Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Sources of migration
 Selectivity of rural-urban migration...
 The decision to migrate
 Adjustment of migrants and effects...
 Return migration
 Needed research
 Annotated bibliography
 Topical index for bibliography

Group Title: DHEW publication ; no. (NIH) 75-565
Title: Rural-urban migration research in the United States
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00087158/00001
 Material Information
Title: Rural-urban migration research in the United States annotated bibliography and synthesis
Series Title: DHEW publication no. (NIH) 75-565
Physical Description: xi, 250 p. : ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Price, Daniel O
Sikes, Melanie M. ( joint author )
Publisher: U.S. Dept. of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, National Institutes of Health, National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Center for Population Research
For sale by the Supt. of Docs., U.S. Govt. Print. Off.
Place of Publication: Bethesda Md
Publication Date: 1975
Subject: Rural-urban migration -- Bibliography -- United States   ( lcsh )
Rural-urban migration -- Research -- United States   ( lcsh )
Residential Mobility -- Bibliography -- United States   ( mesh )
Rural Population -- Bibliography -- United States   ( mesh )
Urban Population -- Bibliography -- United States   ( mesh )
Genre: federal government publication   ( marcgt )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: United States of America
Statement of Responsibility: by Daniel O. Price and Melanie M. Sikes.
General Note: "Supported by the Center for Population Research, National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, under contract number NO1-HD2-2708 and by the Office of Economic Opportunity under contract number B 00-5209 with TRACOR, inc., Austin, Texas."
General Note: Includes index.
Funding: DHEW publication ;
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00087158
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 03035979
lccn - 75601708

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
        Page iii
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        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
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        Page xi
    Sources of migration
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
    Selectivity of rural-urban migration and effects on rural areas
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
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        Page 11
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    The decision to migrate
        Page 13
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    Adjustment of migrants and effects on urban areas
        Page 17
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    Return migration
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
    Needed research
        Page 33
        Page 34
    Annotated bibliography
        Page 35
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Full Text

Center for Population Research Monograph







DHEW Publication No. (NIH) 75-565

Supported by the Center for Population Research,
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development
under Contract Number NO1-HD 2-2708
and by the Office of Economic Opportunity
under Contract Number B 00-5209
with TRACOR, Inc., Austin, Texas

Public Health Service
National Institutes of Health
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development
Center for Population Research
Bethesda, Maryland 20014

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington, D.C. 20402 price $5.95
Stock Number 1746-00026


Preface ...------- ----------------------------------------- v
Introduction ---------------------------------------- vii

Chapter 1. Sources of Migration _---------------- 1
"Surplus" Population: Interplay of Natural Increase
and Labor Demand ----------------------------- 1
Areas of Heavy Outmigration ---- ----- 3

Chapter 2. Selectivity of Rural-Urban Migration and Effects on
Rural Areas ---------------------------------- 5
Aspirations and Intelligence --------------------- 5
Age and Education ------------------------------- 6
Fertility ------------------------------------- 7
Income -.- ------------- -------------------- 7
Work-Limiting Health Conditions ------------------- 9
Effects on Rural Areas ------------ -------------- 9
Summary --------------------------------------- 10

Chapter 3. The Decision To Migrate ------------------------------ 13
Reasons for Moving ------------------------- 13
Subsidies and Services as Inducements to Moving ---- 15
Barriers to Migration ---------------------------- 15
"Step" Migration ---------------------------------- 16
Summary ------------------------- --------------- 16

Chapter 4. Adjustment of Migrants and Effects on Urban Areas --- 17
Educational Achievement -------------------------- 18
Quality of Education -- ------------------- 20
Fertility ---------------------------- 20
Income ---------------------------------------- 21
Unemployment -- ---- ---------- ---- 22
Poverty and Welfare ------------ --------- 22
Social Adjustment ------------------------- 23
Mental Health --------------------------------- 25
Effects on Urban Areas ------------------ ------- 25
Summary ------------- ------------------- 26

Chapter 5. Return Migration _----------------------------------- 29
Age, Education, Employment, and Dependency ---- 29
Reasons for Returning ----------------- ---------- 30
Summary --------------------------------------- 31

Chapter 6. Needed Research ---------------- --------- 33

Part II: ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY _------------------------ --- 35

Part III: TOPICAL INDEX FOR BIBLIOGRAPHY ---------------------- 237


Rural-Urban Migration Research in the United States is
designed to help the researcher and policymaker to know what
has been done in this field over the past two decades, as a guide
to further research and to the development of policies and
programs relating to the distribution of population in the
United States. This objective is accomplished through an anno-
tated bibliography containing over 1,200 items (with key
items flagged to provide the student with an introduction to
the field), a synthesis of research findings, a topical index to
the bibliographic citations, and a listing of research needs.
The preparation of this monograph was stimulated by the
contract research program of the Behavioral Sciences Branch
in the Center for Population Research, National Institute of
Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), and Earl E.
Huyck, Ph. D., project officer, worked closely with the authors.
The NICHD in the National Institutes of Health established
the Center in 1968 as a focal point for biomedical and behav-
ioral research in the field of population relating primarily to
the United States. The Center's program in behavioral sci-
ences research, fashioned and reviewed by consultants from
universities and research organizations working closely with
the staff, has concentrated on the determinants of fertility and
the consequences of population growth and change.
The Center has also had a special interest in the causes,
patterns, and consequences of migration related to the demo-
graphic evolution of large cities and the contrasting depopula-
tion of many rural or nonurban areas. Several studies have
therefore been funded to identify the conditions which precipi-
tate migration and to define its consequences. These studies
have been concerned, for example, with: the analysis of na-
tional trends based on Current Population Survey data col-
lected annually by the Bureau of the Census; migration in
response to employment opportunities in 14 States; migration
from eastern Kentucky to Cincinnati; the return movement
of black migrants to Birmingham, Ala.; patterns of residential
preferences and correlates of population redistribution in

Pennsylvania; and the relationship between migration and the
provision of public and private services within a metropolitan
area or region. A corollary of such research is the need for
systematic review of research available and the summary of
research requirements indicated by this review. A committee
of peers felt that the present monograph would fill this need.
The Chief of the Behavioral Sciences Branch, Jerry W.
Combs, Jr., Ph. D., welcomes your comments, and suggestions
with respect to this specific monograph and to related popula-
tion areas that should be considered for inclusion in the
Center's research program.
Deputy Director,
Center for Population Research,
National Institute of Child
Health and Human Development.


The massive redistribution of the population of the United
States from rural to urban areas is the subject of this volume.
The objective is to provide a sourcebook for both researchers
already working in the field and students wanting an introduc-
tion to the field. The synthesis of research findings also gives
the policymaker an overview of internal migration in the
United States to the present as one basis for the consideration
of possible policies and programs that might be effected with
respect to the redistribution of population in the future.
The framework we have chosen attempts to follow the
migration process from the rural area to the urban area
during the period 1950-72 in terms of: sources and selectivity
of migration and effects on rural areas; the decision to mi-
grate; adjustment of migrants and effects on urban areas; the
characteristics of return migrants; and needed research indi-
cated by major gaps in knowledge in this field.
The bulk of the volume, Part II, consists of an "Annotated
Bibliography" arranged alphabetically by author. Part I repre-
sents the "Synthesis of Research" based on the findings in
Part II; and Part III, the "Topical Index," provides a key to the
listings by subject matter. For example, the item on "Bibliog-
raphies" refers to 43 listings of books and articles concerned
with parts of the broad field of rural-urban migration covered
in this volume.
While the annotations attempt to let the authors speak for
themselves, the synthesis section reflects the judgment of the
compilers of this bibliography as to how the individual contri-
butions come together to develop a knowledge base and the
conceptual and methodological tools for the field of rural-
urban migration.
The road to attainment of the objective set forth for this
volume is obviously fraught with pitfalls, so the information
presented must be couched in caveats. An effort to synthesize
research in any substantive area is bound to be unsatisfactory
to many workers in the field, because the very nature of a
synthesis requires that much of the research will not be cited.

The present effort is no exception. Nor is it likely that two
different people would use the same framework. It would have
been possible for us to use a somewhat more theoretical
approach, but there is no adequate theoretical framework to
embrace the work which has been done, as most research on
rural-urban migration has been primarily descriptive. Many
theories and models of migration are included in the bibliog-
raphy and are indexed, but the emphasis throughout has been
on substantive findings rather than methodology, to the ex-
tent that these can be separated.
Lack of comparability in the measurement of migration
can lead to divergent findings between studies. In the United
States a move across a county line is fairly well accepted as the
definition of migration. However, some studies look at those
individuals who moved across a county line during the pre-
vious year, while others investigate those who were born in a
State other than their present residence. These two types of
migrants will almost certainly have different characteristics.
Accordingly, an effort has been made to indicate when a study
has used an unusual definition of migration and also when
there has been wide variation in the time periods over which
moves might have taken place.
A more critical problem is that many studies use estimates
of net migration while others use gross migration. Since the
individuals who comprise net migration are an abstraction, an
attempt has been made to avoid referring to characteristics of
net migrants. However, most migration studies utilize a type
of net migration which must lead to some qualification of the
findings. For example, those individuals living in Chicago in
1970 who moved there from Mississippi since 1965 are really
the residual of the total number who made the move. Those
who moved on elsewhere or returned to Mississippi before 1970
are not included. If the returnees are those who did not
succeed financially, the income picture of the residual mi-
grants looks more favorable than it otherwise would. Efforts
have been made to qualify the findings of those studies using
data of this type.
Since this volume is intended as a sourcebook for research-
ers and students, some titles emphasizing methodology and
others providing background information have been included
in addition to those titles dealing strictly with rural-urban
migration. Titles marked with an asterisk are felt to be most
important and ones with which a student in the field should be
familiar. The selection of such a list is highly subjective and

would be different if made by any other research worker or
even if made by the authors at a different point in time. Many
volumes basic to the study of demography and migration are
not marked with an asterisk because it was felt that they did
not make a major contribution to the study of rural-urban
migration. There are bound to be oversights and errors of
judgment in the construction of such a list, and the two
authors have not always been in agreement on the starred
items. To our friends whose works are not so marked but
probably should be, our apologies.
The terms "white," "nonwhite," "Negro," "black," and "An-
glo" have changed usage during the period covered by this
bibliography. An effort has been made to use terms consistent
with the date of the material referenced. Bureau of the Budget
"Amendment to Circular No. A-46, August 8, 1969, Race and
Color Designations in Federal Statistics" states that the "des-
ignation 'nonwhite' will no longer be used in any publica-
tion of statistical data or in the text of any statistical report."
In discussing research published prior to 1969 dealing with
"nonwhites," however, it seems reasonable to use the term
"nonwhite" rather than to rewrite history. The term "black"
has been substituted for "Negro" in most situations, but in
some places it has seemed more appropriate to use the term
"Negro." The term "Anglo" is used to distinguish "other
whites" from Mexican Americans.
The term Standard Metropolitan Area (SMA) was not
changed to Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA)
until the 1960 census in accordance with a definitional change
made by the Statistical Standards Division of the Bureau of the
Budget. These abbreviations have been used consistent with
the date of the research being discussed.
While every effort has been made to include as many
relevant titles on rural-urban migration published since 1950
as possible, the bibliography is not exhaustive. We have at-
tempted to be selective in choice of titles, especially of those
annotated. In some cases, access to material governed the
possibility of annotation. Limits of time and resources have
precluded perusal of every title included here, and undoubt-
edly some works which should have been cited have inadvert-
ently been omitted.
The time period covered is from 1950 through the summer
of 1972, although important works published prior to 1950 have
been included as have a few foreign titles whose relevance

made their inclusion seem desirable. Many unpublished papers
have been listed, some of which will have been published by
the time this volume appears in print. An attempt has been
made to annotate as many of these unpublished and fugitive
works as possible.
Most of the annotations do not contain critical material,
but evaluative remarks are supplied for some of the important,
recently completed research reports. Each annotated refer-
ence is designed to reflect the conceptualization and data
development of the referenced authorss. The length of an
annotation is not a key to the importance of work cited, for, in
general, the substantive aspect was the overriding factor.
Short works on subjects about which little is known might be
given more space than an excellent, lengthier work in a widely
studied area.
Titles were obtained from a variety of sources, including
published bibliographies (see "Bibliographies" listing in the
Topical Index). Also, the following journals were searched back
to 1950, or to their beginnings, if more recent: American
Journal of Sociology, American Sociological Review, Demogra-
phy, Geographical Analysis, International Migration Review
(Digest), Population Index, Poverty and Human Resources
Abstracts, Rural Sociology, Social Forces, and Social Research.
Additionally, the following journals were searched back to
1970: American Economic Review, American Journal of Agri-
cultural Economics, American Journal of Economics and Soci-
ology, Annals of the Association of American Geographers,
Economic Geography, Geographical Review, Journal of Geog-
raphy, Journal of Regional Science, Land Economics, Milbank
Memorial Fund Quarterly, Population Studies, Race, Rural
Economic Problems, Social Problems, Social Science Quarterly
(Southwestern Social Science Quarterly), Sociology and Social
Research, and Southern Economic Journal.
It is hoped that the collective annotations will provide a
broad knowledge of rural-urban migration, and that each
individually gives enough material to allow a reader to judge
whether the original source should be consulted.
Ms. Pat Koshel was monitor of the project during the stage
sponsored by the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO Con-
tract B 00-5209), and Earl E. Huyck has been monitor for the
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development
(NIH Contract NO1-HD-2-2708). Earl Huyck's comments
and extensive, careful editing have made a large positive

contribution to the final product. Thanks also go to Ms. Joyce
Thoresen for aiding in manuscript preparation.
Major responsibility for the synthesis of research rests
with Price, while that for the annotated bibliography and
index belongs to Sikes.
January 1974

Part I

Synthesis of Research

Chapter 1

Sources of Migration

The farm population of the United States reached a high of
approximately 50 million in 1910. While the total population
was continuing to grow, the farm population declined to ap-
proximately 10 million by 1970 as a result of rural-urban
migration and urbanization. We begin our consideration of
rural-urban migration with an examination of the areas from
which migration takes place.

"Surplus" Population: Interplay of
Natural Increase and Labor Demand
Two basic factors are involved in producing a "surplus"
population for outmigration. One is an above-average rate of
natural increase (excess of births over deaths), and the other is
a decreasing demand for labor. Both of these factors are
present in rural areas of the United States, but until about
World War II the more important was probably the higher rate
of natural increase due to higher levels of fertility. Since World
War II, however, the fertility differential between urban and
rural areas has been decreasing (although rural areas still
have higher fertility), and the decreasing demand for farm
labor has assumed increasing importance in producing a sur-
plus population.


Rarely is it possible to find a study which mentions the
decreasing demand for farm labor without mentioning the
mechanization of agriculture, the "aggregation of agricul-
ture," "changes in crop acreages," and so forth. (See, for
example, the following citations in Part II, Annotated Bibliog-
raphy: 21, 93, 187, 189, 209, 269, 308, 418, 433, 469, 769.) In the
South the rate of declining agricultural employment has been
greater for Negroes than for whites, primarily as a result of
the Negroes' greater concentration in cotton. From 1950 to
1969, the number of white family workers in agricultural
employment in the South declined from 2,741,000 to 1,192,000-
a decrease of more than 11/2 million, or approximately 56
percent. For Negroes the decline during the same period of
time was from 767,000 to 158,000-a reduction of more than
600,000, or 79 percent. This trend of diminishing farm labor
needs can be expected to continue through the 1970's (al-
though at a decreasing rate) as a consequence of technological
developments and the extension to farm labor of social legisla-
tion such as minimum wage and unemployment compensation
Rural blacks have been highly concentrated in cotton,
tobacco, and peanut culture. The mechanization of cotton
growing has been an important precursor of rural-urban mi-
gration of blacks. In 1950, only 1 percent of the cotton grown in
the South (excluding Texas and Oklahoma) was harvested by
machine (67). By 1969, 94 percent of southern cotton was
machine harvested, and chemical weed control had further
reduced the need for manual labor. Peanut production has
been mechanized, and acreage cutbacks and laborsaving de-
vices have reduced labor requirements in tobacco. Tobacco
growing could also be mechanized, but the present pattern of
crop allotments prevents the accumulation of the acreage
necessary for efficient mechanization. If and when mechaniza-
tion develops in tobacco culture, there will be the potential for
another wave of black migration from rural to urban areas
Technological innovations in agriculture are the major
source of the southern black's poor economic condition, and the
idea that migration leads to mechanization is not realistic
(269). Losses from the rural-farm population were proportion-
ately greater among blacks than among whites starting as far
back as 1930 (90). Blacks have been more likely to move out of
State than have whites when they left the farm (189). The
continuing growth of the total number of rural nonfarm blacks


in the South and the continuing decline of the Negro farm
population are well documented (308, 433). The birth rate
among rural blacks has been sufficiently high to more than
replenish the losses from outmigration (1192), and the total
black population in the rural South has increased.
Southern blacks, whites in Appalachia, Spanish-Ameri-
cans, and American Indians comprised less than 20 percent of
the rural population in 1950, but accounted for approximately
50 percent of the net rural-urban migration between 1950 and
1960 (66). Their overall outmigration rate was about 25 per-
cent, but there was only a 10-percent decline in their rural
populations. The difference was made up by high fertility.
Thus, despite the decreasing demand for farm labor, high rural
fertility is still an important factor in producing population
pressure that results in rural-urban migration (21, 66, 149, 174,
189, 261, 307, 418, 427, 432, 433, 434, 767, 822, 1192). Blanco's
research (106) indicates that "prospective unemployment" (the
difference between the actual rate of change of employment
and the natural rate of increase of the working-age population)
can account for 85 percent of the variation in regional rates of
civilian migration.

Areas of Heavy Outmigration
Almost all of the areas in which there has been a loss of
rural population have been in the North Central or Southern
States, and rural areas in which there have been population
increases are areas that are basically nonagricultural (68). It is
important to distinguish between total rural and rural farm.
The rural-farm population of the United States has been
declining, but the total rural population has remained approxi-
mately stable.
Most of the farm-born population now live in nonfarm
areas (981). The net migration from rural to urban areas was
about 20-22 million between 1940 and 1960, and about 10
million of these were in the 1950's (68). While the rates of
outmigration from the rural-farm population remain high, the
total number of migrants is declining due to the decrease in
the total rural-farm population.

Chapter 2

Selectivity of Rural-Urban
Migration and Effects on Rural

The heavy outmigration from rural areas has been a
consequence of conditions in these areas and has also had an
impact on these conditions. The impact on the rural area is
determined by the number and the characteristics of the
people who leave. Those individuals who move away from an
area are different in many ways from those who remain. The
most important factor, but most difficult to study, may be
motivation. Why does one person decide to leave an area while
his brother, with similar characteristics, chooses to remain?
The differences between migrants and nonmigrants in motiva-
tion are relatively unstudied, and yet may constitute at least
part of the explanation for many of the other observed differ-
ences. Are outmigrants better educated than nonmigrants
because individuals who have obtained more education are
more likely to move, or because highly motivated individuals
are more likely to stay in school longer and also more likely to
migrate? The answer to this question is important for policy
reasons, but little research points to its resolution. Informa-
tion on such variables as education and income suggests that
differences observed could be due to motivation, but we do not
know whether they are or not.

Aspirations and Intelligence
An examination of background differences between mi-
grants and nonmigrants shows that academic achievement
and urban-oriented interests are important factors in the
migration of boys, while social aggressiveness (as measured by
psychological tests) is a more important factor in the migration
of girls, although it is possible that marriage is an intervening
variable in this latter association (687). The sample on which
this conclusion was based was white, but the findings were


true for migrants from both rural-farm and rural-nonfarm
areas. Grigg and Middleton (403) support Lipset's hypothesis
(637) that differential levels of aspiration between urban and
rural youths account for the higher socioeconomic mobility
rates of urban youth. Youths either brought up on farms,
whose fathers own farms, or who do not plan to attend college
are most likely to choose farming as a career and, thus, not to
migrate (56, 134, 192, 421, 422, 552, 761, 1036). Some authors
(134, 170, 1Q36) find no association between measured intelli-
gence and plans to farm or migrate, while others (421, 422, 552,
840) find a positive association between intelligence and plans
to migrate or not to farm. After reviewing much of the litera-
ture, Duncan (281) concluded that rural-urban migration
draws from the extremes of intelligence. It is quite likely that
other conditions, such as type of farming area and race, have
an important influence on the relationship between measured
intelligence and rural-urban migration.

Age and Education
Other well-established characteristics of rural-urban mi-
grants relate to age and education. Outmigrants from rural
areas are preponderantly young adults with better-than-aver-
age education (7, 281, 309, 557, 774, 837, 997, 999, 1045). The
educational selectivity is more pronounced for males than for
females and for blacks than for whites in recent years (429-
431). The rate of outmigration from rural-farm areas is higher
for females and blacks (90, 142, 182). Females tend to migrate
at younger ages than do males (182, 653, 654). Since young
people generally are better educated than their elders, the age
selection could in itself explain the better education of mi-
grants. However, even within age groups, the migrants are
better educated than the nonmigrants remaining in rural
areas. There is some evidence that educational selectivity is
increasing, especially among blacks (67, 849). Data from the
Survey of Economic Opportunity (148) show that rural-urban
migrants are better educated than rural nonmigrants among
both whites and blacks. In fact, white migrants, on the aver-
age, have 1.4 more years of education than white rural nonmi-
grants, while black rural-urban migrants have only 0.8 years
more education than black rural nonmigrants. These data are
for the population age 17 and over, and include the cumulative
effects of differentials. In a young age group the difference
would be greater for blacks, since the educational selectivity of
black rural-urban migrants seems to have been increasing.


Negro fertility increased during the period of rapid urbani-
zation of the Negro population, apparently as a consequence of
improved health and welfare facilities and as part of the
general fertility increase of all groups following World War II.
As Farley (308) states, "Urbanization does not appear to have
reduced Negro fertility" (see also 304), but he also points out
that if the rural-urban migration had not occurred, the 1960
fertility rate would have been even higher. The Survey of
Economic Opportunity (148) shows that fertility (number of
children ever born per 1,000 females aged 35-44) of rural-urban
migrant females was significantly less than that of females
remaining in rural areas (17 percent less for whites and 32
percent less for blacks). It is not known whether this is due to
selection or to the effect of migration. The fertility of each
black group is considerably higher than that of the correspond-
ing white group, however. It should be remembered that this
measure of fertility is for women who were at, or near, the end
of their childbearing (age 35-44 in 1967). According to Farley
(304), this is not the cohort of black females that likely will
have the highest completed fertility, but it is reasonable to
assume that these differentials between rural females and
rural-urban migrants will continue, with resulting reductions
in black fertility.
Rural-urban migrants in poverty in 1967 had higher levels
of fertility than did rural-urban migrants who were not in
poverty. Even among black rural-urban migrants in poverty,
however, the fertility rate was still slightly below that found
among rural blacks and appreciably below that of rural blacks
in poverty. White rural-urban migrants in poverty had a
higher level of fertility than did rural whites in general, not as
high a fertility level as rural whites in poverty, and a higher
fertility level than black rural-urban migrants.
In general, rural-urban migrants have lower fertility
than the rural nonmigrants. The rapid urbanization of the
black population did not result in a reduction of black fertility
because the fertility of all groups was increasing at the time.
However, total black fertility is not as high as it would have
been without the effects of rural-urban migration.

One of the most consistent findings of all the research
studies is that rural-urban migrants earn more than nonmi-


grants left in the rural areas (6, 148, 693, 823, 1181). The
studies are not consistent in their findings as to the amount of
difference, but this can be explained by the fact that different
studies focused on different populations and different age
groups at varying times of migration and with varying lengths
of time in urban areas. While blacks earn less in both urban
and rural areas, most studies report that the urban-rural
differences in income for blacks are greater in both absolute
and relative amounts. For example, consider the income of
male-headed families classed as rural of rural origin in con-
trast to rural-urban migrants as reported in the Survey of
Economic Opportunity (148). The rural and urban family-
income figures for blacks were $3,100 and $5,900, urban income
being nearly twice the rural income. For whites, the corre-
sponding figures were $6,400 and $8,300. A similar pattern of
differences was found within age groups, for unattached indi-
viduals, and for female-headed families. Thus, there is little
question that rural-urban migration improved gross income,
although the higher cost structure in urban areas would lessen
the apparent improvement.
Blum and Sorensen (114) do not support this finding and
conclude that, for blacks, ". the fact that a geographical
transition took place is not important in determining income.
For nonblacks, the results are less clear-cut." However, they
did not distinguish between rural-urban migrants and urban-
urban migrants, which would confuse the issue.
Wertheimer (1181) presents strong evidence that the in-
come gain by migration from a rural to an urban area in-
creases with the size of a city. (Cost of living probably in-
creases with size of city also, but there are no sound figures on
this point.) He also indicates that the gains are less during the
first 5 years in the city, but tend to reach a higher level
thereafter. The gains during the first 5 years compared to
later years are relatively larger for blacks than for whites. The
regression technique which he used in analyzing data from the
Survey of Economic Opportunity indicated little or no financial
gains in rural-urban migration for unrelated females and
female heads of households after adjustments for education,
age, and race.
An aspect not examined by most of the research but
having some relevance for the study of motivation for migra-
tion is the comparison between the incomes which migrants
had in the rural areas before migrating and the incomes of
others in rural areas at the same time who did not migrate. In


other words, do migrants have above-average incomes in rural
areas before migrating? Price and others (855) collected data
(unpublished) which shed light on this question. Among blacks
in Yazoo County, Miss., the probability of becoming a rural-
urban migrant after 1963 increased with increasing 1963 fam-
ily income. The rate of outmigration was significantly higher
among those blacks with higher family incomes. Among whites
in Butler County, Ky., the reverse pattern was found. The rate
of outmigration was lower among those whites with higher
incomes. A similar finding was reported among Kentucky
whites by Breazeale (163). Price and others found no associa-
tion between the rate of outmigration and family income prior
to migration among Mexican Americans. This lends support to
the Petersen and Sharp suggestion (823, p. 31) that ". white
men come to Cleveland to find a job, Negroes, to find a better
job." These trends hold within the same income range and
income categories for blacks and whites and therefore are not
related to the differences in level of income between whites
and blacks in rural areas. The numbers were too small to
examine the trend within educational categories. These differ-
ential trends suggest that outmigration from rural areas may
deprive rural black communities of potential leadership to a
much greater extent than is true for rural white communities.
As a corollary to the improvement in income following
rural-urban migration, the proportion of rural-urban migrants
in poverty is considerably lower than the proportion of rural
residents in poverty (148, 855). Similarly, the proportion of
rural-urban migrants receiving welfare assistance is lower
than the proportion of the rural population of rural origin that
receives assistance (148).

Work-Limiting Health Conditions
The Survey of Economic Opportunity (148) shows that
there are no significant differences between rural nonmi-
grants and rural-urban migrants in terms of work-limiting
health conditions-approximately 18 percent of each group had
such conditions.

Effects on Rural Areas
Rural-urban migrants represent a selection of the more
capable individuals from the rural area, especially among
blacks. The migrants are younger, better educated, and, if
black, may have had a higher income in the rural area than


nonmigrants. What has been the effect on the rural areas of
the outmigration of this group?
One of the best documented effects on the rural areas is an
increase in the dependency ratio, the population under 15 and
over 64 years of age per 100 people 15 to 64 (see 7, 56, 73, 272,
811, 814, 850). This increase in the dependency ratio means
that those of labor-force age have more potential dependents
to support. The loss of young adults means that much of the
potential leadership of the community is gone. The fact that
the outmigrants are better educated means a reduced level of
education in those rural areas that have had heavy outmigra-
tion. The outmigration of the younger, better educated individ-
uals leaves behind the less well-educated, the young, and the
aged. These people have low potential for migration and are
unable to aid in attracting new industry to their areas because
they are not equipped for jobs in industry (73). The loss in
population has also meant difficulties for service establish-
ments and agencies, particularly those working on a county
basis (44, 272, 1045). The reduction in employment combined
with the resultant outmigration frequently has meant reduced
ability to support the education needed to prepare others
adequately for outmigration (7, 56, 730).
The age structure resulting from heavy outmigration in
many rural counties has resulted in natural decrease, with
deaths outnumbering births (59). However, since much, if not
most, of the movement is in response to "population pressure"
(106), one of the primary effects in many areas is some allevia-
tion of population pressure with resultant improvement of job
opportunities for those remaining (44, 53, 925). The extent of
this is a function of the amount of outmigration, fertility, and
the local job market. Despite heavy outmigration and its
effects on rural areas, the outmigration has not been great
enough to solve the problems of excess labor and low incomes
in agriculture (101, 165).


The outmigrants from rural to urban areas are generally
younger and better educated than those who stay behind and
may be more highly motivated. Heavy outmigration tends to
leave the rural areas with an excess of individuals in the
dependent ages (under 15 and over 65) and with individuals
less able to attract industry or other types of job opportunities


that would provide an alternative to farming. The migrants
find improved incomes and levels of living by migrating, but
there has been insufficient study of the consequences for the
rural areas left behind.

Chapter 3

The Decision To Migrate

A previous section looked at the background from which
migration takes place. The present chapter considers how
these background factors are translated into individual rea-
sons for migration, the migration process, and choice of desti-
It is likely that the motivation for so complex a social
event as migration is rarely understood completely by the
migrant himself. The previous chapter discussed high fertility
and reduced demand for agricultural labor as the background
of rural-urban migration. The way in which these factors
impinge on a specific individual and result in a decision to
migrate, or not to migrate, may be quite intricate. The circum-
stances that lead one individual to migrate may be important
in another individual's decision not to migrate.

Reasons for Moving
The Census Bureau points out (1111, No. 154) that "...
brief inquiries on reasons for moving do not necessarily pro-
duce a definitive catalogue of the causes of mobility, although
they do provide some useful insights." In the study from which
the quotation is taken, approximately two-thirds of the mi-
grants 18-64 years of age reported job-related reasons for
migration; 14 percent, change in marital status, or move with
family; approximately 10 percent, housing reasons; and 11
percent gave other reasons. In the national sample studied,
the Census Bureau found less than 1 percent reporting a
"forced" migration due to reasons beyond the individual's
control. In interviewing rural residents at or below the poverty
level, one study (855) found that approximately 10 percent of
the most recent moves had been due to circumstances beyond
the individual's control. We do not know if all of these moves
involved sufficient distance to be counted as migrations, but
the figure is much higher than the percent of "forced" moves
reported by the Census Bureau. In migration, as in other


matters, the poor seem to be more at the mercy of outside
forces than do others.
Consistent with the census results reported above, most
studies of reasons for migration find that economic and job-
related factors are the most frequently mentioned reasons
(115, 161, 605, 606, 647, 763, 865, 903, 1094). Various studies (115,
606, 855, 903, 1094) have found from 10 to 25 percent of
migrants moving for family reasons, that is, as a member of a
family whose head is moving, to join a family, as a result of
change in marital status, and so on. It is important to distin-
guish between decisions to migrate and to choose a destina-
tion, but these two decisions usually cannot be separated for
individuals moving for family reasons. For most other mi-
grants, there is usually the realization that they eventually
will migrate, but some precipitating event determines the time
of migration and the destination (6, 855). One study (855) found
that the precipitating event was most frequently an occupa-
tional or economic situation. For other individuals, a change in
marital or family status is the precipitating event, although
the Census Bureau (1111, No. 154) reports that only about 4
percent of male migrants give "change in marital status" as
the reason for migration. Blumberg (115) found that about 17
percent of the black female migrants into Philadelphia were
either joining or leaving their husbands. Sixty-five percent of
the female inmigrants chose Philadelphia as a destination
because of friends and relatives.
Virtually all studies of migration find that the destination
is chosen on the basis of friends and relatives (400, 448, 775,
855, 865). Some authors consider such a basis for making a
decision as "irrational," since it may result in moves to areas
not likely to produce the highest economic returns (898, 899).
However, since the main information channel used by rural-
urban migrants, particularly those in poverty, is friends and
relatives, it is not surprising that this is the most frequent
basis for choice of destination. Many authors (103, 115, 441, 543,
658, 661, 685, 725, 751, 775, 994, 1002) have expressed concern
about the lack of information available to potential migrants
regarding alternative destinations, since friends and relatives
are rarely in a position to provide the information that would
yield greatest economic gains.
The Census Bureau (1111, No. 154) reports that two-fifths
of migrants give noneconomic reasons for migrating-housing,
family status, health, and so forth. Other sources suggest that
among potential migrants, noneconomic factors are more im-


portant in the decision not to migrate than in the decision to
migrate (6, p. 22; 1013). Taylor (1078) reports the Area Redevel-
opment Administration finding that the major barriers to
relocation are psychological. Nonmigrants see the rural area
as providing healthy living conditions, esthetic enjoyment, and
a better homelife (1013). Landownership, capital investment,
and lack of information about urban conditions (cited above)
may also inhibit migration from the rural area. Low-socioeco-
nomic-status individuals more frequently mentioned economic
factors, while higher socioeconomic-status people gave non-
economic reasons (1104). This is consistent with the previously
mentioned finding that the poor are more likely to be at the
mercy of their surroundings and environment, while the non-
poor may migrate to obtain amenities rather than just eco-
nomic improvement.

Subsidies and Services as Inducements to Moving
Studies of the Labor Department's labor mobility pro-
grams (306, 446, 520, 522, 783, 784, 1078) indicate that the offer
of a financial subsidy to cover costs of moving was reported by
the migrants to have had no effect in about one-third of the
cases, to have made migration possible earlier than it other-
wise would have occurred in one-third of the cases, and to have
been the deciding factor for another third. Thus, among this
group, we find a wide range in the certainty of the decision to
migrate, with the subsidy being the relevant factor in some
cases. Among those for whom the subsidy was the relevant
factor, a higher proportion returned to the rural area. Most
rural-urban migrants spend little money for the actual move,
and the costs of moving are more than recouped during the
first year (533, 543, 658, 775). Between 1952 and 1965 the
Bureau of Indian Affairs relocated 70,000 Indians from reser-
vations to cities (394, 395, 1078), but, despite the provision of
many services, two in five returned to the reservations.

Barriers to Migration
A study of rural poverty (7) indicated that the greatest
barriers to migration for blacks were security factors, family
ties, and fears of discrimination and the unknown. Off-farm
migration is hindered by the isolation of many farmers from
off-farm jobs and the nontransferability of farm skills, as well
as low educational levels (209). Sentimental attachments to
farms have limited nonfarm vocational-training opportunities
and impeded mobility (99).


Some Government programs are designed to discourage
migration. Schon (931) classes rural industrial development,
Rural Electrification, Federal Housing Administration, unem-
ployment insurance, and welfare in this category. Government
programs identified by Schon as encouraging or contributing
to rural-urban migration are the Labor Mobility Demonstra-
tion Projects, the Department of Agriculture programs such as
acreage allotments, the minimum wage law, the Office of
Economic Opportunity Job Corps, and the Bureau of Indian
Affairs' Employment Assistance Program.

"Step" Migration
The early heavy migration from the rural South was "step
migration," first to southern urban areas, then to northern
urban areas (133). Among blacks there has been a shift from
step migration to direct migration as more friends and rela-
tives have accumulated in northern cities (903). During the
heaviest migration from the southern rural areas in the 1950's,
whites tended to move from rural areas to urban centers in the
same State, while blacks moved from rural areas to urban
centers out of State (189).

While a variety of situations may lead to migration, the
individual's decision, especially among lower income migrants,
is most likely to be based on economic, or job-related, factors.
The decision to migrate may be distinct from the choice of
destination, which is usually made on the basis of the location
of friends and relatives. Black migration has tended to shift
from step migration to migration directly out of the region,
while white migrants are more likely to move to urban areas
within the region.

Chapter 4

Adjustment of Migrants and
Effects on Urban Areas

Since the effect of rural-urban migration on urban areas is
largely a consequence of the adjustment of the migrants in the
urban areas, these two topics are treated together. The propor-
tion of the urban population made up of rural-urban migrants,
however, is also important.
It is frequently thought that many urban problems are
either caused or worsened by inmigrants from rural areas.
This conclusion is based on the assumption that these inmi-
grants are likely to be uneducated, black, and looking for
welfare assistance. In an earlier chapter we saw that these
migrants were better educated and younger than the average
rural resident, and were better off financially in the urban
area than were their rural counterparts.
In 1967, 20 percent of the urban population aged 14 and
over had originated in rural areas (1145). The proportion was
higher among whites than blacks, indicating that there has
not been a disproportionate rural-urban migration of blacks
compared to whites. Data from the Survey of Economic Oppor-
tunity (147, 148, 614, 616) indicate the decreasing importance of
migration in the total population growth of urban areas, since
a larger proportion of the urban population increase in recent
years has come from natural increase rather than migration.
The age distribution of black rural-urban migrants does
not differ significantly from that of white rural-urban mi-
grants. The similarity of the effects of black and white migra-
tion on the urban population is reflected in the fact that, of the
urban population 17 to 29 years of age in 1967, 14.2 percent
were rural-urban migrants, and this percentage was exactly
the same for blacks and whites. In the urban population 50
years of age and over, 33 percent of the black population and
26 percent of the white population were rural-urban migrants.
The fact that these figures are higher than those for the 17-29
age group again reflects the decreasing importance of migra-


tion from rural areas on urban growth. The slightly higher
figure for blacks aged 50 and over indicates that in earlier
years migration was relatively more important in the growth
of the urban black population than it was in the growth of the
urban white population. This was primarily because of the
relatively small number of blacks in urban areas and their
concentration in rural areas at the time.
Most rural-urban migrants are white because most of the
population is white, and whites also are more migratory than
blacks. However, migration results in greater redistribution of
the black population because the counterstreams of migration
are generally smaller among blacks (293, 296, 776). Therefore,
migration has an important effect on the increase in the black
population of metropolitan centers outside the South. At the
present time, however, most of the population increase of
blacks in metropolitan areas is the result of natural increase
rather than migration (67, 642, 1063, 1181). The tremendous
reduction in the absolute size of the rural-farm population
makes it inevitable that the volume of rural-urban migration
will decline in the future, although it is still of significant
proportions. There are no figures on the annual amount of
rural-urban migration, although there are estimates of net
migration by decades for rural and urban areas, and estimates
of net annual off-farm migration by 5-year periods (1142).

Educational Achievement
Despite the fact that rural-urban migrants in general are
better educated than the people left behind in the rural areas,
they are moving into areas where the levels of education are
higher. Survey of Economic Opportunity (71) data indicate that
rural-urban migrants' levels of education are similar to those
of nonmigrant urban residents. All rural-urban migrants 17
years of age and over had a median of 11.8 years of school
completed, or nearly as much as the 12.0 years of school
completed by urban nonmigrants. For the white population,
the rural-urban migrants had exactly the same level of educa-
tion as did the urban nonmigrants, so they should not be
considered disadvantaged in terms of number of years of
school completed. (Quality of education is another matter
discussed later.)
Interregional rural-urban migration from the rural South
to urban areas outside the South shows a somewhat different
picture. For example, white interregional rural-urban mi-
grants 17 years of age and over had completed 9.6 years of


school, compared to 11.1 years of school completed by nonmi-
grant urban residents outside the South (71). However, much
of this difference is a consequence of the age distribution of the
population classified as "interregional rural-urban migrants."
Anyone living in an urban area in 1967 who lived in a rural
area at age 16 was classed as a rural-urban migrant, regard-
less of present age or age at migration. The educational
disadvantage of white interregional migrants increases with
increasing age. For those rural-urban migrants from the South
who were 17-29 years of age, the median educational level was
11.1 years, or only 0.3 year lower than the educational level of
urban nonmigrants outside the South. For those aged 30-49,
the educational level of both groups is lower and the difference
is greater, the migrants on the average having 0.7 year less
education. For those 50 and over, the educational levels are
still lower, and the migrants are 1.1 years behind the nonmi-
grants in median educational attainment. If we assume that
all individuals migrated at approximately the same age, these
differences could have resulted from the increasing educa-
tional selectivity of rural-urban migration and/or the improv-
ing educational levels in the South.
A comparison of black rural-urban migrants with the
urban black nonmigrant population shows that migrants have
1.7 years less education on the average than do the urban
nonmigrants. This comparison poses the same problems in age
distribution that were discussed regarding whites. Also, we
usually think of black rural-urban migrants as moving out of
the South. Using the Survey of Economic Opportunity defini-
tion of rural-urban migrants, approximately one-half of the
black rural-urban migrants are in southern areas. There is
some evidence that black rural-urban migrants in recent years
have gone disproportionately out of the South (6, 269, 855, 903).
Blacks moving to urban areas out of the South have 2.0 years
less education than the nonmigrant urban population, but
black rural-urban migrants 17-29 years of age have 0.3 year
more education than nonmigrant blacks in urban areas outside
the South. This group of black migrants has a median of 11.1
years of schooling-exactly the same as that of white rural-
urban migrants out of the South. The rural-urban black mi-
grants 30-49 years of age have only 8.6 years of education on
the average, 2.0 years less than nonmigrant blacks of the same
age in urban areas outside the South. Since most of this older
group migrated some years ago, the educational gap between
black migrants and nonmigrants in urban areas outside the


South has been decreasing and has now disappeared or re-
versed. This could be the result of the increasing educational
selectivity of rural-urban migration and/or improving levels of
education in the South. We can conclude that recent rural-
urban migrants are no longer educationally disadvantaged as
compared to the urban residents they are joining when educa-
tion is measured by years of school completed.

Quality of Education
Young rural-urban migrant blacks had as much education
as did the urban black population they were joining, but there
are serious questions about the quality of the education they
received in the South. Weiss and Williamson (1175, p. 12) have
examined the effects of quality of education on income using
Survey of Economic Opportunity data and assuming that place
of residence at age 16 was the place at which education was
received. They conclude that-
Interregional differences in the quality of black education have relatively
weak effects on earning ability, and thus southern rural blacks suffer no
competitive disadvantage in urban labor markets, North or South; on the
contrary, it appears to be the ghetto-educated black who suffers the
competitive disadvantage. An obvious explanation is that other
features of rural southern origin outweigh the disadvantage of low-
quality formal education there. An implication is that the geographical
shift in population can only improve black incomes by the positive impact
on income from migration and by increasing the number of years of school
completed by migrants' children. Education has a strong and consistent
effect on black incomes for the sample as a whole, and for each age group
in the interaction equation.
Schwarzweller (936) and Shannon and Krass (963) reached
similar conclusions. This does not imply that the quality of
education for blacks in the rural South is equal to that of the
urban North, but that the black rural-urban migrant is not
economically disadvantaged by what is probably a poorer

Females leaving rural areas for cities have appreciably
lower fertility than do those remaining in rural areas. When
compared with urban females of urban origin (148), migrants
show similar fertility patterns. Black female migrants aged 35-
44 had slightly lower numbers of children ever born per 1,000
females than did black urban females. Among whites, the
migrants had slightly higher fertility rates. Most studies,


using data older than those of the Survey of Economic Oppor-
tunity, have found the fertility of black rural-urban migrants
to be between that of the rural and urban areas. The differ-
ences could be due to changes over time or to differences in
definition of rural-urban migrants. Regardless of the causes of
the disparity in findings, in fertility, as in education and
income, the black inmigrants resemble the urban population
more closely than do the white migrants.
It would be helpful to know more about the differences
between rural-farm and rural-nonfarm migrants in compari-
son with urban natives. While some studies indicate the same
general findings for farm migrants as for all rural-urban
migrants, few researchers have distinguished the two compo-
nents of the rural-urban migrant groups and presented compa-
rable data. Some studies have classified migrants by size of
place of origin, but comparable categories are rarely used.

We next turn to the question of how migrants do finan-
cially compared to urban residents. Again, the most complete
information is provided by data from the 1967 Survey of
Economic Opportunity (67, 71, 148, 878). Of all individuals
classed as rural-urban migrants by the Survey of Economic
Opportunity, whites had a median income of $7,855, and blacks,
$5,116. In the urban population of urban origin, whites had a
median income of $8,557, and blacks, $5,105. The most striking
point here is that black rural-urban migrants had a slightly
higher income than did the urban blacks of urban origin. The
difference is not statistically significant, but indicates that, in
general, the rural-urban black migrants are doing as well
financially as the urban blacks of urban origin. Both black
groups had considerably lower income levels than whites, but
being black with a rural background is no more of a handicap
in an urban area than is just being black.
The white rural-urban migrants do not have as high a
median income as do white urban residents of urban origin. In
no age group of rural-urban white males is the family income
higher than that of similarly aged urban-of-urban-origin males
(71). The difference is least among those white families with
male heads 30-49 years of age. The income for rural-urban
migrants is $9,500, only $400 below that of similar urban
residents of urban origin. Among blacks, the families with
male heads under 30 years of age have higher incomes than do
those urban families whose male head is of urban origin.


Among black families with a male head 30-49 years of age, the
rural-urban migrants have a $300 lower median income than
those who are urban of urban origin. These figures support the
earlier statement that, for blacks in an urban area, having a
rural background does not add further to the disadvantage of
being black. Whites, however, are disadvantaged by the rural
background, although they tend to overcome some of this
disadvantage after several years' residence in the urban area
For families with female heads, the picture is slightly
different. Such families have incomes only about half that of
male-headed families to start with. Among whites, families
with a female head who is a rural-urban migrant have higher
incomes than urban families with a female head of urban
origin, except where the female head is 50 or more years of
age. Among blacks, only those rural-urban female-headed
households where the head is under 30 years of age have
higher incomes than similar urban households. In other words,
among blacks, households in which the head is a rural-urban
migrant under 30 years of age tend to have higher incomes
than similar urban households, regardless of whether the head
is male or female. Among whites, households headed by female
rural-urban migrants apparently are not disadvantaged finan-
cially relative to urban female-headed households (71).

Findings on unemployment levels among migrants in com-
parison to urban natives are nearly unanimous in showing
that migrants are more likely to be unemployed. Peterson and
Sharp (823) and Lansing and Mueller (606) found that migrant
blacks had higher rates of unemployment, and Fried (336)
found the highest rates of unemployment among black-male
migrants arriving before age 18, but even those who arrived at
older ages had higher rates of unemployment than did the
native urban population. Although Beale, Hudson, and Banks
(70) did not find unemployment levels higher in general among
migrants from farms, they did find higher unemployment rates
among migrants at the young adult ages.

Poverty and Welfare
The proportions of the population in poverty are consistent
with the income distributions discussed earlier. White rural-
urban migrants have slightly higher proportions in poverty


than have the white urban population of urban origin (67, 148).
The picture for blacks is mixed (148), with some categories of
black rural-urban migrants having higher proportions in pov-
erty than their urban counterparts, while other categories
have lower proportions in poverty. However, the proportions in
general are similar to those of urban blacks (148).
Since not all people in poverty receive welfare assistance,
especially in rural areas, the patterns of receipt of welfare are
similar, but not identical, to the patterns of poverty. Among
white families whose heads are rural-urban migrants, 4.0
percent received some form of welfare assistance as of 1967
(148). Only 2.3 percent of white families whose heads are urban
of urban origin received welfare assistance. Among black
families whose heads are rural-urban migrants, 17.3 percent
received welfare assistance as compared to 15.6 percent of
urban black families whose heads are of urban origin. Similar
patterns exist for unrelated individuals. Fried (336) found
similar proportions of black migrants and nonmigrants receiv-
ing welfare, and Struening, Rabkin, and Harris (1041) found
that black migrants do not end up on welfare roles more
frequently than permanent residents.

Social Adjustment
In addition to considering the economic adjustments of
migrants and their effects on urban areas, it is important to
consider their social adjustments. It is difficult to separate
economic and noneconomic factors, and the migrants' identifi-
cation with the city is based on how well they are doing both
economically and socially (1199). Where economic advance is
clearly evident for migrants, satisfaction with (and adjustment
to) the move is nearly unanimous (823). While there is substan-
tial evidence that length of time in the city is probably the
most important factor in adjustment (606, 795, 878, 1181), there
are other intervening factors important for the recent mi-
One of the better established findings regarding rural-
urban migration is that most migrants have friends and/or
relatives in the urban area to which they are moving (6, 115,
176, 648, 676, 855, 903, 943, 1088, 1098). While the function of
relatives and friends may vary from one class or ethnic group
of migrants to another, their influence on the adjustment of
newcomers is crucial.
Many researchers find that friends and relatives in distant
cities are the primary if not sole source of information about


the cities. Hostility of the new community is not as significant
as isolation from friends and relatives in the adjustment
process for migrants (520), and the presence of friends and
relatives in the city is more important for adjustment than
rural or urban background (897). Kin may be more psychologi-
cally supportive than functionally effective and many re-
searchers point to their "cushion" and "haven of safety"
The presence of friends and relatives militates against the
migrant's feeling disheartened, depressed, or pessimistic (897)
by providing temporary housing, giving job leads and informa-
tion, and by helping newcomers find their way around the city.
A very high percentage of all rural-urban migrants spend their
first night in the urban area with friends and relatives (336,
823, 855), yet the kin-friend network may also retard the
migrant's development of new community contacts and partici-
pation in the wider society (897).
Social participation, frequently viewed as an indication of
adjustment to urban life, has been examined by many studies,
but each has used a different measure. Yet there is general
agreement that rural-urban migrants participate less in volun-
tary associations than do urban nonmigrants (111, 369, 530,
969, 1297, 1327). Migrants' levels of social participation are
lower, but they seem more likely to hold leadership positions in
the organizations to which they do belong (111, 1297). Several
studies (531, 897, 1098) indicate a higher interaction with kin
among migrants and suggest the hypothesis that migrants
with extensive kin may participate in organizations less be-
cause the kin, while aiding in adjustment, actually function as
a barrier to integration in the city. Holt (503) hypothesized
that the growth of Holiness churches in urban areas is a
consequence of the isolation and insecurity of rural-urban
migrants. Dynes (286) did not find support for this hypothesis,
and Cunningham (254) and Jitodai (530) found reduced church
attendance among migrants. Jitodai indicated that the church
does not perform the same function in urban as in rural areas,
and therefore is not used by migrants in the process of
adjustment to urban life.
The involvement of migrants in crime is another indication
of their adjustment to urban living and an important aspect of
their impact on the urban area. Three studies of blacks (572,
921, 1095) found that inmigrants had lower rates of crime and
delinquency than did resident nonmigrants. One of these (Kin-
man and Lee, 572), while showing that prison commitments for


migrants were 20 percent less than for nonmigrants, indicates
that the prison commitments for white migrants were 33
percent higher than for white nonmigrants after adjustment
for age differences.

Mental Health
The relative differences between migrants and nonmi-
grants in urban areas in regard to mental health have been
studied extensively without firm agreement on conclusions.
Most studies have found higher rates of mental hospital admis-
sions among rural-urban migrants (619, 671, 758, 1041), but
some (581, 583, 641) have found higher rates among urban
residents. Fried (336) found self-reported incidence of moder-
ate-to-severe emotional difficulties more frequent among mi-
grant than among nonmigrant black residents in Boston.
However, Sanua (920) feels that statistics on admissions to
mental hospitals are too crude to study the mental health of
migrants. Fabrega (301) points to cultural differences in the
diagnosis of type and severity of illness, with negative conse-
quences for Mexican Americans in particular. Bagley (34)
found a decrease in diagnosed mental illness among blacks
with increased length of time in the city. Breed (164), in
studying the effects of migration on suicide, found variations
by sex, race, duration of residence, and the difference between
lifestyles in the old and new community. These findings are
consistent with the idea that joining a "colony" of individuals
like oneself reduces the probability of mental illness. There are
not enough data to verify the theory, but there is some
evidence in its support and logic in the idea that the psycholog-
ical support function provided by kin does much to prevent
isolation and subsequent trauma (116, 164, 176, 285, 520, 945,
946, 1029).

Effects on Urban Areas
There is much disagreement in the literature about the
total effects of rural-urban migration on urban areas, but the
references cited previously indicate that the effects are not so
negative as have frequently been presumed. Using national
data from the Survey of Economic Opportunity, Bacon (31, 33)
found that ". poor rural-urban, South-North migrants of
both races constitute a minority of poor persons in Northern
ghettos and slums of cities." Therefore, central-city conditions
must not be "blamed" on migrants from the rural South.


Rural-urban migration provides an urban area with additions
to its labor force that have cost it nothing to rear and educate.
Crowley (252) has estimated the cost to cities per inmi-
grant based on expenditures for highways, education, public
health, social security, and so on (welfare costs are not speci-
fied), per person by income category, as well as on tax income
from each person by income category. He estimates a national
median cost to urban areas of approximately $72 per inmi-
grant, with a variation from $12 to $300 among cities. He
discussed some questionable assumptions of the study and
concedes ". that those who impose a cost in 1960 may be of
net benefit in later years." If Crowley is correct that each
inmigrant costs a city so much money, and if Bryant and
Wilber (188) are correct that between 1950 and 1960 outmigra-
tion cost Mississippi $700 million a year, then the process of
migration is costing the United States a great deal of money at
both ends of the line. However, the evidence shows that the
incomes almost invariably improve with rural-urban migra-
The fallacy or inconsistency lies in the fact that Crowley
did not consider gains and costs over time, nor did he consider
the private sector of the economy, and Bryant and Wilber
assumed that had the migrants not moved they could have
been economically employed. Given the total situation, we
conclude that the individuals themselves are better off, and
that the area of outmigration is frequently relieved of surplus
population, with the result that the remaining individuals are
better off. While the inmigrant may well cost the city govern-
ment some sort of cash expenditure, this will be more than
repaid through the payment of taxes if the migrant does not
stay in poverty. Migration (labor mobility) is the major factor
in adjusting the geographic variations in economic opportu-
nity. Petersen and Sharp (824, p. 261) report in the conclusion
of their study in Cleveland, "We find little in these data to
nourish the lingering notion that the arrival of Southern
migrants per se signals the imminence of additional drains on
government budgets ."

The adjustment of migrants to urban living is a difficult
concept to analyze because the definition of adjustment varies
from one culture and situation to another. A migrant may be
well adjusted to the smaller group of which he is a part but


may not be at all integrated into the broader community. Only
when lack of adjustment leads to economic difficulties, mental
illness, crime, or other problems do we have any objective
criteria of lack of adjustment. The one conclusion that can be
drawn from studies of the adjustment of rural-urban migrants
is that there is no consistent pattern of failure of migrants to
adjust to urban living and, thus, to pose problems for the
urban areas in which they live.

Chapter 5

Return Migration

Many individuals who leave rural areas for urban areas
later return, and many migrants from southern rural areas to
the North eventually return to the South. However difficult to
quantify, such return movement should be considered concep-
tually as part of the rural-urban migration process in order to
assess the magnitude and characteristics of the net or effec-
tive migration into urban areas. One of the early generaliza-
tions about migration made by Ravenstein in 1889 (1084, p.
230) was, "Each main current of migration produces a compen-
sating countercurrent." The relative size of each of these
return streams varies from place to place, from year to year,
from one age group to another, and from one ethnic group to
another. The absolute sizes of these streams are unknown in
most situations because most data collection procedures obtain
data on some sort of net movement.

Age, Education, Employment, and Dependency

Eldridge (293, 296) has hypothesized that the age distribu-
tion of return migrants has a peak at an older age than the age
distribution of initial migrants, and that the age peak for
return migrants is less sharp than is the age peak for initial
migrants. She also posits that in the two opposite streams of
migration between two points, returnees will make up a more
important proportion of the smaller stream. Fink (313) exam-
ined the characteristics of nonwhite migration into the South
between 1935 and 1940, but the data did not permit separation
of returnees from initial migrants.
Hathaway (1133, p. 9) has suggested that there is a high
rate of return to farm employment: ". .each year there
appear to be about 90 percent as many people who move back
into farm employment as move out of it." But, as Beale points
out (1133, p. 12), these figures are almost certainly the result of
the inadequacies of the Social Security data which Hathaway


was using. (Only people covered by Social Security were in-
The Survey of Economic Opportunity data (614, 616) indi-
cate that in 1967 there were 8.3 million people living in rural
areas who had been living in urban areas at age 16, as
compared with more than 18.1 million people living in urban
areas who had been living in rural areas at age 16. ("Rural"
includes rural nonfarm as well as rural farm.) Approximately
11 percent of the rural-urban migrants but less than 4 percent
of the urban-rural migrants were Negro; i.e., blacks were far
less likely than whites to move from urban to rural areas. This
resulted in a higher net migration of blacks into urban areas
relative to the total number of moves made. Approximately 53
percent of the migrants were female, regardless of color or
destination. Hamilton (427) noted in 1964 that there is very
little black remigration to the South, but among whites there
is a tendency for older people to return to the South. He
reported in 1970 (433) an increasing return movement of better
educated adults 45 years of age and older. Whites are more
likely than blacks to be considering a return to the origin area
(6, 823).
Data from the Survey of Economic Opportunity (614, 616)
show that among whites, 46 percent of the rural-urban mi-
grants as compared with 29 percent of urban-rural migrants
were 50 or more years of age; i.e., the urban-rural migrants
were less concentrated at ages above 50. The fact that whites
who had moved to rural areas were younger than whites who
had moved to urban areas suggests that some of the movement
was to suburban rural-nonfarm areas. Among blacks the pro-
portion of rural-urban migrants was slightly lower than that
for whites. The age differences between rural-urban and ur-
ban-rural migrant blacks were not significant because of the
small differences in percentages and the small size of sample.
In Mississippi between 1950 and 1960 the dependency ratio in
the rural population increased partly as a result of the inmi-
gration of retirement-aged persons (189). However, the propor-
tion of these who were returnees could not be ascertained.

Reasons for Returning

Among return migrants to Appalachia the returnees were
older, tended to have smaller households, to live with relatives
and parents, and to be either unsuccessful or very successful,
including in their numbers high proportions of both unskilled


workers and professionals. They saw Appalachia as "a place to
be happy without money" (837). Return migrants to depressed
areas of eastern Kentucky had returned because they had
been able to find only marginal employment in the city-30
percent had been laid off their jobs, and 50 percent were
dissatisfied with the urban area (917, 918). Mueller and Barth
(749) found that most of the migration into depressed areas
was return migration. For example, migration to the Big
Sandy area of east Kentucky in response to the opening of a
new plant showed a high proportion of the new employees to be
return migrants who had left urban areas and accepted wage
cuts to return to the rural area. Many local people were still
unemployed (1221). Bender, Green, and Campbell (85, 86) also
make the point that at times inmigration and return migration
help perpetuate rural poverty because returnees, by age, edu-
cation, and experience, take jobs that might have relieved the
poverty of rural residents already in the area.
Mexican American returnees to New Mexico in 1958 "...
tended to be found in the lower middle ranges of the status,
class and power orders of the community" (321). Examination
of data presented by Reagan and Maynard (868, 870) shows
that Mexican American labor-mobility-project dropouts who
returned to the rural area, as compared to those who stayed on
the job, were younger, less well educated, and had more
children. Among whites in Butler County, Ky., 60 percent of
the rural residents interviewed had lived in an urban area at
one time or another. They preferred living in the rural area,
wanted to bring up their families there, and, having left to find
work, returned when they were able to get employment in one
of the small industries that had located in the area (855).
If returnees are disproportionately made up of those who
did not "make it" in urban areas, then the characteristics of
rural-urban migrants observed in urban areas are the char-
acteristics of the more successful migrants. This is one possible
explanation for the findings discussed in chapter 4 that indi-
cate that young rural-urban black migrants earn more than
similar urban nonmigrants. It is also a possible explanation for
the finding that earnings of migrants increase with increased
time in the city. Those earning less may drop out and return to
the rural area.

Firm findings on returnees are fragmentary, but the pre-
vious references suggest that whites are more likely to return


to rural areas than are blacks, that black returnees seem to be
those who did not succeed in urban areas, and that, frequently,
white returnees to rural areas perpetuate rural poverty by
taking up jobs originally developed to relieve rural poverty.
The subject of return migration to rural areas needs much
additional research, and a comparison of return migrants,
initial migrants, rural population, and nonreturning migrants
would shed light on the dynamics of migration. There is
considerable evidence, as cited above, that the characteristics
of returnees vary among ethnic groups.

Chapter 6

Needed Research

The preceding chapters obviously cannot summarize the
findings of all the research cited in the bibliography that
follows. However, this synthesis does indicate the present
status of research on rural-urban migration. The demographer
planning research should utilize the index, the annotations,
and the original research reports.
Despite the volume of research represented by the anno-
tated bibliography, there are still gaps in our understanding of
rural-urban migration. Some of the more important areas in
which research is needed are listed below without comment,
since most of them have been mentioned in earlier parts of this
1. Differences between migrants and nonmigrants in mo-
tivation, or need achievement, prior to migration.
2. Factors which make for a strong identification with an
area and an unwillingness to migrate despite eco-
nomic advantages.
3. The decisionmaking process of both migration and the
selection of a destination.
4. Income in the rural area prior to migration and its
relationship to rates of outmigration.
5. The physical and mental health of migrants compared
to urban nonmigrants.
6. The effects of regional location and size of city on
income of rural-urban migrants.
7. The relationship between migrant and nonmigrant
income differentials and the number of wage earn-
ers in the family.
8. Differences between rural-farm and rural-nonfarm mi-
grants to urban areas in comparison with urban
9. Knowledge of the characteristics and motivations of
returnees, nonreturnees to rural areas compared to
initial migrants, nonreturnees, and rural nonmi-


10. The effects of outmigration on the structure and serv-
ices of rural communities.
11. Effects of migration on family structure.
12. Comparison of urban-born children of rural-urban mi-
grants with urban-born children of urban nonmi-
grants and urban-urban migrants.

Part II

Annotated Bibliography

1. ABLON, JOAN. "American Indian Relocation: Problems of Dependency
and Management in the City." Phylon, 26 (Winter 1965), 362-371.
The relocation programs of the Bureau of Indian Affairs began in
1952. Generally, relocatees from various tribes come from backgrounds
of all-Indian schools with little vocational training. Earlier relocatees
who were veterans found their training in the Armed Forces useless.
The prime motivation for relocation is the desire to find secure
employment, but personal and family problems also figure promi-
nently. While Indians expect and experience frequent layoffs from city
jobs, they value any job if it provides security, a fact which seems to
be important in their retention of jobs. Although relocatees tend to
live in working-class neighborhoods, they interact socially only with
other Indians. Their relationships with whites are characterized by
ambivalence and are almost never equalitarian. Their cultural pat-
tern of sharing exacerbates their economic problems. Ablon feels that
if jobs on reservations were available, over 75 percent of relocatees
would return. Although returns can be precipitated by the slightest
cause, important impetuses are layoff, illness or death, medical bills,
and acute homesickness. Indians' biggest survival problem is that
they learn skills only superficially and lack understanding of instru-
mental Anglo values. Successful Indian relocatees conform to white
economic standards and find houses and extra jobs on their own, but
seem to have white values "superimposed" on them. Ablon describes
these Indians as an "urban neo-Indian" type who is economically
successful yet has full awareness of Indian identity.
2. "Relocated American Indians in the San Francisco Bay Area:
Concepts of Acculturation, Success and Identity in the City." Unpub-
lished doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago, 1963.
3. "Relocated American Indians in the San Francisco Bay Area:
Social Interaction and Indian Identity." Human Organization, 23(4)
(Winter 1964), 296-304.
This study evaluates the dependency, rejection, discrimination, so-
cial problems, and Bureau of Indian Affairs' (BIA's) practices charac-
terizing the history of Indian-white relations. Data described were


obtained from 34 families and individuals among relocatees of the
BIA's 1954-55 Voluntary Relocation Program and from 19 others
including five self-relocatees who came after 1955. Ablon found little
aspiration for social mobility and no American Indians whom she
considered assimilated. Indians of various tribes prefer to associate
with other Indians, usually relatives. Only those in the city for a very
long period have any well-developed relationships with whites. Al-
though Indians often fear rejection, hostility, or dependency in inter-
actions with whites, the exclusion of Anglos from formal and informal
relations is usually the result of a positive awareness of Indianness.
While this awareness aids the maintenance of pan-Indian activities,
Indian organizations are characterized by group participation in
planning; authoritarian leadership and organized preplanning for
activities are absent. Most of the identified Indian organizations were
"Indian companionship types," usually oriented toward religion or
sports. However, "less than one-sixth of the adult Indians are effec-
tively touched by the activities."
4. --. "Retention of Cultural Values and Differential Urban Adapta-
tion: Samoans and American Indians in a West Coast City." Social
Forces, 49(3) (Mar. 1971), 385-393.
5. ABRAMSON, J. H. "Emotional Disorder, Status Inconsistency and Migra-
tion." Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, 44(1) (Jan. 1966), 23-48.
*6. ABT ASSOCIATES, INC. The Causes of Rural-to-Urban Migration among
the Poor. Final report submitted to Office of Economic Opportunity,
OEO Contract B99-4841. Cambridge, Mass.: Abt Associates, Inc., 1970.
It was found that about twice as many rural as urban respondents
(more than 50 percent vs. 17-24 percent) had incomes of less than
$3,000 per year. Blacks seemed to have made the largest relative gains
in income simply because they started out in the worst position;
Mexican Americans made the smallest gains. The authors accept the
idea that the flow of blacks out of the South has decreased. Migrants
to the smaller regional cities seemed to have been propelled by weaker
versions of the same forces that motivated the longer distance mov-
ers: employment dislocation and life-cycle changes. Blacks more fre-
quently than whites gave the excitement and social life of the city as a
reason for moving and were less likely to have made intermediate
stops. Economic factors were considerably more important for the
migrants to big cities; they were more likely to have been unemployed
in the rural areas, and they tended to be much younger than those
who chose within-region destinations. Those who moved tended to be
younger and better educated. However, with age controlled, nonmi-
grants were better educated than migrants. (This finding is contrary
to most other studies and to census data on migration.) Whites are
more likely than blacks to return to the area from which they
migrated. About half of the returnees went back to the "rural" area
because they were homesick. Other reasons were ill health, poor city
housing conditions, superiority of country environment for children,
and availability of definite jobs. Those who returned for housing,
educational, or family reasons were more likely to consider a return to
the city than were those with negative psychological feelings about the
city. Ownership of property in the rural area was found to be a barrier
to future mobility. It would appear that most returns to the rural area


were voluntary. While 17 percent of black, 32 percent of white, and 26
percent of Mexican American returnees went back for economic
reasons, there was no way to determine who were "failures" and who
were returning in response to job offers or news of jobs. At the time of
move, migrants were more likely to have been unemployed than were
those who did not move. Among all three ethnic groups, those who had
received benefits from training or poverty programs in the rural area
were less likely to have migrated. The study found no evidence that
migrants moved because of the expectation of higher welfare pay-
ments in the city and concludes that income maintenance programs
will not cause people to migrate. The authors recommend provision of
better information to rural dwellers concerning potential migration
destinations and efforts to redirect migration to points closer to areas
of origin.
This study utilized no rigid definition of poverty, and the "under
25,000" population used to define a rural area limits comparability
with other studies and may account for the high proportion of return-
ees to "rural" areas. Interviewing was conducted in two destination
cities and eight origin counties for each of the black, white, and
Mexican American migration streams. County names were obtained
from urban respondents. Three hundred each of urban and rural
interviews were obtained from each ethnic stream, for a total sample
of 1,800, including a disproportionate number of people living in
sparsely settled areas. In using multiple regression analysis, the
authors failed to consider the effect of varying numbers of independ-
ent variables in alternative models. Contradictory findings are given
as to whether "push" or "pull" forces were the major factors in the
outmigration observed. Income and age comparisons between mi-
grants and nonmigrants do not refer to the same time points; age was
not used as a control at some crucial points of comparison between
migrants and nonmigrants; and migrant and nonmigrant responses
frequently were lumped together when comparisons of findings were
made between ethnic groups.

and Rural America: Policies for Future Growth. Washington, D.C.:
U.S. Government Printing Office, 1968.
The section on the dynamics of mobility and migration relies heavily
on census data and on work completed at the Survey Research Center
of the University of Michigan in 1967 for the period 1957-63. Subsec-
tions discuss patterns of movement, migration and urban concentra-
tion, causes of mobility, the process of moving, and mobility of the
poor. See 606.

the Soil. University, Ala.: University of Alabama, Business Research
Council, 1958.
Includes changes in size of farms, land use, tenant farming, farm
labor force, mechanization, levels-of-living, income, and migration to
the city.
9. ALFRED, V. M. "Blood Pressure Changes Among Male Navajo Migrants
to an Urban Environment." Canadaian Review of Sociology and
Anthropology, 7(3) (Aug. 1970), 189-200.


Alfred found systolic and diastolic blood pressures significantly
higher among a sample of male Navajos after their migration to the
city. He ascribes these changes to altered rest patterns, separation
from relatives, and urban pollution, and not to changes in altitude,
age, or saturated fat intake.

10. ALLEN, JOHN H., ROY C. BUCK, and ANNA T. WINK. Pulling Up Stakes
and Breaking Apron Strings. Progress Report 136. University Park,
Pa.: Pennsylvania State University, Agricultural Experiment Station,

11. ALMON, CLOPPER, JR. "Origins and Relation to Agriculture of Industrial
Workers in Kingsport, Tennessee." Journal of Farm Economics, 38
(Aug. 1956), 828-836.
In two large manufacturing plants in this predominantly agricul-
tural area, Almon found no differences in work records between
persons with farm and industrial experience or between farm and
nonfarm background.

12. ANDERSON, ALBERT F. "Theoretical Considerations in the Analysis of
Migration." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Iowa State University,
Using census data, Anderson tests several hypotheses about migra-
tion within a theoretical framework which includes considerations of
cohesion, deprivation, role ambiguity, and achievement. He explains
intra-lowa county variations in net migration for 1950-60 on the basis
of this theory and explores whether there are other types of adapta-
tion to deprivation which function in lieu of migration. Significant
correlations from the analysis generally support the hypotheses.
13. ANDERSON, ANTON J. Changes in Farm Population and Rural Life in
Four North Dakota Counties. Bulletin 375. Fargo, N. Dak.: North
Dakota State University, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1952.
Covers the period 1930-45.

14. ANDERSON, C. S. Young Men 10 Years After Leaving Pennsylvania Rural
High Schools: An Analysis of High School Records and Vocational
Choices and the Adult Experiences of 586 Young Men. Bulletin 468.
University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University, Agricultural
Experiment Station, 1944.
While over one-third of the male sample group had moved from their
home communities, only about one in five were working in occupations
they originally had planned to enter.

15. ANDERSON, WALFRED A. Bibliography of Researches in Rural Sociology.
Rural Sociology Publication 52. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, Agri-
cultural Experiment Station, 1957.

16. The Characteristics of the New York State Population. Bulletin
925. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, Agricultural Experiment Sta-
tion, 1958.
Analysis of 1900-50 census data of the New York State population
revealed that the rural-nonfarm population was the most mobile of
the State's population groups; inmigrants came predominately from
New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and the major portion of the State's


loss in population was not the result of heavy outmigration from the
farm population.
17. "How New York State Population Increased: 1940 to 1950."
Mimeograph Bulletin 44. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, Agricul-
tural Experiment Station, 1954.
Estimates of net migration for New York's total, urban, and rural
populations, counties and State economic areas were derived from
vital statistics.
18. Population Change in Vermont, 1900 to 1950. Bulletin 585.
Burlington, Vt.: University of Vermont, Agricultural Experiment Sta-
tion, 1955.
The Vermont farm population decreased 25 percent from 1940 to
1950; other figures are given for State economic areas and counties.

19. Population Trends in New York State 1900 to 1950. Rural Sociol-
ogy Publication 47. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, Agricultural
Experiment Station, 1956.

20. Rural Youth in Low Income Agricultural Areas. Bulletin 809.
Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, Agricultural Experiment Station,
Outmigration of young people was more prevalent from low-income
than from high-income areas, but age, education, and occupation were
not used as controls in the analysis.

21. ANDREWS, HENRY L. "A Descriptive and Analytical Study of Population
Redistribution in Alabama, 1930 to 1950." Dissertation Abstracts, 13
(1953), 1289-1290.
Areas of population loss due to heavy outmigration were character-
ized by high fertility, mechanization, technological changes, and low
22. ANDREWS, WADE H. "Farm People and the Changing Population of
Ohio." Ohio Farm Bureau News, 34(6) (Jan. 1955), 35, 37.
23. and J. ROSS ESHLEMAN. The New Community: Characteristics of
Migrant and Non-Migrant Residents in the Rural Fringe of a Metropol-
itan Area in Ohio. Research Bulletin 929. Wooster, Ohio: Ohio Agricul-
tural Experiment Station, 1963.
24. and JOSEPH SARDO. Migration and Migrants from Sedgwick
County, Colorado. Technical Bulletin 82. Fort Collins, Colo.: Colorado
State University, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1965.
25. and EMILY WESTERKAMM. Rural-Urban Population Change and
Migration in Ohio, 1940-50. Bulletin 737. Wooster, Ohio: Ohio Agricul-
tural Experiment Station, 1953.
26. APPLEYARD, R. T. "Determinants of Return Migration." The Economic
Record, 38 (Sept. 1962), 352-368.
This study's focus is on return migrants to Great Britain from
Australia, but its findings on the noneconomic reasons that migrants
gave for return parallel those from studies of migrants who return to
rural areas in the United States. In general, the decision to return
home was economically irrational. Homesickness was an important
factor, but few returnees experienced the return they envisioned.


Their nostalgia on return was demolished, some became annoyed very
quickly by the folkways of home, and many thought about or were
planning a move back to their original emigration destination.

27. ASKIN, A. BRADLEY. "An Economic Analysis of Black Migration." Un-
published doctoral dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technol-
ogy, 1970.
This dissertation examines the causes, patterns, and consequences
of black migration by itself and in relation to migration in general
within an econometric approach. Black mobility patterns are signifi-
cantly related to a number of factors but differ significantly from
migration patterns in general, and also from those between the North
and South. Black migration has significant effects on urbanization for
all definitions of migration analyzed and on income for a portion of the
definitions, and larger urbanization and income effects than migra-
tion in general for all the definitions. The larger impacts are traced
back to the disproportionate number of blacks living in and migrating
from the South.

28. BACHMURA, FRANK T. "Man-Land Equalization through Migration."
American Economic Review, 49 (1959), 1004-1017.
Investigates the role of migration from farms in reducing regional
differentials in agricultural incomes.

29. "Migration and Factor Adjustment in Lower Mississippi Valley
Agriculture." Journal of Farm Economics, 38(4) (Nov. 1956), 1024-1042.
30. BACK, KURT W., and DAVID J. PITTMAN. "Dimensions of Mobility." In
Mobility and Mental Health. Edited by Mildred B. Kantor. Springfield,
Ill.: Charles C Thomas, 1965. Ch. 9, pp. 205-210.
*31. BACON, A. LLOYD. "Migration, Poverty and the Rural South." Social
Forces, 51 (Mar. 1973), 348-355. (See 149 also.)
This paper is one of several resulting from the U.S. Department of
Agriculture-University of Georgia study (149), which used data from
the 1967 Survey of Economic Opportunity. The prevalence of poverty
(with race controlled) is not significantly different between rural
nonmigrants and rural-rural migrants within the South, but is lower
among outmigrants from the South than among nonmigrants in the
South. Prevalence of poverty among white migrants from the rural
South was lower among those moving to other rural areas outside the
South than for those going to rural areas within the South or to urban
areas outside the South. The data base for blacks was too small to
permit comparison. Black but not white rural-urban migrants out of
the South had lower rates of poverty than racial counterpart migrants
within the South. Migrants into the rural South were less likely to be
living in poverty than native Southerners, with race controlled. White
rural-rural migrants into the South did not have a lower incidence of
poverty than white rural-rural migrants within the South. ". .. those
migration streams in opposite directions on both regional and rural-
urban axes were quite similar in poverty composition whether the
movement was into or out of the South."
32. "Migration and Structural Conflict." Unpublished memorandum
prepared for the Southern Land Economics Research Committee,


Agricultural Development Division, Tennessee Valley Authority, Mus-
cle Shoals, Alabama, 1963.
33. "Poverty among Interregional Rural to Urban Migrants," Rural
Sociology, 36(2) (June 1971), 125-140.
Bacon presents some findings from the U.S. Department of Agricul-
ture-University of Georgia study (71), which used data from the 1967
Survey of Economic Opportunity. Analyses of geographic movements
were restricted to the four major census regions. Interregional mi-
grants from the rural South to the urban North were found to have
intermediate levels of poverty between those of sending and receiving
populations. Poor rural-urban South-North migrants of both races
constituted a minority of poor persons in Northern ghettos and slums;
likewise, the incidence of poverty in the South was in no way related
to the inmigration of rural-urban North-South poor whites and blacks.
Rural-urban North-South migrants were considerably better off than
both sending and receiving populations.
34. BAGLEY, CHRISTOPHER. "Migration, Race, and Mental Health: A Review
of Some Recent Research." Race, 9(3) (1968), 343-356.
Focuses on Mertonian "anomie" as a cause of delinquency and
explores the question of whether migrants affected by such anomie
are more prone to delinquent behavior once they are in the city. Most
of the research reported deals with the mental health, learning
problems, goal striving, and psychiatric treatment experiences of
blacks. Bagley notes the decrease in diagnosed mental illness among
migrants with increased time in the city.

35. BAIRD, ANDREW W., and WILFRID C. BAILEY. Farmers Moving Out of
Agriculture. Sociology and Rural Life Bulletin 568. State College,
Miss.: Mississippi State University, 1958.
Of the 161 farm operators interviewed during a 3-year (1955-58)
study in Alcorn County, Mississippi, 32 percent left farming. The
average annual income of those who left was $679, while that of those
who stayed was $541. Part-time farming may be a step in the transi-
tion to full-time nonfarm employment. Some respondents felt they
would return to farming during periods of unemployment or high farm
prices, while younger men were more likely to leave the community
altogether in seeking permanent nonfarm jobs. The authors note the
changing age structure of the area and the effects of outmigration on
the communities involved.
36. BAKER, O. E. "Rural-Urban Migration and the National Welfare."Annals
of the Association of American Geographers, 23 (June 1935), 59-126.
37. BAKKE, E. WIGHT, and others. Labor Mobility and Economic Opportu-
nity. Cambridge, Mass., and New York: The Technology Press of MIT
and John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1954.
These readings on labor mobility provide general background infor-
mation for those concerned with the economic/occupational aspects of
rural-urban migration.
38. BALL, A. GORDON, and EARL O. HEADY, EDS. Size, Structure and Future
of Farms. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1972.
Fuller and Van Vuuren's chapter focuses on the exodus of farm
operators and their families, intersectoral labor market relations,
technological change and underemployment, farm underemployment


and land value inflation, government programs and factor income
distribution, loss of factor income to labor due to land value inflation,
and on open entry and residuality in farm labor recruitment. Daly,
Dempsey, and Cobb's chapter concerns future farm numbers and sizes.
39. BANAS, CASEY. "Uptown: Mecca for Migrants." Southern Education
Report (Mar. 1969), 10-13.
"Uptown" is a decaying northside Chicago neighborhood where thou-
sands of Appalachian whites have settled in the past 20 years and
about 3,200 Appalachian white children are enrolled in the schools.
The absentee rate of a school with many Appalachian whites is as
high as 14 percent, compared to the city's average of 8 percent. Banas
discusses the severe truancy problem, the parents' distrust of schools,
and officials' attempts to increase parental commitment to their chil-
dren's education.

40. BANG, JAMES S., and others. Population Change and Migration: 1950-
1960. Population Series 1. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin,
College of Agriculture, 1961.
41. BANKS, VERA J. Migration of Farm People: An Annotated Bibliography,
1946-60. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic
Research Service, 1963.
This bibliography of 251 titles was compiled primarily from the
Bibliography of Agriculture, Population Index, Agricultural Index, and
Rural Sociology. It groups annotated citations into general U.S. and
specific regional sections.
42. BATCHELDER, ALLAN B. "Occupational and Geographic Mobility: Two
Ohio Area Case Studies." Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 18
(July 1965), 570-583.
Noting the increasing concern of economists with "class" unemploy-
ment, i.e., among certain occupational, geographic, or demographic
groups, the author believes such unemployment can be decreased by
training programs designed to increase worker mobility. The study
reported on was designed before existing training programs took
effect to measure aptitudes and attitudes of the long-term (26 weeks
or more) unemployed toward occupational and geographic mobility.
About two in five of the respondents (203 men in Youngstown and 91
men in Athens County, Ohio, two dissimilar geographic areas charac-
terized by economic depression) had an aptitude for retraining pro-
grams and were willing to undertake them. Yet aspirations for train-
ing were severely restricted as a result of the respondents' limited
knowledge of alternative industries and occupations. About half of the
willing-and-able respondents had specific occupational skills they
wanted to acquire, and one-fourth of this group had had some other
training. Among all respondents, one-third to two-thirds were willing
to move to other geographic areas if assured of steady employment.
Most of the men "knew as little about geographic as about occupa-
tional alternatives."
43. BAUDER, WARD W. Analysis of Trends in Population, Population Charac-
teristics and Community Life in Southern Iowa. CAEA Report 4.
Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University, College of Agriculture, 1959.
Analysis of 1950 census data for 19 Southern Iowa counties indicates
that heavy outmigration had reduced the population, especially in the


25-30 age group, resulting in a reduction in the crude birth rate and in
relatively lower numbers of children under 10 years of age. Bauder
also explores the effects of outmigration on the rural communities.
44. The Impact of Population Change on Rural Community Life: The
Economic System. Soc. 9. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University, Coopera-
tive Extension Service, 1962.
Greene County is typical of other Iowa and Corn Belt State counties
which have little manufacturing employment, high levels of living,
heavy outmigration, and population decline. Changes in transporta-
tion occurring in Greene County have generally expanded the trade
areas of larger cities at the expense of smaller places, and changes in
goods and services available have increased the demand for certain of
them "even in areas of declining purchasing power." Business commu-
nity members interviewed stated their biggest problem was in provid-
ing more job opportunities at pay rates that would retain talented
youth. Smaller businesses were having trouble attracting customers
since they could not provide the range of goods increasingly de-
manded. Over time, the number of firms in the county had decreased,
and many firms were gradually going out of business. Continuing
declines in farm employment needs and the concomitant necessity for
outmigration will exacerbate existing problems.
45. "When People Move. ." Iowa Farm Science, 19(1)(July 1964), 6-7.
46. -- and LEE G. BURCHINAL. "Adjustment of Rural-Reared Young
Adults in Urban Areas." Mimeographed. Washington, D.C.: National
Committee for Children and Youth, Inc., 1963.
The authors review studies and findings on adjustment in terms of
personality, social participation, and occupation.
47. and "Do Rural People Succeed in the City?" Iowa Farm
Science, 19 (Sept. 1964), 11-13.
Data were obtained from farm-reared and rural-nonfarm-reared
people in Des Moines, Iowa, who had lived on a farm or in a rural area
between the ages of 5 and 19; from Des Moines natives; and from
migrants to Des Moines from other cities. Farm-reared couples, older
and married longer, were found more likely to have lived in a small
town or other city before coming to Des Moines and to have lived in
the largest number of places of different sizes. With age controlled,
the farm-reared men were disadvantaged in getting better jobs and
were older than others in the same occupations. With age and educa-
tion controlled, however, the farm reared were no worse off occupa-
tionally than the urban reared.
48. -- and "Economic Success of Farm Migrants." Iowa Farm
Science, 19 (Oct. 1964), 9-10.
Data from the study noted in the preceding annotation showed that
farm migrants had the lowest status jobs, median income, and educa-
tional attainment, and owned homes of the lowest value. Differences
in income, job status, and property value were greatly diminished
among those younger than 45 and among those with less than a
college education. Time lived in the city could not account for differ-
ences in job status or income. However, there was no difference in job
mobility among groups, suggesting that migrants' initial low position
explains their relative status position at the time of interview. While


farm migrants also had the lowest occupational and educational
aspirations for their children, all respondents' aspirations for their
children were related to their own educational and occupational

49. and Farm Migrants to the City: A Comparison of the
Status, Achievement, Community and Family Relations of Farm Mi-
grants with Urban Migrants and Urban Natives in Des Moines, Iowa.
Bulletin 534. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Eco-
nomic Research Service, and Iowa Agricultural Experiment Station
cooperating, 1965.
Supplies the detailed data of the study whose findings are noted in
the two preceding annotations.

50. -- and ---. "Farm Migrants and Family Aides." Iowa Farm Sci-
ence, 19(9) (Mar. 1965), 10-12.

51. -- and "Occupational Achievement of Rural-to-Urban Mi-
grant Males in Comparison with Two Urban Control Groups." Paper
presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Associ-
ation, St. Louis, Mo., Sept. 1961.

52. --- and JON A. DOERFLINGER. "Progressive Convergence of Rural and
Urban Social Systems as a Factor in the Assimilation of Rural
Migrants to an Urban Environment." Paper presented at the Annual
Meeting of the Rural Sociological Society, Chicago, Ill., Aug. 29, 1965.

53. and WILLIAM F. KENKEL. Effects of Migration on the Open-
Country Population of Iowa, 1950-61. Research Bulletin 536. Ames,
Iowa: Iowa State University, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1965.
The authors undertook a statewide probability sample of 100 open-
country segments involving 457 houses and collected data on the
occupancy history of these houses from occupants and neighbors and
data on all household heads and individuals living in the houses for
1950-61. They found that net outmigration of 204 persons had been
offset by natural increase. The net effects of interstate migration on
the open country were to exchange youth and older families for
families in the preschool-child and school-age-child stages, and to
lower the average age of the population and the average level of
education. There was little effect on the occupational structure, and
the extent of return migration was unknown. The net effects of
intrastate migration were to decrease the entire open-country popula-.
tion and the entire labor force (particularly among farm operators); to
increase the number of households in the early stages of the family
life cycle, to lower the average age of the population, and to slightly
lower the educational level of the population. The net effects of all
migration occurring in this period on the open country were to lower
the average age and the educational level, and to increase the
proportion of younger families and occupational homogeneity. Of all
movers, 69 percent only changed residence. The remaining 31 percent,
who also changed occupation, were younger and more likely to be
single, or to have young families if married, and to be slightly better
educated than the resident population. Farm laborers were the most
mobile of the occupational groups.


54. BAUM, E. L., and EARL O. HEADY. "Some Effects of Selected Policy
Programs on Agricultural Labor Mobility in the South." Southern
Economic Journal, 25 (Jan. 1959), 327-337.
The authors feel that agricultural price and production policies have
encouraged rather than discouraged labor mobility out of agriculture.
They discuss agricultural policy programs which may retard migra-
tion, policies promoting migration, and programs which are presently
inadequate to promote migration. They note that tobacco programs
have kept low-income farms going, while cotton programs have held
some types of labor but have pushed out sharecroppers. Reductions in
both cotton and tobacco allotments have forced out small low-income
farmers. Price and production policies have neither added much
income nor had any effect on the rate of transfer of underemployed
workers to nonfarm jobs. Thus, labor productivity increases resulting
from mechanization or technological changes have increased the rate
of outmigration. The authors believe that improved educational pro-
grams, vocational training, reorientation of employment services, and
changed State/county residence laws for welfare eligibility would
promote the outmigration that must eventually take place.

55. BAUMGARTNER, H. W. "Potential Mobility in Agriculture: Some Reasons
for the Existence of a Labor-Transfer Problem." Journal of Farm
Economics, 47 (Feb. 1965), 74-82.
Most of those leaving agriculture are young, but many farmers stay
despite declining prices, income, and productivity. To isolate factors
involved in the problem of labor transfer out of agriculture, Baum-
gartner hypothesized that "potential mobility" is an attitude, devised a
scale to measure it, and undertook a study in 1957-58 of 100 full-time
farmers in two Minnesota counties to investigate its relationship to
various economic and noneconomic variables. Potential mobility de-
clined with age, with number of years in farming, related inversely to
income among young farmers, and increased with nonfarm work
experience, regardless of age. It had no significant relationship to six
economic variables and was not related to type of farming, farm
ownership, family size, or educational level. Finally, it related in-
versely to a preference for farming and positively related to a favora-
ble attitude toward urban nonfarmwork opportunities. The author
concluded that programs enabling acquisition of technical skills and
nonfarmwork experience for farmers would increase migration out of

56. BEAL, GEORGE M. "Communities with Declining Populations." In Family
Mobility in Our Dynamic Society. Prepared by Iowa State University,
Center for Agricultural and Economic Adjustment. Ames, Iowa: Iowa
State University Press, 1965. Pp. 149-170.
Selectivity of migration in declining communities generates a high
dependency ratio, which signifies too many older and younger people
and increased tax burdens on each productive worker. Older people
create problems "in terms of conservative attitudes toward change in
general," while more youth create costs for schools, churches, and some
types of government services. Selective migration leaves behind a less
educated population, less oriented toward change and less qualified to
assume positions of leadership, thereby weakening the town's adaptive
capability. It also decreases the ability of the community's institu-


tional structures to prepare the next group of migrants adequately.
Many of those remaining in declining communities (where job oppor-
tunities are decreasing) may do so because they are cognizant of their
inferior skill levels. These persons are prone to experience unemploy-
ment and low incomes, and they contribute fewer taxes and may
increase the town's welfare burden. Beal also presents findings on
rural-urban migrants from several studies cited in other annotations.
57. BEALE, CALVIN L. "Demographic and Social Considerations for U.S.
Rural Economic Policy." American Journal of Agricultural Economics,
51(2) (May 1969), 410-427.
Using census data for 1950-60 and 1960-66, Beale illustrates differ-
ences among geographic location and ethnocultural rural groups with
regard to growth trends, fertility, age structure, migration, and
changes in small towns. While fertility is generally higher among
rural than urban women, the variations among rural groups are more
pronounced than rural-urban differences. High fertility levels are
characteristic especially of rural blacks of the southern coastal plain,
Mexican Americans of the Southwest, Mormons in Utah and Idaho,
whites in southern Appalachia, German Catholics of the northern
plains, and American Indians and Eskimos. Areas of low fertility have
been characterized in the main by heavy outmigration. In the 1950's
rural counties of the United States lost 40 percent of youth reaching
age 20, and the poorest Southern counties lost as many as 60 percent
of blacks reaching this age. Effects of migration on the age structure
of an area vary according to level of fertility; thus, disproportionate
numbers of youth and the aged are found generally in rural areas and
small towns, and areas of heavy outmigration are not always left with
older persons. Counties of low average age and high outmigration
have large numbers of such groups as blacks, Mexican Americans,
Indians, Mormons, or Catholics. Such counties require more job devel-
opment efforts, if the goal is to reduce outmigration, than do counties
of higher average age. Some counties of high average age are now
declining from both natural decrease and net outmigration. Beale
predicts there will be more counties with higher average ages in areas
not noted in 1960. Also, rural counties retained their potential popula-
tion growth better in 1960-66 than in 1950-60. The region of heaviest
net outmigration has shifted from the East South Central to the West
North Central Division. Counties with declining populations since 1960
are in the central part of the United States and in the heart of
southern Appalachia, but population loss has been heaviest in the
most agriculturally productive areas. Evidence is given that, contrary
to the popular notion, small towns are not "dying": over three-fourths
of all nonmetropolitan places sized 2,500-25,000 increased in popula-
tion in the 1950's, and their overall growth rate exceeded that for the
United States as a whole. Beale concludes that differences still exist
between rural and urban attitudes and values, and that these differ-
ences are not negligible.
58. -- "Farm Exodus Slowing Down." Social Service Outlook, 4(9) (Nov.
1969), 14-15.,
59. --. "Natural Decrease of Population: The Current and Prospective
Status of an Emergent American Phenomenon." Demography, 6(2)
(May 1969), 91-99.


Natural decrease of population was first observable in a few coun-
ties in the Central United States in the early 1950's, when U.S. births
were increasing in numbers and in crude rates. By 1966, some 324
counties had been affected. These counties generally were rural,
agricultural areas with average fertility, a history of population
decline, and high median ages, had had their highest modal population
in 1900, and had suffered a decline in their principal economic activity.
Causes for the decrease have been distorted age structures, which, in
turn, are the result of heavy age-selective outmigration. In some
areas, the decrease has been the result of inmigration of retirement--
and pre-retirement-age persons. Areas of heavy outmigration but no
natural decrease are those with high fertility and atypical patterns of
age-selective migration, with net migration fairly high among middle-
aged, as well as younger, adults. In some southern areas where blacks
outnumber whites, total natural increase but white natural decrease
of population is observable, with whites and blacks having different
age-specific outmigration rates. Beale projected that by 1970 an
additional 250 counties located around the areas already affected
would have experienced natural decrease. He urges responsible offi-
cials to consider the problems that areas of population decrease face in
terms of future labor supply, economic development, tax resources,
and local morale.
60. "The Negro in American Agriculture." In The American Negro
Reference Book. Edited by John P. David. New York: Prentice-Hall,
1966. Pp. 161-204.
61. -- Negro Farm Operators: Number, Location and Recent Trends.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Mar-
keting Service, 1959.
In the 1940's, 42 percent of black farm dwellers outmigrated, and by
the mid-1950's the black farm population had declined.
62. "Recent Population and Migration Trends in the South." State-
ment before the Commission on Population Growth and the American
Future, Little Rock, Ark., June 7, 1971.
63. -- "Recent Trends in Farm Population." Agricultural Policy Review,
9(3) (July-Sept. 1969), 6-7.
64. -- "The Relation of Gross Out-Migration Rates to Net Migration."
Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association
of America, Atlantic City, N.J., Apr. 1969.
Beale focuses on the independent finding of both Lowry (645) and
Lansing and Mueller (606) that the major determinant of net migra-
tion is variation in gross inmigration. This has unfortunately led to
acceptance of the idea that gross outmigration rates do not vary and
are no different for prosperous than for depressed areas, and, thus,
that outmigration cannot be affected by economic improvement pro-
grams. Using census data for all 509 State economic areas on gross
and net domestic migration rates for 1955-60, he found that gross
outmigration rates were related to the level of net migration, and that
variation in gross outmigration was the major component of variation
in net migration among areas that have had moderate-to-heavy net
outmovement. However, gross outmigration from depressed and pros-
perous areas may be the same, but is not associated with the same


factors. Beale attempts to expand and qualify rather than discredit
the work of Lowry and of Lansing and Mueller, noting the importance
of two generalizations from their work: (1) variations in gross inmigra-
tion are wider and generally more important in determining net
migration variations than are those in gross outmigration; and (2)
gross outmigration is often as high for prosperous areas of net
inmigration as it is for depressed areas of net outmigration.

65. -- "Rural Depopulation in the United States: Some Demographic
Consequences of Agricultural Adjustments." Demography, 1 (1964),
The general demographic situation of rural areas diverges increas-
ingly from that of metropolitan areas. While depopulation was always
occurring somewhere, it became substantial during World War II.
With variations from year to year, the rate of outmigration in 1963
was as high as the peak one of the war years.
Factors allowing reduction of the farm population include mechani-
zation, improved seeds, better breeds and animal nutrition, good
management, advancement in fertilizer, pest and weed control, the
generally high operating level of the nonfarm economy, ease of
physical access to cities, dominant stylistic position of metropolitan
life, and Federal agricultural programs, such as acreage restrictions
and the soil bank. Other factors have been the decline in coal-mining
employment and the reclassification of territory from rural to urban
as a result of suburbanization, annexation, or census definitional
Although the rural population remained stationary in the 1950's,
five-eighths of all counties lost rural population. Areas with growing
rural populations have made their gains in the nonfarm sector while
still experiencing farm population losses. Of all totally rural counties,
three-fourths declined in the 1950's, while only one-half of those
predominantly rural declined. The major effect of declines has been to
increase the variation of size and density of population among coun-
ties. Beale notes Bowles' (147) estimate that, of all net migrants from
farms in the 1950s, about 60 percent were under age 20 or reached 20
during the decade. Areas of heavy outmigration but no natural
decrease have high fertility. In areas with large black populations,
increased fertility since 1950 and a pattern of higher rates of outmi-
gration at middle ages in comparison to that of whites have precluded
natural decrease. Since the farm population has already declined by
more than half, demographic adjustments as a result of change
already have occurred, but rates of change can still remain high for
one or two decades. While technological changes are still rapidly
proceeding, spreading growth of metropolitan areas to outlying areas
is modifying effects on the rural population by facilitating Federal
investment in nonagricultural development and bringing nonfarm-
work within commuting range. Beale cites the need for increased
attention to be paid to depopulated areas, since the combination of low
population density and downward trends is extending over much
greater areas of the country.

66. ---. "Rural Minorities, Rural Fertility, and Their Relation to Rural-
Urban Migration." Agricultural Policy Review, 8(3) (July-Sept. 1968),


Recent concern about rural-urban migration has focused chiefly on
those migrants characterized by poverty, low education, high fertility,
and cultural visibility: Negroes, Mexican Americans, southern Appa-
lachian whites, and American Indians. These groups, comprising only
one-fifth of the rural population, constituted half of the net migration
from U.S. rural areas in the 1950's. Still, because of high rural
fertility, the four groups' combined rural populations dropped in the
same period by only 9 percent. These groups have a level of childbear-
ing high enough to double their rural populations in about a genera-
tion, while the rest of the rural population's fertility would lead in a
generation to an increase of only 35 percent. Further, because of high
fertility and atypical patterns of age-selective outmigration, the rural
components of these groups have not been left with high average-age
populations. While these components have high growth/outmigration
potentials, no efforts to reduce outmigration will succeed unless
efforts also are made to reduce their childbearing.

*67. "Rural-Urban Migration of Blacks: Past and Future." American
Journal of Agricultural Economics, 53(2) (May 1971), 302-307.
Beale presents some findings from the U.S. Department of Agricul-
ture-University of Georgia study (71) which used 1967 Survey of
Economic Opportunity data. Only among whites did rural-urban mi-
grants show a consistently greater amount of poverty than urban
natives. Black urban families headed by a migrant of rural origin did
not experience a lower average income than other black urban fami-
lies, a consequence of the more normal composition of the rural
migrant family. Among blacks, the rural-urban migrant family or
individual was nominally slightly more likely than urban natives to
have received welfare income assistance. Black rural-urban migrant
families were somewhat less likely to have received welfare money
than those living in rural areas. Black rural-urban male migrants
were as likely to have had some employment in the preceding year as
their urban-reared neighbors. In the future, rural-urban migrants will
not comprise as high a proportion of the urban population as they
have in the recent past. Beale states, "There is no question that the
vast rural-urban movement after 1940 was the major source of the
rapid growth of black urban population. As such, it was a major
contributor to those urban problems associated with black growth and
congestion per se, but was probably not critical to the changed politico-
cultural mood and stance of the urban black population."

68. VERA J. BANKS, and GLADYS K. BOWLES. "Trends and Outlook
for Rural Migration." Mimeographed. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Depart-
ment of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 1966.
The authors analyzed 1960 census data, unpublished data from the
Economic Research Service (ERS), and population projections for 1970
prepared at the Economic Development Division of the ERS. From
1940 to 1960, an estimated 21-22 million persons left rural areas
permanently, and probably millions more left and returned. Areas of
growing rural population were counties where agriculture was not the
principal economic activity and where rural-nonfarm population gains
offset rural-farm losses. Net 1950-60 change as a result of migration
and area reclassification was about 10 million persons. In the same
period, the black rate of outmigration was probably higher than that


for whites, while the female migration rate probably was slightly
larger than that of males, and migration was selective largely of the
young. The peak age of migration for whites occurs in the late teens,
while that of blacks is at slightly older ages and does not decline as
rapidly with age as that of whites. The three major interregional
rural-urban flows are the southern white stream to the North Central
and West regions, the southern black stream to metropolitan areas in
all regions, and the white stream from the North Central region to the
West. Except for southern blacks, the majority of rural-urban mi-
grants stay within their region of origin. Almost all of the 1950-60 net
loss (4.6 million) from predominantly rural counties occurred in North
Central and Southern States. Seven-eighths of the net inmigration in
predominantly urban counties in 1950-60 (7.3 million) occurred in the
West and South; the Northeast had a net loss of whites but a net gain
of blacks. Beale expected that if 1950 migration patterns prevailed
during the 1960's, the 1970 rural population would have been 200,000
persons smaller than in 1960. In the absence of net migration to urban
places, the rural labor force and the number of needed jobs probably
would have grown by about 3.5 million by 1970. Eighty percent of such
jobs would be required for those under age 30. Projections for 1960-70
showed a probable decade decline of 800,000 commercial farms.
69. -- and DONALD J. BOGUE. Recent Population Trends in the United
States With Emphasis on Rural Areas. Agricultural Economic Report
23. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Re-
search Service, 1963. Also in Our Changing Rural Society, edited by
James H. Copp. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1965. Pp. 71-
70. JOHN C. HUDSON, and VERA J. BANKS. Characteristics of the U.S.
Population by Farm and Nonfarm Origin. Agricultural Economic
Report 66. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Eco-
nomic Research Service, 1964.
Data used are from the 1958 Current Population Survey. Among the
farm-born, there has been no difference overall in the proportions of
whites and nonwhites who have left the farm, but since the proportion
of nonwhites born on farms is higher than that among whites, equal
white and nonwhite rates of outmigration have weighted the non-
white urban population more heavily with persons of farm origin.
Girls leave the farm in greater numbers and at a somewhat earlier
age than boys. The farm-born population is an older group than the
nonfarm born. Interregional migration of farm people has been high-
est for the North Central States; the largest single stream of interre-
gional movement has been from the North Central States to the West.
Except at young adult ages, people who have moved from farms to
nonfarm areas are as likely as nonfarm natives to be in the labor
force, although they are underrepresented in white collar jobs at all
ages. Data showed no sharp differences in the characteristics of
return migrants compared to farm residents or to permanent off-farm
migrants. For every six off-farm migrants, only one nonfarm native
moved to a farm.
*71. -- ANNE S. LEE, and GLADYS F. BOWLES. "Demographic Portrait of
the South." Washington, D.C. and Athens, Ga.: U.S. Department of
Agriculture and the University of Georgia. Incorporated in 149.


72. BEALL, JOHN W. "A Study of Population and Capital Movements Involv-
ing the South." Dissertation Abstracts, 14 (1954), 1957-1958.
Southern rural-urban migration generally flows first to an urban
area in- the South and then onward to an urban area outside the

73. BEARDWOOD, ROGER. "The Southern Roots of Urban Crisis." Fortune
(Aug. 1968), 80-87, 151-156.
Beardwood discusses Negro migration to the North, to cities, and to
better paying jobs, and heavily criticizes U.S. agricultural policies.
Negroes are beginning to go more frequently than in the past to
smaller cities and towns in the North and to southern urban centers.
Most movers are in younger age groups, leaving behind "sizable
concentrations of illiterate and sick people, and of the old and the very
young"; many children are left with grandparents. The loss of prime
working-age persons makes the region less attractive to corporations
planning new plants; lack of new jobs these plants would provide
forces more blacks to move North.
74. BECKER, GARY S. Human Capital. New York: National Bureau of
Economic Research, 1964.
75. BEEGLE, J. ALLAN. "Sociological Aspects of Changes in Farm Labor
Force." In Labor Mobility and Population in Agriculture. Prepared by
Iowa State University, Center for Agricultural and Economic Adjust-
ment. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1961. Pp. 73-81.
76. -- and D. HALSTEAD. Michigan's Changing Population. Bulletin 415.
East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University, Agricultural Experi-
ment Station, 1957.

77. DOUGLAS G. MARSHALL, and RODGER RICE. Selected Factors
Related to County Migration, 1940-50 and 1950-60. North Central
Region Research Publication 147. East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan
State University, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1963.
78. and JOHN F. THADEN. Population Change in Michigan with
Special Reference to Rural-Urban Migration, 1940-50. Bulletin 387.
East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University, Agricultural Experi-
ment Station, 1953.
Uses data for State economic areas.
79. BEERS, HOWARD W. Mobility of Rural Population: A Study of Changes in
Two Types of Rural Communities. Bulletin 505. Lexington, Ky.: Uni-
versity of Kentucky, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1947.
Rural youth had been more mobile than families in two Kentucky
counties in 1941, and the intercounty mobility differences were not the
result of differential selectivity of migration.
80. and CATHERINE P. HEFLIN. People and Resources in Eastern
Kentucky: A Study of a Representative Area in Breathitt, Knott, and
Perry Counties. Bulletin 500. Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky,
Agricultural Experiment Station, 1947.
The authors conclude that outmigration should be encouraged as
one means of alleviating population pressure.
81. -- and Rural People in the City: A Study of the Socioeconomic
Status of 297 Families in Lexington, Kentucky. Bulletin 478. Lexing-


ton, Ky.: University of Kentucky, Agricultural Experiment Station,
While rural-urban migrants to Lexington were not equal competi-
tors with urban natives in terms of either incomes, jobs, or overall
status, the deficiency was not solely the result of rural origin.
82. -- and Urban Adjustment of Rural Migrants. Bulletin 487.
Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky, Agricultural Experiment
Station, 1946.
83. and "The Urban Status of Rural Migrants." Social Forces,
23 (1944), 32-37.
84. BEIJER, G. Rural Migrants in an Urban Setting. The Hague: Martinus
Nijhoff, 1963.
Process of Rural Poverty Ghettoization: Population and Poverty
Growth in Rural Regions." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of
the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Philadel-
phia, Pa., Dec. 28, 1971.
The authors' thesis is that once poverty becomes concentrated in a
geographic area, basic U.S. economic and social systems operate to
increase that poverty. To show how leading poor areas become what
the authors define as "rural poverty ghettos," they obtained data in
places of less than 2,500 population and in open country in one such
area of the Ozarks from 1,413 households. The authors maintain that
economic stress starts intergenerational familial poverty, class-selec-
tive migration, and changes in productivity of social and economic
institutions. Through the interactions of these forces, an area can only
attract low-wage, labor-intensive industries, and people with low
incomes and inadequate institutions accumulate. They found that
poverty household heads had lower estimates of the educational needs
of their children than nonpoverty household heads, and that there
was an inverse relationship between amount of education of sons aged
25 and over and poverty status of the household. Horizontal job
mobility but little vertical mobility were evident, reflecting lack of job
opportunities in the region, while vertical job mobility was found for
household heads' sons who had migrated out of the region. A relation-
ship was found between occupation and poverty status, and also
between occupation of the father and poverty status of household
head. Of the 12 percent of the sample who were inmigrants, 65 percent
were returnees, and 29 percent were not in the labor force. Income
declines, from an average $6,341 to $3,343, were realized by over half
of the 71 percent of inmigrants who were in the labor force after their
move, and only 37 percent of inmigrant families registered gains after
arrival. Programs aimed only at upgrading education and job skills
will further intensify the ghettoization noted if selective migration
results, and so will industrialization if it results in class-selective
86. and -- "Trickle-down and Leakage in the War on
Poverty." Growth and Change (Oct. 1971), 34-41.
Data from the Ozarks study noted above were analyzed to find out if
nonmigrants are inferior to inmigrants in work capability, and if
inmigration is occurring in the presence of industrialization, prevent-


ing the native rural poor from getting jobs, and, thereby contributing
to the perpetuation of poverty. Preliminary data showed that because
of age and physical disabilities, some of the poor native population
would have difficulty in qualifying for jobs even in the absence of
inmigrant competition. Also, inmigrants had an initial advantage over
natives in being younger with higher education and more job training,
and a willingness to accept additional training or to move for a better
job. High inmigration rates tended to be associated with areas where
natives had training, job mobility, less propensity for holding more
than one job, less dependence on farm income, more rental income,
and fewer health disabilities. Many inmigrants were found to have
accepted lower wages to move in, and many inmigrants were retur-
nees who were downwardly mobile economically. The authors con-
cluded that inmigration is interfering in the process whereby indus-
trialization creates jobs for the rural poor. .
87. DARYL J. HOBBS, and JAMES F. GOLDEN. "Congruence between
Aspirations and Capabilities of Youth in a Low-Income Rural Area."
Rural Sociology, 32(3) (Sept. 1967), 278-289.
The authors review evidence from previous research which shows
that rural-urban migrant youth's disadvantage in competing with
urban natives for jobs is traceable to less favorable social class
background, poor quality education in the rural origin, and generally
lower levels of aspiration. Their own study of high school students in
Arkansas counties showed that lack of capability rather than low
aspiration may be the important factor in the lower occupational
achievement levels of rural youth.
88. BENEWITZ, MAURICE C. "Economic Factors in Migration to St. Paul,
Minnesota, 1940-50." Dissertation Abstracts, 14 (1954), 937-938.
89. BERNERT, ELEANOR H. County Variation in Net Migration from the
Rural-Farm Population, 1930-40. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department
of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 1944.
90. Volume and Composition of Net Migration from the Rural-Farm
Population, 1930-40, for the United States, Major Geographic Divisions
and States. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau
of Agricultural Economics, 1944.
In the 1930's the rural-farm population suffered greater propor-
tional losses among nonwhites and females than among whites and
91. and GLADYS K. BOWLES. Farm Migration, 1940-45: An Annotated
Bibliography. Library List 38. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of
Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 1947. Out of print.
92. BERRY, CHARLES H. Occupational Migration from Agriculture, 1940-
1950. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago, Library of the University of
Chicago, 1956.
93. BERTRAND, ALVIN L. Agricultural Mechanization and Social Change in
Rural Louisiana. Bulletin 458. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State
University, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1951.
94. -- and HAROLD W. OSBORNE. Rural Industrialization in a Louisiana
Community. Bulletin 524. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State Univer-
sity, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1959.


Proximity of factories in nearby towns and cities did not influence
people to move off farms.
95. BESHERS, JAMES M., and ELEANOR N. NISHIURA. "A Theory of Internal
Migration." Social Forces, 39 (1961), 214-218.
Analyzing Indiana migration streams using 1935-40 and 1949-50
census data, the authors found that: the proportion of migrants was
greatest among young adults; proportionately fewer farmers and farm
managers than those of other occupational groups migrated, while
professionals were not more likely to have moved than those in other
occupations; migration was greater among those aged 65 and over
than among those in the preceding age group, except in streams from
rural areas; among persons aged 15-19, those with fewer than 6 years
of education were less likely to have migrated than those with more
education; and migration was highest among college graduates.
96. BEVERIDGE, RONALD. "Subregional Migration within Illinois, 1935-40."
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Illinois, 1959.
Special tabulations from census data on Illinois subregions showed
a positive correlation between size of outmigrating and inmigrating
streams and between the resident subregional population and number
of migrants originating in each subregion. There was little mutual
attraction between metropolitan subregions, and rates of net migration
were found to vary inversely with unemployment rate and directly
with both the proportion employed in manufacturing and educational

97. BEVINS, ROBERT JACKSON. "A Measurement of Agriculture's Public
Investment in the Education of 1940 Decade Farm-Nonfarm Mi-
grants." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State Univer-
sity, 1962.
The total investment made by rural areas in the education of off-
farm migrants of 1940-49 was approximately $2.5 billion. The author
concludes that nonfarm areas should bear more of a share of these
costs since they gain the productive workers whom the rural areas

98. BEYNON, E. D. "The Southern White Laborer Migrates to Michigan."
American Sociological Review, 3 (1939), 333-343.

99. BISHOP, C. E. "Dimensions of the Farm Labor Problem." In Farm Labor
in the United States. New York: Columbia University Press, 1967. Ch.
1, pp. 1-17.
Low wages in farming give workers a substantial incentive to shift
to nonfarm jobs. Although there has been a continuing outmigration
from farms since 1920, sentimental attachments to farms, limited
nonfarm vocational training opportunities, and direct costs of trans-
ferring out of farming still impede geographic mobility.
100. "Economic Aspects of Migration from Farms." Farm Policy
Forum, 13(2) (1960-61), 14-20. Also in Labor Mobility and Population in
Agriculture. Prepared by Iowa State University, Center for Agricul-
tural and Economic Adjustment. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University
Press, 1961. Pp. 36-49.
Migration has not reduced the income disparity between farm and
nonfarm jobs because the number who want to transfer to nonfarm


work exceeds the number of nonfarm jobs. Migration increases when
more nonfarm jobs are available, even though at such times the
relative wage increases are greater for farm than nonfarm workers,
while migration decreases during periods of unemployment.
101. Geographic and Occupational Mobility of Rural Manpower. Paris:
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 1965.
102. "The Mobility of Farm Labor." In Policy for Commercial Agricul-
ture. Hearings before the Joint Economic Committee, 85th Cong., 1st
sess., 1957. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1957.
Pp. 437-447.
103. The Need for Improved Mobility Policy. Federal Programs for the
Development of Human Resources, sponsored by the U.S. Congress,
Joint Economic Committee, Subcommittee on Economic Progress. Vol.
1. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1968.
The U.S. farm population declined from 31 million in 1920 to 12
million in 1967. Noting patterns of black and white migrations, the
author maintains that much of these movements result in "social
waste" because decisions to move are made on the basis of incomplete
information, and too much reliance is placed on friends and relatives.
He presents several policy recommendations to improve the labor-
transfer process.
104. BIVENS, GORDON E. "Adjustments of Mobile Families to Their New
Economic Environment." In Family Mobility in Our Dynamic Society.
Prepared by Iowa State University, Center for Agricultural and
Economic Adjustment. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press,
1965. Pp. 223-236.
After showing a graphic model of the interrelationships between
households and the economic system, this study focuses on economic
adjustments "mover" families make. These include a leasing arrange-
ment for housing, effects of reduced time available for shopping,
reestablishment of rapport with vendors of goods and services, more
market decisions, broadened market conditions, impersonalization of
the purchase-sale transaction, greater spatial separation of work and
family, and impact of new environment on expectations.
105. BLANCO, CICELY. The Determinants of Factor Mobility. The Hague:
Pasmans, 1962.
106. "The Determinants of Interstate Population Movement." Journal
of Regional Science, 5(1) (1963), 77-84.
While economists agree that availability of jobs determines the
extent and direction of interstate migration, data from only a few
States and regions have been used in previous analyses to support
this assumption. Blanco used census data on interstate migration for
each State for 1950-57 to compute a series of multiple correlation
analyses of a large number of variables thought to be important in
determining population mobility. Eighty-six percent of the variation
in the regional rate of civilian migration between States during 1950-
57 could be explained by changes in level of unemployment and
changes in the number of Federal military personnel in each State.
Changes in the regional level of unemployment were the most impor-
tant determinant of regional rates of interstate migration, while
,changes in the location of Federal military personnel accounted for


about 1 percent of the regional variation of migration of civilians,
indicating a tendency for dependents to accompany transferred mili-
tary personnel. Regional differences in degree of racial prejudice,
education, wage levels, or climate did not appear to have a significant
direct influence on the rate of interstate migration.
*107. "Prospective Unemployment and Interstate Population Move-
ment." Review of Economics and Statistics, 46 (May 1964), 221-222.
Reply: Denton, Frank T., 47 (Nov. 1965), 449-450. Rejoinder: Blanco,
Cicely, 47 (Nov. 1965), 450.
The concept "prospective unemployment," which is defined as the
annual rate of change in unemployment which would be expected to
occur if workers were not able to migrate between States, is used to
examine the heretofore unmeasurable influence of the unemployment
rate on population distribution among States. Prospective unemploy-
ment is measured by the difference between the actual rate of change
of employment and the natural rate of increase of the working-age
population in each State. Data on interstate migration for each State
for the period, 1950-57, showed that 85 percent of the variation in the
regional rates of total civilian migration could be explained by
changes in the rate of prospective unemployment. The largest compo-
nent was found to be the number of teenagers expected to come into
the labor force relative to the number of new jobs becoming available.

*108. BLAU, PETER M., and OTIS DUDLEY DUNCAN. "Farm Background and
Occupational Achievement." In The American Occupational Structure.
New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1967. Pp. 277-294.
The size of off-farm movement is reflected in Occupational Changes
in a Generation (OCG) data, which the authors used. Over one-fourth
of the men in the OCG population had fathers who at age 16 were
engaged in farming. Three-fourths of the fathers had taken up non-
farm residence by 1962. Analysis showed an inverse relationship
between the inmigration rate and size of community; large cities were
found to be the least favorable environment for men with farm
backgrounds, although variations by race complicated the findings.
The authors conclude that farm background is not an obstacle to
occupational achievement.

*109. and -- "Geographical and Social Mobility." In The American
Occupational Structure. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1967. Pp.
The authors' finding that migrants' careers are superior to those of
nonmigrants is explained in terms of selective migration and urbani-
zation. Since migration is selective of men with high potential, the
achievements of migrants are superior to those of both men left
behind and men in their new community. But urbanization has
paradoxical consequences for migration: while better opportunities in
cities attract migration and improve opportunities for most migrants,
the majority of these migrants come from less-urban areas where they
received poorer training compared to that available in highly urban-
ized markets. These two opposite influences affect both occupational
chances and achievements.
110. BLEVINS, AUDIE L. "Socioeconomic Differences between Migrants and
Nonmigrants." Rural Sociology, 36(4) (Dec. 1971), 509-520.


Using data on income, poverty index scores, occupation, attitudes
toward benefits of migration, and planned future moves from the
TRACOR study (855), the author concludes that financial gains are so
great for migrants that no restrictions should be placed by govern-
ment on migration.

111. BLIZZARD, SAMUEL W., and E. JOHN MACKLIN. Social Participation
Patterns of Husbands and Wives Who Are Migrants to the City. Serial
Paper 1722. University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University,
Agricultural Experiment Station, 1952.
Rural migrants to Pittsburgh participated less in both formal and
informal social groups than natives or migrants from other urban
areas, although rural migrants were proportionately more frequently
leaders in the organizations they did belong to.

tion and Household Composition: A Comparison between Blacks and
Non-Blacks. Report 77. Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity, 1970.

113. NANCY L. KARWEIT, and AAGE B. S6RENSEN. A Method for the
Collection and Analyses of Retrospective Life Histories. Report. Balti-
more, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University, Center for the Study of the
Social Organization of Schools, 1968.

114. -- and AAGE B. S)RENSEN. "Does It Pay to Move? An Analysis of the
Occupational Consequences of Migration." Paper presented at the
Annual Meeting of the Rural Sociological Society, Washington, D.C.,
Aug. 1970.
The authors investigated whether changes in jobs but not in loca-
tion had different effects on mobile persons than did changes in jobs
and in location. Data used in the analysis were obtained from the
retrospective life histories of a national sample of 738 black and 851
white men aged 30-39 in 1968. Although younger people tended to
move more, older movers gained more in job status after a move.
Migrants with more education and blacks from the Southeast and
those whose fathers had higher occupational statuses gained more in
status when they moved. Individuals who had had high initial job
status gained less than those whose initial job status had been low.
Both color groups showed job status increments over time, with
migrants having the higher gain, especially at later ages. Similar
findings were obtained from income analyses. Analysis of data con-
trolled for initial status and income for a given period of time
suggested'that migration does not have systematic effects on yearly
gains in job status or income. An analysis of all job transitions,
controlled for simultaneous associated migration, showed that status
increments were generally a function of education, and, secondarily, of
age. Regression analysis using income difference as the dependent
variable showed that the most important factors in income changes
were education and age, with parental background having some effect.
Effects of migration on income were less important than the effect of
father's occupational status. The authors conclude that, for both
blacks and nonblacks, migration does not pay economically. Rural-
urban migration was not distinguished from other forms of migration.


115. BLUMBERG, LEONARD. Migration as a Program Area for Urban Social
Work: A Pilot Study of Recent Negro Migrants into Philadelphia.
Philadelphia, Pa.: Urban League of Philadelphia, 1958.
The nonrandom sample consisted of black lower socioeconomic sta-
tus female migrants who had lived in Philadelphia a median 3-4 years
and who had children in the school system in the 1957 school year.
They had migrated primarily from the Carolinas and Georgia. Thirty
percent had lived on a farm or in a village of less than 1,000 population
during the year prior to arrival in the city. One-third gave economic/
job-related reasons for moving, 24 percent gave betterment of social
situation and 6 percent moved to join husbands, while 11 percent
moved when they "deserted" husbands. Sixty-five percent chose Phila-
delphia because of the presence of friends and relatives, and almost 90
percent did not borrow money or sell property in order to move.
Seventy-five percent had not considered moving again, and general
preference and good job opportunities were given as reasons for
wanting to stay in Philadelphia. Seventy percent were not in the labor
force at time of interview, but the great majority had worked since
coming to the city, mostly as household and service workers. One-
fourth of their husbands were employed as operatives-semiskilled
workers, and one-third, as laborers, mostly in construction work. Of
those females who had wanted a job on arrival, 20 percent said it had
taken a month or more to find one, and about 40 percent of those
getting jobs had found them through a friend or neighbor. Only 15
percent searched newspaper ads for a job, and few used the employ-
ment services. Almost 60 percent of migrants were helped with
housing by friends and relatives. Ten percent of wives or husbands
had lost three or more weeks from work in the past year due to illness.
Fifty-three percent reported job/money problems, and 11 percent had
had marital problems; welfare agencies overwhelmingly were the
source of help. Respondents suggested needs for information concern-
ing Traveler's Aid, welfare, borrowing money, moving loans, assist-
ance for postmaternity child care, and children' clothing. Channels of
communication to give aid to migrants are relatives and friends, press
and television, church leaders, and local politicians. Although 80
percent of migrants attended church at least once a month, participa-
tion in other formal organizations was practically nonexistent.

116. -- and ROBERT R. BELL. "Urban Migration and Kinship Ties." Social
Problems, 6 (Spring 1959), 328-333.
This study attempts to modify findings of Park and Burgess and
their students who contend that the importance of family and kinship
are declining in U.S. urban society, being replaced by secondary
associations and relations. It focuses on areas that have high concen-
trations of recent, mostly lower class migrants from rural areas. These
populations of rural origin tend to keep their "old values" and living
patterns. Most migrants reported having relatives in the destination
city and that they received assistance from them in finding jobs and
housing. However, the data indicated that the relatives and close
friends were probably more psychologically supportive than function-
ally effective. The decline in family ties was noteworthy particularly
among single adult male migrants, for whom the institution of the
"neighborhood tavern" seemed to fulfill some of the functions of the


missing kinship structure. The study concludes that lower class mi-
grants turn to relatives because it is the natural thing to do, and those
without relatives establish "pseudo-kin relationships" with people
from the same background.

Industrial Mobility of Labor as a Probability Process. Cornell Studies
of Industrial and Labor Relations. Vol. 6. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univer-
sity, 1955.
118. BOGUE, DONALD J., COMP. Bibliography on Research in Population
Distribution, Published and Underway: 1950-1955. Oxford, Ohio:
Miami University, Scripps Foundation, undated.

119. "Changes in Population Distribution Since 1940." American Jour-
nal of Sociology, 56 (July 1950), 43-57.
120. Components of Population Change, 1940-50: Estimates of Net
Migration and Natural Increase for Each Standard Metropolitan Area
and State Economic Area. Scripps Foundation Studies in Population
Distribution, No. 12. Oxford, Ohio: Miami University, Scripps Founda-
tion, 1957.

121. "Economic and Social Implications of Population Changes in the
Chicago Metropolitan Area: A Case Study." In Selected Studies of
Migration since World War II. Edited by Clyde V. Kiser. New York:
Milbank Memorial Fund, 1957. Pp. 125-136.
Data are provided for the Chicago Standard Metropolitan Area
(SMA) as an example of U.S. metropolitanization. At the time of
writing, 82 percent of Chicago's growth was through natural increase,
18 percent the result of migration. Growth was concentrated outside
the central city in both the metropolitan ring and the rural parts of
suburbs. While the Chicago SMA gained net migrants, its central city
had experienced net outmigration, which was a mix of a substantial
amount of white net outmigration and a large net inmigration of
blacks. Continued growth of the black population in future years will
be the result of natural increase. Several implications of this metro-
politanization are given. Because of the tight housing market in
central cities, land values and rentals have remained high, making
slum clearance and renewal efforts difficult. Manufacturing, becoming
suburbanized at a rapid rate, is consuming considerable space, caus-
ing concern over the demise of valuable farmland, and increasing the
distance between homes and places of work, making car ownership
necessary and creating serious transportation problems. Conference
discussants affirmed Bogue's findings for New York City. Concluding,
Bogue recommended a longitudinal study based on the "experiences of
real cohorts."

122. -- An Exploratory Study of Migration and Labor Mobility Using
Social Security Data. Scripps Foundation Studies in Population Distri-
bution, No. 1. Oxford, Ohio: Miami University, Scripps Foundation,

123. "The Geography of Recent Population Trends in the United
States." Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 44 (June
1954), 124-134.


124. ---. "Internal Migration." In The Study of Population. Edited by
Philip M. Hauser and Otis Dudley Duncan. Chicago, Ill.: University of
Chicago Press, 1959. Ch. 21, pp. 486-509.
Attention is focused on the definition of internal migration and the
establishment of migration-defining boundaries. The author includes
concepts and terms used in migration analysis and considers direct
and indirect methods for measuring migration and their limitations
with respect to the types of data available. In a summary of what is
known, two particularly important points are made: There are no
"laws" of migration; and migrants do not necessarily know their
reasons for migrating. A framework of 25 migration-stimulating situa-
tions for persons, 15 factors in choosing a destination, and 10 socioeco-
nomic conditions affecting migration are given. What actually was
known about migration at the time of writing is presented in terms of
13 basic generalizations and their limitations concerning migration
streams (with a measure of relative stream velocity suggested as an
improved way to study streams) and six basic generalizations and
their limitations concerning differential migration. Bogue concludes
". .. we have concentrated much on the migrant as a newcomer and
social problem and have given too little attention to migration as a
vehicle of longrun change in demographic processes."
125. "Internal Migration and Residential Mobility." In The Population
of the United States. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1959. Ch. 15, pp. 375-
Includes the effect of internal migration on the regional distribution
of population.
126. "Internal Migration, with Special Reference to Rural-Urban
Movement." In Proceedings of the World Population Conference, 1965.
Vol. I. New York: United Nations, 1966. Pp. 162-165.
127. A Methodological Study of Migration and Labor Mobility in Ohio
in 1947. Scripps Foundation Studies in Population Distribution, No. 4.
Oxford, Ohio: Miami University, Scripps Foundation, 1952.
128. Methods of Studying Internal Migration. Technical Paper. Oxford,
Ohio: Miami University, Scripps Foundation, 1955.
Includes indirect methods for measuring (a) migration streams
using place-of-birth data and (b) net intercensal migration; and direct
methods for measuring internal migration through (a) migration
streams and (b) differential migration.
129. "The Use of Place-of-Birth and Duration-of-Residence Data for
Studying Internal Migration." Paper presented at the UNESCO Semi-
nar on Evaluation and Utilization of Population Census Data in Latin
America, Santiago, Chile, 1959.
*130. -- and CALVIN L. BEALE. "Recent Population Trends in the United
States and Their Causes." In Our Changing Rural Society: Perspec-
tives and Trends. Edited by James H. Copp. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State
University Press, 1964. Ch. 3, pp. 71-126.
Considers distribution for central cities and metropolitan rings,
distributional trends in general, by region, by metropolitan-nonmetro-
politan classification, by rural-urban status, by farm-nonfarm status,
by size of place, type of place, and county size; and the urbanization-
suburbanization of blacks. Composition trends are considered relating


to age, color, sex, marital status, education, family and household, and
economic characteristics. Explanations for these basic population
trends include factors relating to natality and mortality, inmigration
and migration, patterns of regional economic growth, patterns of
rural-urban economic equilibrium, metropolitan decentralization, de-
fense activity, the agricultural revolution, structure of business, ex-
pansion of higher education, drift toward warmer climates, styles and
levels of living, and changes in the social and economic status of
131. and MARGARET JARMAN HAGOOD. Subregional Migration in the
United States, 1935-40. Vol. II. Differential Migration in the Corn and
Cotton Belts. Scripps Foundation Studies in Population Distribution,
No. 6. Oxford, Ohio: Miami University, Scripps Foundation, 1953.
This is an extensive analysis of 1935-40 subregional migration in the
Corn and Cotton Belts. Native white, male rural-urban migrants aged
22-24 in comparison to counterpart nonmigrants were found to be
better educated, to have a higher rate of unemployment, and more
frequently were married. White male rural-urban migrants aged 22-24
averaged incomes only slightly below those of urban residents of the
same age, were employed in neither high- nor low-status occupations in
the city, and were generally similar to the city's same-age population.
White female rural-urban migrants aged 22-24 to cities in the same
State were more likely to be in the labor force than females at either
origin or destination. In comparison to urban females, these migrants
were more likely to be professional workers than clerical workers, and
more likely to be employed, although their incomes were generally
lower. Among young rural-urban migrants, females earned less than
males of the same educational level. Young nonwhite male rural-
urban migrants to cities in the same State in general had less
education, lower occupational statuses, lower incomes, and lower un-
employment rates than urban nonwhites. Although they had severe
adjustment problems, they were more likely to be married than those
in origin or destination areas. Additional findings are given on older
groups of migrants by age, race, and sex.

gional Migration in the United States, 1935-40. Vol. I. Streams of
Migration Flow between Environments. Scripps Foundation Studies in
Population Distribution, No. 6. Oxford, Ohio: Miami University,
Scripps Foundation, 1957.
Includes data on rural-nonfarm-to-urban migration, rural-farm-to-
urban migration, and the two reverse streams, by sex and color, age,
education, occupation, and employment status. Urban-urban migra-
tion was found to be more common for the period studied than was
rural-urban migration. Rural-urban migration probably contributed
less to city population growth for 1935-40 than did natural increase,
and net migration probably accounted for no more than 25 percent of
total urban growth. Off-farm migrants were younger than migrants in
other streams, and migration of all types was selective of the better
educated. Off-farm migrants were more likely to be unemployed than
nonmigrants on farms.

133. and WARREN S. THOMPSON. "Migration and Distance." American
Sociological Review, 14 (1949), 236-244.


In analyzing 1935-40 census data, the authors found an inverse
relationship between rate of migration and distance. Data indicated
that rural-urban migration is accomplished by step movement rather
than by single moves.

134. BOHLEN, JOE M., and RAY E. WAKELEY. "Intentions to Migrate and
Actual Migration of Rural High School Graduates." Rural Sociology,
15(4) (Dec. 1950), 328-334.
Data were obtained from 157 graduating seniors of the eight rural
high schools located in towns having a population range of 100-1,779
in Hamilton County, Iowa, and the adjoining community of Story City
in Story County. Students were reinterviewed 1 year after graduation.
Respondents included 41 farm and 28 nonfarm boys; 52 farm and 36
nonfarm girls.
Significant differences between intentions and actual migration
were found mainly among the large number of students originally
undecided about future plans. Of the undecided nonfarm boys and
girls and farm girls, about half subsequently migrated. However, only
one-eighth of the undecided farm boys actually left. Approximately 60
percent of the sample moved, most going to urban areas, although
only three of the migrants left the State.
A significant relationship was found between sex, place of residence,
and migration. A greater proportion of the farm boys did not migrate
during the first year following graduation, while differences between
nonfarm boys, farm girls, and nonfarm girls were not significant.
Actual migration was not significantly related to frequency of discus-
sion of plans for the future with parents, to age of parents, or to the
socioeconomic status level of the home. Graduates whose parents had
attended college showed no greater tendency to migrate, and intelli-
gence was not related to migration.

135. BONNEN, JAMES T. "The Distribution of Benefits from Selected U.S.
Farm Programs." In Rural Poverty in the United States. Report of the
President's National Advisory Commission on Rural Poverty. Wash-
ington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1968. Ch. 26, pp. 461-
In describing relative distributions for eight different commodity
programs, Bonnen states, ". these programs would not be an
efficient means of improving the welfare of the lowest income groups
on farms. ... The lowest 40 percent of farmers received much less than
a proportionate share of the program benefits."
136. BOONE, RICHARD W., and NORMAN KURLAND. "A Look at Rural Pov-
erty." New Generation, 50 (Summer 1968), 2-5.
In 1965 the U.S. Civil Rights Commission concluded that racial
discrimination was accelerating the displacement and impoverish-
ment of Negro farmers and increasing the social, educational, and
economic gap between white and Negro farmers. The most rapid
increase in the use of mechanical cotton pickers and improved weed
killers in the South paralleled the effort of the Negro community to
secure political rights, while Federal farm programs which made these
advances possible were denied Negro farmers as a result of their
exclusion from local decisionmaking affecting the dispensation of
benefits. A solution suggested here is a rural counterpart to the Model


Cities Program, which should avoid the mistakes encountered by the
Area Redevelopment Act (ARA), through which investment loans
were made mainly to "outside" entrepreneurs induced to move into
redevelopment areas by the Government-subsidized capital loans and,
frequently, by a desire to relocate to nonunionized areas and low tax
jurisdictions. As a result, many new industries created jobs mainly for
outsiders with considerable training, while the ARA programs hardly
affected the outmigration rate of the poor whose presence formed the
basis for ARA eligibility in the first place.
137. BORTS, GEORGE H. "Patterns of Regional Economic Development in the
United States, and Their Relation to Rural Poverty." In Rural Poverty
in the United States. Report of the President's National Advisory
Commission on Rural Poverty. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 1968. Ch. 9, pp. 130-140.
Examines economic growth and decline among major regions of the
United States, economic effects of intraregional resource movements
and interregional migration, supply and demand factors in regional
growth, and debtor and creditor regions. Three alternative public
policies designed to alleviate rural poverty are presented: relocation of
industry to rural areas, industrial and residential location in growth
centers, and subsidized migration to established metropolitan areas.
Choice of which policy is most effective is given to the second over the
third alternative, even though the author says that ". there are
strong economic grounds for continuing the migratory patterns which
have been established." Whatever social maladjustments are pro-
duced by large-scale rural-urban migration would seem to be mini-
mized through the use of the growth center as a staging area for
cultural change.

138. --- AND OTHERS. "Problems of Raising Incomes in Lagging Sectors of
the Economy: Discussion." American Economic Review, 50 (May 1960),
Social investment in declining regions may be designed to increase
the mobility of labor so as to induce migration, or to revitalize the
areas, so as to retain industry.

139. BOTTUM, J. CARROLL. "The Impact of Anticipated Trends and Shifts of
Population upon American Agriculture." In Proceedings of Agricul-
tural Industries Conference. Prepared by Cornell University Graduate
School of Business and Public Administration, in cooperation with
New York State College of Agriculture. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univer-
sity, 1956. Pp. 43-49.
140. BOWLES, GLADYS K. "Adjustment Processes Associated with Migration,
with Special Reference to Population Redistribution in the Great
Plains between 1950 and 1960." In Proceedings of the Great Plains
Agricultural Council, 1962. Fort Collins, Colo.: Great Plains Agricul-
tural Council, 1962. Pp. 103-132.
Using census data and information on retail establishments, this
study discusses kinds of adjustment attendant on migration: personal
adjustments of migrants in the new location and of nonmigrants in
both areas of origin and destination; and institutional adjustments in
areas of outmigration and at destination points. Also included are
tabular data and interpretations of total population change and


percentage change, components of change, net change as a result of
migration for 1940-50 and 1950-60, net migration by counties for 1950-
60, net change as a result of migration by sex and color for metropoli-
tan and nonmetropolitan counties, rates of net migration for metropol-
itan and nonmetropolitan counties by age and sex, and the rural and
farm population.
141. -- "The Current Situation of the Hired Farm Labor Force." In
Farm Labor in the United States. Edited by C. E. Bishop. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1967. Ch. 2, pp. 19-40.
142. Farm Population ... Net Migration from Rural-Farm Population,
1940-1950. Statistical Bulletin 176. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department
of Agriculture, Agricultural Marketing Service, 1956.
Gives data on rural-farm net migrants for 1940-50 by age, sex, and
color. Decade migration rates generally were low for children and for
persons aged 25-44, highest for those aged 15-19, and intermediate for
those over 45. Female rates were higher for the ages under 25 and
over 35, while male rates were highest among those aged 20-29. In
general, net outmigration rates of nonwhites were greater than those
of whites. With race controlled, females had higher net outmigration
rates than males in almost all age groups.
143. "Migration Patterns of the Rural-Farm Population, 13 Economic
Regions of the United States, 1940-1950." Rural Sociology, 22 (Mar.
1957), 1-11.
144. Migration of Population in the South: Situation and Prospects.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Mar-
keting Service, 1958.
There was a net annual loss to rural areas of about 1 million persons
for recent years preceding 1958, with the majority of the loss occur-
ring in the South. This loss is predicted to continue, with the average
annual net decrease being about 200,000. Lack of employment oppor-
tunities to absorb the increasing numbers coming into the labor force
could require as many as 50 percent of rural youth to seek nonfarm
145. "Migration Status and Residence Background of Husbands and
Wives and the Incidence of Poverty in 1967." Paper presented at the
Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, Washing-
ton, D.C., Apr. 22-24, 1971.
Data from the 1967 Survey of Economic Opportunity show that
married couples who had migrated out of the South and those who had
moved from rural to urban areas were about as well off in 1967 as
destination-area couples and were much better off than origin-area

146. ---. Migration of the Texas Farm Population. Bulletin 847. College
Station, Tex.: Texas A & M University, Agricultural Experiment
Station, 1957.

*147. -- "A Profile of the Incidence of Poverty among Rural-Urban
Migrants and Comparative Populations." Paper presented at the
Annual Meeting of the Rural Sociological Society, Washington, D.C.,
Aug. 26-30, 1970.


Using 1967 Survey of Economic Opportunity data, this study pre-
sents an overall view of the socioeconomic position of persons of rural
background who were living in urban places in 1967 and compares
them with rural nonmigrants and rural-rural migrants and with
urban nonmigrants and urban-urban migrants. Information for ur-
ban-rural migrants is included in the tables but not discussed. Mi-
grant' from rural to urban areas may have been of above average
status at the time of move. A much larger proportion of the rural
population than of rural-urban migrants was in poverty. In the three
populations and among all characteristics examined, incidence of
poverty was usually higher for Negroes than for whites. Among rural-
urban migrants, incidence of poverty was higher among persons of
farm origin than among those of rural-nonfarm origin; persons mak-
ing a direct move to a metropolitan area than among those having an
intervening move; persons making at least two moves to a nonmetro-
politan area; and interregional migrants of southern origin than
among interregional migrants of nonsouthern origin. Generally, rural-
urban whites were relatively better off than rural counterparts. "With
only a few exceptions, white rural-urban migrants had about the same
or higher incidences of poverty than white people in the urban
population of urban origin, regardless of characteristics examined.
The relationship between the incidence of poverty among Negro rural-
urban migrants and the Negro population of urban origin was irregu-
lar. In none of the characteristic divisions of the population had
rural-urban Negro migrants reached or surpassed the levels of the
white populations they were living among, and the incidence of
poverty among Negroes is often several times as high as that of
whites." Incidence of poverty among rural-urban migrants was closely
associated with low education, poor health, incomplete or irregular
family arrangements, multiple marriages, excessive numbers of chil-
dren, lack of regular employment, and poor jobs in industries charac-
terized by low wages and salaries. White and Negro rural-urban
migrants were better educated than the rural-origin population.
Whites had about the same education as urban-origin whites (12
years), whereas rural-urban blacks had less education (8.8 years) than
urban-origin whites and blacks, but about the same as whites living in
poverty conditions in 1967. A higher proportion of both Negro and
white rural-urban migrants than of either of the comparative popula-
tions had been married more than once. A smaller proportion of rural-
urban migrants than of the rural population still in rural areas was
receiving welfare.
148. Some Previews of Population Changes in Low-Income Farming
Areas. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Agricul-
tural Marketing Service, 1960.
149. A. LLOYD BACON, and P. NEAL RITCHEY. Poverty Dimensions of
Rural-to-Urban Migration. Vol. I. A Statistical Report; Vol. II. Chart
Book; Vol. III. An Analytical Report: Migration and Poverty in the
United States, 1967. Published jointly by Economic Research Service,
U.S. Department of Agriculture; University of Georgia, Institute for
Behavioral Research; Office of Planning, Research, and Evaluation,
Office of Economic Opportunity. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 1973 and 1974.


These volumes will be the final reports of a research project utiliz-
ing the 1967 Survey of Economic Opportunity data. Much of unpub-
lished papers by Bowles, Bacon, Ritchey, and Anne S. Lee, cited
elsewhere, will be incorporated in these three volumes.

150. ---, CALVIN L. BEALE, and BENJAMIN S. BRADSHAW. Potential Sup-
ply and Replacement of Rural Males of Labor Force Age, 1960-1970.
Statistical Bulletin 378. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agri-
culture, Economic Research Service, 1966.
Estimates the numbers of men expected to be entering and leaving
the working age groups (especially ages 20-64) in the rural population
during the 1960's. Shows measures for the rural population and its
farm and nonfarm components, and for the total, white, and nonwhite
populations of these residence categories for the United States, re-
gions, geographic divisions, States, economic subregions, State eco-
nomic areas, and counties.

151. SIEGFRIED A. HOERMANN, and WAYNE C. ROHRER. Population of
the Northeast: Growth, Composition and Distribution, 1900-1950. Bul-
letin 468. College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, Agricultural
Experiment Station, 1960.

152. and H. LOCK OH. "Some Methodological Notes on a Study of the
Educational Selectivity of Rural and Urban Migrants Between the
South and the Rest of the Nation." Paper presented at the Annual
Meeting of the American Statistical Association, Fort Collins, Colo.,
Aug. 26, 1971.

153. and JAMES D. TARVER. "The Composition of Net Migration among
Counties in the United States, 1950-1960." Agricultural Economics
Research, 18(1) (Jan. 1966), 13-19.
The 1950-60 net migration resulted in population loss for the South
and North Central Divisions and gains for the West. The two northern
regions gained nonwhites but lost whites; the South gained more
middle and older-aged whites than it lost young adult whites but
heavily lost nonwhites; and the West gained both nonwhites and
whites. On balance the South lost white males but gained white
females; the patterns of other regions for both nonwhites and whites
of both sexes were similar. Data for the 25-29 cohort of 1960 illustrate
age-specific patterns of migration: California gained most heavily,
while Southern States were the heaviest losers. Counties less than 50
percent urban in 1950 had population losses in nearly every age-sex
group, with losses increasing with rurality. Counties most highly
urbanized had greatest nonwhite population gains, while those 50-69
percent urban had greatest white gains. County migration rates
increased with decreasing median family income, and only counties
with median family incomes of $6,000 or more had net gains. Counties
with less than $5,000 median family income disproportionately lost
nonwhites, and those with median family incomes of $6,000 and over
disproportionately gained nonwhites. Counties with median family
incomes of less than $3,000 lost half their young adults during the
decade. There was a net movement away from designated redevelop-
ment areas.


154. -- and Net Migration of the Population, 1950-60, by Age, Sex
and Color. Vol. I. States, Counties, Economic Areas and Metropolitan
Areas. Vol. II. Analytical Groupings of Counties. Washington, D.C.:
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 1965.
155. AND OTHERS. "Urban Migration of Rural Youth: Related Factors,
Personal Adjustments and Urban Assimilation." In Rural Youth in
Crisis: Facts, Myths and Social Change. Edited by Lee G. Burchinal.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Wel-
fare, Welfare Administration, 1965. Pp. 273-287.
Rising labor efficiency in agriculture provides a "push" for outmi-
gration from rural areas. This study considers four broad kinds of
factors related to rural youth migration: social norms and aspirations,
demographic and ecological factors, social and economic factors, and
family and community factors. It discusses adjustments-and barriers
to assimilation-of rural youth to urban life in terms of occupational
achievement and economic status, community and family relation-
ships, and migrants' perceptions of their situations.
156. BOWLES, SAMUEL. "Migration as Investment: Empirical Tests of the
Human Investment Approach to Geographical Mobility." Program on
Regional and Urban Economics, Discussion Paper 51. Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University, 1969.

157. BOWMAN, MARY JEAN, and W. WARREN HAYNES. Resources and People
in East Kentucky: Problems and Potentials of a Lagging Economy.
Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963.

158. and R. G. MYERS. "Schooling, Experience and Gains and Losses in
Human Capital through Migration." Journal of the American Statisti-
cal Association, 62(319) (Sept. 1967), 875-898.
Present ways of calculating human capital gains and losses through
migration represent a too simplistic view of migration. Gross flows
must be taken into account; net migration flows' analyses still hide
critical problems and evidence, and return migration is important
quantitatively. Especially important in analyzing return flows is the
fact that regions vary in quality of education and experiential oppor-
tunities and where there is "rotating migration of obsolescent and
undereducated men." Considers the merits of using human invest-
ment decision models in migration analysis, and discusses recent
applications of these models in migration by Sjaastad (992), Weisbrod
(1174), and Fein (309).

159. BOWRING, J. R., and 0. B. DURGIN. The Population of New Hampshire. 4.
Factors Influencing the Attitudes of Farmers Toward Migration Off
Farms. Bulletin 458. Durham, N.H.: University of New Hampshire,
Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958.
This analysis of attitudes of 253 New Hampshire farm operators
toward leaving farming found that age, education, children's migra-
tion, community ties, indebtedness, and investment in the farm were
all related to willingness to leave-but only one in seven of the sample
had considered moving.
160. BOYKIN, W. C. Factors Associated with the Migration of Rural People
from Selected Mississippi Counties. Report to the U.S. Department of
Agriculture. Lorman, Miss.: Alcorn A & M College, forthcoming.


161. BRAMHALL, D. F., and H. J. BRYCE. "Interstate Migration of Labor-
Force Age Population." Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 22(4)
(July 1969), 576-583.
The purpose, using 1960 census data, was to analyze gross interstate
migration for 1955-60 for each 5-year age, sex, and color cohort within
the labor force (15-64 age group), to find out if different groups within
the labor force respond differently to migration stimuli, and to take
account of gross in- and outflows. Cohort population size explained a
significant and high proportion of interstate variation in cohort outmi-
gration, while the propensity of nonwhites to outmigrate was lower
than that of whites. Outmigration was more closely linked to life-cycle
changes than to economic conditions; a five-year lead change in
employment opportunities explained a significant but low proportion
of interstate variation in cohort migration. Whites generally were
more responsive than blacks to changes in employment opportunities.

162. BRANDON, DONALD GOLDEN. "Migration of Negroes in the United
States, 1910-1947." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Columbia Uni-
versity, 1949.

163. BREAZEALE, NORMA J. "Association of Selected Socio-Economic Charac-
teristics with Net Migration from Three Kentucky Economic Areas,
1920-1950." Unpublished master's thesis, University of Kentucky,
Net outmigration from three Kentucky economic areas for 1920-50
was inversely associated with economic level and family ties and
directly related to development of communication and transportation

164. BREED, WARREN. "Suicide, Migration, and Race: A Study of Cases in
New Orleans." Journal of Social Issues, 22 (Jan. 1966), 30-43.
Breed found that suicide rates varied by sex, race, duration of
residence, and congruence between origin and destination lifestyles,
and that parts of the less urbanized South have an emotional cushion-
ing effect on blacks.
165. BREWSTER, JOHN M. "The Impact of Technical Advance and Migration
on Agricultural Society and Policy." Journal of Farm Economics, 41
(Dec. 1959), 1169-1184.
Because the great rate of technological advance in agriculture has
produced and continues to produce aggregate farm output in excess of
effective demands for farm products, outmigration has not been and
will not be sufficient to solve the problems of excess capacity and low
incomes in agriculture.
166. BRIGHT, MARGARET L., and CHARLES E. LIVELY. Farm Youth in Mis-
souri. Bulletin 504. Columbia, Mo.: University of Missouri, Agricul-
tural Experiment Station, 1947.

*167. BRODY, EUGENE B., ED. Behavior in New Environments: Adaptation of
Migrant Populations. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1970.
Includes sections on dimensions of migration, rural-urban migra-
tion, and the sociocultural and individual behavior problems of mi-
grants. Annotations of various chapters are given in citations 168, 267,
301,333,452, 456, 583, 920, 942, 945, 955, and 1041.


168. "Migration and Adaptation: Nature of the Problem." In Behavior
in New Environments: Adaptation of Migrant Populations. Edited by
Eugene B. Brody. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1970. Ch. 1,
pp. 13-21.
Presents a framework for viewing the consequences of migration.
Factors given which determine the migrant's adaptation are: the
individual's past history; his acquired defense mechanisms, adaptive
techniques, and motivation for the move; the public push and pull
factors in the donor and host environments, including the consonance
of their norms and resistances and receptor networks encountered in
the host system; and transitional factors. Indicators which reflect the
nature of the adaptive process are: time in the system, rank, esteem,
physical and psychic mobility. Also discusses family ties and circular
migration and the host system in relation to the origin area, with
particular reference to the nature of the ghetto as a mediating

169. BROWN, CLAUDE HAROLD. "Personal and Social Characteristics Associ-
ated with Migrant Status among Adult Males from Rural Pennsylva-
nia." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Pennsylvania State Univer-
sity, 1960.
Of 974 high school male sophomores in rural areas of Pennsylvania
interviewed in 1947 and reinterviewed 10 years later, 25 percent had
migrated to urban areas, and there was no selectivity of migration
with respect to parents' occupational status, intelligence, and person-
ality adjustment.

170. and ROY C. BUCK. Factors Associated with the Migrant Status of
Young Adult Males from Rural Pennsylvania. Bulletin 676. University
Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University, Agricultural Experiment
Station, 1961.
From data noted in the previous annotation, it was found that
migrants were better educated and more likely to be single than
171. BROWN, JAMES S. Migration within, to, and from the Southern Appalachi-
ans, 1935-58: Extent, Direction and Social Effects. Lexington, Ky.:
University of Kentucky, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1959.
172. "Population and Migration Changes in Appalachia." In Changes
in Rural Appalachia. Edited by John D. Photiadis and Harry K.
Schwarzweller. Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1971. Ch. 2, pp. 23-49.
Appalachia's birth rates, death rates, the proportions of urban,
rural-farm, and rural-nonfarm population, size of family, industrial
composition, and age structure are becoming more like those of the
United States in general. Appalachian migration patterns can be
understood by noting that there are few metropolitan areas in the
region, those that do exist lie on the fringes, and the region is
completely surrounded by metropolitan areas.
The area first lost population in the 1950's despite high rates of
natural increase but registered a slight gain in 1960-65, when the
annual rate of loss due to migration dropped by half. Area birth rates
are still capable of producing sizable population increases if it were
not for heavy migration losses.


Increasing welfare benefits, stay-in-school programs, and various
antipoverty measures have contributed to the decline in outmigration,
while the shrinking number of employment opportunities elsewhere
for unskilled and semiskilled workers has acted as a barrier to
geographic mobility. Migration losses have been highest from counties
with the lowest median family incomes and lowest levels of living.
Migrants are typically young adults, disproportionately male, and
better educated than the general population, although less well edu-
cated than the populations of destination areas.
173. and HOWARD W. BEERS. Rural Population Changes in Five
Kentucky Mountain Districts, 1943 to 1946. Bulletin 532. Lexington,
Ky.: University of Kentucky, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1949.
There was a large net outmigration during World War II but a net
inmigration beginning in the summer of 1946. The total rural-farm
population declined 20-30 percent during the period 1940-46.
174. -- and GEORGE A. HILLERY, JR. "The Great Migration, 1940-1960." In
The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Edited by Thomas R.
Ford. Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky Press, 1962. Pp. 54-78.
Although economic necessity has been the greatest spur to outmi-
gration from this region, education, family structure, mass communi-
cation, and urbanization also are influential factors. Problems of
depopulation are so irrevocable as to preclude attempts at economic
development in favor of a program of guided migration.
175. and RALPH J. RAMSEY, COMPS. The Changing Kentucky Popula-
tion: A Summary of Population Data for Counties. Progress Report 67.
Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky, Agricultural Experiment
Station, 1958.
tucky Mountain Migration and the Stem Family: An American Varia-
tion on a Theme by Le Play." Rural Sociology, 28 (Mar. 1963), 48-69.
In a 20-year study of a Kentucky mountain farming community, the
authors found Le Play's "stem-family" concept useful in explaining
findings on the adjustment of mountain migrants in the city. Family
members tended to migrate to the same places as had others before
them, where extensive kin ties had been developed and origin-destina-
tion communications had been maintained. Members of the stem
family in the mountains encouraged outmigration but also provided a
haven of safety for returnees during crises, and the "branch family"
in the city acted as a psychological cushion for the new migrant in his
attempts to adjust.
177. BROWN, LAWRENCE A. Diffusion Processes and Location: A Conceptual
Framework and Bibliography. Philadelphia, Pa.: Regional Science
Research Institute, 1968.
178. BROWN, MORGAN C. "Selected Characteristics of Southern Rural Ne-
groes Exchanged to Southern Urban Center." Rural Sociology, 27
(Mar. 1962), 63-70.
The findings are from an exploratory study of selected characteris-
tics of 312 rural Negro males who entered Baton Rouge, Louisiana,
from other counties during different time periods. Each had resided in
the city for more than 1 year, presumably intended to live in the city


permanently, had made one migratory move, and was married at the
time of entry. A random sample of native Negro family heads served
as a control group. Most (61.5 percent) of the migrants came from
contiguous parishes, and none was drawn from a parish with a city of
more than 50,000 or total population over 100,000. The median dis-
tance migrated increased from 28.7 miles prior to 1930 to 47.9 miles in
the 1950's. The percent who migrated alone declined from 73 percent
prior to 1930 to 51.1 percent in the 1950's. Migrants from noncontig-
uous parishes tended to have slightly higher educational attainments.
The largest proportions of entrants of the 1940's and 1950's were
employed as laborers. The longer a migrant had lived in the city, the
more likely he was to have been employed in a high-level occupation.

179. BROWN, PHILLIPS H., and JOHN M. PETERSON. "The Exodus from Arkan-
sas." Arkansas Agricultural Economist, 2 (Winter 1960), 10-15.
The growth of manufacturing in Arkansas rural areas from 1947 to
1958 was too small to provide enough jobs for those entering the labor
force from the rural-farm population, so outmigration continued at a
substantial rate.

180. BROWNING, HARLEY L., and LARRY H. LONG. Population Mobility:
Focus on Texas. Population Series 2. Austin, Tex.: University of
Texas, Bureau of Business Research, 1968.
Focuses on interstate migration to and from Texas, 1870-1960;
patterns of short-term migration, 1930-60; net migration and overall
mobility for urban areas; socioeconomic characteristics of movers; the
process of urbanization; and population decline in 71 counties.
181. BRUNNER, EDMUND DES. "Internal Migration in the United States,
1935-40." Rural Sociology, 13(1) (Mar. 1948), 9-22.
182. "Population Research." In The Growth of a Science: A Half
Century of Rural Sociological Research in the United States. New
York: Harper Bros., 1957. Pp. 42-63.
In surveying population research studies, Brunner noted several
consistent findings. Most rural-urban migration occurs between the
ages 16 and 30. While women leave rural areas at earlier ages than
males and are overrepresented proportionately among rural-urban
migrants, males move greater distances. Better educated youth mi-
grate greater distances, and longer distance migrants are more likely
to end up in urban areas. While among the rural-farm population,
children of tenants are more frequently movers than children of
owners, they also are more likely to move shorter distances. Migration
and number of group affiliations are inversely related. Distance of
migration and job status are directly related. Younger families are
more likely to migrate than older ones.
183. AND OTHERS. "Migration and Education." Teachers College Re-
cord, 49 (1947), 98-107.
In using 1935-40 census data to analyze the relationship between
migration and education, the authors ranked States as to migration
gain or loss and expenditure per classroom unit and found a positive
correlation between these two variables. The college educated among
the rural-farm population were less likely to migrate than rural-
nonfarm or urban counterparts, and among both rural population
categories, the better educated moved to cities in higher proportions


than to farms or villages. Distance of migration and education also
were positively related. The typical migrant to an urban area was a
high school graduate, while the one to a rural area had 7 or 8 years of
184. BRUNO, HAL. "Chicago's Hillbilly Ghetto." The Reporter (June 4, 1964),
28-31. Also in Poverty in the Affluent Society. Edited by Hanna H.
Meissner. New York: Harper & Row, 1966. Pp. 102-107.
185. BRYANT, ELLEN S. Changes in Mississippi County Population 1950 to
1959: Some Hypotheses. Sociology and Rural Life Series Preliminary
Report 13. State College, Miss.: Mississippi State University, Agricul-
tural Experiment Station, 1960.
186. Estimated Population Trends, Mississippi, 1960-61. Bulletin 659.
State College, Miss.: Mississippi State University, Agricultural Exper-
iment Station, 1963.
187. and KIT MUI LEUNG. Mississippi Farm Trends 1950-1964. Bulletin
754. State College, Miss.: Mississippi State University, Agricultural
Experiment Station, 1967.
There was a 55 percent decrease in the number of farm operators in
Mississippi from 1950 to 1964. Tenant losses were proportionately
greater than owner losses, although outmigration from both groups
was substantial. Eighty percent of the tenant loss occurred among
blacks, while the proportion of white farmers of all farmers increased
from one-half to two-thirds in the time period. Remaining farms were
rapidly mechanizing, the number working only part time in farming
greatly increased. The authors also noted city influences on farm
living in relation to ownership of appliances, educational levels, and
youth aspirations.
188. and GEORGE L. WILBER. "Mississippi Farms and Farmers:
Changes Since 1950." Information Sheet 709. State College, Miss.:
Mississippi State University, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1961.
189. and Net Migration in Mississippi 1950-1960. Bulletin 632.
State College, Miss.: Mississippi State University, Agricultural Exper-
iment Station, 1961.
The effect of Mississippi's 1950-60 net migration was to increase
both the proportion of dependent persons in the population and the
ratio of white to nonwhite population. Factors combining to produce
this result were high fertility, heavy outmigration of labor-force-aged
persons and of blacks, and inmigration of those over age 65. Mechani-
zation of agriculture and industrial job opportunities were the push-
and-pull forces influencing the outmigration of rural youth. Migrant
whites typically moved to intrastate cities, while blacks went primar-
ily out of State. The authors estimate that yearly migration losses cost
the State an average of $700 million.
190. BUCK, ROY C. "Rural Youth Leave Home There is a Vacant Chair."
Science for the Farmer (New Series), 1(3) (Winter 1954), 4-5.
One-fourth of the rural Pennsylvania high school sophomores inter-
viewed in 1947 had moved to cities 4 years later.
191. and BOND L. BIBLE. Educational Attainment among Pennsylvania
Rural Youth. Bulletin 686. University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State
University, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1961.


192. and CLAUDE HAROLD BROWN. "The Implications of Rural Youth
Migration and Occupational Mobility for Agriculture." Journal of
Farm Economics, 41 (Dec. 1959), 1155-1168.
Data were obtained from 1,042 white rural male high school sopho-
mores in 1947 and from re-interviews in 1951 and again in 1957. Of the
sample, about 26 percent were farm reared, 19 percent were rural-
nonfarm dwellers, and the rest lived in towns and villages of less than
2,500 population. Initial interview data revealed that there were no IQ
differences among the sample by origin.
Controlling for choice of farming by farm-reared boys, there was no
relationship found between choice of occupation and place of resi-
dence. Parents' choices for sons' occupations were most frequently for
white collar jobs, although half of the parents of the farm reared
preferred farming for their sons. There were no differences in the
family statuses or dropout rates of the boys by place of residence, but
the farm reared ultimately completed fewer years of school. Data
obtained 4 years later revealed that of the original group, 69 percent
of the farm reared, 70 percent of the rural-nonfarm dwellers, and 63
percent of the village dwellers were still in their places of origin.
Most migrants had gone to urban areas. The farm-reared sample
contributed far less proportionately than the other groups to the
numbers of urban migrants. Most of the migration observed occurred
in and around the home county. Sixty-five percent of the original
sample was in the labor force, with over two-thirds of these in blue
collar jobs and the rest about equally divided between white collar
pursuits and farming. Except for the association between being reared
on, and working on, a farm, no other relationships were found between
occupation and place of origin. Farm-reared youth were earning about
$30 less per month than members of the other two groups. For all
groups, but especially the farm reared, frequent job changes following
labor-force entry were associated with low initial weekly salaries.
However, the initial income advantage of those in stable jobs was
offset over time by the improved incomes of those changing jobs. The
farm reared were less likely than others to be in white collar jobs.
In 1957 twenty-nine percent of the original sample were living in
urban areas, with the farm having contributed the least number of
urban migrants. An urbanward trend in migration was offset by the
tendency for moves to same-sized places. Twenty-five percent of the
sample had never moved.
Farm-reared males were least likely to be employed in white collar
occupations or as foremen and craftsmen. Only 25 percent of the farm
reared were actually farming. Fewer of the farm reared than of the
other groups were working as operatives, and only 14 of the entire
original sample were common laborers. 1947 residence was a better
indicator of subsequent occupation than 1951 residence. No significant
relationship was found between 1947 place of residence and 1957
income, the gaps observed in 1951 by that time having been closed.
There was a greater variability in income among the farm reared than
among the other two groups. It is concluded that findings do not
support the hypothesis of a difference in socioeconomic achievement
between farm- and non-farm-reared youth 10 years after the sopho-
more year of high school.
193. BULTENA, GORDON L. "Career Mobility of Low-Income Farm Opera-
tors." Rural Sociology, 34 (Dec. 1969), 563-569.


Data were obtained from a sample of farm operators in Price
County, Wis., in 1958 and 1965. In the interim one-fourth had died and
one-third had retired. The remaining respondents were traced, and 49
replied to a mailed questionnaire. At the time of leaving farming, over
two-thirds were employed in off-farm work, and 80 percent of these
worked at least 40 hours per week.
Off-farm work became the principal occupation for one-third of the
off-farm movers. Eighty percent were in blue collar jobs. Thirty
percent changed jobs at least once after leaving farming. Such shifts
were horizontal or vertical within blue collar ranks, and only 4 percent
had moved from blue to white collar jobs. Nearly three-fourths of
respondents were as satisfied with their present job as they had been
with farming. Half were in the same county or had moved to a
contiguous county, one-fourth were elsewhere in Wisconsin, and the
rest had moved to another State.
Findings did not support the idea that farmers leaving agriculture
in midcareer have greater adjustment problems than youth leaving
farms. This may be a result of the fact that destination areas for this
sample were not typically urban (74 percent lived in places of less than
10,000 population and only 8 percent had moved to areas of 100,000 or
more), and most respondents continued to live near friends and

194. BUNTING, ROBERT L. "A Test of the Theory of Geographic Mobility."
Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 15 (Oct. 1961), 75-82.
This study of rural-urban and interregional migration of the labor
force found that moves typically flow from lower to higher income

195. LOWELL D. ASHBY, and PETER A. PROSPER, JR. "Labor Mobility
in Three Southern States." Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 14
(Feb. 1961), 432-445.
This 1953 study of labor mobility in North Carolina, South Carolina,
and Georgia, used the Social Security 1-percent Continuous Work
History sample relating to workers whose first and last covered
employment during 1953 was in the three-State area. Less than 30
percent of the workers were mobile, defined as having had two or more
employers in 1953. Mobility varied with age, race, and sex.
Controlling for sex and race, young workers were 45 percent more
mobile than older workers. Controlling for race and age, male workers
were 65 percent more mobile than female workers. Negro males were
more mobile than white males, but white females were slightly more
mobile than black females. Within age, sex, and race categories,
intercounty moves were more frequent for workers employed in non-
metropolitan than in metropolitan areas.
The three-State study area was characterized by net outmigration:
this loss was greater among males and blacks than among females and
whites. Primary destinations were in the East North Central, the
Middle Atlantic, and the northern portion of the South Atlantic
Divisions. Age, sex, and race composition of migrating streams
changed with distance moved: the proportion of youths, males, and
blacks increased as distance traveled increased, but other factors also
were involved. Since findings are in agreement with Bogue's for


Michigan and Ohio for 1947 (127), it is concluded that, despite limita-
tions, Social Security data provide reliable information on labor mobil-
196. BURCHINAL, LEE G. "Differences in Educational and Occupational Aspi-
rations of Farm, Small-Town and City Boys." Rural Sociology, 26(2)
(June 1961), 107-121.
197. "Do Family Moves Harm Children?" Iowa Farm Science, 17(9)
(1963), 11-12.
From a study of three groups of children in the 7th through 11th
grades in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, it was found that children from farm
backgrounds had adjusted quickly to their new homes and schools,
and did not differ from natives on any of the measured characteristics.
The greater absenteeism rate of 11th-grade boys from farm back-
grounds compared to all others was the only major group difference
found in the study.
198. "Farm Versus Nonfarm Youth in the Urban Labor Market."
Extension Service Review, 34 (Aug. 1963), 144.
199. "How Do Farm Families Adjust to City Life?" Iowa Farm
Science, 17 (1963).
200. "Who's Going to Farm?" Iowa Farm Science, 14 (Apr. 1960), 12-15.
Data were obtained from 103 farm boys enrolled in the 10th and 12th
grades in a rural Iowa high school. Boys who had made definite
decisions about their future occupations were more likely to have held
discussions with their parents. Mothers more frequently than fathers
had talked with the boys concerning their future occupations and had
placed more emphasis on education.
Boys who planned to farm preferred farm work, had lower grades,
considered freedom on the job as the most important characteristic of
a job, tended to be more satisfied with their present level of informa-
tion concerning employment opportunities, and were less likely to be
planning to attend college. Only 30 percent of those boys who planned
to have nonfarm jobs or were uncertain about their future occupa-
tions lived on owner-operated farms.
201. and WARD W. BAUDER. "Adjustments to the New Institutional
Environment." In Family Mobility in Our Dynamic Society. Prepared
by Iowa State University, Center for Agricultural and Economic
Adjustment. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1965. Pp. 197-
The working hypothesis was that "... mobility is a response by
which individuals and families expect to, and generally do, succeed in
better meeting important housing and other personal and family
needs." This hypothesis was based on the assumptions that ". most
moves involve short distances, impose few disruptions in major sys-
tems of social roles and occur as a result of voluntary decisions." The
authors present a graphic concept of adjustment to spatial movement
which is essentially a flow chart of time-interrelated sets of factors
preceding, intervening in, and following the actual movement. Inter-
vening factors are those related to the social system, to status, and to
sociopsychological factors of individuals and of families.
Three types of measures are suggested to discover adjustments of
rural migrants to urban social systems: occupational and other social


status data; social participation indices; and attitude, goal, aspiration,
and value measures.

202. and---. "Educational Values of Farm Migrant Families." Iowa
Farm Science, 19 (Nov.-Dec. 1964), 6-8.
Data were obtained from fathers living in Des Moines, Iowa, from
their sons who had left home, and from their sons still at home for
samples of farm-reared migrants, urban-reared migrants, and city
natives. Educational attainment in general for both types of sons was
greater than that of their fathers, but fewer older sons of urban
migrants were educated beyond high school. Fathers' educational
aspirations for sons still at home were greater than the actual
achievements of sons who had left. The educational attainments and
aspirations of those in the farm-reared sample fell below those in the
other two groups. Children's educational level increased as father's
occupational status increased. Data on actual achievement of older
sons revealed that the eventual achievement of farm migrants' sons
still at home will lag behind that of sons in other groups. Occupational
status of older sons was lowest among farm migrants and highest
among natives, with farm migrants' older sons having attended col-
lege in less than half the proportion of native older sons. The authors
conclude that the lower levels of educational and occupational attain-
ment of farm-reared fathers have been passed on to sons and will
continue to be passed on.

203. and "Farm Migrants Adapt to City Life." Iowa Farm
Science, 19(11) (Feb. 1965), 15-17.
204. and "Integration of Farm- and Urban-Reared Persons in
Des Moines." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Rural
Sociological Society, Los Angeles, Calif., Aug. 24, 1963.
205. ARCHIBALD O. HALLER, and MARVIN J. TAVES. Career Choices of
Rural Youth in a Changing Society. Bulletin 458. Minneapolis, Minn.:
University of Minnesota, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1962.

206. and PERRY E. JACOBSON. "Migration and Adjustment of Farm
and Urban Families and Adolescents in Cedar Rapids, Iowa." Rural
Sociology, 28 (Dec. 1963), 364-378.
207. BURNIGHT, ROBERT G. 100 Years of Interstate Migration, 1850-1950.
Bulletin 330. Storrs, Conn.: University of Connecticut, Agricultural
Experiment Station, 1957.
Analysis of 1850-1950 census data indicate a net outmigration from
Connecticut, 1850-1900, and a net inmigration to the State, 1900-50.
208. BUSCA, M. "The Rural Exodus." Riso, 5 (Sept. 1956), 3-4.
209. BUTCHER, WALTER. "Productivity, Technology, and Employment in Ag-
riculture." In Automation and Economic Progress. Edited by Howard
R. Bowen and Garth L. Mangum. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-
Hall, Inc., 1966. Pp. 114-127.
Technological advances in agriculture have decreased the number of
farm jobs by increasing output and productivity per producing unit.
Movement of labor out of agricultural jobs has not been rapid enough
to balance labor needs in farm and nonfarm jobs. Forces hindering
outmovement from farms are: the isolation of many agricultural areas


from off-farm jobs, nontransferability of farm skills to nonfarm work,
and educational disadvantage of the farm reared. Three-fifths of 1950
off-farm migrants were under age 25 and primarily employed in low-
income semiskilled and unskilled jobs.
210. BYRN, DARCIE. "Education as a Selective Factor in the Minnesota
Rural-Urban Migration Patterns, 1935-40." Unpublished master's the-
sis, University of Minnesota, 1951.
211. CALDWELL, MORRIS G. "The Adjustments of Mountain Families in an
Urban Environment." Social Forces, 16 (Mar. 1938), 389-395.
vance Report 3: Bibliography, 1966. Los Angeles, Calif.: University of
California at Los Angeles, Graduate School of Business Administra-
tion, Division of Research, Mexican American Study Project, 1966.
213. CARPENTER, EARL T. Farming Opportunities in Missouri Projected
through 1975, With Special Attention to Openings for High School
Graduates in Vocational Agriculture. Research Bulletin 746. Columbia,
Mo.: University of Missouri, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1960.
Carpenter found that the number of farm opportunities in Missouri
were, and would continue to be, insufficient to absorb the growing
number of farm-reared youth entering the labor force.

214. CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY. Department of Sociology. Cleve-
land's In-Migrant Workers: Part I. Project 27, Hough Area Research 9,
Report 1. Cleveland, Ohio: Case Western Reserve University, 1957.
215. CHARLTON, J. L. "Farm People on the Move." Arkansas Agricultural
Economist, 3(2) (May 1916), 1.
216. "Migration and Occupational Change Among Arkansas Coun-
ties." Arkansas Farm Research, 17(2) (Mar.-Apr. 1968), 15.
217. Social Aspects of Farm Ownership and Tenancy in the Arkansas
Coastal Plain. Bulletin 545. Fayetteville, Ark.: University of Arkan-
sas, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1954.
218. CHOLDIN, HARVEY M. "The Response to Migrants of the Receiving
Community." In Family Mobility in Our Dynamic Society. Prepared
by Iowa State University, Center for Agricultural and Economic
Adjustment. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1965. Pp. 171-
Choldin distinguishes between problems of "ethnic" and "noneth-
nic" migrants and between those of "normal" and "problem" mi-
grants. While the normal migrant learns to adapt quickly to the urban
milieu, the problem migrant may be unemployed, unemployable, or on
public welfare lists, may be highly mobile residentially, and have a
host of other difficulties.
A study performed by Chicago's Community and Family Study
Center revealed that many real estate operators rent crowded sub-
standard housing at inflated prices to ethnically visible migrants.
Also, ethnic migrants have found many occupations and unions closed
to them. Natives' responses to visible ethnic migrants reflect the fear,
originally engendered by immigrant groups and fostered today by a
shrinking unskilled labor market, that the new laborers will take over
their jobs. Many people view black southern migrants as "criminal,


immoral and lazy" people who move North to live on welfare and place
special burdens on a city's welfare, educational, and police services.
Special problems of migrants are homesickness and feelings of not
belonging, which are less acute for ethnic migrants because of the role
the ethnic enclave plays. A city's response to a nonethnic migrant,
essentially no response at all, may cause great distress and feelings of
isolation for those from small, intimate communities, and impersonal
treatment may be taken very negatively.
*219. and GRAFTON D. TROUT. Mexican-Americans in Transition: Mi-
gration and Employment in Michigan Cities. Final report submitted to
the U.S. Department of Labor, Office of Manpower Research, Contract
81246632. East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University, Agricul-
tural Experiment Station, 1969.
This random sample study of Mexican Americans (626 males and 69
females) included natives of Michigan (11 percent), and Texas- and
Mexico-born migrants (both nonagricultural workers and farm work-
ers who settled out of the migratory labor stream in Michigan). The
sample studied may have overrepresented low-mobility respondents
and underrepresented the poorest among the groups, with the result
that findings may underestimate unemployment and problems associ-
ated with high intra-area mobility and low incomes. Many findings are
not presented with type of migrant status or length of time in
Michigan controlled. However, it can be said that most of the migrants
from Texas originated in either towns or in small- and medium-sized
cities, had a median age of 27 at outmigration, and had higher
educational attainment than the Mexican American population left
behind. Recent migrants tended to be somewhat younger and better
educated than the resident Mexican American population in Michi-
Most migrants gave job-related reasons for dropping out of the
migration stream. Desire to be near kin was the second most impor-
tant reason. One-third of migrants had relatives and one-fourth of
migrants had friends already in Michigan when they settled there.
Once in Michigan cities, ex-migratory-workers and the less well edu-
cated were more likely than others to be residentially mobile. Mi-
grants from Texas were more likely than others to have age-grade
retarded children, but age-grade retardation did not seem to be linked
to frequency of parents' mobility. Ties were maintained with kin in
origin areas by sending money and by making visits. Three-fourths of
migrants changed occupations on migrating to Michigan. Increases in
occupational status were inversely related to years in the migratory
labor stream. Twenty percent of direct inmigrants had completed high
school, versus only 10 percent of labor stream dropouts. Although
direct inmigrants had greater job stability than ex-migratory-stream
workers, there was only a slight difference in their pay on first
Michigan jobs.
220. CHRISTENSEN, DAVID E. Rural Occupance in Transition, Sumter and Lee
Counties, Georgia. Population Changes, No. 43. Chicago, Ill.: Univer-
sity of Chicago, Department of Geography, 1956.
Displacement and Surplus Labor in the South." Review of Regional
Studies, 2(1) (1971), 65-81.


This review of secondary-source data for the period 1950-69 from the
census, the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Labor, and
from Bowles and Fein concerns the effect of reduced labor in Southern
agriculture on regional manpower. Agricultural labor requirements
have declined to a very great extent over the last two decades, and
Negroes have been displaced at a faster rate than whites. Because of
educational and skill differences and regional racial attitudes, dis-
placed nonwhites have been disadvantaged in competition for non-
farm jobs. Continued improvements in agricultural technology and a
continuing high net reproduction rate in the rural South insure the
perpetuation of a large pool of surplus labor. Data reveal that mi-
grants out of the South largely have been those from urban areas who
were pushed out by those with lower educational levels who, in turn,
were initially pushed off farms and went to southern cities.
222. and "Farm Size as a Factor in the Relative Displacement
of Black Farm Families." Paper presented at the Conference on Rural
Manpower Problems, Center for Study of Human Resources, Univer-
sity of Texas at Austin, Austin, Tex., February 12, 1971.
In analyzing Department of Agriculture data for 1950-64, the au-
thors found that technological changes had increased the minimum
size of the economically viable farm, and that longrun pressures of
possible economies of scale in agriculture are greater on the small
farmer than the pressure of technological change alone. More black
than white farmers have been adversely affected by the required
increase in farm size, and for all farm sizes, blacks are at a greater
disadvantage than whites in attempting to shift to capital-intensive
methods in relation to assets, access to credit, and poor educational
background. Regardless of farm size, blacks are more subject to
displacement because they are more likely than whites to be tenants.
tional and Occupational Aspirations of High School Seniors in Three
Central Utah Counties. Social Science Bulletin 1. Provo, Utah:
Brigham Young University, 1962.
224. and Educational and Occupational Choices of Rural
Youth in Utah: A Follow-Up Study. Social Science Bulletin 2. Provo,
Utah: Brigham Young University, 1962.
225. CISIN, IRA H. "The Mountain Migrant: The Problem Centered Workshop
at Berea." Journal of Human Relations, 9(1) (Autumn 1960), 67.
226. CLAWSON, MARION. "Factors and Forces Affecting the Optimum Future
Rural Settlement Pattern in the United States." Economic Geography,
42(4) (Oct. 1966), 283-293.
In focusing on rural areas and the less-than-5,000-population towns
and villages which serve them, Clawson describes a pattern of "opti-
mum settlement" in relation to both satisfaction and cost and consid-
ers factors which must figure in building resettlement models. He
discusses intrafarm factors, marketing of farm output, purchase of
farm inputs and of home supplies for farm consumption, farm and
family services usually consumed in towns, economies of scale in
group services, and roads. He especially recommends that since today
there are fewer farms per rural road mile, construction of roads
should stop, some roads should be closed, and money diverted from


construction and repair to relocation allowances for families now
living on marginal farms. He concludes by listing present forces for
and against change in rural areas.
227. Policy Directions for U.S. Agriculture. Baltimore, Md.: The Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1968.
Discusses aspirations and noneconomic needs of farm people, farm
labor, rural living conditions, migration of farm people, rural institu-
tions and services, rural towns, the spatial organization of agricul-
ture, and its capital structure. It is considered unlikely that migration
will be accelerated in the absence of major programs to assist farmers
in readjustment, yet the United States may easily get down to 2
million farms or less by 1980 and to 1 million or less by the year 2,000.
Thus, there will continue to be a great deal of underemployment and
unemployment in agriculture as well as a surplus of labor.
228. CLELAND, CHARLES L. "Human Resource Development and Mobility in
the Rural South." Cooperative Regional Project S-61 Termination
Report. Knoxville, Tenn.: University of Tennessee, 1972.
229. CLELAND, COURTNEY B. Changes in Rural Population on the Plains.
Social Science Report 3. Fargo, N. Dak.: North Dakota State Univer-
sity, Institute for Regional Studies, 1957.
230. CLOWARD, RICHARD A., and FRANCES FOX PIREN. "Migration, Politics
and Welfare." Saturday Review (Nov. 16, 1968), 31-35.
231. COE, PAUL F. "Nonwhite Population Increases in Metropolitan Areas."
Journal of the American Statistical Association, 50(270) (June 1955),
Using primarily census data, the author analyzed nonwhite popula-
tion changes in Standard Metropolitan Areas (SMA's) 1940-50. By
region, nonwhite SMA population increases were absolutely greatest
in the North Central area and relatively greatest in the West. Inmi-
gration of nonwhites to SMA's accounted for two-thirds of central city
population increases of nonwhites and one-half of suburban nonwhite
population increases. Nonwhites were concentrated in a few SMA's:
while one-half of all nonwhites lived in 168 SMA's, one-half of all
nonwhites living in SMA's were residing in 10 of them.
232. -- "The Nonwhite Population Surge to Our Cities." Land Econom-
ics, 35 (Aug. 1959), 195-210.
Discusses effects of increased black populations in cities on income,
housing, and taxes.
The Negro Population of Kentucky at Mid-Century. Bulletin 643.
Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky, Agricultural Experiment
Station, 1956.
The 1950 census data show a decrease of the black population of
Kentucky as a result of heavy outmigration, principally to Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan. The lesser number of blacks who had
inmigrated came generally from Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, and
Mississippi. Thus it appears that Kentucky is a "way point" in the
migration of blacks from the South to northern cities.
234. COLLER, RICHARD WALTER. "Geographic Mobility of Selected Rural
Minnesota Male High School Graduates." Unpublished doctoral disser-


station, University of Minnesota, 1959.
See Taves and Coller, 1077.
235. COMMITTEE FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT. Distressed Areas in a Grow-
ing Economy. New York: Committee for Economic Development, 1961.
236. CONFERENCE ON ECONOMIC PROGRESS. Full Prosperity for Agriculture:
Goals for Farm Policy. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1955.
TURAL EXTENSION SERVICE. Population Estimates, Natural Increase
and Net Migration, Connecticut Towns, 1950 to 1955. Connecticut
Population Reports 1, Progress Report 11. Storrs, Conn.: University of
Connecticut, College of Agriculture, Agricultural Extension Service,
Appalachian Migrant on Public Aid in Cook County: A Follow-Up
Study. Chicago, Ill.: Cook County, Illinois, Department of Public Aid,
239. CORBIN, DORIS, COMP. Publications of the Social Science Department,
1963-1970. Santa Monica, Calif.: The Rand Corp., 1971.
240. COWGILL, DONALD 0. "Value Assumptions in Recent Migration Re-
search." Sociological Quarterly, 2(4) (Oct. 1961), 263-279.
241. COWHIG, JAMES D. Age-Grade School Progress of Farm and Nonfarm
Youth: 1960. Agricultural Economic Report 40. Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 1963.
242. Characteristics of School Dropouts and High School Graduates,
Farm and Nonfarm, 1960. Agricultural Economic Report 65. Washing-
ton, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Serv-
ice, 1964.
243. "Early Occupational Status as Related to Education and Resi-
dence." Rural Sociology, 27(1) (Mar. 1962), 18-27.
244. -- "Rural Youth, Schools and Jobs." Mimeographed. Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service,
245. and CALVIN L. BEALE. "Vocational Agriculture Enrollment and
Farm Employment Opportunities." Southeastern Social Science
Quarterly, 47(4) (1967), 413-423.
246. J. ALLAN BEEGLE, and HAROLD F. GOLDSMITH. Orientations
Toward Occupations and Residence: A Study of High School Seniors in
Four Rural Counties of Michigan. Special Bulletin 428. East Lansing,
Mich.: Michigan State University, Agricultural Experiment Station,
247. and SHERIDAN T. MAITLAND. "The Prior Farm Wage Work Experi-
ence of the 1959 Labor Force." Paper presented at the Annual
Meeting of the American Sociological Society, Chicago, Ill., Sept. 1959.
248. and CHARLES B. NAM. "Educational Status, College Plans, and
Occupational Status of Farm and Nonfarm Youths: October 1959." In
Farm Population. Series Census-ERS, P-27, No. 30. Washington, D.C.:
U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961.


249. CRAWFORD, CHARLES O. "Family Attachment, Family Support for Mi-
gration, and Migration Plans for Young People." Rural Sociology, 31
(1966), 293-300.
The study sample consisted of 790 seniors from a low-income and a
high-income agricultural county in northern New York in 1962. Three
measures of sociopsychological support and one form of economic
support were utilized. A four-item index was developed as an opera-
tional measure of attachment. The hypothesis was that high school
seniors who had high attachment to family of orientation, and receive
support from this system to migrate, and those with low attachment
to this system both are more likely to migrate than those who have
high attachment and receive no support for migration. It was found
that the high-attachment-support group was more likely to plan
migration than the high-attachment-no-support group. Support from
the family of orientation to migrate can overcome the inhibiting
effects of attachment to the rural system.
250. Family Factors in Migration Plans of Youth: High School Seniors
in St. Lawrence County, New York. Department of Sociology Bulletin
65. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, Agricultural Experiment Station,
Data noted in the annotation above also show that family support
versus nonsupport in sociopsychological, economic, and communica-
tions functions were especially important for males and for those with
one or no siblings, and that the family of orientation was no more
important than other relatives in influencing a subject's plans con-
cerning migration.
251. CROWE, MARTIN J. "The Occupational Adaptation of a Selected Group of
Eastern Kentuckians in Southern Ohio." Unpublished doctoral disser-
tation, University of Kentucky, 1964.
*252. CROWLEY, RONALD W. "An Empirical Investigation of Some Local
Public Costs of In-Migration to Cities." Journal of Human Resources,
1(1) (Winter 1970), 11-23.
Crowley figured costs of inmigrants to 94 cities of destination by
multiplying the income distribution of inmigrants by per capital distri-
bution of expenditures and revenues, and adjusting for intercity
differences in revenue-income-expenditure patterns. Migrants to
these cities for 1955-60 cost each city an average of $2.5 million in
1960, and the annual cost to the city per migrant was nine times as
high as that per native ($72 versus $8), although there was considera-
ble intercity variability.
253. "The Nature and Social Cost of In-migration to Cities in the
United States, 1955-1960." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Duke
University, 1968.
254. CUNNINGHAM, EARL HAROLD. "Religious Concerns of Southern Appala-
chian Migrants in a North Central City." Unpublished doctoral disser-
tation, Boston University, 1962.
Data from 33 migrants from Appalachia to Cleveland showed that
migrants were adapting well and were also satisfied with their city
lives. Most had helpful relatives and friends, and most also had less of
a "religious" life after arrival. Those who were more religiously active
had a more active orientation toward their life situations and were
less distressed by things in general.


255. DAHLKE, H. OTTO. "Wartime Rural Migration, Western Specialty Crop
Areas." Studies of the State College of Washington, 14(2) (June 1946),

256. and HARVEY STONECIPHER. "A Wartime Back-to-Land Movement
of Old Age Groups." Rural Sociology, 11(2) (June 1946), 148-152.
Inmigration to four rural areas of Butte County, Calif., 1935-45
represented inmigration of retiring persons who originally had left
rural areas, and who were now establishing "retirement" areas for
part-time farming or enjoyment of rural living.

257. DANLEY, ROBERT A., and CHARLES E. RAMSEY. Standardization and
Application of a Level-of-Living Scale for Farm and Nonfarm Fami-
lies. Bulletin 362. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, Agricultural Ex-
periment Station, 1959.
The authors believe that level-of-living scales ought to be standard-
ized to allow comparison of farmers with other occupational and
residence groups. The scale they developed was standardized on one
population group and tested on another. Data were obtained from 549
respondents, of whom 75 percent were rural nonfarmers; 11 percent,
part-time farmers; and 14 percent, full-time farmers. In developing
the level-of-living scale, a battery of 48 pretested variables was
considered, each variable was dichotomized, and a phi coefficient was
used to determine the power of each variable to distinguish high from
low occupational status. A 13-item scale resulted, which included the
following: water supply (inside faucets); tub and shower in bath;
piano; washing machine; pressure cooker; separate freezer; kinds of
clocks; two or more cars; age of cars; concrete floored basement;
telephone; and number of magazines taken. A reduced nine-item scale
was also developed, and each scale gave significant predictions of
educational status and membership and leadership in formal organi-
The nine-item scale, tested on a sample on which it had not been
standardized, had a significant relationship to all status and con-
sumer pattern variables and to 7 of 12 value-orientation questions. It
was also successful on data from a sample of full-time farmers in the
investigation of the relationship between level of living and stratifica-
tion, attachment to farm, isolation, lifecycle, and health.

258. DAS GUPTA, AJIT. "Types and Measures of Internal Migration." In
Proceedings of the International Population Conference, 1959. Vienna:
International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, 1959. Pp.
This theoretical discussion focuses on whether movement of the
household head is voluntary or involuntary, and on the sequential
movement of dependents. It is suggested that one way of dealing
effectively with the spatial variable in studying migration is to divide
a country into homogeneous segments on the basis of such character-
istics as economic opportunities or living conditions, "in a manner
analogous to stratification in sampling."

259. DAVIES, SHANE, and GARY L. FOWLER. "The Disadvantaged Urban
Migrant in Indianapolis." Economic Geography, 48(2) (Apr. 1972), 153-


Data were obtained from the records of those who sought jobs in the
Employment Outreach Centers of Indianapolis between August 1966
and August 1968. The sample included 494 blacks and 146 whites for
some kinds of information, while complete information was obtained
only for 197 blacks and 73 whites. All respondents were defined as
disadvantaged. Most migrants were found to be from Southern States
and to have settled in known black and Appalachian white poverty
sections of the city. Over 90 percent of black and Appalachian white
migrants were under 30, with the whites slightly older than the
blacks. Of blacks, 75 percent were female, while 69 percent of whites
were male. Compared to the native poverty area population, migrants
were younger and included more females. Seventy percent of black
males and 51 percent of white male migrants were single. Most
females of both races were married, divorced, separated or widowed.
Divorce was more prevalent among black than among white female
migrants, and divorced black women had more dependents than
married women. The majority of migrants had not finished high
The rural-urban migrants were typically poorly skilled. Except for
black males, about half of the migrants got jobs on arrival which
lasted 3 months or less. The rates of job change varied little by race or
sex when education, age, and mode of transport to work were con-
trolled. Many migrants were not employed in jobs utilizing their skills.
Sixty percent of blacks were making less than $1.65 per hour, while
only 30 percent of white migrants were making that little. These wage
findings were similar to those for the native poverty population.
260. DAVIES, VERNON. Farm Population Trends in Washington. Bulletin 507.
Pullman, Wash.: Washington State University, Agricultural Experi-
ment Station, 1949.
261. DAVIS, DAN R. "Who Wants to Keep 'Em Down on the Farm?" South-
western Social Science Quarterly, 17(3) (Dec. 1946), 262-267.
262. DAVIS, ELIZABETH GOULD, COMP. Low-Income Farm People: A Selected
List of References. Library List 62. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department
of Agriculture, 1955.
263. DAVIS, JACK. "Texas Population Shifts from Rural to Urban." Texas
A & M College Agriculturist, 10(4) (Mar. 1952), 13, 24.
264. DAVIS, KINGSLEY. "Internal Migration and Urbanization in Relation to
Economic Development." In Proceedings of the World Population
Conference, 1954. Vol. II. New York: United Nationas, 1955. Pp. 783-801.
While internal migration from agricultural areas to cities becomes
heavy in early stages of industrialization, at later stages, interurban
migration eclipses rural-urban movement.
265. DAY, R. H. "The Economics of Technological Change and the Demise of
the Sharecropper." American Economic Review, 57 (June 1967), 427-
Day describes an economic model of production, investment, and
technological change and tests it on 1940-60 census data from Missis-
sippi. He shows trends from the model using data on technology,
output, and productivity and focuses on labor demands in line with his
theory of a "two-stage push off the farm." The first stage occurs when
sharecroppers are forced into nearby villages which provide proximity


to work in agriculture in peak harvest seasons. The second stage push
occurs when complete mechanization destroys the need for workers
during peak harvest times.
If this model is correct, one should first observe a shift of people
from rural-farm to rural-nonfarm status, from sharecropper to wage-
worker status, and then a shift of rural-nonfarm groups to urban
areas through migration or declines in the populations of regions as a
whole. The Mississippi data used supported this theory.

266. DE JONG, GORDON F. The Population of Kentucky: Changes in the
Number of Inhabitants, 1950-60. Bulletin 675. Lexington, Ky.: Univer-
sity of Kentucky, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1961.
267. DERBYSHIRE, ROBERT L. "Adaptation of Adolescent Mexican Americans
to United States Society." In Behavior in New Environments: Adapta-
tion of Migrant Populations. Edited by Eugene B. Brody. Beverly
Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1970. Pp. 275-289.
The sample consisted of 89 females and males of Mexican American
background in a low-income area of Los Angeles. Migrants were
determined on the basis of whether the individual had moved to Los
Angeles during his lifetime or whether his mother or father had
moved there from Mexico, while nonmigrants and their parents were
born and reared in the United States. The major conclusion was that
nonmigrants may have found it necessary to "overidentify" with
traditional Mexican role models to counteract the "cultural-stripping"
process of American society. Adaptive behavior learned at the outset
of migration may become maladaptive during succeeding steps in the
migration process.
268. DIEHL, WILLIAM D. "Farm-Non-Farm Migration in the Southeast: A
Costs Returns Analysis." Journal of Farm Economics, 48 (Feb. 1966),
Diehl presents a theory of a costs-returns framework as the basis for
an analysis of farm-nonfarm migration in the southeastern United
States, 1950-60. Costs noted are farm income given up, out-of-pocket
costs of moving, and "psychic" costs of moving, while returns are said
to be associated with age, education, and nonfarm work experience.
Age was related to migration, and an inverse relationship was found
between income and migration. Capital gains were found to be a
deterrent to migration. No other compositional factor but race ac-
counted for high rates of outmigration for areas with high proportions
of blacks. It is concluded that ". farm people do migrate in response
to income incentives," and that special skill training programs may
speed the transfer of agricultural labor to nonfarm jobs.

269. DILLINGHAM, HARRY C., and DAVID F. SLY. "The Mechanical Cotton-
Picker, Negro Migration, and the Integration Movement." Human
Organization, 25(4) (Winter 1966), 344-351.
The authors obtained data concerning adoption of mechanical cotton
pickers from 17 Arkansas counties, 15 of which had large Negro tenant
populations. These data indicate that ". the hypothesis that mecha-
nization in the 1950's was caused by migration is scarcely tenable." It
is concluded that most migrants went to urban areas in the South,
which, in turn, have been losing large numbers of migrants to urban
places in the North. It seems that this latter group of migrants has


been pushed North by increased competition from rural migrants for
available urban jobs in the South.
270. DOERFLINGER, JON A. "Patterns of Internal Migration Related to Insti-
tutional and Age-Sex Structure of the U.S." Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1962.
In an examination of family, housing, and occupational institutions,
Doerflinger discerns structural factors facilitating or inhibiting mi-
gration and also the changes taking place in these institutions. An
analysis of data on high school graduates from five Wisconsin counties
showed that there are sex differences among graduates in feelings
about living apart from parents, and means to independence generally
were undertaken but at different rates for each sex. Migration was
differentially related to each "means to independence," for example,
getting a job, and availability of those means influenced migration.
271. and RONALD KLIMEK. Iowa's Population: Recent Trends, Future
Prospects. Special Report 47. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University,
Agricultural and Home Economics Experiment Station, 1966.
272. and DOUGLAS G. MARSHALL. The Story of Price County, Wiscon-
sin: Population Research in a Rural Development County. Research
Bulletin 220. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin, Agricultural
Experiment Station, 1960.
Heavy outmigration among labor-force-age adults had left a high
dependency ratio, and the lowered population density had raised the
costs of available services.
273. DUCOFF, LOUIS J. "Trends and Characteristics of Farm Population in
Low-Income Farming Areas." Journal of Farm Economics, 37(5) (Dec.
1955), 1399-1407.
Rates of farm population decline were more rapid in low-income
than in high-income rural areas.

*274. DUNCAN, OTIS DUDLEY. "Farm Background and Differential Fertility."
Demography, 2 (1965), 240-249.
The author notes that, although studies of the late 1950's showed
that the classic pattern of differential fertility among the nonfarm
population was confined to couples in which one or both spouses grew
up on a farm, these studies had small samples. The purpose here was
to replicate the earlier studies but to use national data on couples
with completed fertility obtained from the March 1962 Current Popu-
lation Survey, to which a supplementary Occupational Changes in a
Generation questionnaire had been attached. A respondent was classi-
fied as having a farm background if his father was a farmer, farm
manager, farm laborer, or foreman, and couples were studied only if
the wife was 42-61 years old in March 1962. This group of women (born
1900-19) had the smallest completed family size of any preceding
cohort, and much of their fertility was completed prior to the "baby
boom." A ". sufficient condition for controlled fertility was indi-
cated by either two generations of nonfarm residence in the
history of both spouses or attainment of high levels of school." Couples
with farm background but high educational attainment did not differ
in mean fertility from nonfarm couples. High values of mean fertility
were found among couples with both low levels of education and farm
background, two factors which will characterize increasingly fewer


and fewer women. There may be changes in overall fertility levels, but
the effects of low educational attainment and farm background will be
275. -- "Gradients of Urban Influence on the Rural Population." In
Urban Research Methods. Edited by Jack P. Gibbs. Princeton, N.J.: D.
Van Nostrand Co., Inc., 1961. Pp. 550-555.
The 1950 census data confirm the hypothesis that the influence of
urban areas on rural populations with respect to economic activities,
family organization and functions, and the demographic structure is
greater for areas closer to, than for those more remote from, these
urban centers.
276. "Note on Farm Tenancy and Urbanization." In Urban Research
Methods. Edited by Jack P. Gibbs. Princeton, N.J.: D. Van Nostrand
Co., Inc., 1961. Pp. 556-561.
This analysis of 1950 census data found significant urbanization
gradients for the incidence of farm tenancy, related farm characteris-
tics, and the form of tenure.
277. "Occupational Trends and Patterns of Net Mobility in the United
States." Demography, 3(1) (1966), 1-18.
Using data for males from the 1962 Current Population Survey's
Occupational Changes in a Generation supplement and from other
reports, Duncan presents information on occupational changes for
1900-62 to show the relationship between occupational mobility and
trends and changes in the occupational structure. Among farmers and
farm managers, each successive cohort had a smaller proportion in
farming. Intracohort net shifts were very small until 1950, except for
the 1930's, when unemployment was high. A sizable intracohort net
shift into farming between the time of first job and ages 25-34 was the
result of farm laborers shifting to farmer and farm manager status.
The proportion of unpaid family workers declined sharply-from 48
percent in 1920 to 12 percent in 1960. The "farm laborer" occupation
proved ". more prominent in the cohort's early history than in its
later experience." It is concluded that net intracohort shifts are not
automatically predictable from aggregate trends or from intercohort
changes and that intra- and intergenerational changes have their own
278. and BEVERLY DUNCAN. Chicago's Negro Population: Report of the
Chicago Community Inventory, June 1956. Chicago, Ill.: University of
Chicago Press, 1956.
279. and The Negro Population of Chicago: A Study of Residen-
tial Succession. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 1957.
*280. -- and ALBERT J. REISS, JR. Social Characteristics of Urban and
Rural Communities, 1950. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1956.
Analyzes mainly 1950 census data including migration status and
characteristics of migrants by size of community, and migration
status and characteristics of migrants for central cities versus sub-
urbs and rings, noting particularly urban areas of growth and decline
through migration.
281. DUNCAN, OTIS DURANT. "The Theory and Consequences of Mobility of
Farm Population." In Population Theory and Policy: Selected Read-


ings. Edited by Joseph J. Spengler and Otis Dudley Duncan. Glencoe,
Ill.: The Free Press, 1956. Pp. 417-434. Originally printed as The
Theory and Consequences of Mobility of Farm Population. Experiment
Station Circular 88. Stillwater, Okla.: Oklahoma A & M University,
In a review of research studies and statistical information on
migration, Duncan found that types of moves are differentiated on the
basis of distance traveled, that migration is age- and sex-selective,
with singles more mobile than marrieds, and that migrants to urban
areas represent extremes in regard to intelligence, socioeconomic
status, and physical characteristics.

282. DURGIN, O. B. Population of New Hampshire: Effects of Migration on the
Small New Hampshire Town. Bulletin 437. Durham, N.H.: University
of New Hampshire, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1957.
283. DYCK, D., and F. LAWRENCE. "Relocation Adjustments of Farm Fami-
lies." The Economic Analyst, 30 (Feb. 1960), 3-11.
284. DYER, WILLIAM G., and MARILYN AFFLECK. "Labor Mobility and Indus-
trialization in a Utah County." Social Forces, 36(3) (Mar. 1958), 214-
This study of industrial workers accepted for employment in a new
steel plant located in a rural Utah county found that most of them
were obtained from the local labor market and surrounding counties,
but out-of-State workers had not come from contiguous States. While
only 10 percent of the workers were over age 45, there was a direct
relationship between age and distance of migration. Workers with
previous termination records, younger workers, and those with lower
educational levels were more likely to terminate the steel plant job.
The rural county involved became urbanized as workers settled closer
to the plant in communities with better services.

285. DYNES, RUSSELL R. Consequences of Population Mobility for School and
Community Change. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, 1956.
Describes what happened to a rural Ohio county when many people
moved in to work in a new plant.

286. "Rurality, Migration, and Sectarianism." Rural Sociology, 21
(Mar. 1956), 25-28.
Data were obtained from the city directory of Columbus, Ohio, on
350 adults who were administered a Likert-type scale measuring
sectarianism and denominationalism. Results did not support the
hypothesis that sectarianism acts as a "cushion" for the rural migrant
in his adjustment to city life, unless he is of lower socioeconomic
Twenty Years of Research in Sociology: Publications of Sociology Staff
of Mississippi State University: 1949-68. Administrative Report 2.
State College, Miss.: Mississippi State University, Social Science Re-
search Center, 1969.
288. EDWARDS, CLARK, and CALVIN L. BEALE. "Rural Change in the 1960's."
Mimeographed. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture
Economic Research Service, 1969.


289. EICHER, JOANNE BUBOLZ. "Social Factors and Social Psychological
Explanations of Non-migration." Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Michigan State University, 1959.
This study of 168 nonmigrating households in upper Michigan found
that older age was associated with aspirations which could be fulfilled
within the community of residence, and that community satisfaction
was prevalent among all race-sex groups.

290. EISENSTADT, SAMUEL N. The Absorption of Immigrants. Glencoe, Ill.:
The Free Press, 1955.

291. ELDER, GLEN H., JR. "Achievement Orientations and Career Patterns of
Rural Youth." Sociology of Education, 37 (Fall 1963), 30-58.
292. ELDRIDGE, HOPE T. "A Cohort Approach to the Analysis of Migration
Differentials." Demography, 1(1) (1964), 212-219.
Noting Dorothy S. Thomas' (1083) finding of a covariancee of inter-
censal swings in net interstate migration and relative levels of eco-
nomic activity" during 1880-1940 and tentatively to 1950, Eldridge
wanted to find out ". whether or not a cohort approach to the
analysis of historical series might yield further insight into associa-
tion between economic fluctuations and rates of migration." Using
rates of net interstate inmigration of native white males for each
intercensal period, 1870-1950, she followed 5-year cohorts from decade
to decade. The earliest born cohort was aged 15-19 in 1880, and the
latest born cohort was aged 10-14 in 1950. Graphs of net interstate
inmigration by cohort show fluctuating rises and falls in accord with
Thomas' classification of decades as relatively prosperous or de-
pressed. Except for one, all cohorts of odd ages at the end of decades
reached their highest rate at ages 25-29, regardless of a decade's
economic activity, although such peaks were higher for prosperous
decades than for depressed decades. Otherwise all cohorts' rates
generally varied directly with the level of economic activity. Even-age
cohorts peaked at ages 20-24 at the end of prosperous decades, but at
ages 30-34 at the end of depressed decades. This was hypothesized to
be the result of "deferred response to prosperity stimulus."
293. "The Influence of Return Migration upon Rates of Net Migra
tion." Bulletin of the International Statistical Institute, 40 (1964), 321-
Researchers at the University of Pennsylvania developed estimate:
of net migration by State by decade (1870-1950) for 5-year age group:
of male and female native whites, foreign-born whites, and black,
(625). This study investigates the impact of return migration on nel
migration rates. Ages cited are those reached at the end of decades
cohort rates are plotted graphically to show curve peaks and troughs
Considerable space is devoted to analyses substantiating the hy
potheses that the observed slumps in migration rates by age are nol
necessarily the result of reduced mobility at middle, as compared tc
older and younger, ages, but that it is the more nearly approximatE
volume of gross in- and outflows rather than reduced flows at these
ages which account for slumps in the rates' curves. Certain States
have net gains or losses for each decade, and movement to areas ol
gain and movement from areas of loss is defined as primary move-
ment, while movement counter to these primary moves is called

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