than one third of the women who were early-
acceptors of a new hybrid seed had received no advice or technical assist-
ance as compared to less than three percent of the men. This suggests a
greater tendency by women to innovate, as well as the significance of
relative autonomy in the innovation process, since these women were all
heads of households (Staudt, 1976).
Furthermore women appear to be more perseverant in completing their
training as compared to men. This has been the experience at the Brazilian
SENAI Training Center, where in some programs male drop out rates are four
times higher than those of women. SENAI officials point out that in fact
female enrollment in these courses is in itself indicative of a high degree
of motivation and commitment on the part of the women and that they seldom
drop out before termination (CINTERFOR, 1976)
Pre Conditions: As a standard leveler, planners set arbitrary precondi-
tions as requirements for enrollment in training programs. Literacy and
numeracy are often established as a means to institute a level of 'equitabi-
lity' and to provide a cut-off point for applicants' in other cases com-
pletion of certain level of formal schooling is a pre-requisite 14ften such
preconditions are not necessarily related to complexity of the training
itself. More important--given the relatively disadvantaged educational
position of women (high illiteracy, irregular school attendance, high drop
out rates) such preconditions exclude the vast majority of women from the
benefits of learning some skills that will permit them to survive economic-
- 9 -
Formal education pre-requisites often ignore the 'relevant' experience
women may have and which is often directly related to the particular train-
ing pursued. 16/ More over, training programs may be more successful if
functional literacy is included in the design as part of the program output.
Not only will such a component open wider opportunities for women who have
been bypassed by the educational system, but the desire for functional
literacy and numeracy has been found to work as a significant factor moti-
vating women to join and continue training programs. 17/
Channels of Communication: Training programs are typically channeled
through the 'family'. The motivation underlying this approach is the
belief that all family members through joint interaction and application
of their knowledge, would benefit. This was especially believed to be the
case for agricultural activities and family enterprises. In reality how-
ever, the "trickle down" assumptions inherent in this approach have not
been borne out; and women particularly have not reaped full benefit.
Little is known of the ways in which women and men each promote or
hinder, accept or reject 'innovation and change', as well as learn from
one another within the family context. The classical approach is illus-
trate by an experience from Africa:
"In the African way, we speak to the man who is the head of the
house and assume he will pass on the information to other house-
hold members" (Smithells, 1972).
This has been typical of training in agricultural extension--the
guiding assumption being that the man would pass on to his wife (wives)
those aspects of information that he gains from outside sources and which
is important for her to know. Moreover, it is also assumed that the
women will believe and act upon the information handed over to her by
her husband and alter her customary practices accordingly (Staudt 1976).
Another characteristic feature of communication channels is that the
recruitment or selection of participants for training is often based on
local power structure in which women more often than not have lesser status
and standing than men. Access to training may be used to confer or con-
firm status; to promote and enhance the position of those who are already
better off (Staudt, 1976). Often community organizations become the
vehicles for training and they too may implicitly limit women's access.
For example an organization such as a cooperative based on land onwership,
may exclude women who do not have title to land (even when they are the
sole workers of that land); or separate organizations for men and women
on either formal or informal bases may exist that serve single-sex interest
Attention to seemingly insignificant issues such as the selection of
words to use in the promotion of a training opportunity, may have major
consequence for the participation of women. For example, a radio non-
formal agricultural training program. in Guatemala entitled "Seior Campesino"
- 10 -
(Mr. Farmer) implicity excluded women for the active role they miaht
have had. In another case in Morocco, the recruitment of students
to an Industrial Training Program used the word "Shohbb'n" (male gender,
plural for youth), locally understood to mean 'young men' and effectively
excluded women from considering the program. Although the consequences
of both of these examples are unevaluated, the potential implication are
no doubt significant.
Women's access to information about programs and work opportunities
may also be inhibited by particular vehicles of communication in the com-
munity. Key factors enabling women to employ their training skills are
the information they have access to regarding availability of credit and
other productive inputs; marketing channels and outlets; pre and post
training advice, etc. Integrating access to training with access to other
related information and opportunities is essential for the effective par-
ticipation of women in training programs.19/
Allocation of Resources: The allocation of resources is critical
for the success or failure of any training program. Programs for women
--especially those which are 'feminine appropriate'--have suffered con-
sistently from lower priority demonstrated by the lower quality and quan-
tity of resources made available to them. For example, the equipment and
material used to train women is often obsolete and inadequate, and may be
discarded from elsewhere. This was the case in a Guatemala center which
trained women to be skilled factory workers: the equipment they had to
work with was so outdated that their training was not suited to modern
factory work (Youssef, 1977).
Aside from such explicit factors, there are additional features that
inhibit women's program access; these include among others, the location
of facilities, staffing, timing, duration of course and infrastructural
support to participants--all of which can be subsumed under the general
rubric of resource-planning.
In certain cultures norms may preclude contact between the sexes and/or
between non related individuals. Such conditions require single-sex train-
ing facilities and staffing.20/ The location of training centers, par-
ticularly in urban areas, may assume a degree of mobility that women do
not have--either because the norms prescribe their physical space and/or
they are unable to travel distances because of family responsibilities.
The timing and duration of programs may also assume a relatively high
degree of flexibility with time that women may not have in the same manner
as men. 21/ All of these "assumptions" to varying degrees implicitly inhibit
the access to programs women may have. While by design, there may be no
intention to neglect the needs of women, and policy may openly promote
women's participation, neglect of these factors can effectively exclude
women from access to training. 22/
- 11 -
Women's Access to Programs
Investment Capability: Occupational skills training is an 'investment'
made by the sponsoring organization and by the participant. The ability and
motivation to make such an investment differ between women and men; mainly
because women face greater inhibiting factors. It is precisely the neglect
to consider women's differential ability to meet the 'investment' require-
ments related to their participation in training programs that acts to
implicitly exclude them from such opportunities.
Most women face the double burden of both domestic and economic respon-
sibility which men do not (ICRW, 1980 b). This double burden often inhibits
women's ability to invest in training despite a high level of motivation
and commitment. Ironically, it Is the fact of the double burden that makes
it all the more imperative for women to be trained for productive work so
that they can meet their dual responsibilities effectively.
In participating in a training program, many women are in fact called
upon to meet a 'triple burden'--domestic duties, work and training. In the
long run training could significantly provide women with more effective
means to cope with their economic and domestic demands. In the short run,
however, the demands attached to her participation (particularly in the
absence of complementary infrastructure, support, etc.) may dictate that
she forego the training opportunities 'available'.
Other key factors inhibiting women's ability to make use of available
opportunities include: a) the timing and duration of programs (time of
the day, season, etc.); b) infrastructural supports such as child care and
water systems, which help provide more flexibility with women's time;
c) economic capability (women frequently have less access to and discretion
over cash resources and may be excluded or discouraged because of fees and
other financial requirements); d) in addition womengenerally have less
mobility than men and are more restricted by limited transportation. More
importantly women are often constrained from participation because they
have less ability to make autonomous decisions independent of male kin,
husbands (Staudt, 1976) or because of their dependents (Harfoush, 1980).
Relevance: Participation in training programs is also affected by:
a) women's perception of the relevancy of training in terms of the
objective conditions surrounding her, including societal role
b) woman's individual perception of herself, i.e., her self concept,
self image, life expectations and ambitions.
In the former case the majority of women may be opting to participate
in 'feminine appropriate' fields of training only because these bear greater
relevancy to the objective conditions imposed upon their lives, (for example,
the necessity to combine family and household responsibility) rather than
- 12 -
to internalized traditional images of themselves. In the absence of support
services, the objective conditions of domestic demands may make it impossible
to conceive of undertaking income generating activities outside of home pro-
duction. Provision of greater support to alleviate household chores, com-
bined with reasonable incentives to engage in economically productive activi-
ties outside of the household is expected to encourage many women to seek
training in non traditional areas, if for no other reason than that these
are more economically rewarding,23/.
Relevancy of training is also affected by women's self concept and
self esteem. The socialization process confining women to traditional roles
can limit her perceptions of herself as wife and mother only. Stepping beyond
these traditional images may present serious conflicts. Where a woman may
have ambitions to undertake non traditional roles and move outside of the
traditional confines, she will often be inhibited to do so because of the
absence of alternative role models, by images available to her through.the
media, or lack of contact with support organizations.
Country experiences have shown that women are finding ways to overcome
the many obstacles imposed by the limited training options available. Those
actively seeking for and/or :creating opportunities for themselves outside
of traditional boundaries tend to be the 'independent thinkers (USAID,
1978). Once women perceive opportunities to be relevant to their priorities,
they will be more strongly motivated to 'make' time in order to fully benefit
from the range of opportunities made available to them (UNAPDI, 1978).
This review of vocational training for women has purposely focused
on occupational skills training which could enable women to secure employ-
ment or become involved in income-generating activities immediately after
completion. Women's economic marginality, their pressing economic need and
the obstacles they face when entering the labor force have all been document-
ed elsewhere (Buvinid and Youssef with Von Elm 1978; ICRW 1980 b). Here the
emphasis has been on the means necessary to prepare women to better cope with
their poverty and disadvantaged position in the labor market, and the short-
comings of current programmatic attempts to train women in occupational
What would be some of the consequences of the failure to train women
in occupational skills? It would have adverse effects on national develop-
ment efforts as well as on poor women themselves. A failure to train women
in vocational and occupational skills could widen the productivity gap
between the modern and the traditional sectors of national economies; it
would perpetuate the proliferation of jobs in the informal labor market and
accentuate the current problems of the informal sector. The lack of occu-
pational skills training for women would also mean that the potential of
development efforts is not fully realized. Those that remain untrained
cannot participate fully and productively in the modernization process,
which, in turn, means that the human resources essential to development
would be partly going to waste. Finally the negative repercussions of not
training the current adult female population would also be felt in the
reduced productive capacity of the subsequent generation.
- 13 -
The adverse effects of a lack of vocational and occupational skills
training for poor adult women themselves would be just as critical al-
though much more dramatic in their human dimension. To begin with,
"... a rarely recognized ramification... is that women are often unable
to cope as well as they might with their mothering and domestic responsibi-
ties. Overworked and illiterate, they cannot take full advantage of the
welfare programs meant to reach them" (Germain,1976-1977: 164). A lack of
training opportunities would also translate into a widening of the already
quite marked opportunity gap between men and women in the process of socio-
economic transformation. It would perpetuate, if not increase the poverty
fo women and their dependents. It would sustain and reinforce the confine-
ment of women to the peripheral, unstable and less productive employment
possibilities they now have. And it would effectively prevent them from
moving into the productive, modern sector of society. In short, not
training women to make them qualified participants in economic development
would maintain their status as second-class citizens, since, as was demons-
trated earlier, these women were not and are not being "captured" by the
formal educational system. Same compensatory mechanism is, therefore, in
order for the adult women of the present and previous generations.
- 14 -
CURRENT DIRECTIONS AND PRIORITIES IN EDUCATION
AND HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT
A series of short interviews were held with AID staff to identify some
of the more recent developments, priorities and policy directions within
the Agency that bear relevance to future directions and programmatic emphasis
in the field of skills training.*
Three separate effects are noteworthy along this line: One, a Task
Force Study (1978) initiated by AA/PDC outlined key issues for consideration
within AID of employment specific policy concerns. Two, the strategies and
programs pursued by the Regional Bureaus and the DSB-Office of Education
with respect to actual and/or planned projects point to the inter-relatedness
of issues and variety of alternative approaches in the field. And finally,
the recent creation of a "Special Task Force Unit on Employment Generation"
(May 1980) in the DSB, illustrates the evolution of concrete efforts specific
to employment concerns and indirectly related to training.
AID has an explicit policy for Education and Human Resource Development
( IDCA, 1980) It has begun to evolve what could potentially become a com-
plementary strategy for Employment and Labor Development. Specific pro-
visions for the implementation of a strategy of employment and training
differ within and across the Regional Central Bureaus.
Labor Affairs Task Force Report: The "new directions mandate" reoriented
AID strategy towards addressing the needs of those at the lowest end of the
development spectrum. The AID Labor Affairs Task Force was established in
1978 by AA/PDC to review and make recommendations for a labor/employment
focused strategy. The general recommendations presented by LATF outlined
the importance of including training components within the comprehensive
approach to employment and labor development. More critically, the report
recommended that employment and income be incorporated as a purpose level
objective in AID policy and program criteria. In its recommendations, the
"increased emphasis to policies and programs with an employment
orientation in development planning; to integrate programs which
are designed to improve the employment and income situations of the
poorer segments of less-developed countries labor forces and to
those activities which enhance and promote the participation of the
poor target groups in the planning, implementation and benefits of
development projects" (USAID, 1979: 10).
This discussion is not intended to be an evaluation of AID policy,
but rather to highlight concerns and approaches within USAID as they may
serve to illustrate possible development strategies, issues and program
approaches. It is not presented as a conclusive statement or as an assess-
ment review of USAID work in this regard.
- 15 -
The reference to women reads as follows:
"It was agreed that labor force integration and the promotion of women's
activities should be treated as integral components of all employment
and labor activities rather than as discrete activities to be identified
under separate headings. The Task Force, has not therefore, inserted
repetitous references to its awareness and concern; rather it intends
that all activities focus equally on the special concerns of women and
minorities" (USAID, 1979: A-4,emphasis supplied).
The degree to which the intent expressed in such a recommendation will
be translated and implemented in actuality as explicit policy and program
objective rests in large part on the extent to which earlier discussed
dimensions related to women's access to programs are taken into considera-
tion in the planning and design stages. The contribution of the LATF
report rests on the fact that it created an awareness of labor and employ-
ment concerns and in that it carries the potential to help stimulate more
direct linkages between these concerns and the content and strategy design
of training efforts.24g
Current Priorities in the Central and Regional Bureaus: To explore in
brief form some of the current priorities within the Agency with respect
to the development and promotion of income generating skills training pro-
grams, a series of short interviews were conducted with staff from the
Office of Education (DSB) and the four Regional Bureaus. 25/
The most significant theme that emerged from these discussions is the
emphasis placed by AID on innovation--particularly the promotion of innnova-
tive exploration of "non-formal" training. The actual training done, how-
ever, is only in few instances linked specifically to employment and income
generating capacity. The general contention among the staff interviewed is
that 'training' is not the responsibility of any one unit but can be an explicit
component integrated into all sectoral activities. The objective of train-
ing programs is perceived by several staff interviewed to be significant
for development success in general, rather than necessarily linked to short
term income earning needs.
The Office of Education (DSB) pursues the following objectives in its
a) to develop a system of communication for education;
b) to assist in systematizing national educational approaches,
particularly in the area of non-formal education;
c) to accelerate the development of national capability necessary
for the effective design, management and monitoring of programs.
The Office has sponsored several innovative programs and approaches
to respond to the needs of specific sectors of the population. These
include the "Out of School Youth Project" and the "Non-Formal Education for
- 16 -
Women Project". The latter is sponsored in both the Philippines and Kenya,
and emphasizes the involvement of participants in the design, implementation
and evaluation of the program as a basic framework for dealing with "learning
needs" in a wide range of areas.
Concern was expressed within the Office of Education with the lack of
explicit responsibility within the Agency for "vocational training" programs.
At the same time the staff do not regard this area as falling under their
aegis. In particular, "training and skill development" should be made an
explicit and integral component of the different sectoral programs. These
programs, at present, generally overlook the importance or assume the
separate existence of a "training component".
The Regional Bureaus: The Latin American and Near East Bureaus have
expressed the following as objectives of their EHRD activities:
a) expanding access to basic education;
b) developing indigenous institutions, programs and personnel
capability for more effective design, management and implementa-
tion of human resource development.
Illustrative examples of the kinds of activities that the Regional
Bureaus carry out include, among others.the following projects:
The Latin America Bureau is sponsoring a pilot project in the use of
"Educational Media for the Integration of Women". This is done through an
AID grant to the Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences of the
OAS. The project began in 1979 in the Dominican Republic and will be
expanded to cover three countries. The project includes an assessment of
the role of women, more particularly in relation to savings, marketing,
animal husbandry and in the small family-owned farm unit. From a develop-
ment perspective the objective is to enhance farm productivity, increase
income/earning return to producers and improve diet/health conditions of
the population. The project purpose is to test and develop guidelines
for the usage of the radio and other supplementary materials as an effective
system for training. Agricultural extensionists are attached to the project.
In the English speaking Caribbean, a recent priority has been established
to promote on-the job-training to bridge the gap between educational attain-
ment and employment-related prerequisites. As yet no one particular project
has been set up to do this.
The training programs sponsored by the Near East Bureau are directly
related to vocational/occupational skills training, but do not always include
women. In Egypt, there are two ongoing projects: The Vehicle Maintenance
Training and the Vocational Industries. The former--basically in-service
training to upgrade existent workers--does not tave formal schooling require-
ment. Women are excluded because "of the nature of the work involved". The
focus of the Vocational Industries Project (attached to the Ministry of
- 17 -
Industry and National Resources) is to upgrade the existent 35-40 Training
Centers primarily through the training of trainers. One of these centers
is expected to be open to women.
In Jordan AID has supported the Vocational Training Corporation which
through its skill training program graduates skilled and semi-skilled labor
for the public/private sector. Women are excluded from this Training Program.
Two AID sponsored training programs in Morocco are specifically targeted
to women: a) the recently established Industrial and Commercial Job Training
Institute which will graduate semi-skilled women in the fields of drafting,
mechanics, assembly line, typing, office work, etc.; and b) the upgrading
of the nationwide network of non-formal educational centers for adolescent
females under the Ministry of Youth and Sports, which provides basic skills
training throughout 300 centers to young women who have been bypassed by the
formal schooling system.
The EHRD strategy of the Africa Regional Bureau has established priori-
a) the development of rural learning systems particularly for rural
producers and their families.
b) expanding access to primary education)
c) developing indigenous administrative and technical expertise for
the design, management and implementation of human resource
Cutting across all these priorities is an expressed concern for the
fuller participation of women. The specific activities pursued include
some that are part of formal education. The majority, however, are related
to training in the areas of agriculture, health, and other rural develop-
ment sectors. Literacy is considered a necessary component of specific
skills training, to provide wider access to knowledge, attitudes and skills
necessary for effective participation in development.
The Senegal Cereals Production Project is considered as a good example
of an integrated approach to community development with skills training
and wide participation of women. The project design includes training,
access to technology and credit, research, extension services, and assist-
ance to cooperative formation. It relies on the active participation of
the population in articulating its interests and needs. It makes full use
of inputs from government programs as well as village-level inputs.
The Asia Regional Bureau expressed specific concern with employment/
income generation-related issues. By early 1981 it is expected that the
Bureau will have evolved a program strategy that will include the employ-
ment/income generation capacity-criteria as an integral component to all
projects. This should provide the groundwork for a reorientation/re-
direction of policy efforts with respect to training, in such a way as to
- 18 -
make programs more directly related to income-skills and employment object-
The Asia Bureau gives explicit priorities to rural development,
including water/irrigation systems, research and extension, access to
agricultural inputs, rural/agricultural planning capability and infra-
structural development. Employment/income generation and skills-training
components can be built around many of these priorities as an integral
part of the design, in a way that will include women as well as men.
Special Task Force Unit on Employment Generation: Within DSB, there
has been cdnsfidrable concernwith the lack of specific responsibility for
employment development. A special Task Force Unit was recently established
(May 1980) to address directly this felt need. The Unit will be a func-
tioning effort within the DSB to integrally deal with employment. It will
include representatives from DAA/Food and Nutrition, DS-Urban Development,
DS-Rural and Administrative Development, DS-Science and Technology and
DS-Agriculture, who will maintain ties with their current offices but will
work within the context of the Special Unit. A representative from
DSB-Education will also participate, though the explicit context for that
participation is not yet defined.
The work of the Special Task Force Unit on Employment Generation will
enhance the DSB capabilities to be both innovative and concrete in dealing
with employment related issues.
- 19 -
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS TO INCREASE TRAINING OPPORTUNITIES
FOR WOMEN AND IMPROVE THEIR ACCESS TO TRAINING
At the National Level
1. Identify and project current labor needs and future trends in rela-
tion to national and regional growth to make explicit actual and
potential role assessments for women as well as men.
(a) Assess work/productive contributions of women and identify:
i. areas where productivity can be enhanced, e.g., agri-
culture and marketing;
ii. where entry and skill mobility can be facilitated, e.g.,
(b) Assess labor pool potential including:
i. the location and concentration of women in the rural and
ii. which sectors women are active in or interested in
iii. levels of skills women possess and need to develop.
(c) Address training priorities for women to present and projected
market demands and growth potentials.
2. Target areas of productivity specifically for the accelerated inte-
gration of women (by sector, quotas, new industry sex-bias); provide
training with vigorous recruitment of women.
3. Encourage coordination between training programs and development
trends of the economic sector. Include incentives to women for par-
ticipation (e.g., scholarships).
4. Establish or strengthen a Commission for Women to serve as a research
and planning advocate for the needs of women in training, employment,
access to resources, and access to services.
5. Coordinate national and regional planning and training programs to
maximize limited resources (e.g., regional center for training
national trainers) and utilize work/field training experience to
enhance design effectiveness.
- 20 -
6. Make explicit policy and program objectives at all levels to mini-
mize the possible biases of program and local groups (e.g., exten-
sion agents, local religious leadership) that may inhibit women's
access to training. Provide concrete plans and resources of the
ways and means to enhance women's productive roles through training
programs. Encourage the training of women in all field to minimize
sex-segregation in national training and vocational occupations.
7. Complement policy oriented to enhance vocational training opportu-
nities for women with policy that encourages the education and
training of women at all levels of the professional and paraprofes-
sional spectrum in the fields of science and technology, to avoid
perpetuating the sex-segregation between professional and vocational
training and occupations.
B. At the Program and Project Levels
1. Emphasize (through financial support, recognition, etc.) training
programs that can promote and strengthen the organization of women into
women's cooperatives and associations or that facilitate effective integra-
tion of women into mixed organizations such as labor unions, and community
2. Encourage the creation of 'training groups' at the local level.
3. Investigate and utilize both formal and informal channels of infor-
mation and organization operating among women. Encourage organizations that
act as 'self-advocates' in articulating training priorities.
4. Recruit and educate women trainers in all skills and methods for
specifically reaching women students. Draw these trainers from local com-
munities where possible. Train women as paraprofessionals in all fields in
the technical paraprofessions to avoid perpetuating a sex stereotyped para-
professional and vocational occupational structure.
5. Develop methods and programs which minimize requirements for certain
level of literacy, arithmetic knowledge and other such conditions for partic-
ipation in training programs. Integrate these basic skills into vocational
programming. Build on existing knowledge, skills and experience of women.
6. Integrate process as well as content skills to enhance the adapta-
bility of training provided (e.g., organizational process, contact/work with
7. Utilize methods of training that promote active participation by
women; develop leadership potential/skills of women and clarify links between
skills and opportunities for women.
- 21 -
8. Establish centers in locations which are readily accessible to
concentrations of female population and which require a minimum of travel
9. Train urban women who participate in the marginal, informal labor
market, to enhance their income-generating potential within that market,
and to promote their entry into and mobility within the modern sector.
Strengthen the participation of poor urban women in associations, coopera-
tives and unions.
10. Train rural women to:
(a) Enhance their returns potential in agricultural production;
(b) Increase their productive activity in new sectors and ensure
the availability of complementary resources (e.g., land and
(c) Enhance productive employment in off-farm activities;
(d) Create and strengthen community-level associations, coopera-
tives and unions to increase women's collective access to
11. Ensure that the skills training provided is responsive to 'current
and future market demands' or has market outlets.
12. Ensure that "opportunity building" is integrated into training
design by developing information channels for hiring into formal sector,
encouraging contracts between employment sector and training programs for
hiring trainees; providing access to credit and technology for entrepreneur-
ial and self-employment projects.
13. Introduce skills enabling women to re-orient traditional home pro-
duction (e.g., poultry, food processing, animal breeding and spinning activi-
ties) into the market place.
14. Provide training in marketing, storage and process techniques and
in basic managerial, investment and accounting skills to support this re-
15. Account for age-variations when designing and targeting programs
(e.g., training for adolescent girls can often be longer and future oriented
while women with large family/economic responsibilities may require different
time, skill and immediacy of training application).
- 22 -
16. Promote in-service training for women by employers. Ensure that
women specifically are recruited for training and receive benefits (e.g.,
wage increases, promotions, etc.) equally with men upon successful comple-
tion of training.
17. Facilitate women's participation in in-service training (especial-
ly in view of double burden of domestic responsibilities) by:
(a) Integrating training directly into the production process
(rather than lengthening work-day with after-hours training);
(b) Providing an option of all-women training sessions (to over-
come reluctance women may have to participate with men because
of lower skill level, sex bias, etc.);
(c) Providing modern facilities that lighten household responsibil-
-ities, such as child-care alternatives, on the premises.
18. Establish incentives to accelerate women's access to middle-manage-
ment and sub-professional and technical "applied" fields.
19. Institute and encourage women's recruitment to programs which pro-
mote non-academic fields of employment through raising their prestige and
economic returns. Recruit female students into all types of vocational
training programs offered within the formal educational system, to counter-
act the tendency for sex-segregation in vocational and paraprofessional
1) ILO has defined Vocational Training as follows: "All forms of training
of young persons and adults for all areas of economic, social and cultural
life and at all levels of occupational skill and responsibility... di-
rected to identifying and developing human capabilities for a productive
and satisfying working life and, in conjunction with the different forms
of education to improve the ability of the individual to understand and,
individually or collectively, to influence working conditions and the
social environment" Refer to: "Conditions of Work, Vocational Training
and Employment of Women". ILO 11th Conf of American States members of the
ILO Medellin Sept-Oct. 1979. Report III.
2) UNESCO has categorized educational-attainment levels of out-of-school-
youth as follows:
-Never attended (opportunities not available; places not in school;
families can't afford; parents attitude to school;
-Entered Primary School/Dropped before completion (failed to pass;
withdrawn by parents; disillusion)
S-Completed Primary/did not proceed Basic literacy and numeracy (Parents
decided enough; employment necessity; secondary school
not available; social attitudes, etc.)
-Entered Secondary School/Dropped before completion (Parents; employ-
ment; place not available Sec School; failed, disil-
-Completed Secondary School/Did not continue (not able/not want to:
desire non-academic training; employment)
Cited in Kahler, D.W. and Droegkamp, J.M. 1980 'Characteristics and Needs
of Out-of-School Youth USAID/DS/ED NFE and Out of School Youth Project.
3) For the most recent data on sex differences in literacy, droput rates and
out-of-school youth, refer to: Kahler, David and Janis Droegkamp, 1980.
Characteristics and Needs of Out of School Youth. ibid.
4. The importance in the Third World economy of being semi-skilled rather
than unskilled is exemplified by the experience of El Salvador. A
benefit-cost analysis of the AID Basic and Occupational Skills Training
Project in that country--in which 72% of the participants were women--
estimates a Benefit/Cost Ratio of 5.9 based on conservative assumptions.
Total benefits for ten years are estimated at $70 million and total
costs at $11.8 million both adjusted to a present value in 1982.
Refer to: El Salvador Basic and Occupational Skills Training 1978.
(AID PLC/P 2287).
5) The effects of male outmigration to oil producing countries and
resultant shortages in skills and semi-skilled labor power have
compelled Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and to some extent Syria and
Yenen to recognize the need to train women in marketable skills to
fill present shortage. Jordan imports Egyptian labor to substitute
for losses incurred with the outmigration of Jordanian males, without
considering training Jordanian women when appropriate to take up some
of these jobs. At the same time, Egypt faces acute labor shortages
in the field of mechanics, welding, construction and machine operation
.(Harfoush, 1980; Hammam 1979).
6) It is in fact unrealistic to expect that the formal educational system
is capable of absorbing the present school age population. More criti-
cally it can be argued that even when such an absorption takes place,
the overall lack of flexibility of formal school curriculum makes it
unsuitable to meet the varied demands for skilled/semi-skilled labor
and/or to provide basic understanding needed by the poor majority to
secure and hold economically viable jobs.
7) Several reasons are cited in the Latin American experience for the dis-
criminatory practices in training programmes:
"from a historical perspective, most of the initiatives related to
vocational training were a response to the urgent need for a flexible
solution to increasingly diversified demand for skilled manpower gen-
erated by economic modernization. Most urgent requirements that voca-
tional training bodies had to meet came from the industrial sector and
within that sector from branches employing modern methods where typi-
cally only men were working. Thus women have been excluded by default
--since trainees were mostly all male." (ILO, 1979: 42).
8) In the African region ECA has reported that, although women do approxi-
mately 80% of agricultural work, they only have access to 15% of the
available slots in agricultural training centers. It is not clear,
however, whether this includes both training of women as agricultural
paraprofessionals and as users of agricultural innovations. In the same
region women occupy 100% of the training slots in home economics
(Derryck 1978). A report prepared by the Swedish International Develop-
ment Agency concludes that very little has been done in India, North
Viet-Nam, Kenya, Tanzania, Tunisia and Chile to train women as teachers
and users of agricultural methods (SIDA, 1974). In 1975 in Jordan women
constituted 5% of trainees in vocational courses related to architecture,
engineering and laboratory technology in the only vocational training
center which permitted women to enroll. As late as 1979 women were le-
gally excluded from the vocational institute offering paraprofessional
training in engineering in Amman. In contrast, all midwifery trainees
were women (Harfoush 1980). Sri Lanka.appears to be the exception
when it comes to sex-stereotyping of certain paraprofessional occupa-
tions. In 1976 women in that country constituted close to one half
(40%) of all instructors in agricultural extension courses. Predicta-,'
bly, however, all home educators were women (University of Colombo
9) As opposed to traditional or folk medical systems, where women have
always performed as professional healers.
10) The sex-segregation within the western health field has been well-
documented. In the U.S. health work is women's work, since over 85%
of health service and hospital workers are women. However, it is the
male physicians, hospital administrators, insurance company directors,
medical school educators and other professionals who dominate, lead
and control the health industry. Women occupy mostly the lower-paying,
low status paraprofessional and ancillary posts. For thorough discus-
sions of sex-segregation within western medicine and health care see
Brown, 1975, Navarro 1975, Ehrenreich and English 1973, and Segovia
and Elinson 1978.
11) The resistance to the professionalization of women's health-related
work as well as the cultural equation of women as mothers and healers
in the West were jointly expressed by Florence Nightingale: "nurses
cannot be registered and examined any more than mothers" (Ehrenreich
and English 1973: 38).
12) The attempted "modernization" of women's traditional weaving industry
in an area of Nepal resulted in the loss of allied jobs Cmajority of
the work in the industry). It introduced new looms, for which replace-
ment parts were not readily available. Local hand-spun thread was
replaced by costly-manufactured thread. There was not an effective
market channel/established for the products and the increased cost of
materials made them inaccessible to local markets. The production
output did increase, but with a host of other unintended consequences.
UNAPDI, Case Studies in Planning for Women Bangkok, 1979.
13) If not explicitly included in the design for development, including
training, women may in fact effectively resist change. See for
example Smithells, J. "Agricultural Extension Work Among Rural Women"
University of Reading, Agricultural Extension and Rural Development
1 4) An assessment of vocational training programs in five countries
of Southern Africa indicated that only training in handicrafts
and home economics courses required less than a secondary educa-
tion and they accounted for approximately 3% of the program
places available. USAID memorandum AF/DR/EHR "Vocational and
Technical Educational Assessment of Southern African Countries"
Feb. 28, 1980.
15) See Kahler, D. and Droegkamp, J. Characteristics and Needs of Out-of-
School Youth, USAID, Washington, D.C., 1980 for recent figures on
literacy, urban-rural differentation, drop-out, etc.
10 For example, market women In Ghana have developed various systems for
accounting and record keeping inspite of illiteracy. They also have
a highly developed apprenticeship system.
17) See for example the Non-formal education programs in Kenya and
the Philippines co-sponsored by World Education, the National
Christian Council of Kenya and the Philippine Rural Reconstruc-
tion Movement, with funding from USAID.
18) A study in Kenya of differential access to agriculture training
revealed that both men and women were active in community organi-
zation. The male 'groups' and the male extensionists, local chiefs,
etc. were the vehicles to decide access to training opportunities.
19) "In general there are no properly organized services anywhere to
help young people and adults to choose a job or occupation in
accordance with the personal interests, abilities, and intellectual
capacity". This is true even more so for women. CINTERFOR:
"Vocational Training for Working Women", (ILO, 1976).
20) The Farm Women's Agricultural Extension Program in Sri Lanka failed
to train women in subsidiary crop cultivation and animal husbandry
due to a shortage of qualified personnel to train the women and a
lack of marketing facilities, two key factors neglected during the
planning of the project. Universy of Colombo, "The Status of
Women" Sri Lanka", University of Colombo, 1979.
21) An evaluation of a large scale development project in South East
Asia showed that training courses for adult women failed to take
into account the increased demands on their time the other project
interventions had already created. Consequently enrollment in
these training courses was poor and attendance dropped rapidly.
22) The following are constraints unique to women: early age of
marriage, discrimination in the hiring of married women; social
pressures for large families; inadequate training preparation;
preference for educating males; seclusion practices.
23) 70% of the women in a study in rural Thailand preferred to have
training in economic/income related skills. There was also little
difference in the preferences expressed by men and women. (Thai
National Women's Council, 1977).
24) Topics covered by the LATF-Report included I-Statistics and Research:
a) labor force, b) wage/family income, c) occupational studies,
d) pricing, e) special programs, f) definitions and methods.
II-Macro-Employment Planning: a) macro sectoral Policy and Planning,
b) Employment Policy Analysis. III-Micro-labor Market Analysis:
a) Supply/demand local labor market, b) Analysis of labor market and
Employment Planning c) Employment and income Strategies. IV-Employ-
ment and Income: a) labor force development, b) Employment services,
c) Rural labor market organization, d) Labor migration, e) Community
support services. V- Employment Standards.
25) Interviews were conducted with the following: Office of Education
(DSB) D. Kinsley, J. Moulton (April 21, 1980); Africa Regional
Bureau W. Waffle (April 29, 1980); Asia Regional Bureau F. Mann,
H. Lundberg (April 15, 1980). Latin American Regional Bureau -
B.'Haiman, R. Martin, H. Ortiz (April 29-May 1, 1980). Near East
Regional Bureau W. McDonough, A. Midiean, S. Suggs and E. Toll
(May 5, 1980).
ATRCW UNECA, "Women in Traditional and Modern Labor Force"
Changing Status of Women in Africa, Aguta, MO and Exedlj, F.O., Eds.,
ATRCW UNECA, "African Women Workers: Analysis of Factors Affecting
Women's Employment", Organization of African Trade Union Unity,
African Women Workers Conference, Oct. 1976.
Bhola, H. S., "Educating the Other Half of Humankind"
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