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Group Title: New left review
Title: Women the longest revolution
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Title: Women the longest revolution
Series Title: Women : the longest revolution
Uniform Title: New left review
Physical Description: 27 p. : ; 24 cm.
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Subject: Women -- History   ( lcsh )
Women -- Social conditions   ( lcsh )
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Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Statement of Responsibility: by Juliet Mitchell.
General Note: Reprinted from the Nov/Dec 1966 New Left Review.
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WOMEN


The Longest Revolution



Juliet Mitchell


This article is reprinted from the
Nov/Dec 1966 New Left Review. t&o
It is one of a series on women's
liberation chosen by a group of
Boston-area women and published
by N.E.F.P.




published by
New England Free Press
791 Tremont St.
Boston, Mass. 02118
15


















































- printed entirely by union labor -





uliet Mitchell




FWomen.n:


the Longest Revolution




The situation of women is different from that of any other social group. This is
because they are not one of a number of isolable units, but half a totality: the
human species. Women are essential and irreplaceable; they cannot therefore be
exploited in the same way as other social groups can. They are fundamental to
the human condition, yet in their economic, social and political roles, they are
marginal. It is precisely this combination-fundamental and marginal at one and
the same time-that has been fatal to them. Within the world of men their
position is comparable to that of an oppressed minority: but they also exist
outside the world of men. The one state justifies the other ,and precludes
protest. In advanced industrial society, women's work is only marginal to the total
economy. Yet it is through work that man changes natural conditions and there-
by produces society. Until there is a revolution in production, the labour
situation will prescribe women's situation within the world of men. But
women are offered a universe of their own: the family. Like woman herself, the
family appears as a natural object, but it is actually a cultural creation. There is
nothing inevitable about the form or role of the family any more than there is
about the character or role of women. It is the function of ideolo to resent
these given social tpes as aspects of Nature itself. Both can be exalted para-
oxcyas iea s. The 'true ~w e' family are images of peace
and plenty: in actuality they may both be sites of violence and despair. The
apparently natural condition can be made to appear more attractive than the
arduous advance of human beings towards culture. But what Marx wrote
about the bourgeois myths of the Golden Ancient World describes precisely
women's realm: '. . in one way the child-like world of the ancients appears to
be superior, and this is so, insofar as we seek for closed shape, form and estab-
lished limitation. The ancients provide a narrow satisfaction, whereas the
modern world leaves us unsatisfied or where it appears to be satisfied with
itself, is vulgar and mean.'




Women in Socialist Theory

The problem of the subordination of women and the need for their
liberation was recognized by all the great socialist thinkers in the 19th
century. It is part of the classical heritage of the revolutionary move-
ment. yet today in the West, the problem has _ecQme a subsidiary if
not an invisible elnmel in he rprcpocC upaons of shicahs Perhaps no
o'i"rimaor Issue has been so forgotten. In England, the cultural
heritage of Puritanism, always strong on the Left, contributed to a
widespread diffusion of essentially conservative beliefs among many
who would otherwise count themselves as 'progressive'. A locus
classics of these attitudes is Peter Townsend's remarkable statement,:
'Traditionally Socialists have ignored the family or they have openly
tried to weaken it-alleging nepotism and the restrictions placed upon
individual fulfilment by family ties. Extreme attempts to create
societies on a basis other than the family have failed dismally. It is
significant that a Socialist usually addresses a colleague as "brother"
and a Communist uses the term "comrade". The chief means of
fulfilment in life is to be a member of, and reproduce a family. There is
nothing to be gained by concealing this truth."

How has this counter-revolution come about ? Why has the problem of
woman's condition become an area of silence within contemporary
socialism? August Bebel, whose book Woman in the Past, Present and
Future was one of the standard texts of the"German Social-Democratic
Party in the early years of this century, wrote: "Eye :~ Qiaist
recognizes the dependance of the workman on the capitalist, and cannot
(understandathat others, and especially the capitalists. .jeselvesshould
fail to recognize it also; but te sanme~oialirsoften does not recognize
'fhe dep endance o 'omen on men because the question touches his
own Jeear se Tmoreor less nearly .*' But this genre of explanation-
psychologistic an mora is ic-is clearly inadequate. Much deeper and
more structural causes have dearly been at work. To consider these
would require a major historical study, impossible here. But it can be
said with some certainty that part of the explanation for the decline in
socialist debate on the subject lies not only in the real historical pro-
cesses, but in the original weaknesses in the traditional discussion of the
subject in the classics. For while the great studies of the last century all
stressed the importance of the problem, they did not solve it theoretically.
The limitations of their approach have never been subsequently tran-
scended.

Fourier was the most ardent and voluminous advocate of women's
liberation and of sexual freedom among the early socialists. In a well-
known passage he wrote: 'The change in a historical epoch can
always be determined by the progress of women towards freedom,
because in the relation of woman to man, of the weak to the strong, the
victory of human nature over brutality is most evident. The degree of
emancipation of women is the natural measure of general emancipa-

1 Peter Townsend: A Society for People, in Conviction, ed. Norman Mackenzie (1958),
pp. 119-20.
2August Bebel: Die Frau und der SoZialismus (1883), trans. H. B. Adams Walther:
2 Woman in the Past, Present and Future ( 885) p. 113.





tion.'3 Marx quoted this formulation with approval in The Holy
Family. But characteristically in his early writings he gave it a more
universal and philosophical meaning. The emancipation of women
would not only be as Fourier, with his greater preoccupation with
sexual liberation saw it,.an index of humanization in the civic sense of
the victory of humaneness over brutality, but in the more fundamental
sense of the progress of the human over the animal, the cultural over
the natural: 'The relation of man to woman is the most natural relation
of human being to human being. It indicates, therefore, how far
man's natural behaviour has become human, and how far his human
essence has become a natural essence for him, how far his human nature
has become nature for him.'4 This theme is typical of the early Marx.

Fourier's ideas remained at the level of utopian moral injunction.
Marx used and transformed them, integrating them into a philo-
sophical critique of human history. But he retained the abstraction of
Fourier's conception of the position of women as an index of general
social advance. This in effect makes it merely a symbol-it accords the
problem a universal importance at the cost of depriving it of its
specific substance. Symbols are allusions to or derivations of something
else. In Marx's early writings woman becomes an anthropological
entity, an ontological category, of a highly abstract kind. Contrarily, in
his later work, where he is concerned with describing the family, Marx
differentiates it as a phenomenon according to time and place: . .
marriage, property, the family remain unattacked, in theory, because
they are the practical basis on which the bourgeoisie has erected its
domination, and because in their bourgeois form they are the con-
ditions which make the bourgeois a bourgeois ... This attitude of the
bourgeois to the conditions of his existence acquires one of its uni-
versal forms in bourgeois morality. One cannot, in general, speak of
the family 'as such'. Historically, the bourgeois gives the family the
character of the bourgeois family, in which boredom and money are
the binding link, afnd which also includes the bourgeois dissolution of
the family, which does not prevent the family itself from always
continuing to exist. Its dirty existence has its counterpart in the holy
concept of it in official phraseology and universal hypocrisy. . .
(Among the proletariat) the concept of the family does not exist at all...
In the 18th century the concept of the family was abolished by the
philosophers, because the actual family was already in process of
dissolution at the highest pinnacles of civilization. The internal family
bond was dissolved, the separate components constituting the concept
of the family were dissolved, for example, obedience, piety, fidelity in
marriage, etc; but the real body of the family, the property relation, the
exclusive attitude in relation to other families, forced cohabitation-
relations produced by the existence of children, the structure of
modern towns, the formation of capital, etc-all these were pre-
served, although with numerous violations because the existence of the
family has been made necessary by its connection with the mode of

3Charles Fourier: Theorie desQuatre Mouvements, in Oeuvres Completes (841) I X95; cit.
Karl Marx: The Holy Family(1845, trans. 1956) p. 259.
4Karl Marx: Private Property and Communism (1844) in Early Writings, trans. T. B.
3 Bottomore(x963),p. 154.





production that exists independently of the will of bourgeois society.'5
Or, later still, in Capital: 'It is, of course, just as absurd to hold the
Teutonic-Christian form of the family to be absolute and final as it
would be to apply that character to the ancient Roman, the ancient
Greek, or the Eastern forms which, moreover, taken together form a
series in historic development.'6 What is striking is that here the
problem of women has beer submerged in an analysis of the family.
The difficulties of this approach can be seen in the somewhat apo-
calyptic note of Marx's comments on the fate of the bourgeois family
here and elsewhere (for example, in the Communist Manifesto). There
was little historical warrant for the idea that it was in effective dis-
solution, and indeed could no longer be seen in the working-class.
Marx thus moves from general philosophical formulations about
women in the early writings to specific historical comments on the
family in the later texts. There is a serious disjunction between the two.
The common framework of both, of course, was his analysis of the
economy, and of the evolution of property.

Engels

It was left to Engels to systematize these theses in The Origin of the
Family, Private Property and the State, after Marx's death. Engels
declared that the inequality of the sexes was one of the first antago-
nisms within the human species. The first class antagonism 'coincides
with the development of the antagonism between man and woman in
the monogamous marriage, and the first class oppression with that of
the female sex by the male.'7 Basing much of his theory on Morgan's
inaccurate anthropological investigations, Engels nevertheless had
some valuable insights. Inheritance, which is the key to his economist
account, was first matrilineal, but with the increase of wealth became
patrilineal. This was woman's greatest single setback. The wife's
fidelity becomes essential and monogamy is irrevocably established.
The wife in the communistic, patriarchal family is a public servant,
with monogamy she becomes a private one. Engels effectively reduces
the problem of woman to her capacity to work. Heothegref gavg ye her
physiological weakness as a primary cause of her oppression. He
cates te moment of her exploitation at the point ohe transiton
from communal to private property. If inability to work is the cause of
her inferior status ability to work will bring her liberation: '. the
emancipation of women and their equahiry with men are impossible and
must remain so as long as women are excluded from socially pro-
ductive w nork ri~rst cted to housework, iate The
emancipation of women becomes possible only when women are
enabled to take part in production on a large, social, scale, and when
domestic duties require their attention only to a minor degree.'8 Or:
'The first premise for the emancipation of women is the reintroduction
of the entire female, sex into public industry . this . demands that
the quality possessed by the individual family of being the economic

SKarl Marx: The German Ideology(i 845-46, trans. 1965), pp. 192-93.
6 Karl Marx: Capital867. ed. 1961 I 490.
SFriedrich Engels: The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884), in
Marx-Engels: Se/cted Works(x962) n 225.
4 'Ibid. n 311.





unit of society be abolished.'9 Engels thus finds a solution sche-
matically appropriate to his analysis of the origin of feminine op-
pression. The position of women, then, in the work of Marx and
Engels remains dissociated from, or subsidiary to, a discussion of the
family, which is in its turn subordinated as merely a precondition of
private property. Their solutions retain this overly economist stress, or
enter the realm of dislocated speculation.

Bebel, Engels' disciple, attempted to provide a pjq mtic ac nt
7 `woman's oppression as such, not simple as a by-product of the
evolution he anof private property: 'From the beginning
of time oppression was the common lot of woman and the labourer.
S. Woman was the first human being that tasted bondage, woman was a
slave before the slave existed.'10 He acknowledged, with Marx and
Engels, the importance of physical inferiority in accounting for
woman's subordination, but while stressing inheritance, added that a
biological element-her maternal function-was one of the funda-
mental conditions that made her economically dependent on the man.
But Bebel, too, wa&jnable todo more than state that sexual equality
was impossible without socialism. 'fis vision te rtii-- re was a vaue
reverie, quite disconnected from his description of the past. The
absence of a strategic concern forced him into voluntarist optimism
divorced from reality. Lenin himself although he made a number of
specific sugg estions, inherit a edition fought which s* 1
to the .inori equation of s sm eration
wliout snowing concretelyh Qo it ou I-Taan-sor con-
ton:7 Urnless women are brought to tae an independent part not
ony in political life generally, but also in daily and universal public
service, it is no use talking about full and stable democracy, let alone
socialism'.11

The liberation of women remains a normative ideal, an adjunct to
socialist theory, not structurally integrated into it.

The Second Sex

The contrary is true of De Beauvoir's massive work The Second Sex-to
this day the greatest single contribution on the subject. Here the focus
is the status of women through the ages. But socialism as such emerges
as a curiously contingent solution at the end of the work, in a muffled
epilogue. De Beauvoir's main theoretical innovation was to fuse the
'economic' and 'reproductive' explanations of women's subordination
by a psychological interpretation of both. Man asserts himself as
subject and free being by opposing other consciousnesses. He is
distinct from animals precisely in that he creates and invents (not in
that he reproduces himself), but he tries to escape the burden of his
freedom by giving himself a spurious 'immortality' in his children. He
dominates woman both to imprison another consciousness which

9 Ibid. n 233.
'o August Bebel, op. citp. 7.
1 V. I. Lenin: The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Rolu&ion (1917), in Colleted Works
5 xxv 7o.







reflects his own and to provide him with children that are securely his
(his fear of illegitimacy). The notions obviously have a considerable
force. But they are very atemporal: it is not easy to see why socialism
should modify the basic ontologicall' desire for a thing-like freedom
which De Beauvoir sees as the motor behind the fixation with in-
heritance in the property system, or the enslavement of women which
derived from it. In fact she has since criticized this aspect of her book
for idealism: 'I should take a more materialist position today in the
first volume. I should base the notion of woman as other and the
Manichean argument it entails not on an idealistic and apriori struggle
of consciences, but on the facts of supply and demand. This modifica-
tion would not necessitate any changes in the subsequent development
of my argument.'12 Concurrent, however, with the idealist psycho-
logical explanation, De Beauvoir uses an orthodox economist ap-
proach. This leads to a definite evolutionism in her treatment in
Volume I, which becomes a retrospective narrative of the different
forms of the feminine condition in different societies through time-
mainly in terms of the property system and its effects on women. To
this she adds various suprahistorical themes-myths of the eternal
feminine, types of women through the ages, literary treatments of
women-which do not modify the fundamental structure of her
argument. The prospect for women's liberation at the end is quite
divorced from any historical development.

Thus, the classical literature on the problem of woman's condition is
predominantly economist in empha stsis, stressig er simple subordina-
tion to the institutions of private property. Fjibiological status
underpins both her weakness as a producer, in woXrk "eliSonps, and her
imE~grtance as possession, in reproductive relations. The fullest and
most recent interpretation gives both factors a psychological cast. The
framework of discussion is an evolutionist one which nevertheless
fails noticeably to project a convincing image of the future, beyond
asserting that socialism will involve the liberation of women as one of
its constituent 'moments .

What is the solution to this impasse? It must lie in differentiating
woman's condition, much more radically than in the past, into its
separate structures, which together form a complex-not a simple-
unity. This will mean rejecting the idea that woman's condition can be
deduced derivatively from the economy or equated symbolically with
society. Rather, it must be seen as a specific structure, which is a unity of
different elements. The variations of woman's condition throughout
history will be the result of different combinations of these elements-
much as Marx's analysis of the economy in Precapitalist Economic
Formations is an account of the different combinations of the factors of
production, not a linear narrative of economic development. Because
the unity of woman's condition at any one time is the product of
several structures, it is always 'overdetermined'.13 The key structures
12 Simone de Beauvoir: Force of Circumstance (1965), P. 192.
13 See Louis Althusser, Contradiction et Surditermination in Pour Marx (1965). Althusser
advances the notion of a complex totality in which each independent sector has its
own autonomous reality but each of which is ultimately, but only ultimately,
6 determined by the economic. This complex totality means that no contradiction in





can be listed as follows: Production, Reproduction, ex and Socializa-
tion of children. 'The concrete combination of these produces the
complex unity' of her position; but each separate structure may have
reached' different 'moment' at any given historical time. Each then
must be examined separately in order to see what the present unity is.
and how it might be changed. The discussion that follows does not
pretend to give a historical account of each sector. It is only concerned
with some general reflections on the different roles of women and some
of their interconnections.


Production

The biological differentiation of the sexes and the division of labour
have, throughout history, seemed an interlocked necessity. Ana-
tomically smaller and weaker, woman's physiology and her psycho-
biological metabolism appear to render her a less useful member of a
work-force. It is always stressed how, particularly in the early stages of
social development, man's physical superiority gave him the means of
conquest over nature which was denied to women. Once woman was
accorded the menial tasks involved in maintenance whilst man under-
took conquest and creation, she became an aspect of the things
preserved: private property and children. All socialist writers on the
subject mentioned earlier-Marx, Engels, Bebel, De Beauvoir-link
the confirmation and continuation of woman's oppression after the
establishment of her physical inferiority for hard manual work with the
advent of private property. But woman's physical weakness has never
prevented her from performing work as such (quite apart from
bringing up children)-only specific types of work, in specific societies.
In Primitive, Ancient, Oriental, Medieval and Capitalist societies, the
volume of work performed by women has always been considerable (it
has usually been much more than this). It is only its form that is in
question. Domestic labour, even today, is enormous if quantified in
terms of productive labour.14 In any case women's physique has
never permanently or even predominantly relegated them to menial
domestic chores. In many peasant societies, women have worked in the
fields as much as, or more than men.

society is ever simple. As each sector can move at a different pace, the synthesis of
the different time-scales in the total social structure means that sometimes contra-
dictions cancel each other out and sometimes they reinforce one another. To
describe this complexity, Althusser uses the Freudian term 'overdetermination'.
The phrase 'unit de rupture' (mentioned below) refers to the moment when the
contradictions so reinforce one another as to coalesce into the conditions for a
revolutionary change.
14 Apologists who make out that housework, though time-consuming, is light and
relatively enjoyable, are refusing to acknowledge the null and degrading routine it
entails. Lenin commented crisply: 'You all know that even when women have full
rights, they still remain factually down-trodden because all housework is left to
them. In most cases housework is the most unproductive, the most barbarous and
the most arduous work a woman can do. It is exceptionally petty and does not
include anything that would in any way promote the development of the woman'.
(Collected Works xxx. 4). Today it has been calculated in Sweden, that 2,340
million hours a year are spent by women in housework compared with 1,290 million
hours in industry. The Chase Manhattan Bank estimated a woman's overall working
7 hours as averaging 99.6 per week.





Physique and Coercion


The assumption behind most classical discussion is that the crucial
factor starting the whole development of feminine subordination was
women's lesser capacity for demanding physical work. But, in fact,
this is a major oversimplification. Even within these terms, in history it
has been woman's lesser capacity for violence as well as for work that
has determined her subordination. In most societies woman has not
only been less able than man to perform arduous kinds of work, she
has also been less able to fight. Man not only has the strength to assert
himself against nature, but also against his fellows. Social coercion has
interplayed with the straightforward division of labour, based on
biological capacity, to a much greater'extent than generally admitted.
Of course, it may not be actualized as direct aggression. In primitive
societies women's physical unsuitability for the hunt is evident. In
agricultural societies where women's inferiority is socially instituted
they are given the arduous task of tilling and cultivation. For this
coercion is necessary. In developed civilizations and more complex
societies woman's physical deficiencies again become relevant. Women
are no use either for war or in the construction of cities. But with early
industrialization coercion once more becomes important. As Marx
wrote: 'Insofar as machinery dispenses with muscular power, it be-
comes a means of employing labourers of slight muscular strength,
and those whose bodily development is incomplete, but whose limbs
are all the more supple. The labour of women and children was, there-
fore, the first thing sought for by capitalists who used machinery.'5

Rend Dumont points out that in many zones of tropical Africa today
men are often idle, while women are forced to work all day.16 This
exploitation has no 'natural' source whatever, Women may perform
their 'heavy' duties in contemporary African peasant societies not for
fear of physical reprisal by their men, but because these duties are
'customary' and built into the role structures of the society. A further
point is that coercion implies a different relationship from coercer to
coerced than exploitation does. It is political rather than economic. In
describing coercion, Marx said that the master treated the slave or
serf as the 'inorganic and natural condition of its own reproduction'.
That is to say, labour itself becomes like other natural things-cattle
or soil: 'The original conditions of production appear as natural
prerequisites, natural conditions of the existence of the producer, just as his
living body, however reproduced and developed by him, is not origin-
ally established by himself, but appears as his prerequisite."'1 This is pre-
eminently woman's condition. For far from woman's physical weakness
removing her from productive work, her social weakness has in these
cases evidently made her the major slave of it.

This truth, elementary though it may seem, has nevertheless been

1s Karl Marx: CapitalI 394.
16 'The African woman experiences a three-fold servitude: through forced marriage;
through her dowry and polygamy, which increases the leisure time of men and
simultaneously their social prestige; and finally through the very unequal division of
labour' Rene Dumont: L'Afrique Noire est MalPartie (1962), p. 210o.
8 Karl Marx: Precapitalist Economic Formations op.cit. p.87.






constantly ignored by writers on the subject, with the result that an
illegitimate optimism creeps into their predictions of the future. For if
it s just the biological incapaity for the hardest physical work which
has determined the subordination of women, then the prospect of an
a vance mac me tec no ogy, a o is gthe need for strenuous
phyai exertion would seem to promise, therefore the liberation of
women. Tor ni- iomfentlitTu-itriizatiion self thus seems to herald
women's liberation. Engels, for instance, wrote: 'The first premise
for the emancipation of women is the reintroduction of the entire WI R. OA
male sex into public industry . And this has become possible
only as a result of modern large-scale industry, which not only permits
of the participation of women in production in large numbers, but
actually calls for it and, moreover strives to convert private domestic
work also into a public industry.'18 What Marx said of early indus-
trialism is no less, but also no more true of an automated society: . it
is obvious that the fact of the collective working group being com-
posed of individuals of both sexes and all ages, must necessarily, under
suitable conditions, become a source of human development; although
in its spontaneously .developed, brutal, capitalistic form, where the
labourer exists for the process of production, and not the process of
production for the labourer, that fact is a pestiferous source of cor-
ruption and slavery.'9 Industrial labour and automated technology
both promise the precon-ofieris wonn's libeatioi alngside
ma no mre thanthe recoditions. t is onlytoo obvious
that the a vent of idustriaization has not so far freed women in this
senseeither in the Westor ne In the West it is true thattre
was a great influx of women into jobs in the expanding industrial
economy but this .soon levelled out, an there has ee relatively
little increase in recent decades. De Beiuvoir hoped that automation
would make a decisive, qualitative difference by abolishing altogether
the physical differential between the sexes. But any reliance on this in
itself accords an independent role to technique which history does not
justify. U nder capitalism, automation could possibly lead to an ever-
growing structural unemployment which would expel women-the
latest and least integrated recruits to the labour force and ideo-
logically the most expendable for a bourgeois society-from pro-
duction after only a brief interlude in it. Technology is mediated by the
total social structure and it is this which wl determine woman's
future in work relations.

Ph-sical deficiency is not now, any more than in the ast, a sufficient
pl o.t n o omn releati to neors oercion has been
ameliorate to an i eology shared by both sexes. Commenting on the
results of her questionnaire of working women, Viola Klein .notes:
'There is no trace of feminist egalitarianism-militant or otherwise-
in any of the women's answers to our questionnaire; nor is it even
implicitly assumed that women have a 'Right to Work'."20 Denied, or
refusing, a role in production, woman does not even create the pre-
conditions of her liberation.
'' Friedrich Engels, op. cit. 1 233 & S I1.
', Karl Marx: Capita/I. 394.
Viola Klein: Il"orking l"iresj, Institute of Personnel Management Occasional
9 Papers, No. is (1960), p. 13.






Reproduction


Women's absence from the critical sector of production historically, of
course, has been caused not just by their physical weakness in a
context of coercion-but also by their role in reproduction. Maternity
necessitates periodic withdrawals from work, but this is not a decisive
phenomenon. It is rather women's role in reproduction which has
become, in capitalist society at least, the spiritual 'complement' of
men's role in production.21 Bearing children, bringing them up, and
maintaining the home-these form the core of woman's natural
vocation, in this ideology. This belief has attained great force because
of the seemi uiersality otthefamil as a human institute There
is little doubt that Marxist ana yseshave underplayed the fundamental
problems posed here. The complete failure ve a e ye
content to the slogan f'abolition' of te faly is striking evidence of
t asw as of the vacuity of the notion). The void thus created has
been quickly occupied by traditional beliefs such as Townsend's
quoted above.

The biological function of maternity is a universal, atemporal fact, and
as su as seemed to escape tee categories of Marxist historical
analysis. From it follows--aparet the stability and omnipresence
Sof the M ii7 Iflnvn d ent forms.22 Once this is accepted,
women s social subordination-however emphasized as an honour-
able, but different role (cf. the equal but 'separate' ideologies of
Southern racists)-can be seen to follow inevitably as an insurmountable
bio-historical fact. The casual chain then goes: Maternity, Family,
Absence from Production and Public Life, Sexual Inequality.

The lynch-pin in this line of argument is the idea of the family. The
notion that familyv' and 'society' are virtually co-extensive terms, or
that an advanced society not founded on the nuclear family is now
inconceivable, is widespread. It can only be seriously discussed by
asking just what the family is-or rather what women's role in the
family is. Once this is done, the problem appears in quite a new light.
For it is obvious that woman's role in the family-primitive, feudal or
bourgeois-partakes of three quite different structures: reproduction,
sexuality, and the socialization of children. These are historically, not
intrinsically, related to each other in the present modern family.
Biological parentage is not necessarily identical with social parentage
(adoption). It is thus essential to discuss: not the family as an un-
analhscd entity, but the separate structures which today compose it, but
which may tomorrow be decomposed into a new pattern.


21 Maternity is the distinctive feature on which both sexes base their hopes: for
oppression or liberation. The notion of woman's potential superiority on account of
her procreative function reaches the absurd in Margherita Repetto: Maternit e
Famiglia, CondiZioni per la Liberti della Donna, Rivista Trimestrale 11-12 (1964) but it
is found even in Evelyne Sullerot: Demain lesFemmes(1965).
22 Philippe Aries in Centuries of Childhood (1962) shows that though the family may in
some form always have existed it was often submerged under more forceful struc-
tures. In fact according to Aries it has only acquired its present significance with the
1 0 advent of industrialization.





Reproduction, it has been stressed, is a seemingly constant atemporal
phenomenon -part of biology rather than history. In fact this is an
illusion. What is true is that the 'mode of reproduction' does not vary
with the 'mode of production'; it can remain effectively the same
through a number of different modes of production. For it has been
defined till now, by its uncontrollable, natural character. To this
extent, it has been an unmodified biological fact. As long as repro-
duction remained a natural phenomenon, of course, women were
e tivey oomedto scia exlotaton. In any.sense, they were not
masters of a large part o their ives. They had no choice as to whether
or how often they gave birth to children (apart from repeated abor-
tion), their existence was essentially subject to biological processes
outside their control.

Contraception

Contraception which was invented as a rational technique only in the
S9th century was thus an innovation of world-historic importance. It is
only now just beginning to show what immense consequences it could
have, in the form of the pill. For what it means is that at last the mode
of reproduction could potentially be transformed. Once child-bearing
becomes totally voluntary (how much so is it in the West, even
tosay its finance is fundamentallv different. It need no loner be
the sole or ultimate vocation of woman; it Tecomes one option
among oit.ers."

Marx sees history as the development of man's transformation of
nature, and thereby of himself-of human nature-in different modes
of production. Today there are the technical possibilities for the
humanization of the most natural part of human culture. This is what a
change in the mode of reproduction could mean.

We are far from this state of affairs as yet. In France and Italy the sale
of any form of contraception remains illegal. The oral contraceptive is
the privilege of a moneyed minority in a few Western countries. Even
here the progress has been realized in a typically conservative and
exploitative form. It is made only for women, who are thus 'guinea-
pigs' in a venture which involves both sexes.

The fact of overwhelming importance is that easily available contra-
ception threatens to dissociate sexual from reproductive experience-
which all contemporary bourgeois ideology tries to make inseparable,
as the raison d'Stre of the family.

Reproduction and Production

At present, reproduction in our society is often a kind of sad mimicry
of production. Work in a capitalist society is an alienation of labour in
the making of a social product which is confiscated by capital. But it
can still sometimes be a real act of creation, purposive and responsible,
even. in conditions of the worst exploitation. Maternity is often a
caricature of this. The biological product-the child-is treated as if it:
11 were a solid product. Parenthood becomes a kind of substitute for






work, an activity in which the child is seen as an object created by the
mother, in the same way as a commodity is created by a worker.
Naturally, the child does not literally escape, but the mother's aliena-
tion can be much worse than that of the worker whose product is
appropriated by the boss. No human being can create another human
being. A person's biological origin is an abstraction. The child as an
autonomous person inevitably threatens the activity which claims to
create it continually merely as a possession of the parent. Possessions are
felt as extensions of.the self. The child as a possession is supremely
this. Anything the child does is therefore a threat to the mother
herself who has renounced her autonomy through this misconception
of her reproductive role. There are few more precarious ventures on
which to base a life.

Furthermore even if the woman has emotional control over her child,
legally and economically both she and it are subject to the father.
The social cult of maternity is matched by the real socio-economic
powerlessness of the mother. The psychological and practical benefits
men receive from this are obvious. The converse of women's quest for
creation in the child is men's retreat from his work into the family:
'When we come home, we lay aside our mask and drop our tools, and
are no longer lawyers, sailors, soldiers, statesmen, clergymen, but only
men. We fall again into our most human relations, which, after all, are
the whole of what belongs to us as we are in ourselves.'23

Unlike her non-productive status, her capacity for maternity is a
definition of woman. But it is only a physiological definition. So long
as it is allowed to remain a substitute forg ion and creativity, and the
home an area of relaxation for men, women will remain confined to the
species, to her universal and natural condition.


Sexuality


Sexuality has traditionally been the most tabooed dimension of
women's situation. The meaning of sexual freedom and its connexion
with women's freedom is a particularly difficult subject which few
socialist writers have cared to broach. Fourier alone identified the two
totally, in lyrical strophes describing a sexual paradise of permutations
-the famous phalansteries. 'Socialist morality' in the Soviet Union for
a long time debarred serious discussion of the subject within the world
communist movement. Marx himself-in this respect somewhat less
liberal than Engels-early in his life expressed traditional views ori the
matter: '. .. the sanctification of the sexual instinct through exclusivity,
the checking of instinct by laws, the moral beauty which makes
nature's commandment ideal in the form of an emotional bond-(this
is) the spiritual, essence of marriage.'24



2i j. A. Froude: N irii o'Faitb(1849., p. 1b~.
4 Karl Marx: Chapttr. de Marriag. Oturar Complitesed. MolitorOevres Philosophbqusr.
12 Ip. 2.





Yet it is obvious that throughout history women have been appro-
priated as sexual objects, as much as progenitors or producers. Indeed,
the sexual relation can be assimilated to the statute of possession much
more easily and completely than the productive or reproductive
relationship. Contemporary sexual vocabulary bears eloquent witness
to this-it is a comprehensive lexicon of reification. Later Marx was
well aware of this, of course: 'Marriage ... is incontestably a form of
exclusive private property.'25 But neither he nor his successors ever
tried seriously to envisage the implications of this for socialism, or
even for a structural analysis of women's condition. Communism,
Marx stressed in the same passage, would not mean mere 'communa-
lization' of women as common property. Beyond this, he never
ventured.

Some historical considerations are in order here. For if socialists have
said nothing, the gap has been filled by liberal ideologues. A recent
book, Eros Denied by Wayland Young, argues that Western civilization
has been uniquely repressive sexually and in a plea for greater sexual
freedom today compares it at some length with Oriental and Ancient
societies. It is striking, however, that his book makes no reference
whatever to women's status in these different societies, or to the
different forms of marriage-contract prevalent in them. This makes the
whole argument a purely formal exercise-an obverse of socialist
discussions of women's position which ignores the problem of sexual
freedom and its meanings. For while it is true that certain oriental or
ancient (and indeed primitive) cultures were much less puritan than
Western societies, it is absurd to regard this as a kind of transposablee
value' which can be abstracted from its social structure. In effect, in
many of these societies sexual openness was accompanied by a form of
polygamous exploitation which ,m e; it in practice an expression
simply of masculine domination. Since art was the province of man,
too, this freedom finds a natural and often powerful expression in art-
which is often quoted as if it were evidence of the total quality of
human relationships in the society. Nothing could be more misleading.
What is necessary, rather than this naive, hortatory core of historical
example, is some account of the co-variation between the degrees of
sexual liberty and openness and the position and dignity of women in
different societies. Some points are immediately obvious. The actual
history is much more dialectical than any liberal account presents it.
Unlimited juridical polygamy-whatever the sexualization of the
culture which accompanies it-is clearly a total derogation of woman's
autonomy, and constitutes an extreme form of oppression. Ancient
China is a perfect illustration of this. Wittfogel describes the extra-
ordinary despotism of the Chinese paterfamilias-'a liturgical (semi-
official) policeman of his kin group.'26 In the West, however, the
advent of monogamy was in no sense an absolute improvement. It
certainly did not create a one-to-one equality-far from it. Engels
commented accurately: 'Monogamy does not by any means make its
appearance in history as the reconciliation of man and woman, still
less as the highest form of such a reconciliation. On the contrary, it


Karl Marx: Private Property and Communism, op. cit. p. 5 I3.
13 26 Karl Wittfogel: Oriental Despotism(1957) p. 116.





appears as the subjugation of one sex by the other, as the proclamation
of a conflict between the sexes entirely unknown hitherto in pre-
historic times'.27 But in the Christian era, monogamy took on a
very specific form in the West. It was allied with an unprecedented
regime of general sexual repression. In its Pauline version, this had a
markedly anti-feminine bias, inherited from Judaism. With time this
became diluted-feudal society, despite its subsequent reputation for
asceticism, practised formal monogamy with considerable actual
acceptance of polygamous behaviour, at least within the ruling class.
But here again the extent of sexual freedom was only an index of
masculine domination. In England, the truly major change occurred in
the 16th century with the rise of militant puritanism and the increase of
market relations in the economy. Lawrence Stone observes: 'In
practice, if not in theory, the early i6th century nobility was a poly-
gamous society, and some contrived to live with a succession of
women despite the official prohibition on divorce ... But impressed by
Calvinist criticisms of the double standard, in the late 16th century
public opinion began to object to the open maintenance of a mistress.'28
Capitalism and the attendant demands of the newly emergent bour-
geoisie accorded women a new status as wife and mother. Her legal
rights improved; there was vigorous controversy over her social
position; wife-beating was condemned. 'In a woman the bourgeois
man is looking for a counterpart, not an equal.'29 At the social periphery
woman did occasionally achieve an equality which was more than her
feminine function in a market society. In the extreme sects women often
had completely equal rights: Fox argued that the Redemption restored
Prelapsarian equality and Quaker women thereby gained a real
autonomy. But once most of the sects were institutionalized, the need
for family discipline was re-emphasized and woman's obedience with it.
As Keith Thomas says, the Puritans 'had done something to raise
women's status, but not really very much'.30 The patriarchal system was
retained and maintained by the economic mode of production. The
transition to complete effective monogamy accompanied the transition
to modern bourgeois society as we know it today. Like the market
system itself, it represented a historic advance, at great historic cost.
The formal, juridical equality of capitalist society and capitalist
rationality now applied as much to the marital as to the labour con-
tract. In both cases, nominal parity masks real exploitation and in-
equality. But in both cases the formal equality is itself a certain progress,
which can help to make possible a further advance.

For the situation today is defined by a new contradiction. Once
formal conjugal equality (monogamy) is established, sexual freedom as
such-which under polygamous conditions was usually a form of
exploitation-becomes, conversely, a possible force for liberation. It
then means, simply, the freedom for both sexes to transcend the
limits of present sexual institutions.

Historically, then, there has been a dialectical movement, in which
27 Friedrich Engels, op. cit. n 224.
28 Lawrence Stone: The Crisis of the Aristocracy (965), pp. 663-64.
29 Simone de Beauvoir: La Marche Longue (x97), trans. The Long March (I98), p. 141.
14 50 Keith Thomas: Women and the Civil War Sects, Past andPresent No. 1 (195 8), p. 43.





sexual expression was 'sacrificed' in an epoch of more-or-less puritan
repression, which nevertheless produced a greater parity of sexual
roles, which in turn creates the precondition for a genuine sexual
liberation, in the dual sense of equality and freedom-whose unity
defines socialism.

This movement can be verified within the history of the 'sentiments'.
The cult of love only emerges in the Izth century in opposition to legal
marital forms and with a heightened valorization of women (courtly
love). It thereafter gradually became diffused, and assimilated to
marriage as such, which in its bourgeois form (romantic love) became
a free choice for life. What is striking here is that monogamy as an
institution in the West anticipated the idea of love by many centuries.
The two have subsequently been officially harmonized, but the tension
between them has never been abolished. There is a formal contra-
diction between the voluntary contractual character of 'marriage' and
the spontaneous uncontrollable character of 'love'-the passion that is
celebrated precisely for its involuntary force. The notion that it occurs
only once in every life and can therefore be integrated into a voluntary
contract becomes decreasingly plausible in the light of everyday
experience-once sexual repression as a psycho-ideological system
becomes at all relaxed.

Obviously, the main breach in the traditional value-pattern has so far
been the increase in premarital sexual experience. This is now virtually
legitimized in contemporary bourgeois society. But its implications are
explosive for the ideological conception of marriage that dominates
this society: that of an exclusive and permanent bond. A recent
American anthology The Family and the Sexual Revolution reveals this
very clearly: 'As far as extra-marital relations are concerned, the
anti-sexualists are still fighting a strong, if losing, battle. The very
heart of the Judeo-Christian sex ethic is that men and women shall
remain virginal until marriage and that they shall be completely
faithful after marriage. In regard to premarital chastity, this ethic
seems clearly on the way out, and in many segments of the populace is
more and more becoming a dead letter.'31

The current wave of sexual liberalization, in the present context,
could become conducive to the greater general freedom of women.
Equally it could presage new forms of oppression. The puritan-
bourgeois creation of woman as 'counterpart' has produced the
precondition for emancipation. But it gave statutary legal equaility to
the sexes at the cost of greatly intensified repression. Subsequently-
like private property itself-it has become a brake on the further
development of a free sexuality. Capitalist market relations have
historically been a precondition of socialism; bourgeois marital rela-
tions (contrary to the denunciation of the Communist Manifesto) may
equally be a precondition of women's liberation.

"3 Albert Ellis: The Folklore of Sex, in The Family and the Sexual Revolution ed. E. M.
15 Schur (1964) p. 35.





Socialization
Woman's biological destiny as mother becomes a cultural vocation in
her role as socializer of children. In bringing up children, woman
achieves her main social definition. Her suitability for socialization
springs from her physiological condition; her ability to lactate and
occasionally relative inability to undertake strenuous work loads. It
should be said at the outset that suitability is not inevitability. IAvi-
Strauss writes: 'In every human group, women give birth to children
and take care of them, and men rather have as their speciality hunting
and warlike activities. Even there, though, we have ambiguous cases:
of course, men never give birth to babies, but in many societies . .
they are made to act as if they did.'32 Evans-Pritchard's description of
the Nuer tribe depicts just such a situation. And another anthro-
pologist, Margaret Mead, comments on the element of wish-fulfilment
in the assumption of a natural correlation of feminity and nurturance:
'We have assumed that because it is convenient for a mother to wish to
care for her child, this is a trait with which women have been more
generously endowed by a careful teleological process of evolution. We
have assumed that because men have hunted, an activity requiring
enterprise, bravery, and initiative, they have been endowed with these
useful aptitudes as part of their sex-temperament.'33 However, the
cultural allocation of roles in bringing up children-and the limits of
its variability-is not the essential problem for consideration. What is
much more important is to analyse the nature of the socialization
process itself and its requirements.

Parsons in his detailed analysis claims that it is essential for the child to
have two 'parents', one who plays an 'expressive' role, and one who
plays an 'instrumental' role.34 The nuclear family revolves around the
two axes of generational hierarchy and of these two roles. In typically
Parsonian idiom, he claims that 'At least one fundamental feature of
the external situation of social systems-here a feature of the physio-
logical organism-is a crucial reference point for differentiation in the
family. This lies in the division of organisms into lactating and non-
lactating classes.' In all groups, he and his colleagues assert, even in those
primitive tribes discussed by Pritchard and Mead, the male plays the
instrumental role in relation to the wife-mother. At one stage the
mother plays an instrumental and expressive role vis-a-vis her infant:
this is pre-oedipally when she is the source of approval and disapproval
as well as of love and care. However, after this, the father, or male
substitute (in matrilineal societies the mother's brother) takes over. In
32 Claude IUvi-Strauss: The Family, in Man, Culture and Society, ed. H. L. Shapiro
(1956), p. 274.
33 Margaret Mead: Sex and Temperament, in The Family and The SexualRevolution, op. cit.
pp. z207-8.
34 Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales: Family, Socialitation and Interaction Process
(1956), p. 3 3. 'The instrumental-expressive distinction we interpret as essentially
the differentiation of function, and hence of relative influence, in terms of 'external'
vs. 'internal' functions of the system. The area of instrumental function concerns
relations of the system to its situation outside the system, to meeting the adaptive
conditions of its maintenance of equilibrium, and 'instrumentally' establishing the
desired relations to external goal-objects. The expressive area concerns the 'internal'
affairs of the system, the maintenance of integrative relations between the members,
16 and regulation of the patterns and tension levels of its component units.'(Ibid., p.47).






a modern industrial society two types of role are clearly important: the
adult familial roles in the family of procreation, and the adult occu-
pational role. The function of the family as such reflects the function of
the women within it; it is primarily expressive. The person playing the
integrated-adaptive-expressive role cannot be off all the time on
instrumental-occupational errands-hence there is a built-in inhibition
of the woman's work outside the home. Parson's analysis makes clear
the exact role of the maternal socializer in contemporary American
society.35 It fails to go on to state that other aspects and modes of
socialization are conceivable. What is valuable in Parsons' work is
simply his insistence on the central importance of socialization as a
process which is constitutive of any society (no Marxist has so far
provided a comparable analysis). His general conclusion is that: 'Its
seems to be without serious qualification the opinion of competent
personality psychologists that, though personalities differ greatly in
their degrees of rigidity, certain broad fundamental patterns of
'character' are laid down in childhood (so far as they are not genetically
inherited) and are not radically changed by adult experience. The
exact degree to which this is the case or the exact age levels at which
plasticity becomes greatly diminished, are not at issue here. The
important thing is the fact of childhood character formation and its
relative stability after that.'36

Infancy

This seems indisputable. One of the great revolutions of modern
psychology has been the discovery of the decisive specific weight of
infancy in the course of an individual life-a psychic time dispro-
portionately greater than the chronological time. Freud began the
revolution with his work on infantile sexuality; Klein radicalized it
with her work on the first year of the infant's life. The result is that
today we know far more than ever before how delicate and precarious
a process the passage from birth to childhood is for everyone. The fate
of the adult personality can be largely decided in the initial months of
life. The preconditions for the latter stability and integration demand
an extraordinary degree of care and intelligence on the part of the
adult who is socializing the child, as well as a persistence through
time of the same person.

These undoubted advances in the scientific understanding of childhood
have been widely used as an argument to reassert women's quin-
tessential maternal function, at a time when the traditional family has
seemed increasingly eroded. Bowlby, studying evacuee children in the
Second World War, declared: 'essential for mental health is that the
infant and young child should experience a warm, intimate and
continuous relationship with his mother,'37 setting a trend which has

35 One of Parsons' main theoretical innovations is his contention that what the child
strives to internalize will vary with the content of the reciprocal role relationships in
which he is a participant. R. D. Laing, in Family and Individual Structure (1966) con-
tends that a child may internalize an entire system i.e. 'the family'.
31 Talcott Parsons: The Social.Slstem (195 2), p. 227.
3 John Bowlby, cit. Bruno Bettelheim: Does Commuial Education work? he Case of
17 the KibbutZ, in The Family and the Sexual Revolution, op. cit. p. 295.






become cumulative since. The emphasis of familial ideology has
shifted away from a cult of the biological ordeal of maternity (the pain
which makes the child precious, etc.) to a celebration of mother-care as
a social act. This can reach ludicrous extremes: 'For the mother,
breast-feeding becomes a complement to the act of creation. It gives
her a heightened sense of fulfilment and allows her to participate in a
relationship as close to perfection as any that a woman can hope to
achieve . The simple fact of giving birth, however, does not of itself
fulfil this need and longing. .. Motherliness is a way of life. It enables
a woman to express her total self with the tender feelings, the pro-
tective attitudes, the encompassing love of the motherly woman.'38 The
tautologies, the mystifications (an act of creation, a process surely?)
the sheer absurdities . 'as close to perfection as any woman can
hope to achieve' . point to the gap between reality and ideology.

Familial Patterns

This ideology corresponds in dislocated form to a real change in the
pattern of the family. As the family has become smaller, each child has
become more important; the actual act of reproduction occupies less
and less time and the socializing and nurturance process increase
commensurately in significance. Bourgeois society is obsessed by the
physical, moral and sexual problems of childhood/and adolescence. 39
Ultimate responsibility for these is placed on the mother. Thus the
mother's 'maternal' role has retreated as her socializing role has
increased. In the i 890's in England a mother spent I5 years in a state of
pregnancy and lactation; in the 1960's she spends an average of four
years. Compulsory schooling from the age of five, of course, reduces
the maternal function very greatly after the initial vulnerable years.

The present situation is then one in which the qualitative importance
of socialization during the early years of the child's life has acquired a
much greater significance than in the past-while the quantitative
amount of a mother's life spent either in gestation or child-rearing has
greatly diminished. It follows that socialization cannot simply be
elevated to the woman's new maternal vocation. Used as a mystique,
it becomes an instrument of oppression. Moreover, there is no in-
herent reason why the biological and social mother should coincide.
The process of socializationis, in the Kleinian sense, invariable-but
the person of the socializer can vary.

Bruno Bettelheim observing Kibbutz methods notes that the child who
is reared by a trained nurse (though normally maternally breast-fed)
does not suffer the back-wash of typical parental anxieties and thus

3"Betty Ann Countrywoman, in Redbook (June, x96o), cit. Betty Friedan: The
Feminine Mystique (1x96), p. 5 8
39 David Riesman, while correctly observing this, makes a rather vain criticism of it:
'There has been a tendency in current social research influenced as it is by psycho-
analysis, to over-emphasize and over-generalize the importance of very early child-
hood in character formation... It is increasingly recognized, however, that character
may change.greatly after this early period. .. Cultures differ widely not only in their
timing of the various steps in character formation but also in the agents they rely
18 on at each step.' The Lonely Crowd(i9lo), pp. 38-39.






may positively gain by the system.40 This possibility should not be
fetishized in its turn (Jean Baby, speaking of the post-four-year-old
child, goes so far as to say that 'complete separation appears indis-
pensable to guarantee the liberty of the child as well as of the mother.'41)
But what it does reveal is the viability of plural forms of socialization-
neither necessarily tied to the nuclear family, nor to the biological
parent.


Conclusion

The lesson of these reflections is that the liberation of women can only
be achieved if all four structures inwhich they are integre
transformed. A modfication of any one of them can e offset by a
reiforce nt of another, so that mere permutation of the form of
exploitation is achieved. The history of the last 6o years provides
ample evidence of this. In the early zoth century, militant feminism in
England or the USA surpassed the labour movement in the violence of
its assault on bourgeois society, in pursuit of suffrage. This political
right was eventually won. Nonetheless, though a simple completion
of the formal legal equality of bourgeois society, it left the socio-
economic situation of women virtually unchanged. The wider legacy
of the suffrage was nil: the suffragettes proved quite unable to move
beyond their own initial demands, and many of their leading figures
later became extreme reactionaries. The Russian Revolution produced a
quite different experience. In the Soviet Union in the 1920's, advanced
social legislation aimed at liberating women above all in the field of
sexuality: divorce was made free and automatic for either partner, thus
effectively liquidating marriage; illegitimacy was abolished, abortion
was free, etc. The social and demographic effects of these laws in a
backward, semi-literate society bent on rapid industrialization (need-
ing, therefore, a high birth-rate) were-predictably-catastrophic.
Stalinism soon produced a restoration of iron traditional norms.
Inheritance was reinstated, divorce inaccessible, abortion illegal, etc.
'The State cannot exist without the family. Marriage is a positive
value for the Socialist Soviet State only if the partners see in it a
lifelong union. So-called free love is a bourgeois invention and has
Nothing in common with the principles of conduct of a Soviet citizen.
Moreover, marriage receives its full value for the State only if there is
progeny, and the consorts experience the highest happiness of parent-
hood,' wrote the official journal of the Commissariat of Justice in
1999.42 Women still retained the right and obligation to work, but
because these gains had not been integrated into the earlier attempts to
abolish the family and free sexuality no general liberation has occurred.
In China, still another experience is being played out today. At a
comparable stage of the revolution, all the emphasis is being placed on
liberating women in piodlucion. This has produced an impressive
social promotion of women. But it has been accompanied by a tre-

0 Bruno Bettelheim: Does Communal Education Work? The Case of the Kibbutr, p. 3o3.
From The Family and Social Revolution op. cit.
41 Jean Baby: Un Monde Meilleur (1964), p. 99.
2 Sotsialisticheskaya Zakomnot (1939. No. a), cit. N. Timasheff: The Attempt to Abolish
19 the Family in Russia, in The Family, ed. N. W. Bell and E. F. Vogel ( 960), p. 59.






mendous repression of sexuality and a rigorous puritanism (currently
rampant in civic life). This corresponds not only to the need to
mobilize women massively in economic life, but to a deep cultural
reaction against the corruption and prostitution prevalent in Imperial
and Kuo Ming Tang China (a phenomenon unlike anything in Czarist
Russia). Because the exploitation of women was so great in the ancient
regime women's participation at village level in the Chinese Revo-
lution, was uniquely high. As for reproduction, the Russian cult of
maternity in the 930's and 194o's has not been repeated for demo-
graphic reasons: indeed, China may be one of the first countries in the
world to provide free State authorized contraception on a universal
scale to the population. Again, however, given the low level of
industrialization and fear produced by imperialist encirclement, no all-
round advance could be expected.

It is only in the highly developed societies of the West that an authentic
liberation of women can be envisaged today. But for this to occur,
there must be a transformation of all the structures into which they are
integrated, and an uniti de rupture'.43 A revolutionary movement must
base its analysis on the uneven development of each, and attack the
weakest link in the combination. This may then become the point of
departure for a general transformation. What is the situation of the
different structures today ?

x. Production:The long-term development of the forces of production
must command any socialist perspective. The hopes which the advent
of machine technology raised as early as the 19th century have already
been discussed. They proved illusory. Today, automation promises
the technical possibility of abolishing completely the physical differential
between man and woman in production, but under capitalist relations
of production, the social possibility of this abolition is permanently
threatened, and can easily be turned into its opposite, the actual
diminution of woman's role in production as the labour force contracts.

This concerns the future, for the present the main fact to register is
that woman's role in production is virtually stationary, and has been so
for a long time now. In England in 19I1 30 per cent of the work-force
were women; in the i96o's 34 per cent. The composition of these jobs
has not changed decisively either. The jobs are very rarely 'careers'.
When they are not in the lowest positions on the factory-floor the) are
normally white-collar auxiliary positions (such as secretaries)-
supportive to masculine roles. They are often jobs with a high 'ex-
pressive' content, such as 'service' tasks. Parsons sa s bluntly: 'Within
the occupational organization they are analogous o the cwiemotc
rol in tie anul .' I he ucationa system underpins this role-
structure. 7 per cent of i8-year-old girls in England are receiving
neither training nor education today. The pattern of 'instrumental'
father and 'expressive' mother is not substantially changed when the
woman is gainfully employed, as her job tends to be inferior to that of
the man's, to which the family then adapts.

4 See Louis Althusser: op. cit..See note 13.
20 Parsons and Bales, op. cit. p. I n.






Thus, in all essentials, work as such-of the amount and type effectively
available today-has not proved a salvation for women.

2. Reproduction: Scientific advance in contraception could, as we have
seen, make involuntary reproduction-which accounts for the vast
majority of births in the world today, and for a major proportion
even in the West-a phenomenon of the past. But oral contraception-
which has so far been developed in a form which exactly repeats the
sexual inequality of Western society-is only at its beginnings. It is
inadequately distributed across classes and countries and awaits further
technical improvements. Its main initial impact is, in the advanced
countries, likely to be psychological-it will certainly free women's
sexual experience from many of the anxieties and inhibitions which
have always afflicted it.45 It will definitely divorce sexuality from
procreation, as necessary complements.

The demographic pattern of reproduction in the West may or may not
be widely affected by oral contraception. One of the most striking
phenomena of very recent years in the United States has been the
sudden increase in the birth-rate. In the last decade it has been higher
than that of under-developed countries such as India, Pakistan and
Burma. In fact, this reflects simply the lesser economic burden of a
large family in conditions of economic boom in the richest country in
the world. But it also reflects the magnification of familial ideology as
a social force. This leads to the next structure.

3. Socializaton: The changes in the composition of the work-force,
the size of the family, the structure of education, etc-however limited
from an ideal standpoint-have undoubtedly diminished the societal
function and importance of the family. As ar organization it is not a
significant unit in the political power system, it plays little part in
economic production and it is rarely the sole agency of integration
into the larger society; thus at the macroscopic level it serves very
little purpose.

The result has been a major displacement of emphasis on to the
family's psycho-social function, for the infant and for the couple.*6
Parsons writes: 'The trend of the evidence points to the beginning of
the relative stabilization of a new type of family structure in a new
relation to a general social structure, one in which the family is more
specialized than before, but not in any general sense less important,
because the society is dependent more exclusively on it for the per-
formance of certain of its vital functions.'47 The vital nucleus of truth
in the emphasis on socialization of the child has been discussed. It is
essential that socialists should acknowledge it and integrate it entirely
into any programme for the liberation of women. It is noticeable that

4 Jean Baby records the results of an enquiry carried out into attitudes to marriage,
contraception and abortion of 3,191 women in Czechoslovakia in 1959: 8o per cent
of the women had limited sexual satisfaction because of fear of conception. Op. cit.
p. 8zn.
46 See Berger and Kellner: Marriage and the Constrution of Reality, Diogenes (Summer
1964) for analyses of marriage and parenthood 'nomic-building' structure.
21 Parsons and Bales, op. cit. pp. 9-xo.





recent 'vanguard' work by French Marxists-Baby, Sullerot, Texier-
accords the problem its real importance. However, there is no doubt
that the need for permanent, intelligent care of children in the initial
three or four years of their lives can (and has been) exploited ideo-
logically to perpetuate the family as a total unit, when its other functions
have been visibly declining. Indeed, the attempt to focus women's
existence exclusively on bringing up children, is manifestly harmful to
children. Socialization as an exceptionally delicate process requires a
serene and mature socializer-a type which the frustrations of a purely
familial role are not liable to produce. Exclusive maternity is often in
this sense 'counter-productive'. The mother discharges her own
frustrations and anxieties in a fixation on the child. An increased
awareness of the critical importance of socialization, far from leading
to a restitution of classical maternal roles, should lead to a recon-
sideration of them-of what makes a good socializing agent, who can
genuinely provide security and stability for the child.

The same arguments apply, afortiori, to the psycho-social role of the
family for the couple. The beliefs that the family provides an im-
pregnable enclave of intimacy and security in an atomized and chaotic
cosmos assumes the absurd-that the family can be isolated from the
community, and that its internal relationships will not reproduce in
their own terms the external relationships which dominate the society.
The family as refuge in a bourgeois society inevitably becomes a
reflection of it.

4. Sexuality: It is difficult not to conclude that the major structure
which at present is in rapid evolution is sexuality. Production, repro-
duction, and socialization are all more or less stationary in the West
today, in the sense that they have not changed for three or more
decades. There is moreover, no idesread demand for changes in
them on t'he part of women themselves-the governing ideologv has
ee i Iprevend critical consciousness. By contrast, the dominant
sexual ideology is proving less and less successful in regulating
spontaneous behaviour. Marriage in its classical form is increasingly
threatened by the liberalization of relationships before and after it
which affects all classes today. In this sense, it is evidently the weak
link in the chain-the particular structure that is the site of the most
contradictions. The progressive potential of these contradictions has
already been emphasized. In a context of juridical equality, the libera-
tion of sexual experience from relations which are extraneous to it-
whether procreation or property-could lead to true inter-sexual
freedom. But it could also lead simply to new forms of neocapitalist
ideology and practice. For one of the forces behind the current
acceleration of sexual freedom has undoubtedly been the conversion of
contemporary capitalism from a production-and-work ethos to a
consumption-and-fun ethos. Riesman commented on this development
early in the 19io's: '. there is not only a growth of leisure, but work
itself becomes both less interesting and less demanding for many ...
more than before, as job-mindedness declines, sex permeates the
daytime as well as the playtime consciousness. It is viewed as a con-
22 sumption good not only by the old leisure classes, but by the modern






leisure masses.'48 The gist of Riesman's argument is that in a society
bored by work, sex is the only activity, the only reminder of one's
energies, the only competitive act; the last defence against vis inertia.
This same insight can be found, with greater theoretical depth, in
Marcuse's notion of 'repressive de-sublimation'-the freeing of
sexuality for its own frustration in the service of a totally co-ordinated
and drugged social machine.49 Bourgeois society at present can well
afford a play area of premarital non-procreative sexuality. Even marriage
can save itself by increasing divorce and remarriage rates, signifying
the importance of the institution itself. These considerations make it
clear that sexuality, while it presently may contain the greatest potential
for liberation-can equally well be organized against any increase of
its human possibilities. New forms of reification are emerging which
may void sexual freedom of any meaning. This is a reminder that
while one structure may be the weak link in a unity like that of woman's
condition, there can never be a solution through it alone. The utopia-
nism of Fourier or Reich was precisely to think that sexuality could
inaugurate such a general solution. Lenin's remark to Clara Zetkin is a
salutary if over-stated corrective: 'However wild and revolutionary
(sexual freedom) may be, it is still really quite bourgeois. It is, mainly,
a hobby of the intellectuals and of the sections nearest them. There is
no place for it in the Party, in the class conscious, fighting, prole-
tariat.'50 For a general solution can only be found in a strategy which
affects all the structures of women's exploitation. This means a rejection
of two beliefs prevalent on the left:
Reformism :This now takes the form of limited ameliorative demands:
equal pay for women, more nursery-schools, better retraining
facilities, etc. In its contemporary version it is wholly divorced
from any fundamental critique of women's condition or any vision
of their real liberation (it was not always so). Insofar as it represents
a tepid embellishment of the status quo, it has very little progressive
content left.




48 Riesman, op. cit. p. 154.
49 Marcuse offers the prospect of a leisure society produced by automation and the
consequent shift from a Promethean to an Orphic ethos (eroticism over work-
effort); and sees in this the true liberation of sexual energy for its own aesthetic end.
Though he illustrates the difference (Eros and Civilization (1955), pp. 1978), this
notion is too close to images of primitive societies dominated by the aura of maternal
relaxation: '. .. satisfaction... would be without toil--that is, without the rule of alien-
ated labour over the human existence. Under primitive conditions, alienation has not
yet arisen because of the primitive character of the needs themselves, the rudimentary
(personal or sexual) character of the division of labour, and the absence of an insti-
tutionalized hierarchical specialization of functions. Under the "ideal" conditions of
mature industrial civilization, alienation would be completed by general automatiza-
tion of labour, reduction of labour time to a minimum, and exchangeability of
functions, .. the reduction of the working day to a point where the mere quantum
of labour time no longer arrests human development is the first prerequisite for
freedom.' (Ibid., p. I38). Against the consumer use of sex illustrated by Riesman
Marcuse poses the necessity for equal distribution of leisure, and hence the 're-
gression to a lower standard of life'; a new set of values ('gratification of the basic
human needs, the frelom from guilt and fear... ') against an automated-TV culture.
This is premature.
23 50 Clara Zetkin: ReminiscencesofLenin(x925, trans. 1929), pp. 52-53






Voluntarism: This takes the form of maximalist demands-the
abolition of the family, abrogation of all sexual restrictions, forceful
separation of parents from children-which have no chance of
winning any wide support at present, and which merely serve as a
substitute for the job of theoretical analysis or practical persuasion.
By pitching the whole subject in totally intransigent terms, volun-
tarism objectively helps to maintain it outside the framework of
normal political discussion.

What, then, is the responsible revolutionary attitude? It must include
both immediate and fundamental demands, in a single critique of the
whole of women's situation, that does not fetishize any dimension of it.
Modern industrial development, as has been seen, tends towards the
separating out of the originally unified function of the family-
procreation, socialization, sexuality, economic subsistence, etc-even
if this 'structural differentiation' (to use a term of Parsons') has been
checked and disguised by the maintenance of a powerful family
ideology. This differentiation provides the real historical basis for the
ideal demands which should be posed: structural differentiation is
precisely what distinguishes an advanced from a primitive society (in
which all social functions are fused en, bloc).51

In practical terms this means a coherent system of demands. The four
elements of women's condition cannot merely be considered each in
isolation; they form a structure of specific interrelations. The con-
temporary bourgeois family can be seen as a triptych of sexual, repro-
ductive and socializatory functions (the woman's world) embraced by
production (the man's world)-precisely a structure which in the final
instance is determined by the economy. The exclusion of women from
production-social human activity-and their confinement to a
monolithic condensation of functions in a unity-the family-which is
precisely unified in the natural part of each function, is the root cause
of the contemporary social definition of women as natural beings. Hence
the main thrust of any emancipation movement must still concentrate
on the economic element-the entry of women fully into public
.industry. The error of the old socialists was to see the other elements as
reducible to the economic; hence the call for the entry of women into
production was accompanied by the purely abstract slogan of the
abolition of the family. Economic demands are still primary but must
be accom anied b- coherent policies or the ot er three elements,
p cies w ch at particular punctures may take over te primary role in
immediate action.


"(See Ben Brewster: Introduction to Lukacs on Butkhiarin, New Left Review No. 59, p. 25)
The capitalist mode of production separates the family from its earlier immediate
association with the economy, and this marginality is unaffected directly by the
transformation of the relations of production from private to public ownership in
the transition to a socialist sociery. As the essence of woman's contemporary prob-
lem derives from this marginality, for this problem, butfor this problem only, the dis-
tinction between industrial and preindustrial societies is the significant one. Cate-
gories meaningful for one element of the social totality may well he irrelevant or even
pernicious if extended to the whole of historical development. Similar arguments,
but principally lac' of space in a short article must excuse the atal neglect of prob-
24 lems arising from class distinctions in the functions and status of women.





Economically, the most elementary demand is not the right to work or
receive equal pay for work-the two traditional reformist demands-
but the right to equal work itself. At present, women perform unskilled,
uncrative, service jobs that can be regarded as 'extensions' of their
ex ssvefamilial role. They are overwhemingy waitresses, ofice-
cleaners, hair-dressers, clerks, typists. In the working-class occupa-
tional mobility is thus sometimes easier for girls than boys-they can
enter the white-collar sector at a lower level. But only two in a hundred
women are in administrative or managerial jobs, and less than five in a
thousand are in the professions. Women are poorly unionized (25 per
cent) and receive less money than men for the manual work they do
perform: in 1961 the average industrial wage for women was less than
half that for men, which, even setting off part-time work, represents a
massive increment of exploitation for the employer.

Education

The whole pyramid of discrimination rests on a solid extra-economic
foundation-education. The demand for equal work, in Britain,
should above all take the form of a demand for an equal educational
system, since this is at present the main single filter selecting women for
inferior work-roles. At present, there is something like equal education
for both sexes up to 15. Thereafter three times as many boys continue
their education as girls. Only one in three 'A'-level entrants, one in
four university students is a girl. There is no evidence whatever of
progress. The proportion of girl university students is the same as it
was in the 192o's. Until these injustices are ended, there is no chance of
equal work for women. It goes without saying that the content of the
educational system, which actually instils limitation of aspiration in
girls needs to be changed as much as methods of selection. Education
is probably the key area for immediate economic advance at present.

Only if it is founded on equality can production be truly differentiated
from reproduction and the family. But this in turn requires a whole
set of non-economic demands as a complement. Reproduction,
sexuality, and socialization also need to be free from coercive forms of
unification. Traditionally, the socialist movement has called for the
'abolition of the bourgeois family'. This slogan must be rejected as
incorrect today. It is maximalist in the bad sense, posing a demand
which is merely a negation without any coherent construction sub-
sequent to it. Its weakness can be seen by comparing it to the call for
the abolition of the( private ownership of the means of production,
whose solution-social ownership-is contained in the negation itself.
Marx himself allied the two, and pointed out the equal futility of the
two demands: '. . this tendency to oppose general private property to
private property is expressed in animal form; marriage ... is contrasted
with the community of women, in which women become communal
and common property.'"2 The reasons for the historic weakness of the
notion is that the family was never analysed structurally-in terms of
its different functions. It was a hypostasized entity; the abstraction of
its abolition corresponds to the abstraction of its conception. The

25 52 Karl Marx: Private Property and Communism, op. cit. p. 15 3.




strategic concern for socialists should be for the equality of the sexes,
not the abolition of the family. The consequences of this demand are
no less radical, but they are concrete and positive, and can be inte-
grated into the real course of history. The family as it exists at present
is, in fact, incompatible with the equality of the sexes. But this equality
will not come from its administrative abolition, but from the historical
differentiation of its functions. The revolutionary demand should be
for the liberation of these functions from a monolithic fusion which
oppresses each. Thus dissociation of reproduction from sexuality
frees sexuality from alienation in unwanted reproduction (and fear of
it), and reproduction from subjugation to chance and uncrontrollable
causality. It is thus an elementary demand to press for free State
provision of oral contraception. The legalization of homosexuality--
which is one of the forms of non-reproductive sexuality-should be
supported for just the same reason, and regressive campaigns against
it in Cuba or elsewhere should be unhesitatingly criticized. The
straightforward abolition of illegitimacy as a legal notion as in Sweden
and Russia has a similar implication; it would separate marriage
civically from parenthood.

From Nature to Culture

The problem of socialization poses more difficult questions, as has
been seen. But the need for intensive maternal care in the early years of
a child's life does not mean that the present single sanctioned form of
socialization-marriage and family-is inevitable. Far from it. The
fundamental characteristic of the present system of marriage and
family is in our society its monolithism: there is only one institutionalized
form of inter-sexual or inter-generational relationship possible. It is
that or nothing. This is why it is essentially a denial of life. For all
human experience shows that intersexial and intergenerational
relationships are infinitely various-indeed, much of our creative
literature is a celebration of the fact-while the institutionalized
expression of them in our capitalist society is utterly simple and
rigid. It is the poverty and simplicity of the institutions in this area of
life which are such an oppression. Any society will require some
institutionalized and social recognition of personal relationships. But
there is absolutely no reason why there-should be only one legitimized
form-and a multitude of unlegitimized experience. Socialism should
properly mean not the abolition of the family, but the diversification of
the socially acknowledged relationships which are today forcibly and
rigidly compressed into it. This would mean a plural range of institu-
tions-where the family is only one, and its abolition implies none.
Couples living together or not living together, long-term unions with
children, single parents bringing up children, children socialized by
conventional rather than biological parents, extended kin groups, etc-
all these could be encompassed in a range of institutions which
matched the free invention and variety of men aid women.

It would be illusory to try and specify these institutions. Circum-
stantial accounts of the future are idealist and worse, static. Socialism
will be a process of change, of becoming. A fixed image of the future
26 is in the worst sense ahistorical; the form that socialism takes will





depend on the prior type of capitalism and the nature of its collapse. As
Marx wrote: 'What (is progress) if not the absolute elaboration of
(man's) creative dispositions, without any preconditions other than
antecedent historical evolution which makes the totality of this
evolution-i.e. the evolution of all human powers as such, unmeasured
by any previously established yardstick-an end in itself? What is this, if
not a situation where man does not reproduce himself in any de-
termined form, but produces his totality ? Where he does not seek to
remain something formed by the past, but is the absolute movement of
becoming ?'3 The liberation of women under socialism will not be
'rational' but a human achievement, in the long passage from Nature
to Culture which is the definition of history and society.


27 1 Karl Marx: Pecapiaist economic Formations, op. ci. p. 8 5.





























































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