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THE CHANGING CLASS COMPOSITION
OF THE FEMALE LABOR FORCE IN LATIN AMERICA
Helen Safa
Department of Anthropology
Livingston College
Rutgers University
DRAFT DO NOT QUOTE OR REPRODUCE WITHOUT PERMISSION
4-'A PLEIr,
THE CHANGING CLASS COMPOSITION OF THE FEMALE
LABOR FORCE IN',LATIN AMERICA
The shift from an agrarian to an urban, society in advanced capitalist
as well as Third World countries has generally been accompanied by the decline
I the family as a productive unit. Commercialized agriculture and mass pro-
duction of goods and services reduced the role of the individual peasant
or artisan family and moved production into the factory, office or other
centralized work places, with the bulk of the male population becoming wage
earners and depending entirely on the sale of their labor for an income.
In both developed and less developed societies, the rise of commodity
production outside the home thus introduced an entirely new division of
labor in the family as well as in the society at large. As wages became
increasingly important as a principal source of income, male heads of households
assumed primary responsibility for the family's support, while women and
children became principally a reserve labor force, called upon only in times
of need or for highly specialized tasks. The family no longer functioned
as an economic unit, and women were relegated to a subordinate status as
housewives, dependent on a man's wages and, unless they worked, deprived of
an independent earning capacity.
This paper is a preliminary attempt to examine the changes occurring
in the pattern of female labor force participation in Latin America as a
result of the development of industrial capitalism and the decline of the
family as a productive unit. In line with several studies now appearing on
women in Third World countries, it will attempt to demonstrate that the
prevailing style of development, dependent on foreign capital and a relatively
small modern sector, does not favor the incorporation of women, particularly
from the proletarian class, into the labor force. Increases in female
employment as a result of development and modernization, have tended to
benefit women from the upper and middle strata more than wo- en of the rural or
2
urban proletrait, who remain locked in marginal jobs with little opportunity
for upward mobility.
Women's Role in the Stages of Industrial Capitalism
Within a capitalist economy, we can distinguish at least three broad
stages in the development process, in each of which women play a markedly
different role: 1) the agrarian or pre-industrial stage in which women
participate primarily as members of a peasant family, acting as both a
production and consumption unit 2) the early stages of urbanization and
industrialization, when women are employed as domestic servants, petty vendors,
and unskilled factory workers, particularly in labor-intensive industries
such as textiles and food processing; and 3) the expansion of urbanization
and state bureaucracy, under conditions of monopoly capitalism, leading to
an increase in the service sector of the economy and in white-collar jobs
for women in clerical work, trade, public administration, social services,
etc. While in all three stages a small proportion of highly educated women
are employed as professionals, in the third stage there is a considerable
expansion of this sector along with intermediary jobs for women as secretaries,
salesgirls, and other lower-level white-collar jobs. Thus, in the third
stage, there is a marked change in the class composition of the female labor
force, with middle and upper-class women becoming economically active in
large numbers for the first time. This paper is concerned primarily with
the implications of this changing class composition of the female labor force
for the status and role of working class women in Latin America.
While both advanced capitalist and development countries essentially
pass through the same developmental stages, they differ considerably as to
the rate and scope of change and its impact on female labor force participation.
Third World countries remained agrarian much longer, and a considerable segment
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4
As a result, the rate of female labor force participation in developing
countries bears little relationship to the level of economic development and
industrialization (cf Collver and Langlois 1962). Unlike advanced capitalist
countries such as the U.S., there are few jobs for women in the modern sector,
which is most affected by level of economic development and industrialization
(cf I.L.O. 1975: 67-8).Ev-w the erceta,:: of women employed in manufacturing
shows no appreciable increase as a result of industrialization (Collver
and Langlois, op cit.). Thus, unlike advanced capitalist countries, the
expulsion of women from family production units in Third World countries is
not compensated for by a significant increase in the demand for female wage
labor, particularly at the unskilled level. Consequently, most wdcen are forced
into marginal jobs in the "traditional" sector such as domestic service, petty
vending, and unskilled factory jobs.
The overall rate of labor force participation for women in Latin
America hovers around 20 percent, about half that of the U.S. or western
Europe, and has remained fairly constant for over twenty years (ECLA 1975:2).
This apparent stability, however, masks the sectoral changes which have been
occurring during this same period. Since 1950 or earlier, when most Latin
American countries moved from a pre-industrial, agrarian base to an urban
and to a lesser extent industrial society, the female labor force has under-
gone marked occupational shifts, denoting their changing role in the productive
process. As unpaid members of a family productive unit, women were often
required to do heavy manual labor for which there was little reward or
recognition, though in Latin America women generally played less of a role in
agricultural field labor than in other Third World areas. Still the family
retained a certain degree of autonomy as independent producers, and the
economic role which women played within the family, not only in agriculture,
but in handicrafts, trade, etc. made them an important part of the productive
5
process. Opinions vary as to how much autonomy and status this gave the women
in the peasant or artisan family (cf. Bourque 1975, Rubbo 1975, Hartmann 1975).
However, she was certainly less dependent on men than in a wage economy in
which men came to exercise the principal role of breadwinner, and the family
as a whole lost all economic autonomy.
It would seem that the principal reason women were not incorporated
into the wage labor market at the same rate as men was the need of capitalist
society to protect women's reproductive functions.2 As Sacks (1974:220
has pointed out, "... class societies tend to socialize the work of men and to
domesticate that of women." Men are more mobile, and can be more intensively
exploited than women, because of the latter's child bearing functions. As
several feminist writers have pointed out (e.g. Benston 1969, Dalla Costa 1972,
Larguia 1973), housewives continue to play a crucial role in the maintenance
of the capitalist system since they are primarily responsible for the main-
tenance and reproduction of the labor force, by clothing, feeding and in
other ways assuring the survival of family members. However, since this
labor is unpaid and has no exchange value in capitalist societies, it lacks
of the status of production for the public domain. Women may continue to
exercise considerable authority in the domestic domain, but the domestic
domain does not have the importance it had when the family was a productive
unit. With the rise of large-scale industrial capitalism, there is a sharp
split between the public and private domain, and the family is reduced
entirely to the realm of "private life" catering to the personal needs of
its members. (cf. Zaretsky 1974). Most economic and political power is
shifted to the public domain, where men predominate (cf. Hartman 1975:15-16).
Thus in the new division of labor introduced by industrial capitalism
men provide the labor power and women reproduce and maintain it. As house-
wives women are useful to the maintenance of the capitalist system, while
6
as workers they might only add to the surplus of male unemployed. As a result
under industrial capitalism women's reproductive roles as wives and mothers
are extolled, while their productive roles as labor power is disparaged.
In part this is done by assigning women the worst jobs, the lowest pay, and
low priority in employment -- all the characteristics of a surplus labor
reserve. For example, in Latin America today, approximately one-fifth of
the female labor force is employed in domestic service, even in more indus-
trialized countries such as Chile (Ribeiro and Barbieri 1973:177) and Mexico
(Elu 1975). However, discrimination against women in employment is not
limited to the working class. As in advanced industrial counties, even
educated women in Latin America are paid less than men and employed at lower
level jobs (ECLA 1975:14).
The ideology that woman's place is in the home however, appears to be
a rather recent phenomenon and largely a projection of bourgeois values.
Women in the proletarian class never stopped working, at least during the early
stage of industrialization; they merely exchanged one form of heavy manual
labor within the home and on the farm for another in the factory, in the
mill, or most importantly in domestic service. An excellent study by Joan
Scott and Louise Tilly (1975) of working women in 19th century Europe shows
that most working women were young, single daughters of working and peasant
families who found employment in domestic service and the new garment and
textile industries, where much of the labor was done by piecework at home.
These work roles continued to be defined within the framework of the family
economy, with all wages going as necessary contributions to the survival of
the family unit. Thus, in the European peasant and urban working class,
feminine and economic functions were never defined as incompatible and initially
at least, work outside the home had much the same meaning as being a member
of a family productive unit.
7
Prejudice against female employment among the bourgeoisie began to
wane only with the opening up of new employment opportunities for educated
women in teaching, nursing, clerical and sales employment, etc. Thus we find
a marked class difference in women's pattern of participation in the labor
force in advanced industrial society; a large number of peasant and working
class women were employed in the early stages of industrialization, particularly
in domestic service and in garment and textile industries, and in the United
States also in tobacco and shoe factories and food processing plants (Smuts
1971:33). However,middle class women did not begin to enter the labor force
until jobs commensurate with their status opened up, so that the large increase
in opportunities for female employment have accrued primarily to middle-class
women who could afford the education necessary for white collar employment
(Smuts: op. cit., 32)
In fact factory jobs for women in the U. S. have declined or at best,
remained stable. Smuts (op. cit., 33) claims that about the same proportion
of U.S. women are engaged in factory production now as in 1890, though indus-
trialization has clearly increased tremendously in this period. This is due in
part to the fact that women are concentrated in labor-intensive, non-durable
goods, which have suffered in competition with capital-intensive heavy industry,
employing largely men. It is also due to the fact that as the wages of men
increased, through union activity and government legislation, there was less
need for women in the proletariat class to work, and they now adopted the
bourgeois ideology that a woman's place is in the home. At the same time, the
great expansion in public education in the U.S. during this period made it
possible for more women from blue-collar families to enter white-collar
employment. As a result, the percentages of women engaged in blue-collar
and white-collar occupations in the U.S. from 1900 to 1970 has just about
reversed; in 1900, over 80% of employed females were found in blue-collar jobs,
8
compared to less than 20% in white-collar jobs; in 1970 less than 40% of
employed women are found in blue-collar jobs compared to more than 60% in
white-collar jobs. (Miller 1975: Figure 3).
If we examine these figures by ethnic background, however, we discover
that it is primarily white women who have moved into white-collar employment
while women from ethnic minorities, such as Blacks, Puerto Ricans and Mexican
Americans, are still found largely in industrial and service occupations
(Wilber et al 1975: 78-9). The rise in the percentage of women in the labor
force since 1890 has been due largely to the tremendous increase of married
women working (up from 5% in 1890 to one-third of the female labor force today),
and to the increasing employment of women with at least a high school education,
largely in clerical, technical and professional occupations (Smuts 1971: ).
In Latin America the pattern of industrial development has favored the
employment of women even less than in advanced industrial societies. As we
have seen, the bulk of women employed in manufacturing in Western Europe and
the U.S. occurred during the early stages of industrialization, when women
provided a source of cheap labor for labor-intensive industries such as
clothing and textiles. The same pattern is evident in the initial stages of
these industries in Latin America, but only persisted in areas where men had
alternative sources of employment( or:;itsis 1974:6). The abundant supply of
cheap labor in Latin America forced men into these low-paying jobs, since they
did not have the opportunities open to them in more advanced industrial socie-
ties. In addition, as in the United States and Europe, capital-intensive
technology caused a decline in the total work force, but especially among
women. The switch to capital-intensive technology took place more rapidly
in Latin America, since much of the industry was foreign-owned and could import
the more advanced technology already developed in the west (Ibid. 7).
Industries such as textiles and clothing, which traditionally employed large
numbers of women, have also been declining because of competition with foreign
9
imports such as synthetics and, in an earlier period, imported cotton cloth
from England, and often require government aid through tariffs and subsidies
to survive. (Elu 1975, Chaplin 1967). Thus, the traditional areas of female
employment in industry have also been diminishing. At the same time, protec-
tive legislation, supposedly designed to assist women in industrial employment
has actually worked against than since employers prefer to hire men without
these costly restrictions (Ibid: 10). Unions have also been held responsible
for the decline in female industrial employment, particularly in Mexico where
unions are relatively strong (Elu : 18).
As a result, Chaplin notes, lower-class women in Latin America are
being pushed back into marginal employment in domestic service, street vending
prostitution and back-alley "sweatshops" (Chaplin 1967: ). Chaplin describes
the impact of this premature foreclosing of industrial work opportunities for
lower-class women in Latin America
It appears that in Peru lower-class women have borne the
brunt of this closure, or delayed replacement, of employment
opportunities. The combination of the mechanization of commercial
agriculture and the reduction of women in manufacturing means that
female lower-class employment opportunities are shrinking...
Perhaps it can be said that urban lower-class women are the most
exploited group at this stage of industrialization, with rural
workers in general a close second..." (Ibid: 228-9).
Latin American Women in White-Collar Employment
As industrial employment for women declined in advanced capitalist
countries, some working class women were able to move into new jobs in
clerical and sales fields as well as teaching, a prime avenue of upward
mobility for many working class girls. The expansion of public education in
the U.S. also made these higher-level jobs more accessible to the working
class. Although no systematic study has been conducted on occupational
mobility among working-class woemn in Latin America, there appears to be
even less movement of these women into intermediary type jobs than in advanced
10
capitalist societies, due to a rigid class system, lower levels of literacy,
and the comparatively small size of the modern sector in Latin American coun-
tries, controlled largely by foreign corporations. As in the United States,
racial and ethnic barriers also keep women out of white-collar work.
In his study of Peruvian textile workers, Chaplin (1967:185) notes
that women are moving out of the plant into the office. They are no longer
employed as obreras (laborers) but as empleadas (salaried wage-earners).
However, Chaplin makes it clear that these are not the same women, or even
from the same social class. In Peru, as in much of Latin America, both racial
and educational barriers force a sharp distinction between obreras and
empleadas, who require at least some high school education and are generally
lighter-skinned. According to Chaplin, the fast growth of educational
opportunities in Peru has actually created an excess of empleadas, with the
result that their wages are often lower than the average textile worker
(Ibid: 184). Still, white-collar work constitutes an attractive and expanding
sector of the economy, compared to the declining manufacturing sector. In the
nation as a whole, 30% of the empleados are female versus 10% of the obreros
(Ibid: 190).
Several studies on the Latin American labor force as a whole describe
the same trends (e.g. ECLA 1975, Gendell and Rossell 1968, Elizaga 1974).
In Brazil, for example, the increasing percentage of women in the labor force
since 1950 appears due largely to the growing participation of women with
some secondary or higher education, which virtually doubled in Brazil in the
1960-70 decade (Elizaga 1974:528). Most of these educated women are entering
white-:ollar jobs in social services, trade, office work, and public adminis-
tration, all of which constitute expanding sectors of the economy.
If women from middle and upper-class sectors are occupying these white-
collar jobs, they will constitute an effective block to the upward mobility
of proletarian women now employed in industrial or marginal occupations. It
11
means that women from the proletarian class will be locked into their present
occupational status, or with the decline iniindustrial employment may even
be unemployed or retired from the labor force entirely. At the same time, the
movement of middle-class women into white-collar jobs reinforces the existing
class structure, by supporting the life style of this group at the expense
of the working class.
An ECLA report on the participation of Latin American women in develop-
ment notes that "... the urban upper and middle strata that participate
most actively in dependent modernization seem to have grown more rapidly than
other components of the national population almost everywhere." (ECLA 1975:5).
According to ECLA (1975:6-9) the growth of these elite classes has been
marked by 1) an increase in school enrollment since 1960, particularly at the
middle and higher levels; 2) an increase in non-manual middle and upper class
occupations, which however have not kept pace with the growth in education,
leading to rising educational requirements for these occupations; and 3) a
higher concentration of income at near the top, with some gains in
absolute terms for groups near the middle of the income ladder. The ECLA
report notes that these inequities are due largely to the unequal distribution
of power and the inability of the "prevailing style of development" (i.e.
dependent capitalism) to incorporate a large part of the rapidly growing
urban force into adequate or productive occupations.
According to ECLA (1975: 10-13) these trends have been particularly
disadvantageous to women. Although women have made educational gains equal to
those of men, they have not participated to the same extent in the growth of
the urban middle and upper occupational strata. The increase in female labor
force participation is concentrated among single women aged 20-24. They tend
to withdraw from the labor market, temporarily or permanently, after marriage,
12
so that their chances for advancement through seniority and promotion are
diminished. Only career-oriented women with a university education tend to
remain employed after marriage, since they have more invested in their educa-
tion, and can also better afford to hire domestics to help with housework and
child care (cf. Kinzer 1973 ). As in the U.S. and western Europe, the
expansion of public education in itself has created an enormous job market
for teachers, with women in the majority. In Peru alone, 74% of the teachers
are women. (Testa-Zappert 1975).
Case studies in particular countries reveal a marked difference in the
pattern of labor force participation by women in marginal or blue-collar
occupations vs. white-collar and professional work. As noted above, women in
white-collar work with the exception of highly educated professionals, tend
to regard their work as temporary and their salaries as discretionary. A study
of white-collar workers in Peru notes that 70% of the women are single, with
the majority coming from middle-class homes and native-born Limenas.
(Testa-Zappert 1975). Though they are rather poorly paid (particularly in
comparison to men)and foresee little chance of upward mobility cf the job,
this is not a major source of discontent, since 30% of these women use
their salaries only to support themselves, and have no career ambitions.
The Mattelaarts (1968:120-2) in their comprehensive study of Chilean
women, note a sharp distinction between women who work for individual ful-
fillment and mobility and those who work for economic need. In their sample
of Chilean women from the urban lower class, 56% continued to work after
marriage (the highest rate of any class group) and only 14% had never worked
in their lives. Work becomes an economic necessity because the husband's
salary is inadequate or because they are the sole source of support in the
family. As the ECLA (1975:16) report notes, "female family breadwinners ai,
in the most disadvantageous position of all." Thus, in the proletarian class,
13
as many studies corroborate (cf. Safa 1974: Piho, 1975; Saffioti 1976)
women continue to define their economic functions within a family context.
Like women in the early stages of industrialization in Western Europe, they
work for the survival of the family, not to fulfill their own career or
mobility aspirations. In the words of Ribeiro and Barbieri (1973:185)
referring to Chilean obreras, "production is a necessity which enables
reproduction:
Thus, the goals of female employment vary according to class sector,
leading to different work patterns over the life cycle. In Latin America,
middle and upper-class women tend to give up working at marriage unless they
have career ambitions and can afford to delegate certain households tasks to
a domestic servant. Continuation of their career therefore depends on the
exploitation of other women. Women from the urban or rural proletariat,
however, continue to work most of their lives, either to maintain their
parents or their children. They may be forced to change jobs with the advent
of marriage and children; thus, it has been found that newly arrived migrant
women generally find work as domestic servants, but are forced to leave their
jobs once they have one or two children.. (Testa-Zappert 1975). Many then
seek work as ambulances or street vendors, or if they are more successful,
obtain a stall in the market. Vending is a job which many proletarian
women find compatible with motherhood, since they are freer to establish their
own hours and can take their children with them. Factory work is more diffi-
cult, unless they are fortunate enough to find a factory with day-care
facilities. The constraints which marriage and motherhood imposes on pro-
letarian women again forces them into low-paid, dead-end occupations.
It could be argued that middle and upper-class women are more "liberated"
since they have a wider choice of jobs open to them and can drop out of the
labor market if a suitable job is not available. They are not forced into
dead-end and poorly paid jobs to insure the family's survival. Middle and
14
upper-class women, however, work primarily to further their own individualistic
status or career ambition they are a product of the bourgeois ethic which
stresses competition and personal mobility. For these women, the split between
family and economic domains is complete. No longer is work seen as an exten-
sion of the woman's reproductive or family role; the woman participates in the
public world of work as an individual, not as a member of a family unit.
Conclusions
What, we may ask, are the political implications of this increased
participation by middle class women in the female labor force in Latin America?
Clearly this pattern of labor force participation, while not favorable to women
or the working class in general, is highly favorable to the maintenance of an
industrial capitalist system. It creates a huge labor reservoir among the
proletariat, which keeps wages down, while at the same time creating new
jobs for the middle and upper sectors to tie them more closely to the existing
system. The creation of intermediate jobs in clerical and sales work for
women is particularly important in Latin America, where the gap between the
highly educated, professional woman and the illiterate vendor or domestic
reinforced the polarization between class sectors.
It may be, as Braverman has argued, that as in the advanced capitalist
countries, lower level clerical and sales workers will merge with the pro-
letariat, and that the new middle class will evolve into "... the creation
of a large proletariat in a new form" (Braverman 1974:107). However, mass
entry of women into white-collar jobs is still too new in Latin America for
the supposed prestige and status of these jobs to have diminished. While
dissatisfaction with white-collar jobs may grow, more discontent is likely to
arise over the continued denial of access to these jobs to women from the
proletarian class, who seek some escape from tiring manual labor.. The ECLA
15
report notes that past rates of expansion in education and jobs, particularly
at middle and higher levels, is unlikely to continue (ECLA 1975:7), while
the marginal sector continues to swell. Whether this blocked mobility will
result in working class women in Latin America. taking a more active role to
change the status quo, remains to be seen.
In the United States, men have been seen as the primary opponents
to women's occupational mobility, reserving for themselves the best jobs
and the highest pay. The emphasis on job segregation by sex has tended to
diminish the attention paid to class differences among women in the wage
labor market. Thus, in an extensive review of the historical development
of job segregation by sex in advanced capitalist society, Hartman notes:
"When women participated in the wage labor market, they did
so in a position as clearly limited by patriarchy as it was by
capitalism. Men's control over women's labor was altered by the
wage labor system, but it was not eliminated. In the labor market
the dominant position of men was mainta ined by sex ordered job
segregation. Women's -jobs were lower paid, considered less skilled,
and often involved less exercise of authority or control. Men acted
to enforce job segregation in the labor market; they utilized trade
union associations and strengthened the domestic division of labor,
which required women to do housework, childcare, and related chores.
Women's subordinate position in the labor market reinforced their sub-
ordinate position in the family, and that in turn, reinforced their
labor market position." (Hartman 1975:26-7)
While I would not argue with the mutually reinforcing impact of pat-
riarchy and capitalism on the continued subordination of women, I see a great
danger in emphasizing the opposition along sex lines to the virtual exclusion
of class differences. In the United States, this emphasis on men as the
"principal enemy" has led middle-class women, who are most active in the
women's movement, to be largely concerned with promoting equality within their
own class sector, while ignoring the continued gross inequalities still
suffered by working class women. The women's movement in the United States by
and large, has not addressed itself to the concerns of working class women.
If the Latin American women movement follows suit, it is likely only to
consolidate the minor gains won by middle and upper-class women in recent
years, to the continued detriment of working-class women. Both in the
United States and Latin America working-class women must organize on their
own, and in response to their own needs, rather than relying on middle-
class women to fight their battles for them.
FOOTNOTES
1. In line with Wallerstein (1974:399-401) I distinguish
between agricultural capitalism, which started in Western
Europe in the 17th and 18th century, and industrial
capitalism, which followed in the 19th. Capitalism is
here then defined primarily as production for profit
rather than with the emergence of wage labor, which is
only fully developed under industrial capitalism.
2. Hartmann (1975:35) cites several other reasons for the
exclusion of women from wage labor such as the exclu-
sionary policies of male unions, women's lack of training
and skills, and the financial responsibility of men for
their families. She maintains that the idea of men as
head of the household (and therefore primary breadwinner)
antedates industrial capitalism and was merely reinforced
by it
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