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 The original proposal
 Critique of the informe
 Factores...en la participacion...
 Bibliography






Title: Essay on the proposal and revision of the primer borrador of Dra. Ferrando
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 Material Information
Title: Essay on the proposal and revision of the primer borrador of Dra. Ferrando
Physical Description: Archival
Language: English
Creator: Chaney, Elsa M.
Publisher: Chaney, Elsa M.
Publication Date: 1983
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Subject: South America   ( lcsh )
Spatial Coverage: South America -- Peru
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Table of Contents
    The original proposal
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
    Critique of the informe
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
    Factores...en la participacion de la mujer
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
    Bibliography
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
Full Text


Ferrando/Chaney 1


In the proposal submitted for this project, a fairly substantial amount

of time (six weeks) was set aside for the revision of the primer borrador. I

suggest that the due date be moved forward once more to the end of December or

January to enable Dra. Ferrando to take full advantage of the time allowed and

to present an informed final that will be at once a credit to her and her agency,

and a useful document for census bureau personnel, policymakers and planners,

funding agencies and researchers.


First of all, I think that we all recognize that Dra. Ferrando has put a

great deal of effort into the production of the primer borrador. It is in the

spirit of improving this document and building on the work already completed that

the following suggestions are offered. Recommendations will be in three parts:

1. the original proposal, and departures from what was promised;

2. critique of the informed, and

3. expansion of the section on factors influencing women's participation.

If she agrees, Dra. Ferrando probably should give first priority to addressing

the omissions in what originally was proposed; then to improving the document

as it stands and finally, if time permits, in making some judicious additions.


I. The Original Proposal

As the proposal's five pages are not numbered, I will refer to the topics

to be considered by the proposal's headings.

I.I. Bibliography. As suggested in the proposal (Part III, Objectives),

the first task to be completed under terms of this contract was "to compile all

iThere are three key documents: the original INE proposal, Dra. Ferrando's
informed, and my essay. For clarity, I shall try to refer to these three documents
under these titles.

2The INE proposals does not have an author's name; I am presuming that
the author is Dra. Ferrando.





Ferrando/Chaney 2


that exists in Peru in terms of statistical information on women, as an impor-

tant contribution to national planning and in elaborating indicators that add

to its utility and pertinence." No such bibliographical review is provided,

nor does Dra. Ferrando make references in her text to the analyses that are

available on women's situation in Peru, based on census and other statistics.

This is doubly puzzling since the proposal indicates that an attempt already had

been made "to review bibliography for the elaboration of the proposal," and

5 1/2 months are allowed for the bibliographical search. I do not agree with

the author that statistical information on women in Peru is "dispersed and in-

complete." Dra. Ferrando's efforts have been preceded by those of several col-

leagues who have done good to excellent work on women's labor force participation.

Even if she does not agree with them, Dra. Ferrando needs to take these analyses

into account, pointing out their strong points and deficiencies -- not simply

dismiss them without any discussion. Good scholarship always tries to build on

what others have done to avoid beginning every research project at "zero."


Recommendation: I suggest that it would be worthwhile to provide an annotated

bibliography for the benefit of planners and researchers -- perhaps not "todo

lo existente en el Peru" as originally promised, but a review of the key works.

Such a review could be accomplished in two weeks, not 5 1/2 months. The informed

also will benefit from the author's careful perusal of these documents, parti-

larly the following:

1. Delma Del Valle, Factores determinantes en la participaci6n de la

mujer en el mercado de trabajo. Lima: Ministerio de Trabajo, Direcci6n General

de Empleo, Oficina Tgcnica de Estudios de Mano de Obra (OTEMO), 1976.

This study, based both on census and labor force survey data, sets out

eight hypotheses on the influence of women's marital status, education (self and

spouse), child care and household help available, income and age on women's

labor force participation in the total country and in metropolitan Lima. This is





Ferrando/Chaney 3

a fine piece of work, offering not only a description of women's labor force

participation from 1961 to 1975, but also an excellent and detailed analysis

of what the data mean and their implications for female labor force activity

in the future. The study is based on the censuses of 1940, 1961 and 1972, as

well as on OTEMO's various labor force surveys. The author continues her work

at OTEMO, and can be reached at the Ministry of Labor. If the publication is

agotada, Delma can provide a xerox, or you can consult the OTEMO files.


2. Flor Suarez, Vilma Vargas and Joel Jurado, Cambio de la economla

peruana y evoluci6n de la situaci6n de empleo de la mujer. Lima: Ministerio

de Trabajo y Promoci6n Social/UNICEF, 1982.

This is an interesting analysis of how the participation of women in the

labor force has responded in the most striking fashion to changes in the economic

cycle (as measured by the changes in GNP each year), i.e., women's participation

accelerates in times of economic crisis, and diminishes when the over-all

economy improves. The authors discuss the impact of economic crises on the way

women are incorporated into the labor force, on family income, on the extended

family as a survival mechanism. As well, they discuss the implications of women's

work for the family economy, the overall wage level and income distribution, and

on development. The senior author has transferred to the Concejo Nacional de

Poblaci6n, Camilo Carrillo 114, Lima 11. She can provide you a xerox, or you

can use the extensive library which the Concejo inherited from the Centro de

Poblaci6n y Desarrollo when it closed.


3. Flor Suarez, La movilidad ocupacional en Lima Metropolitana.

Lima: Ministerio de Trabajo, OTEMO, 1975.

This study offers some interesting insights on women's work, underscoring

3presentado en el Seminario, "Anglisis y Promoci6n de la Mujer en la
Actividad Econ6mica," 2-5 Marzo de 1982, Lima, Perd. The full sent of ponencias
from this seminar should be available by now; query UNICEF at ParqueMelit6n Porras
350, Lima 18.






Ferrando/Chaney 4


the implications of their subempleo in domestic service, street vending, and

antisanal sectors of industrial manufacturing. The study, besides providing a

good sectoral analysis of women's participation, concludes that while there is

some upward mobility for migrant men in the labor force (comparing present em-

ployment with occupation at time of arrival in Lima), there is, in contrast,

little mobility for women. When they move at all, women generally move laterally --

from domestic service to street vending, for example.


4. Gabriela Villalobos de Urrutia, Diagn6stico de la situaci6n social y

econ6mica de la mujer peruana. Lima: Centro de Estudios de Poblaci6n y Desa-

rrollo, 1975.

A very useful compendium of statistical data on women's demographic,

educational, social, occupational, political and organization activity in Peru.

The publication also provides extensive analysis of the data. As the author

has gone to Chile, and the CEPD is no longer in existence, try the libraries at

the Concejo de Poblaci6n, the Ford Foundation, or at Creatividad y Cambio.

**
5. Maria del Carmen Feijo6, La mujer, el desarrollo y las fendencias de

poblaci6n en America Latina: bibliograffa comentada. Buenos Aires: Estudios

CEDES, 1980.

Commentaries on 86 key articles on women in the labor force, with the

relationship of labor force participation to population, development, family

life, migration and urbanization. Available from the Centro de Estudios de

Estado y Sociedad in B.A. (xeroxed for you, and coming in pouch).


There are other references that should prove useful to the informed, and

they are in the bibliography. Where publications are agotadas, the authors

who work close to Dra. Ferrando in nearby ministries and offices can be asked

to make xeroxes.






Ferrando/Chaney 5


1.2. Census Data from 1940. In Part III, Descripci6n del Informe, it

is promised that the analysis will be based on the censuses of 1940, 1961, 1972

and 1981. As the proposal argues, "these sources will provide a more complete

vision (the past evaluation and the present situation) of women's situation."

While the first chapter of the informed (Marco de Contexto Econ6mico y Demogrifico)

does take us back -- in some cases, 40 years using 1940 census data, and in

other cases 30 years, using projections carried out by the INE in collaboration

with the Centro Latinoamericano de Demografia (CELADE), the second chapter on

women's participation in the labor force is based solely on the three latest

censuses, and thus covers only the last 20 years. We are deprived of the benefit

promised also in the informed's introduction of a review since World War II.

As the introduction notes, "during the past forty years, Peruvian society has

passed from an eminently rural and Andean focus to a predominantly urban and

coastal one, highly concentrated in the cities." Such a transformation indeed

has had profound repercussions on the economically-active population as Dra.

Ferrando notes. I therefore do not understand the truncation of the section

on women in the labor force to cover only 20 years. If we were able to

compare women's situation in 1981 with their status in 1940, the whole report

would be considerably enhanced.


Recommendation: I strongly recommend that 1940 data be included also in the

section on women's labor force participation, as promised in the INE proposal.


1.3. Labor Force Participation Data from Other Sources. Part III,

Descripci6n del Informe, proposes to use data from specialized surveys -- the

most pertinent would be the various OTEMO encuestas and the World Fertility Sur-

vey. Again, much of this data has been "worked" by others, so its inclusion

would not involve a great deal of effort. The comparison of censal information

and labor force survey data also is essential in unravelling several controver-

sies over the interpretation of census data. The author does allude to one





Ferrando/Chaney 6


of these problems in Fn. 14, p. 37 and Cuadro 18, the only places she

makes any comparisons of census and labor force survey results.


Recommendation: My suggestion would be that data from other sources be brought

into the discussion, at least wherever it is pertinent in explaining the discre-

pancies in the census figures.


1.4. Succinct Description of the Socio-Economic Situation. The proposal

promises a succinct description of the socio-economic development process in

the country, and a review of its demographic situation (Part III, Descripci6n del

Informe). I do not find Chapter I of the informed in any way "succinct" -- it

takes up 36 of the 90 pages, or more than one-third of the space (in contrast,

Del Valle's description of the demographic/economic situation is confined to 16

of 179 pages) Indeed, the author makes no attempt to link this chapter to the

rest of the informed. In itself, the chapter no doubt is a good review of the

economic situation, but unless it is carefullyconnected to the rest of the informed,

it remains superfluous to the main theme of women's participation in economic

activity as reflected in the census statistics. It would take a great deal

of effort to link several of the topics, i.e., agrarian reform and the situation

in mining (pp. 31-34) and inflation (pp. 34-36) to women's labor force activity
4
although there are, of course, connections. Other topics do lend themselves to

such linkages. Should the author wish to pursue this approach, there are some

good references available:

(a) pp. 7-9, population growth and distribution. The author does link

women's labor force participation to similar data in the next chapter (pp. 41-42),

but she does not refer to this earlier section. Some references making the

link include Anker 1982; Inter-American Development Bank 1980-81, Chapter 5;


4There are some references: a thesis -- Edissa Villena Pierola,
"Participaci6n de la mujer campesina en el process de Reforma Agraria,"
Universidad Cat61lica, Facultad de Letras 1974, as well as Deere and Le6n de
Leal 1982**;: Bourque and Warren 1982, and Garrett 1978.





Ferrando/Chaney 7


Jelin 1978; Programa Regional de Empleo para America Latina y el Caribe

(PREALC) 1978 ; Sara-Lafosse 1980; Standing 1978 ; Standing and Sheehan

Youssef, Buvinid and Kudat 1979.


Besides questions on numbers and proportions of working-age women and

their urban/rural residence, another important topic is the distribution of

women in various ethnic, linguistic and religious formations. The fact that

this paper does not ever refer to the urgent question of rural indigenous women --

52 percent of whom, according to the 1970 census, spoke only Aymarg or Quechua --

in contrast to so many of the men who learned Spanish during their army service,

is a serious omission. It is interesting to outline the various geographic

divisions of the country, as the author as done, but it is the ethnic divisions

that have much more relevance for women's labor force participation.


(b) pp. 10-11, mortality decline and "aging" of the population. What is

interesting here is the effect of declines in mortality on older women's labor

force activity. In Peru, over-all numbers of older women in urban places are

increasing in each census period, while their labor force participation as regis-

tered in the census is declining. We can speculate, as Ferrando does later,

that this phenomenon (generalized throughout Latin America) is an effect of

improved social security pensions (I doubt it!), but there are others who

would argue that the insignificant amounts received do not permit older women

to retire voluntarily; rather, they are being forced out of the formal labor

force (and into the informal sector) by younger, better-qualified women (PREALC

1978: 39). For many other pertinent considerations on mortality declines and

their effects, see United Nations 1982.


(c) pp: 11-13, fecundity and the effects of population growth on economic

development: the arguments presented on p. 12 are outdated (references are from

1960 and 1967!), and moreover are irrelevant to the discussion of women in the





Ferrando/Chaney 8


the labor force. Arguments should center on the relation of fecundity/population

growth on women's economic participation and contributions to economic develop-

ment. For references, see Anker 1980; Cochrane 1983; Curtin 1982; Elizaga

1974 and 1977; Oppong 1982; Population Reports 1979a and 1979b; PREALC 1978;

Standing 1978; Standing and Sheehan 1978; Suarez 1981; Youssef 1982.


(d) pp. 13-16, effects of changes in GNP on women's participation

See Sugrez, et al., noted above. Also UNICEF 1982 and the compilation of

publications from the UNICEF seminar of 1982. The wrong question is being

addressed here, i.e., we are not interested in the growth of GNP/total population,

but the effects of changes in GNP rates of growth on women's labor force parti-

cipation.


(3) pp. 17-24, migration, situation in agriculture and urbanization. Again,

arguments here should be centered on how these events affect women's labor

force participation rates. Some references include Boserup 1970; Chaney 1982 ;

Checa, et al. 1981; Heyman 1974; Jelin 1978; Standing 1978; Standing and Sheehan

1978; Youssef, Buvini6 and Kudat 1979. For discussion on the female-headed

household, one of the results of male out-migration, see Buvinic, Youssef and

Von Elm 1978 ; Tienda y Ortega Salazar 1972; Youssef and Hettler 1983.


(f) pp. 24-28, redistribution of economically-active population among

agriculture, industry and services. Again, the author should point to the effects

on women of changing sectoral distributions of the working population, i.e.,

women's concentration in services and declining participation in agriculture,

as well as the parallel growth of the informal sector. Some citations include

Bourque and Warren 1980: Bunster 1983; Deere and Le6n de Leal 1982; Jelin 1976;

Le6n 1982; Le6n de Leal 1980: PREALC 1978; Safa 1977; Sara-Lafosse, et al.

1981, Cap. 1. On the growing numbers of women in the informal sector, and the

relationship between formal and informal labor markets, see Arizpe 1977; BuviniC,





Ferrando/Chaney 9


A*
Lycette and McGreevey 1983; Schmink 1982 ; Standing 1978; Standing and Shee-

han 1978.


Recommendation: That this section be cut to no more than 10-12 pages, and

that information on Peru's economic and demographic development be linked

to women's participation in economic activity. Or that this section simply

be dropped, and the informed begin with Part II, p. 37.


1.5. Critical Analysis. The proposal promises "a critical and analyti-

cal exposition of the basic information on Peruvian women's participation in

the development of Peru" (Part III, Descripci6n del Informe), and "to analyze

the participation of women in the labor force." I find that, in general, the

informed offers very little analysis; Part II is principally description and,

moreover, mostly description of what is in the tables. The informed needs much

more discussion on what the statistics mean.


Recommendation: A critical analysis might be assisted by putting the data in

a theoretical framework derived from attempts to explain women's incorporation

in the labor force. Two current explanations, both based on aggregate data,

are that women's increasing participation in the labor force correlates with

increasing modernization, or that women's incorporation follows a U-shaped curve,

i.e., participation rates in agriculture and rural artisan industries fall

as women move from countryside to city, then gradually rise as women join the

urban labor force (a process that occurs approximately two decades after the

first waves of rural migrants arrive in the urban areas). See Standing 1978

(pages xeroxed)for a discussion of these two approaches and their shortcomings.


1.6. Income Levels and Socio-cultural Factors. Finally, also missing

are any references to women's income or to the socio-cultural factors influencing

women's labor force participation, promised for Part III, now Part II of the






Ferrando and Chaney 10


informed. Income data is extremely difficult to obtain (the best source is

is PREALC 1978). A recent study of women workers in Lima (Medina 1981) in-

cludes salary data. The virtual absence of any socio-cultural considerations, par-

ticularly the influence of ethnicity on labor force participation, is a more

serious omission.
Recommendation: Omit income data, but add a section on socio-cultural factors and

labor force participation. In the absence of available census data, consult the

many available studies and surveys.


II. Critique of the Informe


As I have covered Part I of the informed in detail above, I shall begin

the critique with Part II, p. 37. Before going through this chapter page by

page, there are four over-all observations that I should like to make:

1. In the first paragraph of Part II of the informed, p. 37, Dra.

Ferrando does recognize in one brief sentence that census data gives only a

partial view of women's economic and productive activities. But if the purpose

of the present exercise is to improve the capability of the statistical office

in the collection, tabulation and publication of census data on women, then the

Informe "should also include an analysis of the accuracy of women's data and

should discuss census practices in each country regarding the collection of data

on women" (DUALabs 1980).


The inadequacies of the "labor force" concept, and the sexual bias in

the administration of censuses are discussed in detail in Standing 1978 (pages

xeroxed), as well as in several other articles and books cited below and sent

via the pouch. So as not to give the impression that women who are not regis-

tered in the census as in paid employment, or as unpaid family workers, are

therefore necessarily idle, careful analysts now distinguish between women's

participation in the formal labor market and other kinds of economic activity






Ferrando/Chaney 11


(which may be paid or unpaid) that produce use values as well as exchange

values. The whole question is a complex one, and no one has yet arrived at

a satisfactory conceptual resolution of what economic activity should be

counted, or how the counting should be done. However, this key issue should not

be ignored in the present informed simply because it is difficult to address.

The sections 2.1.1 and 2.2 would be excellent places for such a discussion,

particularly since these sections, as they stand, fall into an uncritical accep-

tance of the conventional census definitions of economic activity, classifying

those who dedicate themselves to domestic tasks as inactive and therefore non-

productive, along with old people, invalids, recluses, etc. This is exactly

what the present project was supposed to question and critique!


Recommendation: Since it is the particular intent of the present project to

demonstrate the shortcomings of conventional concepts and classifications

(such as "labor force") in capturing the full extent of women's economic activity,

these should not be accepted uncritically. These issues merit much more than one

passing reference; the informed needs to spell out in detail the major factors in

the undercount of women in the labor force, and to gauge to what extent and in what

manner the Peruvian censuses have been deficient in this regard.


There is, by now, a large bibliography on this question, and I am

providing via the diplomatic pouch the following: International Center for

Research on Women 1980; Recchini de Lattes and Wainerman 1979; United Nations

Secretariat 1980 and Youssef 1983. So far as women in the agricultural labor

force are concerned, there is an extended discussion in Deere and Le6n de

Leal 1982, Chapters I and III (also xeroxed).


2. :There also needs to be much more discussion of the contribution of

women in the subsistence and artisan sectors in rural areas, and to the urban

informal sector. We need to see how the formal and informal labor markets are





Ferrando/Chaney 12


related to each other in Peru, and the effects of women's increasing incorpora-

tion in both labor markets on development, and on their own lives. Otherwise,

the informed will reenforce the notion, which we are attempting to correct

precisely through such exercises as this Office of Population/DUALabs Data

Project, that most women do not engage in productive work, and therefore do not

contribute to development. The publication of page after page, table after

table, and chart after chart showing women's low participation rates is mislead-

ing if there is no critical anslysis of why the rates are so low and what the

female population that is technically "economicamente no active" might be doing.

Many are engaged in productive work and income-earning, sometimes in more than

one job.

Recommendation: I do not suggest an extended discussion on the informal sector,

since Dra. Ferrando's main task is to analyze census data. Nevertheless, we

should be given some notion of the numbers of women engaged in productive work

who are not covered by the census statistics; why they are not counted, and what

can be done to rectify this situation.


3. I want to reiterate here that it would be helpful to have the 1940

census data in all these tables, as promised.


4. In general, in what follows in the informed, we need much less discus-

sion on what is in the tables (which we can see for ourselves), and much more

interpretation on what the implications of the percentages and distributions

are for (a) statistical office professionals, who have to deal with the

collection and publication of data, and (b) planners and policymakers, who

need to interpret such data correctly.


DETAILED ANALYSIS BEGINS HERE.

Page 41, 2.1.2. We need in this section more discussion on what the sta-





Ferrando/Chaney 13


tistics mean in female/male terms, as well as in relation to the two time periods

and to rural/urban residence. For example, while mano de obra disponible

(Cuadro 18) increased at equal rates for women and men overall, women in the

age to work are increasing somewhat faster in urban areas than in rural (in

some Latin American countries, this differential is much more marked) -- with

what implications? Moreover, sex ratios are decreasing slightly in urban areas,

and increasing in rural areas -- what does this mean in terms of women's labor

force activity? Why aren't we given any sex ratios throughout this informed --

an elementary statistical tool? And what about female/male ratios -- these also

can be very revealing.


SEX RATIOS OF THE URBAN AND RURAL POPULATIONS
1960 1970 1980
Total 100.4 100.3 100.3

Urban 101.9 100.4 99.2

Rural 99.0 99.8 102.5


Cuadro 18 also is difficult to analyze because it gives large absolute

numbers with no accompanying percentages (these are given later as part of

Cuadro 21 on p. 47, but this is too great a separation).


Page 41, Para. 1, line 6:-- not customary to write out 2,683,100 in

words -- use figures.


Page 43, Para. 2.2: As noted above, a good place to remind the reader of

the narrowness of the various definitions of economic activity, in relation to

women's actual participation in productive work.


here is some confusion in explaining dependency ratios. The author

comments (p. 43, final para.) on the great weight (42 percent) of minors less

51In my examples, I use 1972 because I happen to have on hand the raw num-
bers from the 1972 Peruvian census.






Ferrando/Chaney 14


than 15 years of age, and "thus the elevated index of dependency." Yet her

own two dependency measures are calculated for all persons who are economically

active (regardless of age) in relation to all inactive persons (regardless of

age). This is a more realistic way to calculate dependency ratios, but the

explanation then should be a little clearer: i.e., specify that a labor

force activity status dependency ratio is being given, not an age dependency

ratio. The sentence should read: La relaci6n entire la poblaci6n inactive y

la active mide el grado de dependencia de la primera con respect a la segunda

y represent la carga que tiene que soportar cada persona active en la

producci6n de bienes y servicios (i.e., take out the phrase en edad, because

you are talking about all active persons regardless of age and giving ratios

for same). Two different ratios:

population 0-14 and 65+
x 100 = age dependency ratio
population 15 to 64 years


non-active of all ages
x 100 = labor force activity status dependency
active of all ages ratio

In general, I also find confusing Dra. Ferrando's jumping back and forth

from INE/CELADE projections (1960, 1970 and 1980) interspersed with actual census

data from 1961, 1972 and 1981.6 It is thus difficult to use the data in calcula-

tion one's own measures, or in checking the calculations in the informed. I have

a further difficulty with Cuadro 18, and subsequent Cuadros that consider 15

years of age and older as the lower limit for labor force participation, but

put no upper limit on age of mano de obra disponible or participants. This

makes for difficulties when we talk about dependency ratios and numbers of older


6This is done from pp. 37-51, after which Dra. Ferrando begins to rely
exclusively on unadjusted census statistics for 1961 and 1972 to make them
comparable with the 1981 figures which have not yet been evaluabed and adjusted
(p. 51, para. 1). I believe Dra. Ferrando would be well advised to follow this
latter plan throughout, using the same base numbers throughout the informed.





Ferrando/Chaney 15


women in the labor force. As well, the constant changes in the age ranges

used in the tables (when ages are specified, which is not always done) are

confusing. Examples are the tables on the economically active and economically
p. 39,
inactive: Cuadro 17,/with an age range of 6 years old and over uses actual

census data to give us information on the economically inactive, while Cuadro

27, p. 60, with an age range of 15 years old and over, uses INE/CELADE projec-

tions to give us information on the economically active. All tables should

be standardized for age (whichever age range Dra. Ferrando chooses to use), and

age ranges should be specified on every table.


Page 46, Para. 2.2.1: Here is a good opportunity to mention that

mano de obra disponible also is very much influenced by the large indigenous

population, as well as such considerations as urbanization, prolongation of

schooling, labor legislation, etc. Testa-Zappert's 1975 study attests.to

the added difficulties indigenous women have in securing employment --

not only because of their lower educational qualifications, but because they do

not exhibit the "buena presencia,!' i.e., the proper appearance demanded not only

for office jobs (where indigeous women do not have much opportunity because they

lack training), but for clerking in stores, working in the post office or other

petty bureaucratic positions, etc.

Page 47, Cuadro 21 and the accompanying chart are very interesting.

Cuadro 21 should note that the data are for person 15 years of age and older.

Female/male ratios of participation rates could be calculated from this chart,

to show some interesting tendencies:
1960 1970 1980
Urbana 0.35 0.38 0.40
Rural 0.42 0.37 0.36

Page 48, Para. 2: A more accurate characterization of women's labor force

participation would be: "en el Peru, se reduce mayormente al servicio dom6stico
y comercio independiente (vendedoras ambulantes y negociantes en el mercado) y a
la producci6n domiciliaria para la industrial de confecciones ene 1 area urbana,
y a la agriculture y la artesania en el area rural." (See Sara-Lafosse,





Ferrando/Chaney 16


et al. 1981, segunda parte). "En los dos areas, muchas mujeres tambign

trabajan en el sector informal, y por lo tanto, no estgn enumeradas como

econ6micamente activas en los censos."


Page 49, Para. 2.2.2: We badly need some percentages in Cuadro 22.

We do: get a percentage distribution (m/f) in Cuadro 23, but calculated on

differentbase numbers, i.e., the actual census figures again, whereas Cuadro

22 is based on adjusted INE/CELADE numbers.


Page 50: Dra. Ferrando has noted the male/female differentials in labor

force participation rates in this section. Good!


Page 50, Para. 2, line 2 should read Cuadro 22, not 26.


Page 52, Cuadro 23: What are the age ranges for percentages in this table?

This would be a good section in which to comment on the undercount of women's

economic activity in rural areas. From other studies, we know that the indices

of participation for rural women reflect a large undercount. The latest article

detailing what we know on this underenumeration (and recalculating the figures)

is Dixon 1982.


I do not agree with the comment that "this behavior [the slight increases

in urban women's labor force participation] would be in accord with the observa-

tion .Li..that feminine participation tends to increase in relation to the mascu-

line economically-active population in the measure in which the economy develops

and diversifies." That may have been true in the countries of early industriali-

zation, but the increases in women's urban participation rates in Latin America

have been registered principally in women's traditional work (street selling,

for example) and in the service sector, not in those sectors of the economy

that are developing and diversifying. These sectors are capital intensive and

do not offer much employment opportunity to women whose participation rates are,







Ferrando/Chaney 17


in fact, declining in industrial manufacturing.


Page 53, Cuadro 24. I find this manner of showing women's labor force

participation by age quite interesting, as an alternative way of looking at

the data. The finding that the female labor force is so much younger than the

masculine is an interesting one. Dra. Ferrando does not, however, analyze what

the effects on women might be of the younger age structure of the female econo-

mically active population. There are, for example, implications for women's

lesser access to education (the differences tend to be greater among 15-19

year olds, and much greater for urban than for rural women) Perhaps the youth

of urban working women, as a group, is accounted for by the large numbers of

girls and women (from 12 years old, or sometimes even younger) who migrate to

the cities because they can be easily absorbed into the labor force by becoming

domestic servants.


N.B. There are a series of errors in Cuadro 24 (consistent in the entire

table) of the 25-29 year olds across, i.e., the percentages are all on the order

of 40+ which is, of course, an impossibility. For 1972, for example, the percent

of 25-29 year olds in the PEA in relation to total female PEA is 14.6 percent,

not 48.5 percent.


Page 54, Para. 1: The discussion in this paragraph is strange. The

percentages in Cuadro 24 are quite consistent with what we know about women (and

men) of younger ages migrating to the city for jobs and education -- thus the

rural/urban differentials shown are not "contrary to what is affirmed about

youth of the labor force in relation to lesser-developed economies." Such asser-

tions, in any case, do not apply to rural/urban differentials within countries,

but to comparisons among countries.


Page 55, Para. 5: The assertions are not certain. The reason is an






Ferrando/Chaney 18


elemental one which the author does not ever advert to, i.e., for those nominal-

ly single, we do not know how many are mothers who head their own households

and who cannot "retire." Suirez (1981: 53-54, using WFS data) shows a greater

percentage of labor force participation by women of alta fecundidad, especially

if they belong to lower socio-economic groups -- they need to earn cash. Other

variables that determine women's labor force participation, according to the

Suarez analysis, are education, type of economic activity prior to marriage and

degree of urbanization. We need to be careful in making "obvious" deductions,

particularly when there are existing studies that reveal the complexities. The

higher percentage of solteras among those who work does not tell us anything

about the influence of marriage on workforce participation, because of the

large numbers among them who are single mothers and work to support their child-

ren. The author contradicts her own assertions on Page 64, Para. 3.


Page 56: Observations on working children, and the greater numbers of

female children at work, are interesting and very much to the point.


Page 57, Para. 2.2.4 (a): Dra. Ferrando correctly defines Tasa Bruta de

Actividad as the relationship between the size of the labor force and the total

population. However, in Cuadro 26 and discussion, she refines her measure by

controlling for age, and thus by definition she isn't presenting crude measures.

Crude activity rates are calculated by dividing the total economically-active

population of all ages by the total population of all ages.


The author has arrived at her percentages in Cuadro 26 by dividing, in each

case, the economically-active population that is 6 years old and over,

'and the economically-active population that is 15 years old and over, by the

total population of all ages (incorrect for yielding a crude rate). She has

arrived at her percentages in Cuadro 27 by dividing the economically-active popu-

lation that is 6 years old and over, and the economically active-population that






Ferrando/Chaney 19


is 15 years old and over by the total population in each age group (correct for

yielding an activity rate, except that I don't understand the rationale for

calling it "global," i.e., it simply is a table that should be labelled something

like TASA DE ACTIVIDAD ECNNMICAPOR SEXO Y EDAD (6 AROS Y MAS, y 15 ANOS Y MAS)

EN EL PAIS; Y POR AREAS: 1961, 1972 y 1981).


I don't understand the intent of Cuadro 26, and suggest that it be dropped.

Crude activity rates, even if correctly calculated, don't give us useful informa-

tion. So far as Cuadro 27 is concerned, it is very helpful to have the corrected

percentages from the 1972 labor force survey, particularly for the rural areas.

However, we then have some explaining to do: why the tremendous difference between

women's rural participation rates (for those 15 years old and over), going from

18 to 31.8 (1961-1972), then dropping back in 1981 to 22.58. Are these percen-

tages artefacts of the way the census was taken, and the questions asked about

primary occupation? As so many authors now have documented, women even when

they spend a lot of time in agricultural work, tend to say they are "housewives"

if there is a man present who defines himself as "farmer." Why, in fact, is

the 1961 statistic so low? It would be very helpful here to have the 1940

statistics for comparison.


Page 62-A, Cuadro 28: The format that has been followed for the tables,

until now, is abruptly changed here, i.e., the tables in Part IIwith only one

exception are laid out with years across and the total, urban, rural percentages

down. Now we suddenly get this scheme reversed (both formats require 9 columns

across, so it can't be space). I would redesign this table to match the others

i.e.:

EDAD 1961 1972 1981

TOTAL

URBANA

RURAL






Ferrando/Chaney 20


Cuadro 28 also needs totals.


Page 64, Para. 1: The tasas of female participation in the rural areas,

as Cuadro 28 shows, do not descend, as the author asserts here, but in fact

grow larger. In Para. 3, Dra. Ferrando gives one explanation, recognizing that

this descenso is, in fact, pocoo important" after age 30. This analysis should

be compared to Page 55, because it contradicts what she says there. I think

part of a paragraph preceding Para.1 on page 64 may be missing. Once again, Dra.

Ferrando is making too great a distinction between being married and being single

as a factor -- many single women work because they have children to support,

and this is a more important variable for explaining labor force participation

rates in a country like Peru than whether a woman is married.


Page 64, Para. 3: should read "despu6s de los 30 aios de edad"; otherwise

we think time period is being referred to.


Page 64 should not be placed between the three graphs (pages 63,65 and

66), but should precede them, i.e., become Page 63, with the graphs as Pages

64, 65 and 66.

Page 67, Para. 2: Here the author first asserts that there has been a
of
slight diminution inrates u/school-age children and of older persons in the

labor force, and she explains the latter as due to "the perfecting of the

social security system that permits the retirement of persons after 60 years

of age, enjoying a monthly sum that assures their subsistence."


First of all, if such a diminution were in fact occurring, it would more

likely be the result of younger, better educated women forcing older women "to

"retire" to casual, informal sector jobs where they are no longer counted, as

happens in many Latin American and other Third World countries. Social security

in Peru typically pays an extremely small sum, and coverage is not extensive.





Ferrando/Chaney -21


But, in fact, Dra. Ferrando has not examined Table 28 with sufficient

care. Rather than a diminution, there was in fact an increase in participation

of economically-active women 65 years of age and older in the labor force between

1961 and 1972, and again between 1972 and 1981, particularly in the rural areas

(there also has been an increase in the participation rates of older men, but

not as marked). There also have been some extraordinary increases in the parti-

cipation bf 60-64 year old women in the labor force (some of the effect pro-

bably due to undercounting in the 1972 census):

Urban Rural
Ages Men Women Men Women
1972
60-64 77.81 14.55 91.09 12.00
65+ 52.93 8.62 70.91 8.32

1981
60-64 82.44 21.29 97.15 26.53
65+ 52.70 10.19 18.34 16.22


As in several other instances, the author apparently has taken what she thought

to be the case for her text, without sufficiently consulting her own data.


Nor is it true either that the rates of children 6-14 years of age

who are counted as working Havediminished; in fact, Table 28 shows a slight in-

crease between 1972 and 1981 in participation (slight, and again, may be the

effect of undercount in 1972). But Dra. Ferrando should not say that partici-

pation has diminished unless she corrects the table for undercount.


Page 67, last para.: The shift in "peak" age at work (of working women

20-24 years as percent of all women in that age group) to those who are 25-29

is significant, and deserves some comment on its implications.


Page 70, Para. 2: The author apparently has forgotten her caveats that

the diminution in female participation in agriculture in 1972 is a result of

census undercount in the rural areas. In Para. 2, she contradicts what Cuadro 29






Ferrando/Chaney 22


shows us, i.e., rather than the PEA among females in agriculture continuing
in 1981.
to descend, there was an increase / (This increase may be more apparent than

real if the 1972 undercount is corrected, but it should not be called a diminution

unless the percentages are recalculated and a decrease actually is shown.


Page 70, Para. 3: The large drop in the percentage of women in industrial

manufacturing (17.4 in 1972 and 10.1 in 1981) needs comment. For one thing, it

refutes theories of women's greater incorporation into the labor force because

of "modernization." Because industrialization has been capital rather than labor

intensive, and because women in other times found their first work opportunities

in labor-intensive manufacturing in the textile and garment industries, moderniza-

tion does account historically for increases in women's participation rates.

But this is not happening in most developing countries. In fact, in Peru Chap-

lin (1967) shows that textile factories, where women made some inroads in earlier

times, did not hire a single woman after the onset of social legislation in 1954

related to women's work hours, maternity leaves, etc -- such legal "protections"

often have worked against women because it makes them more expensive to hire than

men.


Page 71, Para. 1: In her explanation of the figures in Cuadro 30, Dra.

Ferrando tells us that the greatest proportion of active persons in the service

sector work in "servicios comunales." I should like to have a definition. The

substantial numbers and percentage of women still in domestic service (where

absolute numbers are, in fact, increasing) ought to be commented upon.


Cuadros 24, 29- and 31: There is something awry with these tables. Com-

paring them for consistency, one discovers that the absolute numbers for 1961

are consistent in all three tables. There are, however, unexplained discrepan-

cies in the three tables as follows:






Ferrando/Chaney 23


Cuadro 24, p. 53 (6 afos y mas)

1961 1972 1981

Total PEA
(000s) 3,124.6 3.871.6 5,281.7

Menor de 15 anos 2.5 2.2 2.1


Cuadro 29, p. 69 (6 aios y mas)

Total 3,124.6 3,572.3 5,281.7



Cuadro 31, p. 72 variouss afos)

Total 3,124.61 3,572.32 4,926.03



16 afos y mas.

2 1
de at y mas.

3PEA ocupada de 15 aios y mas.

-- in Cuadro 29 and Cuadro 31: absolute numbers for 1972 cannot be the same in

both tables since the first total is for 61' afos y mas, and the second for

15 afos y mas. Should the total for 1972 in Cuadro 29 be the same as in

Cuadro 24? (Note: total for 1981 in Cuadro 29 is the same as in Cuadro 24.)


-- Calculations between Cuadros 24 and 31 yield quite different numbers of

working children, i.e.:
1972

Cuadro 24: children between 6-14 afos = 2.2% x 3,871.6 = 85.2 thousand

BUT
Total of working population 6 aios y mas (Cuadro 24) = 3,871.6

Total of working population 15 afos y mas (Cuadro 31) = 3,572.3

Working children between 299.3 thousand
6-14 afos
There is a large discrepancy also between numbers of working children for 1981

in Cuadros 24 and 31.






Ferrando/Chaney 24


-- why use totals with different lower limits in these three tables? And

for 1981 only, of those "ocupada" of the PEA (the balance are, by inference,

unemployed)?


These 3 cuadros also throw the discussion on pp.55-56 (on the participation

of minors in the labor force) into some question. The figure for 1961 of 79,615

working children is consistent with what is given in the later charts, but

if tables 29 and 31 are correct, the statistics for 1972 and 1981 would be

quite different, i.e., the difference between

5,181.7 total active 6 years old and over, and

4,926.0 total active 15 years and over is

257.7, not 109.7 (see page 56).


Page 74, Para. 2: The large percentages of male agricultural workers are con-

trasted, once again, uncritically to the female agricultural workers (and no

reference is made to the 1972 undercount).


Page 74, Para. 5: The interesting statistic that shows proportions of women

among profesionales y t6cnicos greater than proportions among men needs some

commentary. Is this because teachers, health workers tend to be female? Is it

because once women are professionally trained, barriers to their participation

fall, i.e., in societies that lack trained people, it matters less whether a pro-

fessional is male or female? At this point, I was particularly struck again by

the monotony of reading in the text only a recitation of what is in the tables.

This section 2.2.7, for example, does not have one word of analysis; in some of

the preceding sections, there are at least a few instances where some interpreta-

tion is offered.

Page 77, Cuadro 33: There are several male/female comparisons in this table

that are not drawn out in the text. What is the significance that, so far as

educational attainment is concerned, women in the labor force show a greater





Ferrando/Chaney 25


proportion.twith..university training.than men for both 1972 and 1981? What

is the significance of the fact that the proportions of women in the labor force

who had secondary level education are .diminishing in relation to proportions of

men with secondary schooling (proportions are the same in 1961, and women

slightly ahead of men in 1972). What explains the great discrepancy in propor-

tions of men and women in the labor force who have attained primary education --

a spread of 16.5 percent in 1972 and 13.2 percent in 1981?


This, by the way, would be another good place to introduce female/male:ratios

(number of women to each 100 men). Female/male ratio of those with highschool

education in the labor force in 1972 was 1.11 (that is, there were 111 women

with secondary education for each 100 men with secondary education in the labor
/male
force), while in 1981 the female ratio had dropped to 0.88, that is, there were

only 88 women with secondary education to each 100 men with secondary education

in the labor force. So far as primary school attainment is concerned, female/

male ratios are improving slightly -- from 0.72 in 1972 to 0.74 in 1981.

So far as those in the labor force without education are concerned, the female/male

ratio is worsening: in 1972, it was 1.55, but in 1981, it had increased to 2.02 --

Sthat is, for every 100 men in the labor force without education, there were 202

women without education. Part of the reason for the latter ratio may be that

women often must work at something whether or not they have the educational pre-

requisites. The lower educational attainment of women in the labor force may also

be a partial explanation of why they tend to agglomerate in the lower levels of

the labor force in terms of job status and salaries.


Note: the notes on Cuadro 33 are awry. There are two Note Is; one in

the title indicating that the numbers and percentages are of the poblaci6n economy!

camente active ocupada de 15 afos y mas, and the other attthe title 1961 indicating

that, for this year, the percentages are of the PEA total de 6 anos y mas.





Ferrando/Chaney 26
\ (not 5,124.6, see below) /
Then we get a total for 1961 of 3,124.6/ indicating no adjusted figure from the

other tables activea ocupada vs. PEA total). Th@h the figure for 1972 is again

3,572.3 -- which cannot be at one and the same time of the PEA total de 15

afios y mas, as it is footnoted here, and of 6 afios y mas as labelled in Cuadro

29. A further difficulty in the table is that the numbers of women and men

for 1961 and 1981, when added together, do not equal the totals in these tables:

1961 1981
Total of 2,445.4 plus 679.2 is 3,124.6 Total of 3,726.0 plus 1,200 is
4,926.0


III. FACTORES....EN LA PARTICIPATION DE LA MUJER



I shall comment on the content of this section, even though it seems to

me that the author isiaddressing these issuessfrom the wrong perspective. Her

purpose in this exercise is not to explain women's participation in the labor

force, but to examine critically the extent to which census data accurately re-
of
fleets women's participation. The identification/those indices which correlate

with women's labor force participation is, of course, part of the exercise, and

some of the data here would be useful -- but the focus is, it seems to me, not

correct. For example, it is not her task to argue simply that urbanization is

linked to women's labor force participation rates -- she may have to make the

case for such linkage, but then she must go on to see if the census in :its

concepts, data gathering and processing gives us a good or bad picture of women's

labor force participation in urban areas. In the same way, it may very well be

that education is an important indicator (or prerequisite) for women's labor

force participation. However, the task is not simply to show the correlation

between education and labor force participation (which Dra. Ferrando does quite

nicely in her Cuadro 34), but to analyze whether the census is capturing the

kinds of statistics that are the most useful in explaining women's labor force

participation rates. For example, would it be helpful to have vocational education






Ferrando/Chaney 27


statistics, in addition to the formal? And what about literacy rates as an indica-

tor linked to labor force participation -- would these be desirable to have in

addition to attainment? Or is attainment a better indicator? What about current

enrollment statistics in order to be better able to gauge women's future labor

force participation (since the two statistics do, indeed, appear to be closely

related)? Again, so far as estado civil is concerned, we are not interested, in

this exercise, simply in knowing the rates, but we want to know how well the census

has captured the reality, and we need other categories (madres solteras, female

household heads) to round out the picture.


The factors presented in this section are all important ones, but there

are some glaring omissions; women's labor force participation may be influenced

most by socio-economic status: mostwomen probably work because they need money.

Fertility and family size are ignored. Accessibility of family and kin networks,

as well as more formal childcare facilities, may be important. Already emphasized

several times is the probable influence of ethnic, language and religious affiliation

on labor force participation. Other important topics that have not been mentioned

unemployment, underemployment and income. MANY OF THESE INDICATORS SIMPLY

ARE NOT AVAILABLE, OR ARE NOT DISAGGREGATED BY SEX IN THE CENSUS. NEVERTHELESS,

AN EXERCISE SUCH AS THIS ONE SHOULD AT LEAST NOTE WHAT PERTINENT DATA (BEYOND AGE,

RURAL/URBAN RESIDENCE, EDUCATION AND MARITAL STATUS)ARE AVAILABLE, AND GIVE AN

ASSESSMENT OF THE QUALITY OF THE DATA.


Page 79, Para. 3.1: There again seems to be a difficulty here in not looking

at what the statistics tell us. In fact, women's participation in rural areas

is not, according to the sections cited, "significativamente mas baja en el gera

rural que en el area urbana." In .1981, the distribution among all women in the

labor force under 30 years of age was 49.4 percent in urban areas, and 48.4 in

rural, a difference of only 1 percentage point; among women 30 years of age and






Ferrando/Chaney 28


over, the difference is only 2.4 percent -- neither statistics is "significant."

In both 1972 and 1961, more women in the 30 years and over age group worked in

the rural areas than in the urban; the fact that the proportions are reversed in 1981,

if not to any great degree, does show some diminution in the opportunities offered

by the rural in contrast to the urban areas. Some of this may also be the effect

of undercounting women's activity in the rural areas.


Page 80, Cuadro 84: Very interesting relationships shown. It would be good

to have masculine rates of participation by educational attainment in order to

compare male and female patterns.


Page 81, Cuadro 35: We need a definition of postulantes and ingresados

(ingresantes?), and also need to have pointed out that the matriculados encompass

4-5 years, while the figures for the first two categories are for 1 year only.

The figure 142,083 ingresantes for 1975 looks high, in that postulantes were

only 142,949 -- the percentage of those who actually arrive to take up classes

after registering averaged only about 37-45 percent of the postulantes to 1975,

and only 25% of the postulantes in 1980.


Page 81, last sentence: Should be noted that the "wastage" of women (as

measured by percentage of matriculados compared to ingresantes) has lessened steadily

over the years.


Page 82, Cuadro 36: The category "otras especialidades" is too large: 42.4

percent is too big a residual (1970), and so is 19 percent (1979). We need more

of a breakdown than this, considering that this is the intent of the table. The

question otherwise arises, particular in 1970: if 42.4 percent of all women

matriculated were not in any of the numerous categories given, what were they

doing?

Page 83, Cuadro 38: Should point out that while the percentages of women

graduating in education has dropped dramatically, the numbers have dropped only






Ferrando/Chaney 29


slightly (from 841 in 1970 to 783 in 1979).


Page 85, Para. 3.3: Again, the author should explain that the category

solteras includes many (perhaps up to one-third?) single mothers, whose activity

rate is high in almost all age groups. The determining factor here is not legal

marriage, but socio-economic status and the number of children -- whether married

or not. Women with many children, in lower socio-economic groups, work at the

kinds of jobs where they can take their children along: dom6sticas puertas afuera

or, preeminently ambulantes and market women. Some notion of this effect can be

gleaned from looking at the high rates of the divorced and separated, particularly

in the ages when they might still have dependent children. Number of children is

a much more important variable than marital status as a factor in labor force

participation rates for women.


Page 86: the low rate of activity of women in married and consensual

unions is a function of the productive work they do at home. A woman who cooks

extra food to sell at her door is engaging in economic activity, whether or not

she is counted. The literature that I am sending makes this point again and

again, so I shall not belabor the point any more except to say that it IS a

major point of this exercise, and is never mentioned.


Page 87ff: This section on the legal situation of women is good. However,

the implications could be drawn out to a greater degree, i.e., the protectionist

tenor of so much legislation has made men more desirable to hire in many cases

than women.





Note: ** items have been xeroxed
and are coming via the pouch.


Ferrando/Chaney 30


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Anker, Richard
1982




Arizpe, Lourdes
1977

Boserup, Ester
1970

Bunster, Ximena


1983


**Buvinic,
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Bourque,
1981


Demographic change and the role of women: a research programme
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Chaplin, David


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Cochrane, Susan
1979

Curtin, Leslie I


1982


**Deere,
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Hill
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Dixon, R
1982

Elizaga,
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**Feij o6,
1980


Ruth
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1980 Mujer y capitalism agrario. Bogota: Asociaci6n Colombiana para
el Estudio de la Poblaci6n.
Le6n, Magdalena, editor
1982 Debate sobre la mujer en America Latina y el Caribe. 3 vols.
Bogota: Asociaci6n Colombiana para el Estudio de la Poblaci6n.

Oppong, Christine
1982 Family structure and women's reproductive roles: some conceptual and
methodological issues. Pp. 133-150 in Richard Anker, Mayra Buvini6
and Nadia H. Youssef, Women's Roles and Population Trends in the
Third World. London: Croom Helm


Peru-Mujer
ri.d.

** 1982


Relaci6n bibliogrifica t6sis sobre la mujer-peruana. Lima: Asociaci6n
Peru-Mujer.
Bibliografia: la mujer en el Peri. Lima: Asociaci6n Peru-Mujer.


Population Reports
1979a The World Fertility Survey: Current Status and Findings. Baltimore,
Maryland: Johns Hopkins University, Population Information Program.
1979b Age at Marriage and Fertility. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins
University, Population Information Program.
Program Regional de Empleo para Am6rica Latina y el Caribe (PREALC)
1978 Participaci6n laboral femenina y diferencias de remuneraciones
seggn sexo en America Latina. Santiago de Chile: PREALC No. 13.


*Jt






Ferrando/Chaney 32


** Recchini de Lattes, Zulma and Catalina H. Wainerman
1979 Data from Censuses and Household Surveys for the Analysis of Female
Labour in Latin America and the Caribbean: Appraisal of
and Recommendations for Dealing with Them. Santiago de Chile:
Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL), October. E/CEPAL/L.
206
Safa, Helen I.
1977 The changing class composition of the female labor force in Latin
America. Latin American Perspectives 4, 4.
Sara Lafosse, Violeta
1980 El status de la mujer y sus implicaciones demogrificas. Pp. 293-331
en R:. Guerra Garcia, L. Ruiz Carillo, V. Sara Lafosse, editors,
Problems Poblacionales Peruanos. Lima: Asociaci6n Multidisciplinaria
de Investigacifn y Docencia en Poblaci6n (AMIDEP).
Carmen Chira y Amelia Fort
1981 Valor del trabajo de la mujer en el agro y en la producci6n domiciliaria
para la industrial de confecciones. Pp. 15-156 en Participaci6n
econ6mica y social de la mujer peruana. Lima: Fondo de las Naciones
Unidas para la Infancia.
**Schmink, Marianne
1982 Women in the Urban Economy in Latin America. New York: Population
Council, Women, Low-Income Households and Urban Services, Working
Paper No. 1.
Sugrez, Flor
1975 La movilidad ocupacional en Lima Metropolitana. Lima: Ministerio
de Trabajo, OTEMO.
1981 Peru: formaci6n de la familiar y su efecto sobre la participaci6n
laboral de la mujer. Santiago de Chile: Centro Latinoamericano de
Demograffa.
Vilma Vargas y Joel Jurado
1982 Cambio de la economfa peruana y evoluci6n de la situaci6n de empleo
de la mujer. Lima: Ministerio de Trabajo y Promoci6n Social/UNICEF.
Standing, Guy
1978 Labour Force Participation and Development. Geneva: International
Labour Office.
and Glen Sheehan
1978 Labour Force Participation in Low-Income Countries. Geneva: Interna-
tional Labour Office.
Testa-Zappert, Laraine
1975 Women in the Urban Labor Force: The Case of Peru. Lima: xeroxed.
Tienda, Marta y Sylvia Ortega Salazar
1982 Las families encabezadas por mujeres y la formaci6n de nucleos
extensos: una referencia al Peri. Demograffa y Economia 16, 1:
64-89.
**United Nations Secretariat
1980 Sex-Based Stereotypes, Sex Biases and National Data Systems.
New York: United Nations Statistical Office. ST/ESA/STAT/99.
United Nations
1982 Levels and Trends of Mortality since 1950. New York: Department
of International Economic and Social Affairs. ST/ESA/SER.A/74.
United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF)
forth- Analisis y promoci6n de la mujer en la actividad econ6mica. Seminar,
coming 2-5 de marzo, 1982, Lima.
Villalobos de Urrutia, Gabriela
1975 Diagn6stico de la situaci6n social y econ6mica de la mujer peruana.
Lima: Centro de Estudios de Poblaci6n y Desarrollo.






Ferrando/Chaney 33


Youssef, Nadia H., Mayra Buvini6 and Ayse Kudat
1979 Women in Migration: A Third World Focus. Washington, D.C.: Inter-
national Center for Research on Women for the Office of Women in
Development/USAID
1982 The interrelationship between the division of labour in the house-
hold, women's roles and their impact on fertility. Pp. 173-201 in
Richard Anker, Mayra Buvini6 and Nadia H. Youssef, Women's Roles
and Population Trends in the Third World. London: Croom Helm
** 1980 Sex-related biases in census counts: the question of women's exclu-
sion from employment statistics. Pp. 5-30 in International Center
for Research on Women, Priorities in the Design of Development
Programs: Women's Issues. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Development
Support/USAID:
1983 Establishing the economic condition of woman-headed households in the
third world: a new approach. Pp. 216-243 in Mayra Buvinic, Margaret
A. Lycette and William Paul McGreevey, editors, Women and Poverty
in the Third World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Addenda:

-Benerfa, Lourdes
1982 Accounting for women's work. Pp. 119-148 in Beneria, editor, Women
and Development: The Sexual Division of Labor in Rural Societies.
New York: Praeger Special Studies for the International Labour
Office.
Macisco, John J. Jr.
1975 Migrants to Metropolitan Lima: a Case Study. Santiago de Chile:
Centro Latinoamericano de Demograffa.
Flores Medina, Rosa
1980 Caracteristicas de la mano de obra femenina en Lima Metropolitana:
anglisis de las diferencias salariales. En Investigaciones acerca
de la mujer en el Peri: ciclo de charlas. Lima: Peru-Mujer.



Note: Peri-Mujer has a collection of theses done in Peru and in other parts of
the world on women.




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