• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 List of annexes
 Front Matter
 Section one: Colombian migration...
 Section two: Latin America in the...
 Section three: Colombians in New...
 Annexes






Title: Elements for a comprehensive model of international migration : the case of Colombian migration to the United States
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089144/00001
 Material Information
Title: Elements for a comprehensive model of international migration : the case of Colombian migration to the United States
Physical Description: Book
Creator: Corporacion Centro Regional de Poblacion
Publisher: Corporacion Centro Regional de Poblacion
Publication Date: 1976
 Subjects
Subject: Caribbean   ( lcsh )
Spatial Coverage: Colombia -- Caribbean
North America -- United States of America -- Caribbean
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00089144
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    List of annexes
        Annex
    Front Matter
        Front Matter 1
        Front Matter 2
    Section one: Colombian migration to the United States
        A-i
        A-1
        A-2
        A-3
        A-4
        A-5
        A-6
        A-7
        A-8
        A-9
        A-10
        A-11
        A-12
        A-13
        A-14
        A-15
        A-16
        A-17
        A-18
        A-19
        A-20
        A-21
        A-22
        A-23
        A-24
        A-25
        A-26
        A-27
        A-28
        A-29
        A-30
        A-31
        A-32
        A-33
        A-34
        A-35
        A-36
        A-37
        A-38
        A-39
        A-40
        A-41
        A-42
        A-43
        A-44
        A-45
        A-46
        A-47
        A-48
        A-49
        A-50
        A-51
        A-52
        A-53
        A-54
        A-55
        A-56
        A-57
        A-58
        A-59
        A-60
        A-61
        A-62
        A-63
        A-64
        A-65
        A-66
        A-67
        A-68
        A-69
        A-70
        A-71
        A-72
        A-73
        A-74
        A-75
        A-76
        A-77
        A-78
        A-79
        A-80
        A-81
        A-82
        A-83
        A-84
        A-85
        A-86
        A-87
        A-88
        A-89
        A-90
        A-91
        A-92
        A-93
        A-94
        A-95
        A-96
        A-97
        A-98
        A-98a
        A-98b
        A-99
        A-100
        A-101
        A-102
        A-103
        A-104
        A-105
        A-106
        A-107
        A-108
        A-109
        A-110
        A-110a
        A-110b
        A-111
        A-112
        A-113
        A-114
        A-115
        A-116
        A-117
        A-118
        A-119
        A-120
        A-121
        A-122
        A-123
        A-124
        A-125
        A-126
        A-127
        A-128
        A-129
        A-130
        A-131
        A-132
        A-133
        A-133a
        A-134
        A-135
        A-136
        A-137
        A-138
        A-139
        A-140
        A-141
        A-142
        A-143
        A-144
        A-145
        A-145a
        A-146
        A-147
        A-148
        A-149
        A-150
        A-151
        A-152
        A-153
        A-154
        A-155
        A-156
        A-157
        A-158
        A-159
        A-160
        A-161
        A-162
        A-163
        A-164
        A-165
        A-166
        A-167
        A-168
        A-168a
        A-169
        A-170
        A-171
        A-172
        A-173
        A-174
        A-175
        A-176
        A-177
        A-178
        A-179
        A-180
        A-181
        A-182
        A-183
        A-184
        A-185
        A-186
        A-187
        A-188
        A-189
        A-190
        A-191
        A-192
        A-193
        A-194
        A-195
        A-196
        A-197
        A-198
        A-199
        A-200
        A-201
        A-202
        A-203
        A-204
        A-205
        A-206
        A-207
        A-208
        A-209
        A-210
        A-211
        A-211a
        A-212
        A-213
        A-214
        A-215
        A-216
        A-217
        A-218
        A-219
        A-220
        A-221
        A-222
        A-223
    Section two: Latin America in the United States. Colombians in New York City: An autobiographical approach
        B-i
        B-ii
        B-iii
        B-1
        B-2
        B-3
        B-4
        B-5
        B-6
        B-7
        B-8
        B-9
        B-10
        B-11
        B-12
        B-13
        B-14
        B-15
        B-15a
        B-16
        B-17
        B-18
        B-19
        B-20
        B-21
        B-22
        B-23
        B-24
        B-25
        B-26
        B-27
        B-28
        B-29
        B-30
        B-31
        B-32
        B-33
        B-33i
        B-33ii
        B-33iii
        B-33iv
        B-33a
        B-33b
        B-33c
        B-34
        B-35
        B-35a
        B-36
        B-37
        B-37a
        B-37b
        B-37c
        B-37d
        B-37e
        B-38
        B-38a
        B-38b
        B-39
        B-39a
        B-40
        B-41
        B-42
        B-43
        B-44
        B-45
        B-45a
        B-45b
        B-46
        B-47
        B-47a
        B-48
        B-49
        B-50
        B-51
        B-52
        B-53
        B-54
        B-54a
        B-55
        B-55a
        B-56
        B-57
        B-58
        B-59
        B-60
        B-61
        B-62
        B-63
        B-64
        B-65
        B-66
        B-67
    Section three: Colombians in New York City-1970: Some socio-demographic features
        C-i
        C-ii
        C-1
        C-2
        C-3
        C-4
        C-5
        C-6
        C-7
        C-8
        C-9
        C-10
        C-11
        C-11a
        C-11b
        C-12
        C-13
        C-14
        C-15
        C-16
        C-17
        C-18
        C-19
        C-20
        C-21
        C-22
        C-23
        C-24
        C-25
        C-26
        C-27
        C-28
        C-29
        C-30
        C-31
        C-32
        C-33
        C-34
        C-35
        C-36
        C-37
        C-38
        C-39
        C-40
        C-41
        C-42
    Annexes
        D-i
        D-1
        D-2
        D-3
        D-4
        D-5
        D-6
        D-7
        D-8
        E-1
        E-2
        E-3
        E-4
        E-5
        E-6
        E-7
        E-8
        E-9
        E-10
        E-11
        E-12
        F-1
        F-2
        F-3
        F-4
        F-5
        F-6
        F-7
        F-8
        F-9
        F-10
        F-11
        F-12
        F-13
        F-14
        F-15
        F-16
        F-17
        F-18
        F-19
        F-20
        F-21
        F-22
        F-23
        F-24
        F-25
        F-26
        F-27
        F-28
        F-29
        F-30
        F-31
        F-32
        F-33
        F-34
        F-35
        G-i
        G-1
        G-2
        G-3
        G-4
        G-5
        G-6
        G-7
        G-8
        G-9
        G-10
        G-11
        G-12
        G-13
        H-1
        H-2
        H-3
        H-4
        H-5
        I-1
        I-2
        I-3
        I-4
Full Text










ELEMENTS FOR A COMPREHENSIVE MODEL OF INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION

THE CASE OF COLOMBIAN MIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES



Contents




INTRODUCTION


SECTION ONE
Colombian Migration to the United States.


SECTION TWO
Latin America in the United States. Colombians in New York
City: An Anthropological Approach.


SECTION THREE
Colombians in New York City-1970: some socio-demographic
features.


ANNEXES
(See list of Annexes following page).











LIST OF ANNEXES.


ANNEX Number 1.

Chronological List of Colombian
Legislation on International
Migration

ANNEX Number 2.

Questionnaire used in visa
applicant survey

ANNEX Number 3.

Case Studies of Colombian Immigrants
in the United States

1. The Experience of an Immigrant
Married Couple in New York City

2. From Secretary to Domestic Employee

3. An Illegal Immigrant in the United
States Returning to Colombia

ANNEX Number 4.

Some Final Considerations and
Recommendations

ANNEX Number 5.

Newspaper Headlines on Colombian
Emigration.

ANNEX Number 6.
Correspondence concerning the special
tabulation contract with the U.S. Census
Bureau.














PARTICIPANTS


Project Director

Section One.

Colombian Migration to the
United States

Section Two.

Latin America in the United States
Colombians in New York City:
An Anthropological Approach

Section Three.

Colombians in New York City-1970.:
some socio-demographic features

Statistical Assistance

Translation of Section One
and Annexes
Maps and Graphs

Computer Work

Secretarial Work


Ramiro Cardona


CarmenInes Cruz
Juanita Castaio




Elsa M. Chaney


Mary G. Powers
John J. Macisco Jr.

Sara de VelIsquez

Carol Wahl
Ayda Pinz6n

Guillermo Rojas

Elsa Rojas

























The authors of Section One are indebted to
MAUREEN DUNN for her assistance in the first
stages of the study. She efficiently collab-
orated in collecting data and reviewing bibli-
ography. To CONSTANZA CUARTAS, GENOVEVA TORRES
and STELLA DE CANCINO for their help with the
typing. Also to YOLANDA DE LA CARRERA for her
diligent assistance with the bibliography.
Finally, to RAMON GUTIERREZ for his valuable
help with the mimeographing. To all of them
our gratitude.














INDEX SECTION ONE


COLOMBIAN MIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES


PART ONE Page

I. Settlement of Colombian Territory 8
Composition and policies which
influences its settlement:
From the Conquest to Independence
From Independence to the Present

II. Colombian Legislation on International
Migration 18
From 1823 to May 1957
From June 1957 to the Present

III. The Migration Process in Colombia:
Some Considerations on its Causes
and Consequences 55


PART TWO

IV. Emigration of Colombians 74

V. Colombian Emigration to the United
States 79


BIBLIOGRAPHY


212














INTRODUCTION


In January, 1975, under the sponsorship of the Smithsonian

Institution, the Spatial Distribution Area of the Regional

Population Center began a study on Colombian emigration to

the United States. The principal aims of this research are

to examine, in both sending and receiving societies, the

background of the beginnings of the migratory flow between

the two countries, the factors that have influenced the

formation and evolution of this flow, the characteristics

of the migratory process and of the emigrants, as well as

the implications of this process for both societies and for

the migrants themselves.

In order to achieve the aims stated above, the following

studies had to be done:

- An analysis of the historical background of the inter-

national migration process in Colombia;

- A study of Colombian legislation on international migra-

tion;

- A survey of Colombian migration to other countries, from

its beginnings to the present, highlighting some of the

early features of this phenomenon and the main migratory

trends.









2.

The study of these points served as the necessary framework

for the next step, which focused upon Colombian migration

to the United States.

For this research, several Colombian and United States stat-

istical sources were consulted. United States immigration

laws and the effects of the Immigration Act of 1965 were

analyzed. The appearance of the illegality issue, some of

the characteristics of Colombian immigrants in the United

States revealed by the statistics, migrant selectivity, and

the potential effects of emigration on the sending and re-

ceiving societies were also studied. An effort has also been

made here, to study the elements in both societies that could

act as "push and pull factors" on the Colombian population.

A survey was also done based on a small sample of people who

have applied to the U.S. Consulate in Bogota for immigrant

visas.

This small sample revels demographic characteristics occupa-

tion, and other socio-economic traits which help to situate

the visa applicants within the stratification system in Co-

lombian society. It also provides information on the mi-

gration, occupation and employment history, the reasons for

wanting to emigrate, their expectations and hopes, and their

image of the United States and of Colombia.

At the same time the studies mentioned above were done, a
study of community of Colombian immigrants living in










Jackson Heights, "a Colombian neighborhood in Now York",
containing the largest community of Colombians in the
United States, was also undertaken. This study analyzed

various aspects of the community: the background of the

neighborhood's formation, the way the migratory process

occurred, the establishment of Colombians in the neighbor-

hood, their achievements, the different associations set up
by Colombians, the image Colombians have of the United

States and of their own country, their perception of the

possibility of returning to Colombia, their ties to Colom-
bia, and their involvement in the receiving society.

Another study undertaken as part of this project was based

on a sample taken from the 1970 United States census. The
study describes income levels of Colombians in New York,
their educational levels, and educational,marital, and
fertility patterns.

Such socin-economic variables as education, income, age,

occupation, and marital status were studied in order to
compare Colombians with the total population of New York. This
comparison offers interesting suggestions on the political

implications of Colombian emigration for the sending and the

receiving country.

Finally, the study makes several suggestions aimed at provid-

ing the elements for the formulation of policies in Colombia

and the United States regarding those migrating to the United

States.










The Research Team

The research was done as a part of the work carried out by

the Spatial Distribution Area. To this end, a research

team was formed under my direction. It included: Carmen

Inds Cruz, Juanita Castaio, Elsa M. Chaney, Mary G. Powers,

and John J. Macisco, Jr., Elsa Rojas was in charge of the

secretarial work.

For the analysis of the special sample of the 1970 United

States census, the Regional Population Center made a con-

tract with the U.S. Census Bureau to process a special tab-

ulation designed for the team's needs. Although this stat-

istical information was requested in April, 1975, to date,

none of the information asked for has been received. Mean-

while, we obtained several tabulations which were used in

the general design for a study on Puerto Rican migration to

the United States and which the Census Office was able to

send rapidly for our study of Colombians in the Metropolitan

New York Area.

Therefore, the studies we present here, developed by Dr. Mary

G. Powers and Dr. John J. Macisco, Jr., do not exactly cor-

respond to what was initially plc.fiedfor our study. They do

however, provide valuable information. When the tabulations

we are still waiting for from the Census Bureau, do arrive,

they shall be analyzed (see correspondence in Annex No. 6 ).








5.

Dr. Elsa M. Chaney concentrated her efforts on observing
the Jackson Heights community in New York. CarmenInes Cruz

and Juanita Castano focused their attention on an analysis

of Colombian and United States legislation, on the study of

the information on legally admitted immigrants, and on those

applying for emigration. Carmenlnes Cruz and Elsa Cheney

also worked on several immigrant case studies.

It is very important to emphasize that the work described in

this preliminary document in no way represents the conclu-

sion of the studies that the Regional Population Center plans

to do on the emigration of Colombians to the United States.
This is so, because we found, in the course of the research,

that new questions arose that could not be examined due to a

lack of time and resources. The following issues are some
of the ones we are interested in researching:

- The history of Colombian immigrants who have been in the

Unite States the longest amount of time.

- A survey of the businesses on Rooselvet Avenue 82, N.D.
Street and 37th Avenue, done to discover who owns them

and what kind of businesses they are, etc.

- A study, perhaps using specific cases, of Colombians who

become naturalized citizens and another study of Colom-

bians who returned to Colombia voluntarily and of those

Colombians who were deportedfrom the U.S.

- The "Cultural and Political Brokers" of the Colombian

community, who, it appears, are for the most part "real
estate and travel agents".









- A study of the over-30 years of age unmarried women group,

whose number, according to statistics, reach significant-

ly high levels when compared to other groups of Colombian

immigrants.

- A general study on women, their adaptation and incorpora-

tion into the labor market in the U.S.

- A detailed study of social clubs.

- A study of the attempts that have been made to organize

the Colombian community.

It might seem that most of these subjects are examined in

our research and referred to in this report, however, they

have not been dealt with in sufficient depth, again owing

to time and resource limitations.

This exploratory study of Colombian migration to the United

States constitutes the foundation for a more ambitious

program that the Center would like to undertake, investigat-

ing colombian emigration to other countries such as Panama,

Venezuela, and Ecuador.

In conclusion, I must mention that what the Regional Pop-

ulation Center researchers have learned from this research

has been the basis for developing joint activities with

government agencies responsible for formulating Colombian

migration policies. In fact, the Ministry of Labor of the

Republic of Colombia asked the Center to work out a project

which the Ministry presented as a document at the Meeting

of Labor Ministers of the Andean Pact, held in Cali in










September, 1975. This Ministry has also asked the Regional
Population Center to present a research proposal on Inter-
nal and international migration which would help the Minis-
try to formulate policies on this subject. Recently, the
National Planning Department and the Regional Population
Center agreed to create a joint committee for the develop-
ment of future studies on the migration of Colombians to
other countries.

In submitting this report, I would like to express my own
gratitude and the research team's gratitude to all those
Colombian immigrants in the United States and visa ap-
plicants who gave their help while this study was being done.
We would also like to thank the UnitedStates and Colombian
authorities for their help with the study. And finally, we
would like to thank the Smithsonian Institution for its
financial aid, without which this study would have been
impossible. From the Smithsonian group, we owe special
thanks to Dr. M.C. Shelesnyak, Director of the Interdisci-
plinary Communications Program, and to Dr. William Paul
McGreevey and Dr. David Holnes, who acted as project coordi-
nators for the Institute.




Ramiro Cardona


Bogota, September, 1976














PART ONE

I. SETTLEMENT OF COLOMBIAN TERRITORY




Historical Background

In comparison with other South American countries, the eth-

nic composition of Colombia's population is less diverse;

it is relatively easy to trace its origins if we take the

Spaniards' arrival as a point of departure.

Only three ethnic groups played a prominent role in the set-

tlement of the area during the period following the occu-

pation by the Spanish Empire, namely:

(a) Native Indians

(b) Spanish conquistadors and settlers, and

(c) Negroes from Africa, imported by Spaniards, mainly to

work in their mines and to alleviate the serious

shortage of labor existent at the time.

For political and economic reasons, as we shall see further

on, other ethnic groups from other countries, had

little importance in the history of the settlement of Co-

lombian territory. There is still some controversy regard-

ing the three groups in question, and this is still a

debatable issue.









The Indian Population

Whereas historian Giraldo 3aramillo (in Rosenblat 1954a:

306) calculates that approximately five or six million

Indians were living in Colombia when the Spaniards arrived,

another historian, Angel Rosenblat (1954b:306-307), be-

lieves that the population only amounted to some 850,000.

Giraldo Jaramillo's estimate could be considered an exag-

geration, while Rosenblat's figure may be conservative;

other scholars in this field have made estimates which

range somewhere between these two extremes.-1 However,

Rosenblat's theory seems to be favored by Colombian histo-

rians dealing with Indian population problems, even

though, in Tovar Pinzon's opinion, "we do not know where

the figure mentioned by Rosenblat came from." This cla-

rifies, then, the provisional nature of these figures under

discussion. Nonetheless, all historians agree that there

is sufficient proof that the occupation of American soil

caused a demographic catastrophe unparalleled in the his-

tory of mankind.


Historians also agree when identifying the causes for the

drastic reduction of the Indian population in the Nuevo

Reino de Granada; Jaramillo Uribe (1964:267) sums up

these factors:



1/Zamora, seemingly based on news from Jim6nez de Quesada,
reported that the Chibcha population in the Turmeque
Valley alone was in the millions. According to Jose
Joaquin Acosta (in Jaramillo Uribe 1954), Piedrahita
shared this belief.







10.


"The causes which produced the decrease in the
Indian population in the Nuevo Reino de Granada
were, in general, the same ones which affected
the entire American territory. These causes,
as accepted today by most researchers who have
studied the subject, were very diverse. It is
very difficult, if not impossible, to classify
any one of them as unique or even fundamental;
all of these factors probably had simultaneous
or reciprocal influence. A list of the factors
would include the following: wars during the
Conquest; hard work in the mines, timberyards
and on plantations; new diseases which the con-
quistador brought with him (smallpox, influenza,
measles, typhus); disruption of the
economy and disruption of the traditional cul-
tural and social structures; the struggle for
survival of the conquistadors and settlers who,
especially during the first century, consumed
but did not produce food--this made it more dif-
ficult for the Indians to obtain the food they
needed. Lastly, the introduction of new forms of
culture and new social relationships was reflected
in the disintegration of families and tribes, in-
difference towards reproduction and difficulty of
sexual contact with the consequent negative ef-
fects on the demography...."

The Black Population From Africa

The conquistadors had small praise for the indigenous pop-

ulation's work capacity. This attitude is clearly re-

flected in chronicler Herrera's observation that "....al-

ready the first shipments of slaves had shown the Spaniards

that the work of the Negro was equal to the work of four

Indians" (quoted in Escalante 1964). The growing extinc-

tion of the Indians appreciably affected the availability

of labor force for the work the conquistadors needed done.

Both of these factors helped to maintain the influx into

the territory of the only group of foreigners that, toge-

ther with the Spanish, strongly influenced the settlement

of the area. This group became so strong that it affected







S11.


the ethnicity of future settlers. Obviously, we are re-

ferring here to the Negroes who came from Africa as slaves.

In his study on the Negro in Colombia, Aquiles Escalante

(1964:12) comments that it is not known for certain when

or how the first black came to the West. Nevertheless,

there is evidence that on his second voyage, Columbus

brought the Indians a black slave. He later brought in

more slaves, despite the fact that no decision had been

made on the question of slave traffic.

Accounts indicate however, that already in the first part

of the 16th century the situation in the New World induced

the Spanish government to definitely establish the slave

trade. To supply its colonies with slaves, the Spanish

granted licenses to slave traders. With these licenses,

the Spanish colonial authorities agreed to give permission

to bring a certain number of Negroes to the New World in

exchange for a tax that was usually minimal (Escalante

1964:16).

Although this group has been very important in the settle-

ment and in the population structure of Colombia, the

ethno-African has been studied very little. As Escalante

says, this group has only been given minor attention by a

few historians. There are only fragmentary records on the

Africans who came to Colombia. It is significant however,

that Negroes were brought in for three centuries in order

to supply labor needs for the mining industry--the most








12.


important one in the economy of that period. Blacks were

also imported for domestic work in white households, fil-

ling the void left by the rapidly dying-out Indians. Sev-

eral chroniclers of the time offer observations which give

us an idea of the relative numbers of both ethnic groups.

"....from the beginning of the conquest, most cf the mines

in Nueva Granada were exploited by Indians, assisted by

gangs of Negro slaves" (Escalanto 1964:126-127). Accord-

ing to Jaramillo (1964:271), the proportion of the two

groups working the mines is suggested by Cieza de Leon's

comments when referring to the gold mines in Anserma and

Riosucio "....blacks and some Indians worked in the mines."

The White Population from Spain

The blacks from Africa plus the whites from Spain are the

two foreign groups that played an important role in settl-

ing the territory which is today Colombia. These groups

modified the area's native population both racially and

culturally. Having analyzed the ethno-African group, we

shall now turn briefly to the Spaniards in terms of settle-

ment and the composition of the population in Colombia to-

day. As is the case with black immigration, there is also

a lack of information on the number of Spaniards who came

to Nueva Granada. Hence we can only make inferences based

on other facts. We must make mention of the following:

(a) the limited population of the Spanish Empire at the

time;







13.


(b) the Empire's political conflicts from the 16th through

the 18th Centuries, which called for the presence of

Spanish citizens to defend the Empire in its continual

wars;

(c) the vastness of Spain's overseas empire required the

presence of Spaniards to maintain control and to de-

fend the Empire;

(d) the risks entailed in traveling to the Americas and of

surviving there.


We can assume that the number of Spaniards who came to

Nueva Granada was limited; this assumption is substantiated

by the observations made by chroniclers:

".... Dnn Jorge Juan and Don Antonio do Ulloa, in a
historical account of their trip to South America,
have left us a record of the settler colonies in
Cartagena de Indias in 1735."

"The white neighborhood in Cartagena can be divided
into two groups: one of Europeans and another of
criollos, or the offspring of that country; there
are not very many of the former, who are called
'chapetones'." (Escalante 1964:135)


Father Felipe Salvador also refers to Nueva Granada in 1743

in his writings; he says: "The criollos welcome foreigners

warmly; when a Spaniards arrives, they rejoice .as if he

were a long-awaited brother...." (Escalante 1964:137).


This would indicate that Spaniards did not arrive continual-

ly and that their numbers were limited. But in spite of

the small number of Spaniards in Nueva Granada, the intense

miscegenation process which they initiated and encouraged








14.


produced noticeable effects on the composition of the pop-

ulation. The following table illustrates the importance

of each ethnic component in the population of the Colom-

bian territory at two points in history--in 1718 and in

1963--thus indicating variations in these groups; unfor-

tunately, we have not been able to obtain similar data for

previous years.


Table 1.1

COMPOSITION OF COLOMBIAN POPULATION IN 1718 AND IN 1963
ACCORDING TO RACIAL CHARACTERISTICS


Racial Characteristics 1718 1963
o a

Native Indian 19 2
Negroid 7 6
Mestizo (Indian and Caucasian) 48 48
Mulato (Negroid and Caucasian) 24
Caucasian 26 20

100 100
Total Population (738,523) (17,484,508)**


(*) This figure is omitted; presumably it was included in
the mestizo population.

(**) Data corresponding to census taken on July 15, 1964.


Source: Quoted in Acosta, Rodolfo "Sobre la Estratifica-
ci6n Social en Colombia" in Luis Costa-Pinto,
et.al. Transici6n Social en Colombia, Universi-
dad Nacional de Colombia, CID, Bogota.

1970, p. 91, Banco de la Rep6blica, Atlas de la
Economia Colombiana, 1963.








15.


Other Groups of Settlers

In addition to the Spaniards, the only other substantial

foreign group that populated Colombia were the Negroes

brought from Africa as slaves for economic and pragmatic

reasons. Other foreign elements were viewed by Spaniards

as a threat to the interests of the Spanish Empire and to

its complete and strict control over its American colonies

economic and political affairs. This attitude led to a

strong isolationist colonial policy; Spain therefore be-

came the sole buyer and seller, imposing monopoly prices

which were only sustained by prohibiting the entry of

products which were not marketed through Spain.

Nevertheless, chroniclers report that this type of control

was evaded with the help of ambitious Spanish merchants.

There are also accounts of how this prohibitive policy en-

couraged contraband with the English, French, Dutch,

Genevese and Flamences; this trade was made possible by

certain Spaniards who allowed their names to be used in ex-

change for rich profits (Tirado Mejia 1974:74). "The report

of 1691 on commerce in Cadiz reveals that of the 51 to 53

million embarked in Cadiz, 50 million belonged to

Frenchmen, Englishmen, Dutchmen, Genevese or Flamences who

were trading under false names or with names of Spanish

commission agents."


Small non-Spanish groups also settled the territory ac-

cording to several chronicles; the following quote that







16.


Ospina Vasquez (1955:192) takes from the National Archives

can shed some light on the influence of these groups and

their settlements:

"The colony had already experimented with agricul-
tural settlements for foreigners. The t'wn of San
Carlos, in the province of Santa Marta, near the
San Sebastian River on the Comino Real between San-
ta Marta and Valledupar and Valencia de Jesus, was
founded by Englishmen from the American North and
by people from Socorro, who had originally intended
to settle the Gulf of Darien. The settlement was
not graced by good fortune."


Independence: New Attitudes Towards Settlement

As a result of Spain's attitude towards its colonies--

which both hindered the immigration of large masses to

the territory and checked the development of some sectors

of production to ensure the colonies' dependence--Nueva

Granada was confronted with the following situation when

it began its independence process in 1810: (a) the pop-

ulation was exiguous in comparison with the vast dimensions

of its territory and with its needs of human resources for

development, and (b) the development of its economy was

minimal and very far from being self-sufficient. In view

of this, those who were in power in the emerging nation

considered the immigration of LTropeans as the best way to

colonize the territory and to import old world knowledge

and technology.

Thus the constitutional texts sanctioned after 1810, in

addition to other topics of fiscal and economic interest,

explicitly state their desire to attract industrious fo-









17.


reigners (Ospina Vasquez 1955:86). One of the first mea -

sures adopted by the free nation was to "open its doors to

foreigners and to trade with all peoples" (Tirado MejTa

1974:97-117; Ospina Vasquez 1955:86-100).









18.


II. CnLOMBIAN LEGISLATION ON INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION




The study cf Colombian legislation on immigration and emigra-

tion in the territory provides an in-depth view of the State's

policies, attitudes and values in this area. This study will

also supply us with a historical framework for these migratory

movements, thus explaining the reasons behind their incidence

and importance.

In order to analyze Colombian migratory legislation, we con-

sulted the annals of the Colombian Congress and the few

studies and documents which have been written on this sub-

ject (Samame 1973). This research provided us with a large

body of laws, articles, provisions, decrees, etc. which could

well have been the object of numerous and diverse analyses;

our analysis is necessarily partial and mainly oriented

towards presenting the background which will help explain

the volume and characteristics of these movements. By compar-

ing legislation on international migration with the situation,

we will be able to obtain an indication of the effectiveness

of this legislation.

From 1823 to May 1957

We have already mentioned the fact that, with the Indepen-

dence in 1810, an open attitude towards foreign immigration

replaced Spanish isolationism. We began our study of exist-







19.


ing legislation at this point, and we found that in the

thirteen years after the positive attitude was adopted, and

despite the interest shown, there was no increase in immi-

gration of foreigners to the territory. So in 1823, Law 91

was passed; it is the first migratory statute in the annals

of Congress. In somewhat dramatic terms it reflects the

intense desire for immigration, which was then considered to

be a key factor in development.


The text of this law reads as follows:

"Law 91 of 1823 (June 11). Hereby authorizing the Exe-
cutive Power to effectively promote immigration of
foreigners to Colombian territory. Whereas:

2. The population of the Republic of Colombia has
never been adequate for the vast extension of
its territory, as a consequence of the barbarous
system adopted by the oppressive government,
first exterminating the Indian race and later
prohibiting entry to all nations of the world.
The population has been decimated even more by
the war of death and desolation waged for thir-
teen years.

3. The fertility of the soil, the salubrity of the
climate, the great extension of uncultivated
lands and the liberal instructions of the Republic,
permit and call for numerous immigration of use-
ful and hard-working foreigners who, while seeking
their own fortune, enhance that of this nation.

Decree the following:

Art. 1. The Executive Power, in the exercise of its
constitutional and legal faculties, and by the means
established in this decree, shall effectively promote
the immigration of European and North American fo-
reigners.

Art. 2. To this end, the Government can make use of
3,180,000 to 4,770,000 acres (two to three million
fanegadas) of State-owned land, selecting their
qualities and utilizing them in the manner which it
deems most advisable; however, it may not grant each
family more than 318 acres (200 fanegadas) of land.







20.


Art. 4. The Executive Power shall take the necessary
steps regarding the local situation, social establish-
ment and other definite arrangements in order to
foster the immigration of foreigners; the Government
shall decide those exemptions to be granted toimmi-
grants.

Art. 5. All the individuals composing said families,
as of the date when they establish their residence
on Colombian soil, shall be considered naturalized by
the Republic, and.they shall enjoy the same rights as
citizens, excluding those reserved by the Constitution
for native citizens or for those who have lived in the
territory for a given number of years.

Art. 6. The Executive Power shall see to it that this
immigration be entirely or mostly made up of farmers
and craftsmen; it shall report on its operations per-
taining to the implementation of this decree to the
next legislature...."2/


Two aspects especially attract our attention in this law's

formulation:

(a) The racist attitude towards immigration is explicit;

it constitutes a basic criterion of selectivity favor-

ing Europeans and North Americans.

(b) The interest in encouraging agriculture and craftsman-

ship, with no mention made to mining, could reflect

the new state of affairs where exploitation of mines

was reserved for those who had consolidated their po-

sition in the territory and the mines were worked by

Negroes.


As a whole, the law expresses total openness towards Euro-

pean immigration, with such promise of benefits for new



2/Quotations from the texts of laws and decrees are incom-
plete; they exclude those parts which are not relevant
to the topic being discussed.







21.

arrivals that a chronicler of the time remarked: "and the

merry distribution of lands began." We were not able to

uncover any conclusive evidence of this law's effects; how-

ever, the tenor of the second law on this matter--24 years

later--leads us to believe that the results obtained were

far from satisfactory, since the second law--Law 25 of June

2, 1847--emphatically stresses the need to foster immigra-

tion. It makes one significant concession--Asians may also

immigrate to the territory.


Law 25 offers immigrants more incentives, preserving the

original measures and privileges granted by Law 91; it

defines previous policies and sets forth new ones. Now

the executive power shall pay immigrants' fares and the

initial expenses needed to establish their residence in the

country. Diplomatic and consular personnel are empowered

to act as liaison to hire foreigners; furthermore, authori-

zation is given to sign contracts with immigration agents

who promise to bring farmers and craftsmen to Nueva Granada

to stay. It provides for a twenty-year period during which

immigrants will enjoy new exemptions thanks to the naturali-

zation which they automatically obtain on arrival to the te-

rritory, in accordance with provisions of the law of 1823

and as ratified by the law of 1847.


No mention can be found of the effects of this law either;

after it was passed, 24 years went by before there was any

new legislation onimmigration.







22.

Law n of June 1871 is the third law on immigration; it con-

tinues the trend of the first two. It promotes immigration

by increasing incentives to attract immigrants while adopt-

ing a new attitude: protection for the immigrant. To this

end it states: "Art. 1. Create a Board for the protection

of those immigrants who arrive in the country without re-

sources...."


It would seem that, in practice, the policy that was being

applied placed all of its emphasis on promoting immigration,

but once foreigners actually arrived, they were completely

abandoned to their fate. The government now saw the need

for assisting immigrants even after their arrival; it was

strongly motivated by the evidence that the people and fa-

milies undertaking this type of adventure usually did so

because they had little to lose in their native country and

little or nothing to bring with them to Nueva Granada. They

only brought their hopes of building their future, based on

the offers of incentives, exemptions, etc. made by immigra-

tion agents to encourage them to come to the New World.


The creation of the Board--the first of its kind--sets off

the establishment of a whole series of agencies which are

created, modified, and abolished--they are quickly incor-

porated into others or they disappear. All these agencies

were in charge of promoting immigration and protecting im-

migrants. We shall refer to them later.






23.


The Law 145 of 188 represents the fourth and last migra-

tory law approved during the 10th century. It sets forth

criteria to determine non-resident and resident status, and

stipulates the obligations corresponding to each group.

The most interesting aspect of this law is that foreigners

are expressly prohibited to take part in any activity or to

hold any post involving political authority or jurisdiction;

violation of this law was sanctioned with expulsion from

Colombian territory (Art. 12 and 13).


Unlike the previous three laws, this one is not concerned

with promoting immigration; on the contrary, it restricts

foreigner's activities in the territory.


One indication of the importance of foreign immigration

during the 19th century is perhaps that many social and econ-

omic historians do not even mention it. Others, like

McGreevey, for example, in his book on Colombia economic

history during the last 55 years of the 19th century, com-

ments, "In Colombia, only one important problem of foreign

economic policy was debated: the tariff. There was no need

to regulate foreign immigration, since it was almost non-

existent. The immigration policy did not provoke heated

debates, since few immigrants came to the country and few

planned to come...." (McGreevey 1975:74). The few figures

available on the number of immigrants at that time confirm

this statement; according to McGreevey (1964:Table 1-C-1),

if the main national groups of im:iigrants are considered,

a estimated figure of 3,509 foreigners entered the country







24.


during the last 17 years if the 19th century.




Table II.1

ESTIMATED NUMBER OF SPANIARDS, ITALIANS AND GERMANS
THAT IMMIGRATED TO COLOMBIA, 1892-1899


Year Spaniards Italians Germans Total

1802 104 108 14 226
1803 33 106 139
1884 12 56 17 85
1885 17 10 22 147
1886 31 118 14 163
1887 73 11i 191
1888 87 63 7 157
1889 25 111 10 146
1890 53 136 67 256
1891 38 219 26 283
1892 30 153 3 194
1893 37 127 13 177
1894 17 67 18 102
1895 32 85 1 110
1896 70 228 20 318
1897 49 208 17 274
1898 37 93 18 140
1899 251 129 5 385

Total 1,004 2,233 292 3,509
% 28.6% 63.6% (7.8%) (100.0%)


(-)Indicates that there were no
is.no information available.


immigrants or that there


Source: Quoted in McGreevey (1964:Table 1-C-1). Taken
from a more extensive chart.


We must necessarily wonder why, in spite of the invitation

extended by the legislature to immigrate to the country

and of the privileges contemplated by the law, there are


so few who choose to come to the territory.


There are







25.


probably several reasons which caused those who left the Old

World to seek a new home in America to choose other places.

Since there are no studies which clarify this matter, we may

present some suggestions on factors which cruld help explaining

this issue. Those we consider the more plausible ones are:

(1) Spain's policy during its domination of Nueva Granada

excluded the possibility of receiving immigrants who

were neither Spaniards nor Negro slaves, at a time when

many European immigrants were looking for a place to

settle in America. This established well-defined pat-

terns which later identified the preeminent immigration

countries, like those nations of the Southern Cone, Ar-

gentina and Uruguay, and in the North, the United States

and Canada. So when the doors of what is today Colombia

were finally thrown open to immigrants, they were

probably no longer willing to settle just anywhere in

the New World. They doubtlessly preferred those places

where other fellow countrymen had already settled.

This would reflect the tendency observed in other mi-

grant populations to choose their destinations based on

the places where others they know have gone. This is

the so-called "process .,f chain migrati-n"documented by

several migration studies (Choldin 1973; MacDonald,

1964); this takes place because the original migrants

influence their relatives, friends and fellow country-

men. This attraction can be explained in terms of

emotional and functional ties which encourage relatives
and friends








26.


to reunite. Migration is encouraged by the flow of in-

formation through interpersonal communication and the

moral and eventually economic support that previous

migrants would give those arriving later, thus making

their new life easier.


Based on this observation, we could think that be-

cause of the strict restrictions against the immigra-

tion of non-Spanish settlers, in effect during the Con-

quest and the Colony, the development of an immigrant ry

tradition was impossible. In the meanwhile, other

American territories were welcoming immigrants who came

to settle, thus consolidating large groups from dif-

ferent countries who later were to attract more and

more immigrants. For this reason, when Colombia ridded

itself of Spanish domination and opened its doors to

European immigrants, the Europeans already showed a

definite interest in those territories where their fellow

countrymen had settled and consolidated their position

as a group, as is the case of the Italians in Argentina,

the Germans in Uruguay and Chile, the English in the

United States, the French in Canada, etc. This is what

historians refer to as the migratory tides to the United

States and the countries of the Southern Cone. Between

1861 and the end of the century, Uruguay received one

million European immigrants--ten times its population in

1815. This means that the countries were totally re-

structured as a result of the European immigration









27.


(quoted in Garcia 1969:44).

Regarding the two sizable foreign groups in Nueva

Granada, we can suppose that the African Negroes did

not attract spontaneous migration from their native

countries for obvious reasons since they were brought

to Colombia as slaves. And even after slavery was

abolished, migratory legislation conserved its definite-

ly racist criteria. For some Spaniards, the onset of

the independence process in 1010 meant their return to

the peninsula (McGreevey 1975:F3). And in the years

immediately following the War of Independence, the fear

of hostility from the inhabitants of the newly indepen-

dent colony could hardly make Nueva Granada an attrac-

tive place to settle.

There are no figures available on the number of immi-

grants to Colombian territory before 182, but the

fact that McGreevey's figure of 3,509 immigrants between

1832 and 1899 includes only 20.6% from Spain, whereas

63.6% are Italians and 7.8% Germans--

--would seem
to support ou thesis that Nueva Granada did not attract much

Spaniards to settle in what had previously been their

colony.


(2) Colombia's continual civil wars and its permanent con-

flicts during most of the 19th century caused the death

of thousands of its inhabitants; this situation could









28.

hardly be expected to attract immigrants, just as very

few foreigners today could be expected to spontaneous-

ly establish their residence in countries at war.

(3) Another explanation for the low numbers of immigrants

during the 19th century could be that even though legis-

lation shows great enthusiasm in promoting the immigra-

tion of foreigners, its provisions were mere formulations

without being really effective. The promotion was not

reflected in the actions of those in charge of implement-

ing the program.


(4) Part of the failure could also have been due to the fact

that the incentives offered by the Colombian State to

motivate foreigners to settle in the country were not as

attractive as those offered by other American countries.

A comparative study of the Governments' different at-

titudes and the privileges offered t.I immigrants by some

American countries, in different periods of history,

would prove very valuable and would help clarify many

questions pertaining to the presence of foreign settlers

on American soil.

We must also mention that apparently those privileges offered

by the law to those who immigrated to the country, like land

grants, which were given so much importance, were actually not

very effective. Historians show that because of the large

amounts of free land available and the labor shortage, land

in general was of little value during the first half of








29.


the 19th Century. "Land was available to anyone interested

in clearin' it....lands of excellent quality and location

were reserved for the criollo oligarchy, the Church and for

the Indian communities which were gradually dispossessed of

their lands in favor of the other two groups. So the lands

available to be granted to immigrants were generally State

property, or uncultivated, and cultivating them was not

practical because of the lack of adequate transportation.

Even so, most of these Government land wound up in the hands

of the land-holding elite" (McGreevey 175:133).

Therefore, since the treatment and the incentives received

by the few immigrants who did arrive to the territory did

not measure up to what had been offered them in the laws,

the legislature decided to set up an agency to be exclusive-

ly concerned with that group.

From June 1957 to the Present

Two stages in Colombian international immigration can be

distinguished in the legislationn passed during the 20th

century: the first stage begins with the Independence and

ends in May 1357, and the second begins in June of that

year and includes current legislation.

Until May 1957, the legislature continued to give the same

importance to the immigration of foreigners to national

territory as during the previous century. Therefore, the

period between 1723 and 1957 could be considered as one
stage.








30.


The following is the last decree preserving that policy, and

it clearly illustrates what could be considered the common

denominator of Colombian legislation on migration for that

stane.

"Decree 1453 of 1956 (June 22). Hereby reorganizing
administrative immigration services and issuing other
provisions on the subject....Whereas .... it is advis-
able to create a permanent entity, exclusively devoted
to encouraging immigration to Colombia, which shall
be endowed not only with the necessary powers to en-
sure the success of its task, but also with those
powers needed to guarantee an efficient administrative
organization both in the country and abroad.

....for several years, and especially after 1920, laws
have been issued an provisions adopted which tend to
agree with the convenience of welcoming immigrants to
the country to cooperate in its development and, at
the same time, to help remedy population deficiencies

Decrees:

Art. 1. As a dependency of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, create the "National Immigration Committee
II

....Art. 5. The Secretariat shall be responsible for
those services necessary to attend to the basic as-
pects of immigration promotion within the country,
and especially the investigation of manpower needs,
the reception, establishment and assistant of the
immigrant and the coordination with agencies, depart-
ments, institutions or enterprises, both public and
private, interested in immigration....

Art. G. As a dependency of the "National Immigration
Committee", create in Europe the "Commission for Im-
migration to Colombia", whose main objective shall
be to provide information, to select candidates, and
to assist the immigrant until he reaches his port of
departure. It shall also be in charge of coordina-
tion with official entities of the country of emigra-
tion and with international agencies which can lend
advisory services in this regard....

Art. 7. The "National Immigration Committee" shall
encourage, by all means within its power, spontaneous
immigration, and it shall try to encourage the immi-








31.


gration of individuals who will be useful in industry,
the sciences and arts, as well as settlers for rural
areas and agricultural centers.

....Art. 9. In a joint effort with the Agrarian, In-
dustrial and Mining Credit Gank, the "National Immi-
oration Committee" shall nive special attention to
immigration destined to settlement centers; they could
benin with pilot projects.

Art. 10. The Foreian Exchange Registration Office
shall authorize remittances of un to one hundred
dollars per month for a term of no more than one year
to the immigrants that meet the prerequisites esta-
blished by the National Immigration Committee with
the approval of the Government."


To summarize, Colombian migratory legislation from 1F23 to

May 1957 is mainly concerned with the following:

-- Promoting immigration to the territory. To this end,

the Government adopts several measures designed to

stimulate immigration and to protect the immigrant.

The incentives granted include financing the trip to

Colombia and the initial expenses involved in establish-

ing residence in the country, land grants, exemptions

from fiscal and other responsibilities, granting

nationality, first automatically on arrival and later

by meeting certain requirements, and protection and

assistance once in Colombia.

Establishing sanctions for those immigrants who failed

to fulfil their obligations, especially the obligation

stipulating "no participation in political activities."

Impr-vin. mechanisms which allow greater control over

the entry of immigrants and police surveillance of

foreigners' activities while in the territory.









32.
Furthermore, three important features stand out throughout

the legislation being considered; they include the follow-

ing:

A well-defined preference for the white European or

North American immigrant with the hope that he will

contribute to "economic development" and also to "the

improvement of ethnic characteristics". This means,

essentially, that he will help "whiten the skin" of

Colombia's future generations, thus reflecting the

society's pigmentocratic nature. As Escalante (1964:

135) rightfully observes in his study on the Negro in

Colombia, "This is still very much alive today".

A strong influence of Catholic morals, as can be de-

duced from the insistence on "the need to moralize

the native inhabitants' customs" (this means the need

to substitute those customs for Spanish ones) and the

preferential treatment given to the immigration of

family groups, the acceptance of men immigrating

alone, and the obstacles for women travelling alone.

These women had to comply with additional requirements

(not enforced for men travelling alone) as is indicated

in Article 3 of Decree 1697 of 1936:

"All women who immigrate alone, with no husband,
parents or siblings living in Colombia, and who
are not travellinci as tourists, shall obtain
previous permission:

From the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
from diplomatic and consular representatives
From port authorities and shipping lines."








33.

A high regard and definite preference for industrial-

ization as a means to achieve the desired economic

development. For this reason the European technology

the immigrants could provide was so important.

Table No. II-2 shows the results of the immigration recruit-

ment work in the first quarter of the 20th century.

There were then, according to estimates, about 9,740 Spaniards,

Italians and Germans who entered Colombia to establish them-

selves there, in the first quarter of the 20th century. Be-

cause these groups of immigrants were the ones who arrived

in the largest numbers at that time, we must conclude that,

as in the preceding period of time, the results of the efforts

to attract immigrants during that period were less than what

the expectations set out in the immigration laws would have

hoped for.

Starting in 1926 and up until 1952, that is, for a period of

27 years, the General Reports of the National Statistics

Department (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadis-

tica-DANE) provide information on "travelers arriving in

Colombia, according to their pcrt :f ei.arture". This in-

formation may be found inGrtph II-1.


Unfortunately, the above information does not indicate who

entered the country as immigrants and who entered the coun-

try in other capacities. It would not be inaccurate to say

that a large percentage of those figures represent transient










34.


Table No. 11-2

ESTIMATED NUMBER OF SPANIARDS, ITALIANS AND GERMANS
WHO IMMIGRATED TO COLOMBIA, 1900-1924


Year Spanish Italians Italians Total

1900 114 114
1901 105 105
1902 111 111
1903 80 0
1904 75 75
1905 70 70
1905 157 157
1907 36 366
190V 109 92 201
1909 145 636 031
1910 120 185 305
1911 154 312 466
1912 179 394 573
1913 117 741 850
1914 441 77 192 710
1915 133 24 12 169
1916 110 9 7 126
1917 157 2 1 160
1918 67 Q7
1919 139 46 586 771
1920 179 99 1216 1494
1921 172 658 030
1922 138 135 273
1923 95 305 400
1924 428 428


Total 1631 2159 5950 a740
16.7% 22.2% 61.1% 100.0%


(-)Indicates that there was no immigration or that no in-
formatijn was available.

Source: Quotel in McGreevey (1964:TaLle 1-C-1). This
table is part of a larger one.


travelers, tourists, or other non-immigrant visitors.

Furthermore, although it cannot be proven by statistics,

qualified observers have commented that immigration in





TRAVELERS


TO COLOMBIA


1!926 -1.952'


GRAPHIC NQG


SEPARATE DATA FOR IMMIGRANTS AND
NON- ItMWRANTS ARE NOT AVAILABLE

ON DATA FROM DANE ANUARIOS GENERALES DE ESI


TRAVELERS


NORTH AMERICA
Canado and Mexico
S A .
CENTRAL AMERICA AND ANTILLES
SOUTH AMERICA
EUROPE
ASIA
AFRICA
OCEAN.A

TOTAL


16.Ci
'9 '
102.-
77-
3 :.


294. A2


I_ ~~I


TADISTICA


SOURCE: BASED


P
o~
Q*.a


)"



a









36.


the second quarter of the 20th Century increased due to the

arrival of U.S. citizens to Colombia as a result of the

severe economic depression that affected the United States.


As was mentioned above, the following graph shows the number

and port of departure of all immigrants and non-immigrants

who arrived in the country. It also reveals that if each

country is taken separately, the United States is the coun-

try where most travelers came from.

More statistical information on immigration to Colombia can

only be obtained starting in 1953, when, for the first time,

the National Statistics Department began to differentiate

in its records of travelers arriving in Colombia, between

those travelers who arrived as "immigrants" and those who

arrived as "non-immigrants," We shall see more on this

question later on.


In May 1957, with the overthrow of General Gustavo Rojas

Pinilla's military dictatorship, we comic to the end of a

period that had lasted almost 150 years, during which time

the legislative and executive branches of the government

had repeatedly and enthusiastically expressed their interest

in promoting immigration to Colombia, and during which time

the government passed different schemes designed to attract

immigrants. This had been done because it had been believed
that immigrants, especially European ones, would signifi-

cantly contribute to the development of the country by









37.

improving the race, skin color, morality, etc., and those

other traits already discussed here.

The Second Stage of Migratory Legislation

In June 1957, a second stage in Colombia's attitude toward

foreign immigration begins. Since then, 12 laws and decrees

have been issued regarding foreign migration. No more men-

tion is made of the desirability of migration. The focus

of interest is changed to promoting tourism.


The type of problems that are dealt with and the measures

that are taken from then on indicate an abrupt change in

attitude toward immigration. In practice, these measures

would seem to tend to hinder immigration. Even the entry

of refugees, sponsored by national and international agen-

cies must first meet certain very stringent requirements,

as is made clear by the following decree:

"Decree 0642 of 1958 (April 11). Hereby regulating
the entry of refugees and stateless persons into
the country.

Art. 1. Refugees and stateless persons who want to
enter Colombia as residents or immigrants, and
whose transfer is sponsored by international or
national agencies, shall comply with the following
requirements in order for the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs to determine whether or not it is advisable
to grant them the corresponding visa. They shall:

(a) Possess a passport or travel document, duly
issued by the country where they are living
in temporary asylum.

(b) Accredit before the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
the possession of the visa needed to return to
their country of origin, valid for at least six
months.








38.


(c) Guarantee, through the agency, entity, or in-
stitution sponsoring the transfer, payment of
the expenses involved for the return trip to
the country which has granted the visa men-
tioned in clause (b) of this Article."


It is interesting to note all these requirements for refu-

gees and stateless persons, who are usually considered as

a special type of immigrants and consequently receive spe-

cial treatment and exemptions to facilitate their migration,

since their status is indeed special. So to ask a refugee

to "find a country that will accept him temporarily and that

is willing to grant him a duly issued passport or travel

document before applying for his entry into Colombia" and

that he also "have a visa to return to his country of ori-

gin...." are, in practice, obstacles which very few can

overcome and that would definitely minimize the possibility

for this type of individual to enter the country, even

though the law seemingly would suqqest the contrary.

To continue this line of thought, let us now examine sev-

eral other measures adopted that would restrict immigration

to the territoyy. In Decree 1934 of July 25, 1958, the

Ministry of Foreign Affairs is instructed to assess the

economic capacity of those enterprises wishing to hire

foreign technicians or operators, and that of those immi-

grants who reside in the country and who wish to send for

other relatives. In both cases, i deposit on return fare

is required, in the event that departure is necessary. And

even more recently, in May 1973, Decree 324 established the







39.


following:

"....Art. 2. The immigration deposit shall be equal
to the cost of the return air fare to the foreigner's
native country, tourist class, on an airline belong-
ing to IATA, plus 25% of the amount of said fare.

Art. 4. ....All foreigners with an ordinary visa,
subject to the immigration deposit, shall deposit in
the banking account of the Paymaster's Office of the
DAS (Departamento Administrativo de Seguridad), the
amount stipulated by the Colombian Consul in their
respective passport."

Other laws and decrees issued in the last 19 years (see

Annex 1) refer to special agreements made with certain

countries to facilitate reciprocal tourist traffic (Great

Britain, Netherlands, Portugal).Others haveintroduced in-

novations in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and hae led to

the establishment of the Intergovernmental Committee for

European Miqrations to Colombia.


All of this clearly demonstrates that, during the last two

decades, not only has the idea of promoting immigration to

the territory been discarded, but measures have been adopted

which undeniably restrict the entry of foreigners who wish

to reside in the country. In this chapter we shall discuss

the reasons for this turn-about in immigration policies.

Furthermore, the lack of an explicit statement of those

policies designed to restrict immigration creates ambiguity

in the criteria applied to those who apply for immigrant

visas. This state of affairs often suggests that the cri-

teria and decisions adopted may be the reflection of the








40.


person holding the post at any given time, and that they are

not the result of a coherent formulation of migratory poli-

cies.


Many officials in consular agencies and others involved in

deciding who shall enter the country show a serious lack of

knowledge of existing migratory legislation; this aggravates

the situation even more. This lack of knowledge was admitted

openly by several of these officials and was blamed on the

deficient information supplied by the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs.


In short, we can say that Colombian legislation on interna-

tional migration mirrors the philosophy of different areas

on economic development; political, religious, and moral

attitudes; the concept of ownership; plus racial, machista,

class and many other prejudices. This subject could well

provide material for several interesting studies. Here we

have only referred to the aspects which have influenced

international migration and the settlement of Colombian

territory.


As already mentioned, it is only from 1953 on, that national

statistics begin to separately record the immigrants and

non-immigrants who arrive in Colombia. This information,

arranged according to the port of departure, is summarized

in Graph No. 11-2, for the period of time 1953-1970.






IMMIGRANT


AN r i.. J!iGRa :.'T TRAVELERS


COLOMBIA


1.953- 1.970


: ~

?

I~; ci ,-
L OC.1CI tr
L, 1;

i/
,.: i .c~j-
.

\Ls:4 '-L "'~
r-
-r
3~
i ~- "*
I '
r


t f r.4


- -




2i;


Y.' C,~Oi"~:i~..
:d"tC p"i''ll,;:~
*'C;s.S
Z 1. -.. CINFF;rt~ rir
i*~FR;Lfr


T .
1>l h


- r'- ./-


CE'.^


A


Xx
04 /*


C/ /



- (/


/'







I r


~


_~ I


_


- ~-~Lg O0

!~s~T~c;


r"iC
.~
r









42'.


However, although information from previous periods is not

available, and the numbers shown in the table should be

considered with certain reservations for reasons we shall

explain further along in the study, it seems that despite
the fact that in the second stage of Colombian legislation

on immigration, it is not encouraged nor is there a positive

attitude toward it, it appears that in recent times, the

number of immigrants has increased when compared with that

period of time when a pro-immigration policy was in effect.

This is possibly a result of the improvement in transporta-

tion and communication, of the economic deterioration and

political persecution in some countries, mainly Latin

American countries, and of the tendency to restrict the ad-

mission of foreigners to countries which have traditionally

received migrants.

Colombian Legislation on Emigration

From 1823, when the first law on international migration was

passed, to the present, Colombian legislation has only men-

tioned emigration of its citizens twice. The first occasion

was in 1922, when Article 16 of Law 114 says:

"The authorities of the Republic shall control the
hiring of laborers to work outside the country so
that the contracting parties or entities guarantee,
by means of an official written contract and a de-
posit to the satisfaction of the District's highest
authority, the conditions for benefits in the event
of illness or repatriation."

In following years we find no elaboration of this article

nor mention of any situations in which it may have been









43.

applied. But until recently, because Colombians who have
emmigrated, have done so individually and not collectively,

we could reasonably suppose that the law has been enforced

very little or not at all. Only in the 1970's has there

been renewed interest in government protection of the labor

rights of emigrating citizens.

The second reference to emigration of Colombians is found

in Decree 1397 of August 18, 1972, conceived to facilitate

the return of Colombian professionals who are living abroad

and "whose cooperation with the country is necessary to for-

mulate or implement plans and programs of economic, cultural,

sanitary or other related development" (Art. 1). This de-

cree was put into effect by means of a program commonly

called brains return "; it lasted one year

and it was implemented by two governmental entities--the

Colombian Institute for Technical Specialization Abroad

(Instituto Colombiano de Especializaci6n Tecnica en el Ex-

terior-ICETEX) and the Colombian Fund for Scientific Re-

search and Special Projects "Francisco Jose de Caldas"

(Fondo Colombiano de Investigaciones Cientificas y Proyectos

Especiales "Francisco Jose de Caldas"-COLCIENCIAS). Fur-

ther on we shall discuss this program when Colombian emi-

gration is analyzed in detail.

This lack of concern expressed by the legislation on Co-

lombian emigration is understandable until 1956, when this

phenomenon was hardly even detectable, and, as we have al-








46.


ready seen, the country was mainly interested in promoting

the immigration of foreigners. But after that date, the

attitude toward immigration changes and the emigration of

Colombians reaches alarming levels; emigration is debated

in academic and journalistic circles. The legislation does

not show much interest in the issue.

Colombian Agencies in Charge of International Migration

It is especially important to refer to the agencies and in-

stitutes which the State has entrusted with the affairs

pertaining to international migration in the territory.

These bodies were established by Law.

(1) Following the chronological order pointed out by reli-
able sources, the history of these institutes begins

in June 1871, as has already been said, when Law 8 of

June 1871 creates a Foreinn Immigration Board (Junta

de Inmigraci6n Extranjera) composed of three members

and three alternates, appointed by the Executive and
designed to protect immigrants "without resources."

arriving in the country. le find no mention of how

long the Board operated.

(2) It is 68 years later that we encounter another
agency. In 1939, Decree 596 establishes an Immigration
and Colonization Committee (Comit6 de Inmigraci6n y

Colonizaci6n) under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

It was made up of two representatives of the Foreign

Ministry, two representatives of the Ministry of









45.

National Economy, one representative of the Ministry

of State, one representative of the Agricultural
Mortgage Bank and one representative of the Agrarian,

Industrial and Mining Credit Bank.

(3) In 1948, Law 161 creates the Autonomous Administrative

Department for Immigration and Colonization (Departa-
mento Administrative Aut6nomo de Inmigraci6n y Coloni-

zaci6n); it operated until 1953.

(4) In 1953, the Colonization and Immigration Institute

(Instituto de Colonizacion e Inmigracidn) is established
to perform these functions.

(5) Decree 3076 of 1954 strengthens the forgotten Immigra-

tion Department (Departamento de Inmigraci6n), under

the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "to act in coordina-

tion with the Colombian Intelligence Service and the

entities that promote immigration."

(6) On March 2, 1956, Decree 461 "increases the capital of

the Agrarian, Industrial and Mining Credit Bank and

incorporates the Colonization and Immigration Institute

to the Bank (Caja de Credito Agrario Industrial y Mine-
ro Instituto de Colonizaci6n e Inmigracion').

(7) Fifty days later--on June 22--Decree 1453 states:
"whereas....it is advisable to establish a permanent

entity, dedicated exclusively to promoting immigration

in Colombia (Art. 1)....creates the National Immigra-

tion Committee (Comit6 Nacional de Inmigracidn) as a








46,.


dependency of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs."

(8) On July 11, 1960, Decree 1632 reorganizes the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, which includes the Visa and Immi-

gration Department (Secci6n de Visas e Inmigraci6n).

This Department is given diverse functions which in-

clude preparing instructions for consuls on immigration

and enforcing regulations.

(9) In 1961 Law 13 approves the constitution of the Inter-

governmental Committee for European Migrations adopted

in Geneva in October 1953. Law 13 empowers the

National Government to make the corresponding budgetary

allocations in order tu fulfill its commitments as

set forth by the Constitution. This decree formalizes

the presence of the Intergovernmental Committee for

European Migrations in Colombia. It had been operating

in the country since 1956, and it is still in exist-

ence today. It carries out limited functions related

to the entry of foreigners to Colombian territory.

The National Immigration Committee created in 1956 seems to

be the last national organization established to handle im-

migration; we find no decree or law which abolishes it or

incorporates it into another entity. Since there are no

documents on the fate of this Committee and because that

the Committee was placed under the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs in accordance to the Decree which established it,

we interviewed people who have worked in the Ministry's











Immigration Department for a long time. They madi,: ie fol-

lowing comment, "Oh, yes, I remember that that Com::ittee

was established, but I never heard of it being convened."

Neither was it possible to find additional information on

the other entities' accomplishments.

Besides the absence of reports on the activity of these in-

stitutes, departments, committees, boards, etc. which have

successively been in charge of immigration, another indi-

cation of their ineffectiveness could be the constant

changes in these entities. They are created, abolished, an-

nexed, or they simply disappear, with the hope that the new
body will be more efficient than the previous one in its

task of promoting immigration.


Many reasons may be offered to explain why all these agencies

failed; one influential factor could be that the promotion of

immigration was never more than a law on paper, ineffective

in practice. The agencies established for this purpose were

never given the necessary resources or power to fulfill their

tasks and legal commitments.

Today, when the State seems more concerned with the emigra-

tion of Colombians than with the immigration of foreigners,

there is no institute in charge of international migration

However, there is a coordination mechanism for the entities

concerned with travel to or from the country. These or-

ganizations are:









48.

(a) The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which performs bu-

reaucratic functions. It issues visas to foreigners

who wish to enter the country and passports to those

Colombians intending to leave.

(b) The Ministry of Labor and Social Security, which should
"orient geographic and professional mobility of workers,

and domestic and foreign migrations, in accordance with

labor market needs" (Ministry of Labor, Decree 658,

April 1974, Article 47, Employment Management Division,

clause a) and "promote, coordinate and control profes-

sional mobility so as to adjust labor supply to employ-

ment opportunities in different occupations (Ministry

of labor, Decree 658, April 1974, Article 48, Migration

Division).

(c) The Administrative Security Department -DAS- which is

in charge of the police functions related to migrants.

(d) The ICEM (Intergovernmental Committee for European
Migrations) and the National Planning Department also

take part in coordinating activities pertaining to

international migration.


Some doubts exist regarding the efficiency of coordination

among the entities in question; some observers feel that

the serious disparity of criteria adopted by the respective

entities not only makes the task of coordination difficult,

but that it also complicates the activities of the different

agencies. For example, some present and former officials








4. 9.

of the Ministry of labor, who have taken part in the coor-

dination task, believe that the Ministry's opinion is only

important in making decisions on immigration when the

Foreign Ministry has already decided to deny entry to cer-

tain individuals that it considers undesirable. Then the

Foreign Ministry turns to the Ministry of Labor to find

support for its denial. Otherwise the Foreign Ministry is

the one that makes decisions based on criteria which are

not necessarily the same ones agreed upon by the coordinat-

ing mechanism.

Present and former DAS officials express their skepticism

regarding the results of the "coordination" between these

agencies. Considering our observations and the official's

opinions, we have the impression that each entity carries

out its respective task pertaining to international migra-

tion, independently from the other agencies, and with very

little coordination (at least this is what we have been

able to deduce from our interviews).

Recently, when the State was showing some interest in the

emigration of Colombians, and perhaps because it distrusts

the results of a coordinated project implemented by the

agencies involved in international migration in Colombia,

the idea of establishing a special institute to handle mi-

gration was again proposed. This idea was mentioned by

President Ldpez Michelsen in his address to the Colombian

colony in New York, on September 28, 1975; the President









50.


said: "....even though I had thought that the possibility

was quite remote, we shall soon have the beginning of a

Colombian Immigration Institute.... "

What the President does not say in his speech is that that

Institute will not have any functions related to the immi-

gration of foreigners to Colombian territory; that had been

the raison d'etre of all those migratory agencies mentioned

in previous legislation seen our study. But it is clear

that the main objective the President has in mind pertains

to those Colombians who have established their residence

abroad, as can be seen from another remark in the same

speech.... "because even a country like ours, with one mil-

lion and a half to two million Colombians (living abroad)

who have not forgotten their ties with their country and who

therefore deserve Colombia's attention, should not have just

a dependency of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but the

institute that you want, in charge of handling at the na-

tional level, the situations which arise in the different

neighboring countries and in the United States...."


From Promotion of Immigration to Its Restriction and Concern

with Emigration

During the stage beginning in mid-1957, even though a posi-

tion is not explicitly adopted against the immigration of

foreigners, there is no mention of the advisability of

promoting immigration, as had been done for more than a









51.


century. Several of the laws which had been passed to fos-

ter immigration were repealed.

Such a noticeable change could be due, first of all, to the

generalized tendency of receiving countries to be more se-

lective in choosing immigrants admitted to their respective

territories. Arango Cano remarks: "After the Second World

War, immigration was conceived in terms of certain specific

criteria, in accordance with a predetermined economic goal

which does not exclude, of course, a rigorous qualitative

selection involving professional status and biological

traits. Today immigration generally follows purely func-

tional plans, and is oriented by the receiving country's

specific needs." (Arango Cano, 1951)

Furthermore, by 1954 the World Population Conference had

already been held in Rome, and demographers had aired their

concern about the danger of the solcalled "population ex-

plosion" and the "over-population" of the Third World coun-

tries. These ideas were debated on an international level,

and they began to slowly penetrate into Latin American

countries. According tr some observers, most of these

countries were experiencing excessive natural population

growth--Colombia included.


In Colombia, neither the Military Junta that was in power,
nor important leaders of the time showed their open agree-

ment with the thesis that the country was being affected by








52.


the "population explosion" and over-population. Nor did any-

one call for a new population policy. This attitude is easy

to explain because of the novelty of the idea in America at

the time and the deep-rooted and polemical resistance which

could only be expected of a society with strong traditions

against birth control.

Colombia's position was similar to that adopted by other

countries, as Viel (1973:280) shows us when he comments that

the Conference of Punta del Este in 1961 refused to analyze

the population problem, not because it was unaware of its

origins, but fr purely political reasons. This occurred

despite the fact that the conference had been convened to

analyze problems related to low economic growth, malnutri-

tion, lack of educational opportunities, deficiency of

health services and others which were clearly related to

population growth. But the problem was not discussed for fear

of hurti.ig the anti-birth control tradition of most Latin

American authorities; they were also afraid of the reaction

of the Catholic Church. The delegates also feared that they

might be critiw'zed for merely offering birth control as a

solution, instead of seeking new means to produce more food

and essential commodities.

Doubtlessly, for those who accepted that Colombia was "over-

populated" and affected by the "population explosion," those

statutes that aimed at encouraging unlimited immigration of









53.


foreigners proved to be incongruous, to say the least. This

must be considered along with any other reservations which

they may have had regarding the role played by foreigners

in Colombia. So, if it was not advisable to propose birth

control measures for the reasons we have just indicated,

then they could turn to another source of population growth,

namely, the immigration of foreigners. In Colombia, this

would arouse very little or no resistance. This measure

proved to be quite harmless due to the minimal importance

that immigration had had in the settlement of the territory.

And, as we have already stated, a new stand was adopted

regarding the immigration of foreigners, even though this

was not clearly stated in any formulation to explain or

justify the change. There is no reference to the country's

new population problems, if there were any, nor is any

other explanation given. The laws fostering immigration

were simply repealed and the government turned to other

matters.

While all this is happening, the country is undergoing two

very important processes: industrialization and moderniza-

tion. The two progress at different speed, producing im-

portant changes in the country's social and economic struc-

ture and altering its outer appearance. The changes en-

tailed in these processes produce noticeable increases in

the natural population growth and an intense migratory

process. Initially it is only made up of rural-urban do-









54.


mestic migration, but later it also includes emigration to

foreign territories.

This study's foremost interest is the second type of mi-

gration, and especially the migratory flow to the United

States. But as Singer says (1972), a migratory flow is

never isolated in space and time; it is pirt of a group of

movements that make up an integrated process....a unitary

current cannot be understood except through its relation-

ship to the overall context which considers the migratory

process as a whole. That is why to examine emigra-

tion and the flow to the United States, we need the frame-
work of the total migratory phenomenon seen in Colombian

Society; International migration

is basically the same type of answer which includes

the requirement of crossing a border and selecting one

country or another as a destination. Migration seems to

depend greatly on his individual's status within the social

stratification system and his geographic location in regard

to other countries' borders.








55.


III. THE MIGRATION PROCESS IN COLOMBIA:

SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON ITS

CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES


Authorized observers have established the years around

1925 as the beginning of Colombia's social and economic

development in this century (Fals 1967:162). The enthu-

siasm towards promoting industrialization as the way to

achieve Colombia's development (Uricoechea 1967:62-90)

voiced by the central Government and other segments of

society, involved a definite tendency to concentrate at-

tention mainly on urban areas where the new industries

were located, thus disregarding the rural areas where agri-

culture remained stationary.

Economic prosperity and the incipient industry helped and

required more intense construction of roads and railways.

This task was carried out vigorously. Many peasants left

their fields in search of jobs on the roadways where wages

were artificially higher, and later moved to the urban cen-

ters in the hopes of finding jobs as factory workers in

newborn industries (Fals 1967:162).

The mechanization and technification of agriculture, which

began rather quietly with the introduction of a few steam-

run machines and chemical fertilizers, developed progres-







56.


sively, initially benefitting only the landowners. Later,

the use of technology expanded and accelerated, as agri-

culture definitely entered the mechanization process. Fals

Borda (1967:164) states that in 1938 there were 3,821 agri-
cultural tractors in the country, whereas by 1956, that
number had increased to 16,493. No special effort is needed

to establish that the mechanization process was accompanied

by increased peasant unemployment and also by bankruptcy for

farmers who were unable to afford innovations that would in-

crease production and enable them to stay in the market.

The feasible alternative for these people was to move to ur-

ban centers which offered the additional attractions of job

opportunities in the factories and access to services denied

to rural dwellers. The country's industrialization process

continued, encouraged by the inflow of capital and by the

importation difficulties caused by World War II, forcing the

country to produce.

So it was that the creation of factories in urban centers,

the mechanization of agriculture and access to modern tech-

nology imported from more advanced countries, brought about

a deep-set change in society at its various levels, and in

the attitudes, values and behavior of the people both in

rural and urban areas. Thus they became participants in a

rapid process of modernization, urbanization and population

growth.

Along with the country's modernization and industrialization

process, and as a result of the pattern thereof, two other







57.

phenomena arose, among others, that altered the country's

features and are particularly important for this study.

They are: the rapid urbanization process of the popula-

tion (concentration in urban centers), and a meaningful

increase in natural population growth. The second fact is

easily explained by a considerable decrease particularly

in infant mortality due mainly to better environmental con-

ditions and the resources of modern medicine, together with

sustained high birth rates which have characterized the co-

lombian population, and a longer life expectancy for men a

and women alike. The following figures for these demogra-

phic parameters demonstrate the magnitude of said variations.

Table No. III.1

ESTIMATES OF SOME IMPORTANT DEMOGRAPHIC PARAMETERS
ACCORDING TO INTERCENSUS PERIODS

1938- 1951- 1964-
1951 1964 1973

Birth rate (per thousand*) 46.5 47.2 -

Mortality rate (per thousand*) 22.4 17.4

Life expectancy at birth for
men (in years) 40.4 45.5

Life expectancy at birth for
women (in years) 43.8 50.7

Annual population growth
rate 2.20% 3.21%** 3%***


(*)
Estimated through analysis.
(**) Adjusted value. (***) Unofficial figure

(-) Data unavailable.

Source: L6pez Toro, Alvaro. Andlisis DemogrAfico de los
Censos Colombianos: 1951-1964. CEDE, Bogota,
1968. Do. 26. 86-87.







58.


The numbers in the table are quite revealing and it is un-

necessary to insist upon the high population growth rate

portrayed.

But while population tends to concentrate in urban centers

such concentration is produced in a differential way, as
shown by Bernal's (1972) study, according to which larger

cities grow more and faster than small or intermediate

cities (see Table III.2).

From the table, the four census show a continual decrease

in the percentage of rural population, as well as in towns

with less than ten thousand inhabitants. These census also

register a continued increase in the number of towns where

population has increased. Thus, while in the year 1938 only

27 towns had a population of 10,000 to 50,000, in 1951 that

number had increased to 44, and in 1964 to 79. In 1938, only

3 contained a population of 50,000 to 100,000, but by 1964

this number had increased to 13. In 1938 not a single city

could boast a population of half a million or more, whereas

in the following census there was already one city in this

category, by 1964 there were 3, and in 1973 there were 4.

The last census also reveals that the four largest cities

hold one fourth of Colombia's total population.

Therefore it is clear that while the urban population* in

1938 was 30.9%, in 1951 it was 38.7%, in 1964 it amounted


(*)C lon!'inn rFc-latinn census define urban population as
the population of areas with 1,500 or more inhabitants.






Table III.2

n CONCENTRATION OF COLOMBIAN POPULATION ACCORDING TO TOWN SIZES
1938, 1951, 1964 AND 1973* CENSUS


1938 1951 1964 1973
Town sizes # of % of total # of % of total # of % of total # of % of total
towns population towns population towns population towns population

Rural areas ** 69.1% 61.3% 47.9% 36.4%
Towns with a
population of:
Less than 10,000 15.5% 13.1% 11.4%
10,000 to less
than 50,000 (27) 5.8% (44) 7.4% (79) P.4% 27.9%***
50,000 to less
than 100,000 (3) 2.5% (6) 3.5% (13) 5.1%
100,000 to less
than 500,000 (3) 7.1% (5) 9.2% (9) 10.1% (13) 10.4%
Over 500,000 (1) 5.5% (3) 17.1% (4) 25.3%

Total population (100%) (8,701,816) (11,542,172) (17, 4,508) (21,069,115)

(*) Provisional results.
**) Places with less than 1,500 inhabitants or disperse population, are considered rural areas.
***)Added data for the three categories.
-) In 1938 there were no towns in Colombia with a population of over 500,000,
Source: Bernal, Se'undo, "Alqunos Aspectos Sociologicos de lI.Minraci6n en Colombia," in Cardona
Pamiro, ed. Las Migraciones Internas, 1972:63-65. Colombian population census, 1938,
1951, 1964. XIV National Population Census and III Housing Census, October 1973.
Provisional results, advanced copy, DANE.








60.


to 52.1% and by 1973 it had increased to 63.6%. It is also

clear that 35.7% of the total Colombian population lives in

cities with a population of over 100,000 inhabitants.

As it was stated, two factors explain the urban population

growth mentioned before: the first and most important one

is the migration from rural and semi-urban areas; and the

second is the same natural populations growth we have al-

ready referred to here. Meanwhile, international immigration,

as seen in Chapter II, does not significantly contribute to

the explanation of the question.

The facts and circumstances which originated and influenced

the migration of large masses of Colombia's population to

urban centers, and which therefore largely explain the coun-

try's rapid urbanization process, its patterns and conse-

quences, have given rise to several research studies. Thus,

different aspects of the migration problem and urbanization

process have been studied by sociologists, anthropologists,

politicians, demographers, urban planners, etc.

As a result, we now have substantial knowledge of the matter,

and a solid basis for future research. Although some of the

conclusions reached seem contradictory, or at least incon-

sistent, others coincide and reinforce each other. Thus,

authorized observers of the migration phenomenon agree that

peasant migration to urban centers is essentially the result

of constant impoverishment and inferior living conditions,

compared to those of urban inhabitants.








61.


It has also been observed that not only do peasants migrate

to small towns, intermediate cities or large metropolitan

areas, but the inhabitants of towns and cities do likewise,

moving to larger cities; thus, fill-in-migration seems to be

the prevailing migration pattern in Colombia. It means that

those leaving the rural areas usually migrate to small near-

by towns, while those living in small towns migrate to larger

cities (McGreevey 1968:216). This migration is also essen-

tially a result of having driven out of centers unable to meet

the needs of their inhabitants. It has been observed that

"the migrants' living conditions in the big cities seem to be

somehow better than those they enjoyed in the country side (Car
dona 1363:64).This might only go to show that living con-

ditions in their place of origin were intolerable.


In relation to the causes that made people leave rural areas,

we have already mentioned the main one as probably being the

introduction of new agricultural production patterns while

old land ownership systems were maintained. This increased

peasant unemployment while making it impossible for those

unable to introduce mechanization and technoloQy into their

farming to compete. These processes were rapidly taking

over agricultural production.

The study of these causes, however, would be incomplete with-

out mentioning several others which have contributed to the

push from rural areas, and those attracting migrants to urban

centers.









62.


Violence as a Push Factor

By the middle of the 1940's, the tendency towards the concen-

tration of population in urban settings became quite obvious

and is further influenced by Colombia's political situation.

At the end of the decade, a violent and ominuous era begins.

The stakes were "power and control over the budget; use and

control of land; defense of regional bossism; the tradi-

tional church supremacy, or in other words, survival of in-

terests deeply rooted in the feudal past" (Fals Borda 1967:

185). The same author (1967:184) places the culminating

stages of this bloody period between the years 1949 and 1957,

but ever since 1946, the inhabitants of rural areas parti-

cularly, already lived in fear of their safety. That era is

known as "La Violencia", which left a toll of around 200,000

murders (Guzman and others 1962:292).


At present, a controversy exists on the influence this

'Violent era" had on rural migration to the largest cities,

and it tends to refute the idea that violence was one of

the most important factors that helped originate this kind

of migration. Having observed results of studies on people

who have migrated to Bogota, Cardona (1968:64) states that,

"almost none of the family heads admitted having migrated

to the city for safety reasons". From this he concludes

that "migration to the bic cities caused by violence in the

countryside is insignificant because those who did not feel

motivated to migrate to a large city but felt obliged to

leave for safety reasons, did not move to the big cities








63.


where their social and cultural situation was totally dif-

ferent, but rather migrated to towns and intermediate urban

centers where they not only. felt safe but continued to live

within a cultural system similar to that of their place of

origin."


However, because "La Violencia" resulted from a set of com-

bined political, social, cultural and religious circumstances

which characterized the country at the time, in any analysis

of the interrelationship between this "violence" and other

variables such as migration, the former must be considered

as a proxy of another set of variables that might be identified

separately when the migrant is requested to explain "his

reasons for having migrated." Furthermore we must realize the

causes of the "violence" might be the same that caused rural

migration.


We must insist then that the importance of the "violence" as

a reason for rural migration cannot be denied, and therefore,

only the direction taken by the migrants is to be questioned.

"Violence" as a cause of migration can operate at least, in

two ways:

(a) A sense of insecurity prevalent in the countryside which

forced many to migrate, as shown in Pineda Giraldo's

study (1960).

(b) The destructive effect on agriculture which reduced pro-
duction limited the job market for rural population,








64.


impoverishing people still more and thus forcing them

to migrate.

Both pressures seems to account for a larne volume of

rural migration resulting at the time.

Modernization

In the meantime, mechanization, the introduction of advanced

technology and the way of life in urban centers, also caused

changes in the people's mental outlook as new social and

economic perspectives loomed ahead, within society's modern-

ization plan chosen as the guideline for the process of

change; that is, there is a tendency to accept and adjust to

the standards Dre-existina and prevailing in more advanced

societies (Costa Pinto et.al 1970:15).

Consequently, modern instrumental aspirations tend to guide

the individual's acts, and more so of those who dwell in

urban centers as they are more frequently and intensely ex-

posed to the demonstration effect of modern societies; but

they also reach the inhabitants of rural areas primarily be-

cause of the substantial development of transportation net-

works which allow easier access to the cities, and the in-

troduction of new communications media that help broadcast

information, as many sociological and anthropological re-

searchers show.


A great value is therefore set on technology, on education,

on the urban way of life and in general on the features that








65.


are characteristics of modern societies in material, physical,

spiritual and conceptual aspects.


The use of machinery and advanced technology which reduce the

physical effort and increase yield; as noted by Fals (1967:

190),

"....prestige is now being gained by participating in
novel activities such as those used in technical agri-
culture, travelling salesman or cashier in a cooper-
ative; prestige is no longer derived from traditional
roles....

Access to communication and transportation means are
facilitated even for the lower classes, thus destroy-
ing the feeling of being bound to the earth...."

And in the universities, law, theology, and philosophy give

way to modern sciences and technology. Carreers such as

engineering, agronomy, veterinary and others, acquire pres-

tige and attract a growing number of young people (Fals

1967:104).

Simultaneously, education, or rather schooling within the

structure of the formal educational system, acquired great

prestige and almost mythical value, especially in the most

deprived and middle social classes to whom schooling has

been traditionally denied. Now it acquires instrumental im-

portance, because it is presented as a significant element

for the country's development while also being considered a

selective factor and channel for social mobility. Both of

these characteristics attributed to education are strongly

imbued in the people. Thus a stereotype on the value of

education is created, "supported by society's higher strata








66.


for whom the system reserves the highest educational levels

and which explain and justify the majorities limited par-

ticipation in society's main institutions, precisely because

of their lack of education" (Cruz 1974:41).


This concept has entered the minds of those majorities and

helps explain why those people who have traditionally not had

access to education, have hopes of acquiring better education

for themselves and for their children. This is significantly

illustrated by the answers given by peasant women when they

were interviewed regarding their aspirations for their chil-

dren's education during a study on prospects for change in

the rural population (Cruz 1974). A sampling of 2,597 peasant

women showed that 44% wanted their children to become univer-

sity graduates and the reason most frequently given was, "It

is important that they study so that they will not be ignorant

and poor like their parents," or "so they will be somebody

and do something worthwhile." These statements clearly show

that they accept the fact that they themselves are left out

of the system because of their lack of education, and this is

a simplified explanation of why they have been excluded. Such

a notion helps maintain the prevailing structure of the upper

and dominant social classes.

Also, because the political and administrative system is es-

sentially centralized and urban oriented, the large cities

get more attention and hold most of the industrial, political,

commercial, financial and cultural activities. The city is








67.


especially attractive because the services therein, now high-

ly esteemed, are virtually non-existent or poorer in quality

in the less urbanized or rural areas.

This pull seems to gain momentum as modern instrumental values

expand and penetrate deeper in the population, creating new

needs which it expects to satisfy in the city. But actually,

moving to the city is not all that is needed to obtain the

services offered there, as people are not excluded from them

because of physical i'-lation, but for more complex reasons

related to a social classist structure.

The above is shown in a study by Ethel Rodriguez-Espada

(1972:206) on the incorporation of migrants into the social
and economic structure of Bogota, when she states, referring

to education, "....education is a determinant of class more

than a factor of mobility because even though progress has

been made in extending the school system, there is also a

strong relationship between the family's socioeconomic level

and the education it is able to give its children, particular-

ly in a society where education is controled by private

enterprise." In the meantime, we frequently hear migrants

or potential migrants declare that one of the main reasons
for moving to the city is the desire that their children ob-

tain a good education which they believe can only be ac-

quired in the city.

Once they have internalized these new values, and pushed by

the factors mentioned above, urban centers of all sizes but








68.


especially big cities, are confronted with the fact that

large heterogeneous groups of migrants coming from rural,

semi-rural or less urbanized areas enter to live there,

full of needs and hopes, and as Cardona and Simmons have

observed in their study on migration to Bogota, "....they

enter life in the city at all social and economic levels
11


But the fact that Colombian population rapidly concentrates

in urban centers is not really what causes unrest. It is a

fact that highly developed countries that possess advanced

technological methods in their agriculture, also have low

percentages of rural population, mainly because new methods

require less manpower for high production, while more people

are needed in the cities where manpower is required in other

production sectors.


A problem arises, however, when as we mentioned before, in

the developed nations the urbanization process goes hand in

hand with the industrialization process. In Colombia as in

other Latin American countries, there is a gap between the

rate of advancement of both processes, so that while thousands

of migrants arrive in the cities, industrial development does

not advance at the same rate. Therefore, in Colombia as in

other underdeveloped countries, urbanization is not a synonym

for industrialization. That is why Colombian cities are un-

able to provide not only for such a large migrant population,

but also for many of those who were born and raised in them









69.

(Cardona 1968:74). The possibility of taking part in society's

central institutions depends mostly on the position in the

social and economic structure and not on the person's migrant

or native condition in an urban center, or how long one has

lived there. It has been observed in a study on migrants and

natives of Bogota that "....the conservation of a low social

status was the same for migrants and natives, and among

migrants was the same for recent and older aroups...." (Ro-

driguez-Espada 1972:202).

This does net mean that a migrant's condition and the time

he has lived in the city is not important. It is a well

known fact that the information and knowledge that a person

has about a city, its resources and the way things work in-

fluence what a person does, We may state that in consequence,

these elements may influence a person to take part in city

life, but do not in themselves guarantee success.

Urban social and economic structure selectively incorporates

its inhabitants excluding or belittling those who have a low

income and a limited consumer capacity. Rodri'uez-Espada

asks herself in her study, "How can these people subsist in

an urban center?....Only through the adjustment mechanism

created by the city's economic system. It is a joint system

in which the different sectors articulates unemployment or

'reserve army, desquised unemployment, and the artisan sec-

tor that make possible the existence of a highly qualified

and exclusive modern sector at certain strata of the

society" (Rodrfguez-Espada 1972:208).








70.


Urban Inhabitant's Participation in the Labor Force

Undoubtedly participation or exclusion of urban inhabitants

from the labor force operating in the cities is an important

indicator of suncronization or non-sincronization with which
industrialization and urbanization processes are developed.

We have already mentioned that in Colombia these processes

are not sincronized and this is confirmed by the high un-

employment rates observed in the population. It also reveals

the social system's incapacity for helping its members reach

goals which have been imposed as culturally desirable, such

as a job in which economic success might be achieved (Merton

1965).

On urban unemployment, Gdmez Buendia (1975) worked out some

statistics in order to produce an interesting study of the

phenomenon which goes back to the post-war period. On this

subject he says "....the possibilities of substituting "easy"

imports are gradually ending because they are limited

through a small national market which is unable to compete

efficiently in the international market, its factorial pro-

portions are deformed because of the high artificial cost of

labor and the artificial low value of capital, the manufac-

turing sector decreased in occupational growth rates during

the post-war period" (Gdmez Buendia 1975:106). This process

is illustrated in the variations of manufacturing employment

growth rates between 1953 and 196P, shown in Table 111.3.








71.


Table No. 111.3

MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENT GROWTH RATES, 1953-1968

Industrial Group 1953-1958 1958-1963 1963-1968

Ordinary consumer goods 0.6% 2.0% 0.8%
Intermediate goods 6.9% 3.6% 2.2%
Consumer durable and
capital goods 14.4% 8.7% 2.6%

Total 3.5% 3.5% 1.5%

Source: CIE (1971), "Empleo en la Industria Manufacturera
Fabril," Table IV, 15. Quoted in G6mez Buendia
(1975:106).

The open unemployment rates in the four largest cities

(Bogota, Barranquilla, Medellin and Cali) based on diverse

surveys and estimates by different authors (see Table III.4)
show the extent of the phenomenon.

There is no doubt that the growth of industrial employment

to the rythm of urbanization and open urban unemployment

rates, set before us a worrisome future. To make matters

worse, we must add disguised or invisible unemployment (that

is non-participation in the laborforce, by people who would

enter it if it were easier to find employment).

On this kind of unemployment, Urrutia (1968:52) concludes,

based on his study on disguised unemployment in Bogota,
"While trying to measure this kind of unemployment, we have

arrived at the conclusion that this phenomenon probably

exists, and this kind of unemployment is quantitatively im-










72.


Table No. I1.4

WEIGHTED AVERAGE OPEN UNEMPLOYMENT RATES IN THE
FOUR LARGEST CITIES, 1963-1375

r Month Open Unemployment
YearRate %

1963* 10.0 12.0
1964* 10.0 12.0
1965* 9.5 12.0
1966* 10.5 12.5
1967* 13.0 15.0
1968* 12.0 14.0
1969* 9.5 12.5
1970** (June-July) 11.9 12.9
1971** (July-August) 11.6 12.1
1972** (October-November) 10.9 11.4
1973** (Towards second semester) 8.5 10.5
1974** (June-July) 11.5 12.0
1975** (Towards second semester) 12.5 14.5

Sources: (*)CEDE: ILO urban surveys and estimates.
Made by Albert Berry (1972): Unemployment
as a social problem in urban Colombia: Some
Preliminary Hypothesis.

(**)Calculations by FEDESARROLLO and others.
Quoted in Gomez Buendia (1975:107).


portant and becomes greater than visible unemployment when

this increases very quickly."

In the meantime, other computations suggest that a rate of

5% unemployment would be the "maximum acceptable'.' (Gomez

Buendia 1976:10). If this were to be accepted, we would

have that during the last 12 years (on which estimates exist),

the open unemployment level in the four largest cities has

been kept a rate double the acceptable maximum, and if we

add disguised unemployment, we have that in Boqota the total

unemployment rate for those years would frequently not only









73.
have doubled, but also would have tripled the acceptable

maximum.

Finally, when we analyze a social system's capacity for pro-

ducing employment for its members, the observance of open

unemployment (visible) and the desouised (invisible) does

not suffice; it is also necessary to consider a third pos-

sibility in unemployment which is visible and invisible 4ub-

employment, which is the limited use of an individual's pro-

ductive capacity that he would be willing to put to use if

given the opportunity to do so. (This situation is charac-

teristic of people who work part time because they have

been unable to find a full time job, or who work in low

production activities and therefore earn a low salary during

all or most of the time (International Labor Review, Vol. 76,

Oct. 1957:349).

The measuring of sub- employment as well as desguised un-

employment presents serious difficulties, but reaches

important levels and has serious effects as a population

expelling agent.














PART TWO

IV. EMIGRATION OF COLOMBIANS



While thousands of Colombians have responded to the "expel-

ling" pressures exerted upon them in their native towns by

migrating to middle-size urban areas or to the big cities

or simply to other places within the national boundaries,

others have decided to leave Colombia and settle in foreign

countries. Like the first group of internal migrants, this

second group leaves Colombia with the hope of being able to

satisfy certain needs which they feel cannot be satisfied

while they remain in Colombia. This "exit", which starts

to become significant at the end of the 1950's, has received

little attention, as is clearly seen by the limited amount

of knowledge on this subject that we have today. Colombian

literature on the emigration of its citizens is mainly made

up of information from newspapers which focuses on the more

sensational aspects of emigration. The only study known on

this subject is Gerardo Eusse Hoyos' (The Outflow of Profes-

sional Manpower from Colombia), done in 1969. He has worked

on the problem but limiting himself to the emigration of

professionals. As we shall see later on, the Government as

well has demonstrated little concern itself with the emi-

gration question.


74.










75.
Emigratory Flows

Based on the existing records, the estimates, and the weighty

evidence of the significant figures on Colombians living

abroad, it can be seen that Colombians emigrating Qo to a

small number of bordering countries and also go to other

countries which are farther away. Based on these facts, we

can then speak of very distinctive emigratory flows.

At the present time Venezuela, the United States, Ecuador,

and Panama are the countries that have the largest numbers

of Colombian emigrants. These countries then, become the

main receiving societies for the migratory flows leaving

Colombia. Some evidence indicates that an important amount

of such emigrants enter without the receiving country's

legal permission to remain within its borders. For this

reason, this type of migration is often referred to as "il-

legal," "tourist," "indocumentados," etc.

According to some observers of this

question, the oldest one of these migratory flows is perhaps

the one to Panama. Villegas (1974) places the beginning of

this flow at the end of the 1920's, increasing in volume at

the end of the 1940's.

The migratory flows into Venezuela and the United States pos-

sibly date from the end of the 1940's as well. And lastly,

the flow into Ecuador is the most recent one, having begun

during the 1970's.







76.


The migratory flows into Venezuela and Ecuador are reversed

ones; for years ago, it was Colombia that received Venezue-

lan and Ecuadorian immigrants, "Because of the better econ-

omic conditions in Colombia compared to the economic situa-

tions in those countries during that period the migratory

flow went in the other direction" (Villegas 1974:11).

Regarding the number of Colombian immigrants in each one of

the receiving countries, there are only estimates and ap-

proximations that widely fluctuate. So, at the same time

the 1971 Venezuelan Census registered 180,114 residents of

Colombian origin, President Lopez Michelsen (1975), in a

speech to a group of Colombians in New York, notes, "The

number of Colombians living in Venezuela is often argued

about. Some say that there is a million Colombians there,

but I do not think that their numbers go over a half a mil-

lion."

The United States 1970 Census registers a total of 63,538

residents born in Colombia. Subsequently, in January 1975,

a total of 69,614 Colombians reported their addresses in

compliance with the U.S. Justice Department's Immigration

and Naturalization Service's request to do so. Out of this

number, 64,061 Colombians said they had resident status and

5,553 more indicated that they were "non-residents"

(U.S. Department of Justice, Annual Report 1974:17-18:104).

Meanwhile, several observers believe that "with and without

papers," around 350 thousand Colombians currently live in








77.


the United States. Others think this number too high and

place it around 250 thousand.


In Ecuador, an estimate done in 1973 showed 22,560 Colom-

bians living there (Villegas 1975:2). Today, some obser-

vers suggest that "with or without papers, there are 60,000

Colombians living in Ecuador" (Villegas 1975:3).

As we can see from the observations made above, the migra-

tory flow to the United States, the one we are concerned

with here, appears to be the second most important one in

terms of numbers, after the Venezuelan one. However, ssme

observers think that the flow to the United States is par-

ticularly important one because those who make up this group

seems to be more qualified and better trained.

The consideration of the migratory flows mentioned before,

necessarily leads us to detect a problem which is frequent-

ly commented on international migration studies. This

problem consists in the fact that the distinction between

internal and international migration is purely a formal

one (Singer 1974:128). The more we progressed in our study,

the more we became convinced that this is true and that

such labels, instead of making distinctions between different

phenomena, only add others that have little in common with

the question and that at the same time exclude others which

keep greater similarities.


Indeed, we asked ourselves if perhaps the questions surround-

ing the migration of Colombians to Ecuador, Panama, and Ve-








78.

nezuela were not more similar in several basic aspects, to

migration observed in other migratory flows that occur

within Colombia, than to the migratory flow entering the

United States. If this were true, then it would perhaps

be more valuable for the analysis to use concepts that do

not only point out borders, but that suggest and define

other features that are analytically relevant to the study

of a certain type of migration. It might be more useful

to use concepts that would indicate important differences

such as the fact that the society to which the migrant or

the migratory flow is going has a different kind of culture

(race, language, religion, economic and political system,

etc.) or that there is a large distance between the receiv-

ing society and the migrant's homeland, or some others

alike.














V. COLOMBIAN EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES


As previously stated, the overall aim of this study is to

identify some of the important patterns which are related

to the causes, composition, and consequences of colombian

emigration to the United States. Emigration to indicate

this migratory flow is understood as analytically discern-

ible but fundamentally a part of the entire body of move-

ments which goes to make up the total migratory process

observable in Colombian Society.

Information Sources

(1) To begin with, we have used historical sources in or-
der to find out about the events and circumstances

that took place in the process of socio-economic and

political development of both societies which caused

the emergence of the migratory flow and influenced its

formation and development. The information on inter-

national migration legislation in the two countries is

particularly important.


(2) The statistical information obtained from both coun-
tries gives us an idea of how long the migratory flow

has been going on and of the socio-economic and demo-

graphic make-up of this flow. Due to the deficiencies

in this source of data, which we shall discuss later,


79.








80.

qualified observers' comments and approximations were

also important to the study.

(3) Finally, personal information received through:

(3.1) Interviews done in Colombia and the United

States:

a. interviews with Social researchers long

involved with the study of similar migrato-

ry flows and who are familiar with the

question of Latin American migration to the

United States;

b. interviews with officials and ex-officials

from public and private Colombian, U.S. and

international agencies responsible for es-

tablishing migration policies, authorization,

registration and control;

c. interviews with qualified observers of dif-

ferent nationalities who are in some way

involved with migrations. We interviewed

community leaders and those individuals who

are known to be influential with the mi-

grants in religious, educational, business,

social, political, sports, and social serv-

ice activities.

d. Colombian immigrants who had arrived in the

United States at different times, as well

as immigrants applicants currently residing

in Bogota were also interviewed.








81.


(3.2) Surveys. Two different forms were designed for

the surveys in order to allow for maximum com-

parability. One was used in Bogota in a sample
visa
of/applicants trying to emigrate to the United

States. The second one was planned for a sample

of Colombian immigrants living in Jackson

Heights, Queens. Nevertheless, due to a lack of

time, this second survey had to be postponed for

a second phase of this study.

The Information

There are two official agencies responsible for recording

information on Colombian emigration. One of these is the

Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadistica, DANE,

(the National Administrative Statistics Department). How-

ever, we were able to find out very little on Colombian

emigration, not only to the United States, but to any coun-

try, from the national statistics we studied. This was so

because even though information on travelers leaving the

country has been available since 1930, providing such data

as occupation, sex, age, nationality, and marital status,

the information does not indicate if the travelers were

leaving the country as emigrants, simply as tourists, or

in some other capacity. Neither does the information in-

dicate the traveler's destination. Starting in 1953, an

effort has been made to correct this want of information.

For this purpose, information is now recorded on the kind

of visa the traveler has when leaving the country But, a









82.

limitation is that the categories used for classifying the

visas and the ununiformity of the figures recorded make the

information only slightly useful.

Travelers leaving Colombia are classified in two groups:

those leaving with long-term visas and those with short-

term visas. The first group includes those visas which

authorize their holders to remain for a year or more in the

country granting the visa. The figures found under this

heading are often used to identify the number of colombians

emigrating. So, in such terms, anyone leaving the country

with a visa valid for a year or more is, according to of-

ficial statistics, considered an emigrant. It is important

to point out the serious distorsion of the facts implied in

this classification system. For, under the system, travelers

would be placed in the long-term category because they have

been granted permission to remain outside of Colombia for

one year or more, even though this does not necessarily mean

that they are emigrants. Such is the case of students who

travel to study abroad for a year or more. They are clas-

sified in a separate category only during the period from

1958-1964, while in other years (1953-1957, 1965-1969) it

seems that they have been included in the long-term emigrant

category.

Therefore, the most serious problem affecting, and at times

invalidating national statistics on emigration, are the lack

of clear and well-defined criteria and definitions and the








83.


inconsistency and lack of continuity in classifying the in-

formation, making comparisons difficult, if not impossible,

and what is worse, distorting reality.

The information on the destination of Colombians leaving

the country also presents serious difficulties. Only recent-

ly has the so-called "migration card" been established.

Travelers entering and leaving the country must fill out the

card and turn it in to the migration officials assigned to

entry and exit points. This card requests information about

the traveler regarding age, sex, marital status, point of

departure, destination, type of visa, reason for the trip,

and other data. However, as a result of the way the inform-

ation is obtained, it can only be considered partially re-

liable. Besides that, this requirement is not always

complied with. In other words, migration officials do not

always demand that the card be turned in, possibly because

of congestion, a lack of time, and the many formalities that

must be gone through when passengers arrive and leave.

Another reason for the failure to collect the card may be

that officials do not think that it is important. The re-

sult i? that there is a serious "under-recording" of the

cards filled out by travelers (migrants and non-migrants).

The next problem is that the information the travelers writes

on the card is not necessarily checked with other documents

for accuracy. Therefore, a certain margin of error may be

anticipated.









84.

In conclusion then, even if illegal immigration of Colombians

to other countries did not occur, it would not be possible to

proceed with any degree of accuracy in the study of Colom-

bian emigration by using current or past national statistics.

To illustrate the preceding statement, let us examine the

figures published in the National Administrative Statistics

Department (DANE) annual statistical report on travelers leav-

ing the country with long-term visas (they are called emi-

grants) from 1966 to 1970 and compare these figures with the

ones the United States Department of Justice provides on Co-

lombians admitted into the U.S. as immigrants during the same

period (Table No. V.1).

The DANE figures found in the Table, which are frequently

quoted in books, documents, the press, graduate theses, etc.,

distort the truth. Anyone consulting them without the aid

of any other material or any information on the subject,

could conclude that the growth of emigration from 1955 to

1962 was followed by unusual growth during the period from

1963 to 1965, and then experienced a notable decrease which

finally reached a very insignificant level in 1970, when the

number of emigrants totalled 15.

If, the number of Colombians admitted to the United States

with immigrant visas were added to those Colombians admitted

to other countries, this discrepancy would increase and along

with it, the under-recording that the Colombian statistics

illustrate.








85.


Table No. V.1

COMPARISON OF DANE DATA ON EMIGRANTS AND U.S. DEPARTMENT
OF JUSTICE DATA ON COLOMBIAN IMMIGRANTS ADMITTED TO
THE U.S. 1953-1970


DANE U.S. Department
of Justice
Y Colombians leaving Colombian immi-
Year for "long-term" grants admitted
periods (emigrants). to the U.S.

1953 14,412 1,322
1954 4,066 1,202
1955 3,996 1,226
1956 4,019 1,576
1957 4,086 1,961
1958 5,439 2,891
1959 7,084 2,524
1960 8,057 2,989
1961 7,851 3,559
1962 9,822 4,391
1963 12,654 5,733
1964 11,028 10,446
1965 11,167 10,885
1966 4,018 9,504
1967 3,049 4,556
1968 3,786 6,902
1969 797 7,627
1970 15 6,724

Source: Based on: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadistica (DANE), Anuarios Generales de Esta-
distica, 1953-1969; tabulado 1970; cuadro "Sali-
da de Colombianos segun Tipo de Visa."/ U.S.
Department of Justice, Annual Reports, Immigra-
tion and Naturalization Service, 1963-1970.

Another example of the discrepancies the DANE statistics

reveal when compared to other agencies' information can

be found by checking DANE data with DAS (Administrative

Security Department) data on the entry of foreigners into

Colombia (see Table No. V.2 and Graphic No. V.1).

In this comparison, we are dealing with two national in-

stitutions that provide statistics on immigration using








86.


Table No. V.2

COMPARISON OF THE DATA FROM THE DANE AND THE DAS
ON THE IMMIGRATION OF FOREIGNERS TO COLOMBIA

DANE DAS
Year Permanent immigrants Foreigners with immi-
in Colombia gration visa in
Colombia

1963 10,519 12,897
1964 5,374 15,576
1965 4,063 15,032
1966 2,695 15,151
1967 4,413 15,055
1968 2,632 15,297
1969 824 17,350
1970 14 17,676
1971 3,425 18,654


Source: Based on Anuarios Generales de Estadistica, 1963-
1969, Tabulados, 1970-1971; cuadro "Inmigrantes
Extranjeros en Colombia Seg6n Clase de Visa."
Quarterly data from the'Seccion de Estadistica de
la Division de Extranjeria' of the DAS.


the same source: the migration card mentioned before. In

addition to the information on the card, the DAS interviews

foreigners wishing to remain in Colombia as immigrants or

long-term residents and thus obtains more information on

them. The difference in the statistics furnished on the

same matter, using the same information source seems to be

due, in part, to the disparity in definitions and criteria

and to the use of terms and differentiation of categories

that do not coincide. Also the difference is possibly due

to errors in information analysis.

For this reason, it is clear why close coordination between

those agencies gathering information and producing statis-





0 Nmber of
Trawellf

81 .000 -


100.000 4-


1O0 .000


o00 .000 --


a80 .000


GRAPH NQ V.I


IMMIGRANT AND NON- IMMIGRANT TRAVELLERS ARRIVING IN COLOMBIA


1.926 1.974


DATA FROM DANE



DATA FROM DAS


- Total Ns of travenen
---- Immigrant


----- Total Nr of trovemw
....... Imligrants


/ _
-.4 S'


1.926 L93 Inmmgrants. an4 Non-tlumgrnrs are not speofied


100.000 -


0 .000 -1-


I0.000
*


j I. .3 1Y! EARS
C~i~ I!!~~iil~


' L ~ ~~--L-~


-r


-








88.


tics, the adoption and unification of basic definitions, and

the establishment of criteria for data collection and anal-

ysis constitute not only an essential task, but an urgent

one. Such efforts should result in maximizing the elements

of comparison and the complementary aspects of the data, not

only between national agencies, but also with the information

provided by international agencies.

Once the possibility of using national statistics on emi-

gration was ruled out, we looked to statistics published by

the country receiving the migratory flow under study. In

that country, as in most countries, the information on im-

migration is better than tht. obtained in the sending society.

United States Information Sources

Four information sources from the United States were found

to be particularly valuable for the study. They are:

(1) United States legislation on immigration, which greatly
contributes to the understanding of several variations

in the volume and characteristics of immigration as well

as to the appearance of certain patterns that seem to

be the result of the new measures.

(2) The State Department, responsible for carrying out U.S.

immigration policy through its consular offices through-

out the world, where visas are granted to those wishing

to enter the United States. The State Department is a

center of information on the visas granted and on who

they are granted to. Its publication, "Report of the








89.


Visa Office," presents the information referred to

above for each fiscal year, which begins July 1st and

ends on June 30th.

(3) The Department of Justice, through the Immigration

and Naturalization Service, is a center of valuable
information on foreigners admitted to the United

States. Its publication "Annual Report: Immigration

and Naturalization Service," presents, for each fiscal

year (beginning July 1st,and ending on June 30th, exten-

sive information on foreign immigration and some of the

more important features of the immigrants.

(4) Finally, as mentioned before, the information obtained

through conversations with Colombians who have migrated

to the United States provided important data. The same

was true for conversations held with other people who,

for one reason or another, are familiar with the mi-

gration question in general, and specifically with dif-

ferent aspects of the migratory flow of Colombians to

the United States.


We consulted these sources of information in an effort to

go back to the beginnings of the emergence, formation, and

evolution of the migratory flow of Colombians to the United

States. We found that the files of the Statistics Depart-

ment of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS)

and the files of the Office of Security and Consular Af-

fairs of the United States Department had the best statis-

tics providing the most valuable information. This in-









90.

formation allowed us to take a broad retrospective look at

the phenomenon.

The oldest statistics the INS has on the entry of foreigners

into the United States date from the year 1820. From this

time, the statistics supply information on the number of

foreigners arriving in the United States every year. How-

ever, it has only been since 1907, that the statistics dif-

ferentiate between those foreigners who were admitted to the

United States as immigrants and those who were only visi-

tors, temporary residents, or short-term travelers.

It is possible that because of the difficulties statistical

recording confronted at that time, and because of the small

number of immigrants arriving from South America, the sta-

tistical information on Latin America is collected under

one heading and not divided by country.

Table No. V.3 shows the information on South American tra-

velers arriving in the United States from 1820 to 1906.

Table No. V.4 shows the number of South American immigrants

admitted to the United States between 1907 and 1926.

We do not have other information which permits us to es-

tablish for certain the proportion of these total numbers

that Colombians represent. However, even in this composite

form, the information is useful because it sets up the

limits for conclusions regarding the scope of the emigrato-

ry phenomenon that affected Colombia or any other South













SOUTH AMERICANS


Table No. V.3

ARRIVING* IN THE
1820-1906


UNITED STATES


Year Number Year Number Year Number


1820
1821
1822
1823
1824
1825
1826
1827
1828
1829
1830
1831
1832
1833
1834
1835
1836
1837
1838
1839
1840
1841
1842
1843
1844
1845
1846
1847
1848


Total


11
8
7
20
25

63
54
77
73
137
42
174
27
74
145
146
91
72
49
36
219
102
62
61
80
92
70
150


1849
1850
1851
1852
1853
1854
1855
1856
1857
1858
1859
1860
1861
1862
1863
1864
1865
1866
1367
1868
1869
1870
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877


190
2,553
59
39
38
136
191
184
83
131
155
208
97
146
94
152
148
294
224
82
91
69
96
102
166
144
132
156
87


1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906


88
69
88
110
91
77
65
44
246
366
440
427
438
664

(11
39
36
35
49
39
89
124
203
337
589
1,667
2,576
2,757


20,234


Source: "Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration"
Table 74. Documents are from the Statistics De-
partment files, INS, U.S. Department of Justice,
Washington, courtesy of Mr. Robert Prosek.

(*)The figures from 1820 to 1867 represent South American
foreign travelers arriving in the U.S. The figures
from 1868 to 1903 represent South American immigrants
arriving in the U.S. The figures from 1904 to 1906 re-
present South Americans admitted to the U.S.

(1)The information is included in"non-specified" countries.


91.







92.


Table No. V.4

SOUTH AMERICANS ADMITTED AS IMMIGRANTS
TO THE UNITED STATES, 1907-1926


Year


Number


1907
1908
1909
1910
1911
1912
1913
1314
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
1921
1922
1923
1924
1925
1926


Total during this period


2,779
2,315
1,006
2,151
3,049
2,989
4,248
5,868
3,801
4,286
6,931
3,343
3,271
4,112
5,015
2,668
4,737
9,270
2,470
3,107


77,417


Source: "Report of the Commissioner General
of Immigration," Table 74. Documents
from the Department of Statistics
files, INS, U.S. Department of Justice,
Washington. Courtesy of Mr. Robert
Prosek.

American country at that time, It is important to emphasi e

that any estimate of the size of the figures and what they

could have represented In terms of emigration must take into
consideration the population size of those countries at that
time,. and also several features of the migrants and of their
native countries. Such considerations pose serious dif-
ficulties due to the limited information available.


- -- --








93.

Beginning in 1926 and continuing uninterruptedly to the pre-

sent, the State Department has reported on the immigration

and non-immigration visas granted to foreigners, according

to country. These reports represent the oldest statistics

that reliably show the appearance of the migratory flow

between Colombia and the United States and the evolution of

this flow during the first part of this century. Information

on other aspects of foreigners whc arrived in the United

States varies, it elaborated upon and broadens as times goes on.

In 1936, the information furnished by the Justice Department

on South Americans admitted as immigrants to the United States

begins to be differentiated by country. We shall see this

question further along in Table No. V.5 .


A Comparison of Colombians with Other Nationals Immigrating
to the United States

At this point, before going on with our study of theflow of

Colombians entering the United States, it would be appropriate

to give some back ground information on what the volume of

Colombians admitted to the U.S. as immigrants means in terms
of numbers when compared to all other foreigners admitted to

the U.S.

To begin with, Graph No. V.2 shows the 20 countries having

the largest number of immigrants visas granted to their

nationals by the U.S. over the last 10 years (1965-1974).

Colombia appears on this graph occupying positions that






94.


Table No. V.5.

COLOMBIANS ADMITTED TO THE UNITED STATES AS IMMIGRANTS,
1936-1975, AND IMMIGRANT AND NON-IMMIGRANT VISAS
ISSUED TO COLOMBIANS, 1926-1975

Increase with Visas Issued2/
Year Immigrants respect to the Non-
Admitted*l/ previous year Immigrant Immigrant**


1926
1927
1928
1929
1930
1931
1932
1933
1934
1935
1936
1937
1938
1939
1940
1941
1942
1943
1944
1945
1946
1947
1948
1949
1950
1951
1952
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965


95
129
137
168
170
232
168
126
266
334
467
449
470
431
592
750
1140
1322
1202
1226
1576
1961
2891
2524
2989
3559
4391
5733
10446
10885


35.8
6.2
22.6
1.2
36.5
- 27.6
- 25.0
111.0
25.6
39.8
4.0
4.7
8.3
37.4
26.7
52.0
16.0
9.0
2.0
28.5
24.4
47.4
- 12.7
18.4
19.0
23.4
30.5
82.2
4.2


559
722
691
548
649
290
167
143
117
126
184
261
160
212
207
306
192
181
348
425
636
679
839
816
1029
1283
1669
1694
1245
1246
1684
2046
2912
2394
2740
3386
3835
5333
10090
9790


514
544
435
513
383
301
281
224
273
329
626
857
671
1128
924
1531
652
673
1145
1745
2975
3898
4076
3670
5122
6740
8705
11351
10535
11161
9692
8046
10346
9396
14372
14878
13804
15834
22663
20107


(continuing....)




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