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Group Title: Working paper International Migration for Employment
Title: International labour migration and skill scarcity in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00087138/00001
 Material Information
Title: International labour migration and skill scarcity in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
Series Title: Working paper International Migration for Employment
Physical Description: iii, 70 p. : 1 map ; 30 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Seccombe, Ian J
Publisher: International Labour Office
Place of Publication: Geneva
Publication Date: c1984
 Subjects
Subject: Labor supply -- Jordan   ( lcsh )
Emigration and immigration -- Jordan   ( lcsh )
Genre: international intergovernmental publication   ( marcgt )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Jordan
 Notes
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-69).
Statement of Responsibility: by Ian J. Seccombe.
General Note: "July 1984."
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00087138
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 38614478
isbn - 9221038998

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
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    Title Page
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    Table of Contents
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    Foreword
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    International migration for employment working papers
        Page 70
    Back Cover
        Page 71
Full Text







INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION FOR EMPLOYMENT


Working Paper


International Labour Office, Geneva







MIG WP 14


INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION FOR EMPLOYMENT



Working Paper


















INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION AND SKILL

SCARCITY IN THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN

by

Ian J. Seccombe


Note: This is a Working Paper issued by the International
Migration for Employment Branch. It is circulated
informally in a limited number of copies to stimulate
discussion and critical comment. It is restricted
and should not be cited without permission.


July 1984












Copyright Q International Labour Organisation,1984


ISBN 92-2-103899-8













The designation of countries employed, which are
in conformity with United Nations practices, and
the presentation of the material in this paper do
not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever
on the part of the International Labour Office
concerning the legal status of any country or ter-
ritory or of its authorities, or concerning the
deliminations of its frontiers.

The responsibility for opinions expressed in ILO
Working Papers rests solely with their authors,
and their circulation does not in any way constitute
an endorsement by the International Labour Office
of the opinions expressed in them.








- i -


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages

A. FOREWORD, by Enrique Bru ...................................... ii

Abreviations .................................................... iii

B. INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION AND SKILL SCARCITY IN THE
HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN, by Ian J. Seccombe ................ 1

I. INTRODUCTION
(a) Economic dependence and development: major issues ..... 2
(b) Employment levels and sectoral distribution .......... 5
(c) Emigration for employment: a Jordanian tradition ..... 6

II. TRENDS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF RECENT EAST BANK LABOUR
EMIGRATION, 1973-82 ..................................... 10
(a) The boom years: emigration for employment, 1973-78 ... 10
(b) The recession in emigration for employment, 1979-82 .. 12
(c) Developments in the occupational profile of East Bank
emigrant workers..................................... .. 13

III. THE MANIFESTATION AND IDENTIFICATION OF SKILL SCARCITY.... 15
(a) From unemployment to labour shortage: dimensions of
the labour imbalance ................................ 15
(b) Projecting labour shortages .......................... 17
(c) Identifying scarce skills .............................. 19

IV. MANPOWER SHORTAGES: THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE ............... 21
(a) Vocational education and training ..................... 21
(b) Trends in women's employment .......................... 26

V. JORDAN AS A LABOUR-RECEIVING COUNTRY....................... 29
(a) The growth in immigrant employment .................... 29
(b) Composition by nationality .................. .......... 31
(c) The characteristics of immigrant employment .......... 32
(d) Replacement migration and skill scarcity ............. 34

VI. CONCLUSION .............................................. .. 39

Notes ........................................................... .. 43

Tables ..................................................... ..... .. 45

Appendices ................................................... .. 63

Bibliography ................................................. .. 68

C. INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION FOR EMPLOYMENT WORKING PAPERS ......... 70








- ii -


A. FOREWORD




This is a working paper of the ILO's International Migration for

Employment Branch. The objectives of the Branch are to contribute to (1)

the evaluation, formulation and application of international migration

policies suited to the economic and social aims of governments, employers' and

workers' organizations, and (2) the increase in equality of opportunity and

treatment of migrants and the protection of their rights and dignity. Its means

of action are (a) research and reports, (b) technical advisory services, (c)

technical co-operation, (d) meetings, and (e) work concerned with international

labour standard. The Branch also collects, analyses and disseminates relevant

information and acts as the information source for ILO constituents, ILO units

and other interested parties.

The following paper presents a case study of Jordanian participation in

the international labour market and its effects on the domestic labour market,

focussing on the appearance of labour shortages and the identification of

scarce skills. An attempt is made by the author to establish the salient

features of recent out-migration .It is suggested that the period since 1979,

following a boom in emigration for employment in the mid-1970's, has seen a

waning in Jordan's image as a labour supplier in the Arab region. Nevertheless,

skill scarcity is unlikely to diminish since the remaining labour outflows

are increasingly biased towards skilled and technical manpower.

Apart from thoroughly reviewing government policies directed to

counteract labour shortfalls, such as the attempts to promote higher female

labour force participation and to increase the supply of trained manpower,

the author also examines in detail the onset of large-scale labour flows into

Jordan as an alternative to labour shortages. This assessment concludes that

female labour force participation turned out to be largely inadequate while

inflows of foreign labour are seen to raise a number of problems. In a

concluding section the author summarizes the problems of manpower planning

and labour market information gathering under conditions of uncertainty and

makes several recommendations for improving data collection in a number of

areas.

July 1984 E. Bru





- iii -


Abbreviations


CBJ Central Bank of Jordan

DOS Department of Statistics

JD Jordanian Dinars

MoE Ministry of Education

MoL Ministry of Labour

MPHS Multi-purpose household survey

MPS Manpower Planning Section

NCC National Consultative Council

NPC National Planning Council

RSS Royal Scientific Society

VTC Vocational Training Corporation




















B. INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION AND SKILL

SCARCITY IN THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN


by


Ian J. Seccombe*


(Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies,
University of Durham, England)



























* The research for this study would not have been possible without
the co-operation of various individuals and institutions in Jordan.
In this respect I am particularly grateful to Mansoor Otoum (Ministry
of Labour); Adbul Hadi Bulbul, Fouad Tamini and Mhmd. Karnouk
(Amman Employment Office); Ahmad Mustapha (Vocational Training
Corporation); Yasir Sarah (National Planning Council); Abdul Moneim
Abu Nuwwar (Dept. of Statistics) and Yusuf Odeh (Civil Service
Commission).






- 2 -


I. Introduction

Since the late 1960's shortages of trained manpower have been identified

as a significant obstacle to Jordanian economic development. This skill

scarcity (defined simply as an excess of domestic labour demand over domestic

labour supply) has arisen from two major factors:

(i) the orientation of Jordan's education system towards academic
disciplines and the relatively limited opportunities for vocational and technical
training;

(ii) a tradition of out-migration for employment dating from the early 1930's

The principal concern of this report is with the second of these factors

and in particular with the rapid escalation of labour outflows during the mid-

1970's. Attempts to reorientateeducational priorities will however be examined

as part of the government's response to skilled labour shortfalls. Despite the

recognition that high rates of labour out-migration were having detrimental

effects on the domestic labour market, the Jordanian government has been reluctant

to restrict that outflow. TIdeed the Chairman of the ad hoc committee on labour

emigration stated in 1977 that: "No matter how adverse the labour situation may

become we must not resort to the use of police restrictions..." (1)

Before examining the characteristics of recent emigration for employment

and the manifestation of skill scarcity, this introductory section will briefly

outline a number of structural features of the East Bank economy which have

shaped the government's response to international labour demands.

(a) Economic dependence and development : major issues

Two features which have dominated the Jordanian economy since the country's

creation in 1921 have been: (i) a chronic trade deficit, and (ii) the financing

of that trade deficit and the government's budget deficit by foreign grants.

Jordan's trade imbalance is a reflection of the economy's restricted natural

resource base. Cultivable land is limited in extent and, apart from phosphates and

potash reserves, there are few mineral resources. Over the last decade exports

have been increasingly dominated by phosphate production which, in 1982,

accounted for over 42% of total export value. In addition export destinations





- 3 -


remain spatially concentrated with over 70% of Jordanian exports going to

neighboring Arab states, particularly Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. While

the volume of domestic manufacturing exports has also increased, there is

nevertheless a real danger of export instability arising from this concentration

of both products and destinations.

Increases in domestic exports have been rapidly outpaced by the growth

in imports which has accompanied economic expansion during the second half of

the 1970's. The visible trade imbalance has grown from JD. 83Mn in 1972 to

JD. 957Mn. in 1982, with domestic exports financing only 16% of import value.2)

Despite the small productive base of the Jordanian economy, her geo-

political importance has ensured that a foreign exchange constraint has not

hampered economic expansion. Following the war of 1967, the Khartoum Agreement

pledged Saudi Arabia, the Libyan Arab-Jamahiriya and Kuwait to provide

Jordan with an annual subsidy of JD. 38Mn. for her role as a 'front-line

state'. External budgetary support grew from JD. 53Mn. in 1972 to JD. 172Mn.

in 1978. Subsequently foreign receipts have more than doubled, reaching

JD. 432Mn. in 1981; this growth reflects the realization of aid commitments

made at the Baghdad Arab Summit in November 1978. As a result foreign aid

has been as large as, and frequently greater than domestic revenues, accounting

for over one-third of GDP.

The inflow of aid to Jordan has been supplemented by growing levels of

workers' remittances. The volume of recorded remittances has increased from

JD. 15Mn. in 1973 to JD. 382Mn. in 1982, a level substantially greater than
C3)
domestic exports This growth reflects the financial stability which has

prevailed in Jordan and the CBJ's success in attracting an increasing pro-
(4)
portion of remittances through the official banking system

The existence of this large positive balance of invisible earnings

transforms the balance of trade deficit into a relatively strong balance of

payments surplus. It is apparent however that Jordan's balance of payments





-4-


position is weakly based; a change in the propensity to remit or the reduction

of aid payments could rapidly turn surplus into deficit.

The amelioration of this external dependence and the expansion of the

domestic productive base have been the principal aims of Jordan's development

strategy since the mid-1960's. In the short term however the expansion of the

economy's productive base must result in an increase in the trade imbalance

and hence an increased reliance on external transfers. The extent to which

Jordan can maintain her relations with the major aid donors has thus become a

primary element in domestic development planning.

This also has important implications for labour emigration policy.

The coincidence of major export destinations and the origins of external budget

support with the primary countries of employment for Jordanians abroad, has

effectively constrained Jordanian emigration policy to meet the requirements

of those economies. A decision by the Jordanians to restrict labour outflows

could have had a negative impact on the level of external support as well as

reducing workers' remittances. This relationship is clearly recognized by

Anani and Jaber (1980) who conclude that participation in the international

labour market has had a positive return to Jordan only through its promotion

of greater regional economic co-operation.

This view of the relationship between foreign aid and the supply of

labour is re-iterated by the 1981-85 Five Year Development Plan. This states

(p.34) that: "Jordan is inextricably linked with the other Arab countries.

Relations have been cemented on the one hand by the positive role played

by the trained Jordanian labour force in the Arab oil-producing states and on

the other hand by the financial assistance extended by the Arab countries to

strengthen Jordan's steadfastness."

Economic trends during 1982 illustrate well the potential vulnerability

of the East Bank economy to external events. The Iraqi decision in April to

restrict import commodities to war essentials has hit Jordanian manufacturing





- 5 -


hard since Iraq had consumed 40% of all Jordanian exports in the previous six

months and a number of industries invested in new plant to meet expanding

Iraqi demand. In 1982 the index of industrial production increasedby only

3% compared to rises of 18% and 13% in the previous two years. The Iraqi

decision also damaged the transport and insurance sectors which had been

relying on the increased volume of transit trade through Aqaba.

In addition,the Gulf war, together with the falling price of crude oil,

led a number of aid donors to renege on payments. Foreign aid receipts in

1982 fell to JD. 376Mn. (from JD. 432Mn. in 1981). Moreover,this recession

has reduced the annual rate of growth in workers' remittances, which increased by
(5)
10% in 1981-82 compared to a 30% growth in 1980-81 As a result of these

external developments the government was forced to cut capital expenditure

plans for 1983 by 20%.

(b) Employment levels and sectoral distribution

The growing service sector orientation of the Jordanian economy

(accounting for 65% of GDP) is reflected in the changing pattern of employ-

ment over the 1961-79 period. Particularly notable has been the collapse

in agricultural sector employment, from 36% (73,000 permanent workers) of

East Bank employment in 1961 to only 10% (42,000) in 1979. This decline

matches agriculture's falling share of GDP and the relative lack of investment

in agriculture (outside the major irrigation projects). In addition,a

prolonged drought in the mid-1970's combined with the availability of alternative

opportunities for unskilled labour, has encouraged substantial out-migration

from rural areas. In contrast, employment in community, social and personal

services has increased by almost 200%, rising to 43% of total employment in

1979 (29% in 1961). A large proportion of that growth is accounted for by

public administration and defence personnel, indeed almost 40% of all Jordanian

employment is accounted for by the public sector. With the rapid increase in

output from general secondary education there may be increasing pressure on





- 6 -


the government to expand public sector employment beyond the level that can

be afforded or is necessary.

After service sector employment the largest employer is the construction

sector which in 1979 employed at least 68,000 workers. The rapid growth in

construction employment (from an estimated 40,000 in 1975) is a reflection

of considerable investment in infrastructural development projects and a

boom in the private construction sector fuelled by the growth in workers'

remittances.

From this brief overview it is apparent that rapid growth in domestic

employment demand in Jordan is, like the macro-economy in general, largely

dependent on the maintenance of external conditions. Clearly a sustained

fall in external budget support (or remittances) would have severe implications

for the level of employment in general and for public sector employment in

particular.



The Jordanian economy is clearly dependent on the maintenance of its

role in the international labour market for a variety of reasons, in particular

the prominent position of workers' remittances in the balance of payments and

the limited opportunities for expanding domestic employment commensurate with

labour force growth rates. Before examining the relationship between labour

outflows and skill scarcity, the following section will present a brief

chronology of Jordanian labour outflows prior to the mid-1970's.

(c) Emigration for employment : a Jordanian tradition

The participation of Jordanians in international emigration for employ-

ment dates essentially from the early 1920's and the imposition of the British

Mandates over Palestine and Transjordan. Temporary participation in Palestine's

rapidly expanding labour market (primarily as unskilled construction and agri-

cultural labour) by substantial numbers of Transjordanians, was largely a

response to .repeated crises in Transjordan's overwhelmingly agrarian economy.





- 7 -


However this outlet for surplus Transjordanian labour was shortlived. The

imposition of travel restrictions during the 1936-39 Arab revolt closed

Palestine's labour market to further Transjordanian labour inflows. The

widespread unemployment and destitution which this move caused, coinciding as

it did with a severe drought, forced the mandate administration to institute

a large relief works programme. This is an early demonstration of the problems

which may arise from reliance on a volatile external labour market

The flood of refugees into the new, but equally impoverished, Kingdom of

Jordan, after the 1948 war in Palestine generated a new scale and pattern of

migration for employment. The high rates of unemployment and under-employment

which prevailed through the 1950's together with the limited capital investment
(7 )
on the West Bank, encouraged a steady growth in labour outflows By 1957

Kuwait hosted a 'Jordanian and Palestinian' population of over 14,000 of whom

the majority (78%) were working males.

The characteristics of out-migration in this period can be determined from

the Jordanian census of November 1961 which enumerated (on the evidence of

remaining household members) some 62,863 'Jordanians' as resident abroad. Of

the total abroad some 56% (35,174) were economically active. Figure A shows that

a large majority (80%) of those abroad had emigrated from the West Bank sub-

districts. Moreover migration for employment was directed almost exclusively

to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia which accounted for some 72% of recorded 'Jordanian'

emigrants.

A comparison of the occupational characteristics of 'Jordanian' emigrants

(based on inferred education/skill requirements) with the domestic labour force

demonstrates that a bias towards skilled and semi-skilled labour was a firmly-

established characteristic of 'Jordanian' out-migration by 1961. Less than 45%

of emigrants were recorded in unskilled occupations. In this period the bulk of

unskilled labour employed in Kuwait-and the other Arab labour importers was drawn

primarily from Iraq and Iran.




-8 -


FIG.A Rates of emigration from Jordan by
sub-district, November 1961.


. Emigrants per '000 inhabitant :

. . .. . o-10.0


S. .[ ] 10-1- 20-0


. . . .'. 20.1-30-0









November 1961: interim reports.
. . 30-1- .OO


...... * / { 40.1- 50.0











Source: DOS C1962/3). First census of population and housing,
November 1961; interim reports.
'(Author's calculations)


----------






- 9 -


Although only fragmentary data are available over the subsequent decade

it is apparent that emigration for employment continued to escalate, particularly

after the Israeli occupation of the West Bank sub-districts in June 1967, but

also that the high skill content of that labour outflow was not diminished.

The Kuwaiti censuses of 1965 and 1970 show an increased proportion of 'Jordanians'

in professional, technical, administrative and clerical employment. The share

of these sectors rose from 30.6% of 'Jordanian' employment in 1965 to 38.8% in

1970. Furthermore, 'Jordanians' clearly dominated the immigrant labour market

at these levels. Thus, in 1970 'Jordanians' accounted for 38% of professional

and technical, 23% of administrative and 45% of non-Kuwaiti clerical workers.

By 1970 there were over 41,000 'Jordanians' employed in Kuwait alone and it is

estimated that the total stock of 'Jordanians' working abroad was in excess of

80,000.

This section has briefly outlined the growth in emigration for employ-

ment from Jordan and shown that Jordan's role as a regional labour supplier was

already well established before the boom in out-migration of the mid-1970's.

The following section will examine the post-1973 period in more detail and will

assess the extent to which that boom has been sustained






- 10 -


II. Trends and characteristics of recent East Bank labour emigration, 1973-82

The coincident adoption of ambitious development plans throughout the

labour-poor oil-producing states of the Arabian Peninsula following

the October 1973 Arab-Israeli war, stimulated a rapid escalation in migration

for employment from surrounding labour-rich economies (Birks and Sinclair,

1980). The East Bank of Jordan was no exception. This section will outline

trends in the volume of that migration and will examine the occupational

characteristics of its participants. On the basis of these trends the ten

years 1973-82 have been sub-divided into two distinct phases:

(a) 1973-78: a continuous and rapid expansion in the rate of labour
emigration;

(b) 1979-82: a decline in emigration from the East Bank and a narrowing
in the occupational range of emigrant workers.

Establishing the level of emigration from a developing country with a

poor demographic data base is inevitably fraught with difficulty. In the

Jordanian case that difficulty is compounded by the need to define carefully

the terms 'Jordan' and 'Jordanian'. Until recently (1978) there has been no

systematic data collection on emigration for employment from the East Bank

and the vast array of official and un-official estimates published since 1973

are ill-defined and contradictory. In addition the failure of the labour-

importing states to distinguish between Jordanian and Palestinian sub-

populations, and the confusion between de jure Jordanian citizenship and the

actual place of origin, frustrates attempts to establish the scale of East

Bank emigration on the basis of external data sources. The assumption that

all 'Jordanians' abroad had migrated from the East Bank results in an over-

estimate of the volume of out-migration and of future return.

(a) The boom years: emigration for employment, 1973-78

Although there is little doubt that the rate of emigration for employment

accelerated rapidly during the mid-1970's, there is almost no information on

which to establish the volume of that out-migration.






- 11 -


Birks and Sinclair (1978), using a variety of material from the labour-

receiving states, established that there were some 264,717 'Jordanians and

Palestinians' working abroad in 1975. However the proportion of that total

which derived from the East Bank was simply based on the MOL's estimate that

there were 150,000 'Jordanians' working abroad in 1977 and the a priori

assumption that the rate of emigration had peaked by 1975.

There are a number of flaws in this procedure. Firstly, it is

internally inconsistent. The same MOL estimate is rejected in the researchers

discussion of the distribution of 'Jordanian' emigrant workers. Secondly,

and more importantly, the assumption that East Bank emigrants (whether

Jordanian or Palestinian), can be derived from an estimate which refers to

'Jordanians' is erroneous since both Jordanians and Palestinians (West Bank and

East Bank residents) have had the option of de jure Jordanian citizenship

since 1949. Clearly then an estimate of -'Jordanians' (de jure) working abroad,

cannot be used to determine out-migration from the East Bank labour market.

This confusion implies that Birks and Sinclair over-estimated the stock of

East Bank workers abroad in 1975. Birks and Sinclair later revised down-

ward their estimate of 'Jordanian'and Palestinian workers abroad by 50,000.

Indeed this is reflected in the World Bank's recent study on manpower and

labour migration in the Middle East and North Africa (Serageldin et al., 1983)

in which the authors were involved; this study suggests that there were some

139,000 East Bank migrant workers abroad in 1975.

Indirect evidence suggests that out-migration peaked not in 1975 but in

1977. Data on the issuance of trade proficiency certificates to potential candidates

for migration (mainly to skilled and semi-skilled workers) by the MOL confirm the acceleration of out-

migration in the mid-1970's. The number of certificates issued increased by

186% to 4,820 between 1973 and 1975, remaining at this level until its decline

in the late 1970's (see Table 1. ).






- 12 -


By the late 1970's the scale of labour outflows (at over 10,000 p.a.) had

become such that Jordan began to experience severe domestic labour shortages.

A net labour outflow of over 50,000 during the 1976-80 period represents a loss

of more than 35% of the projected growth in domestic labour supply. The

implications of this movement for the East Bank labour market will be con-

sidered in detail below. Prior to that we will complete the chronology of

East Bank participation in international labour flows by examing the period

since 1978.

(b) The recession in emigration for employment, 1979-82

During the late 1970's the boom in emigration for employment from the

East Bank has come to an abrupt end. A USAID brief in December 1979 contended

that the number of Jordanians working abroad had levelled off and was likely

to decline in the near future (McClelland, 1979). Recent evidence, both from

the labour-importing states and from the East Bank itself, suggests that such

a recession was already occurring.

(i) The number of work permits issued by the MOL in Amman to 'Jordanians'
going to Saudi Arabia, and endorsed by the Saudi embassy (procedure introduced
in 1978), fell by 67% (to only 2,435) between 1979 and 1982. Although the long
waiting period for such visas (up to three months) may encourage some clande-
stine emigration, both the Saudi and Jordanian authorities believe that the
well publicised Saudi campaigns against illegal immigrant workers have signif-
icantly reduced clandestine emigration and employment. (See Table 2.)

(ii) The MOL in Amman ceased to publish work visa statistics for the Libyan

Arab Jamahiriya in 1981-when the number of permits endorsed fell below 100.
(iii) In Kuwait the number of new work permits issued to 'Jordanians' fell
by 64% (to 1,722) between 1977 and 1981. Over the same period the number
receiving work permit renewals also declined, by more than 15%. (See Table 2J

(iv) The number of trade proficiency certificates issued by the MOL in
Amman to prospective East Bank emigrant workers declined by 40% between 1978
and 1981.

(v) Crude arrivals/departures data indicate a net inflow of 'Jordanians'
to the East Bank between 1978 and 1982.





- 13 -


Taken collectively the available evidence points to a significant

recession in emigration for employment from the East Bank since the late 1970's.

Using the RSS survey results it is possible to provide a crude estimate of

total East Bank labour emigration in the post-1979 period. According to the

Amman household survey some 59% of current East Bank migrant workers were

employed in Saudi Arabia. Applying this ratio to the known level of worker

departures for Saudi Arabia (based on the MOL work visa data), the scale of

total manpower exports can be gauged (see Table 2 ). This extrapolation

suggests a substantial decline in emigration for employment from the East
C 9
Bank, falling from circa 9,000 in 1980 to only 4,100 in 1982

A collapse in emigration for employment of this scale is particularly

significant given that the NPC had projected a stable level of 8-10,000

migrant worker departures over the 1981-85 five year plan period. In

addition it is also contrary to the MOL's expectations. In May 1981 the

Minister of Labour (Jawad Anani) stated that: "The number of migrant workers

to the Peninsula is expected to increase from the 1980 level..." (emphasis

added).

Before considering the effects of labour outflow on domestic labour

supply in the East Bank economy, the following section will detail the

occupational characteristics of 'Jordanian' migrant workers.

(c) Developments in the occupational profile of East Bank emigrant workers

In addition to changes in the pattern and volume of ,East Bank labour flows

since 1975, available evidence points to important developments in the

occupational structure of emigrant employment. Not surprisingly, occupational

data is, at best, fragmentary.

Two data sources which monitor the occupational distribution of migrant

workers are currently available. Firstly, the MOL in Amman has (since 1978)

recorded crude occupational data on East Bank emigrants to Saudi Arabia.

Secondly, more comprehensive occupational data is available (also from 1978)





- 14 -


in Kuwait where new work permits issued to 'Jordanians' are classified on
lO)
the basis of ISCO unit groups

Appendix 1 provides a detailed tabulation of the Kuwaiti data which are

summarised on Table 3 The latter demonstrates both the high skill content

of 'Jordanian' emigrant workers during the late 1970's (with over 20% of

'Jordanians'in professionaland technical occupations) and an increasing bias

towards skilled occupations over the period. In 1981 only 11% of those

receiving new work permits were unskilled workers (compared to 35% in 1978).

This evidence of greater skill selectivity is further supported by the

MOL data on East Bank labour, flows to Saudi Arabia (Table 4 ). Professional

and technical manpower has increased its relative share from 9% in 1978 to

25% in 1981, and, despite the overall decline in labour outflow, it has also irejred

in absolute numbers. Administrative and clerical workers also increased their

relative share. In contrast unskilled and semi-skilled manual worker

departures to Saudi Arabia have declined by 61% from 3,314 to 1,287 and now

account for only 43% of the migrant worker outflow.

These trends are further substantiated by comparison of the 1975 (MPHS)

and 1980 (RSS) household surveys of ont-migration conducted on the East Bank

(see Table 5 ). The recent RSS survey also shows that unskilled workers form

a higher proportion of returned migrants (39%) than of the currently emigrant

labour force (28%). Moreover some 38% of returnees had received preparatory

education or less (including some 11% illiterate) compared to only 28% of

current emigrant workers (with less than 3% illiterate).

Although there is undoubtedly a faster rate of labour turnover among un-

skilled workers, it is apparent from the changing occupational distribution

that the decline in East Bank worker migration has focused primarily at the

unskilled and semi-skilled levels. A trend towards greater skill withdrawal

concomitant with falling levels of unskilled labour outflow would exacerbate

the negative consequences of participation in the international labour market

for the East Bank economy, causing further distortion to the domestic labour

market. The effects of large scale emigration for employment on that labour

market will be considered in the following section.






- 15 -


III. The manifestation and identification of skill scarcity

This section considers the effects of the surge in emigration for employ-

ment on the Jordanian labour market in general and on the supply of skilled

and semi-skilled manpower in particular.

(a) From unemployment to labour shortage: dimensions of the labour imbalance

Although the 1973-75 Three Year Plan, echoing previous development

priorities, stressed the need to reduce under-employment and unemployment

(then estimated at 8% nationally), manpower planners also recognized that the

Jordanian economy was already experiencing shortages of technical and skilled

manual workersC 1. Manpower projections based on the development plan's

investment and production targets indicated a shortfall of 74% (1,300) in the

supply of sub-professional/technical manpower (B-i) over the three year period.

At the same time the projected output of secondary (academic) school graduates

(45,000) and of university graduates in arts-based disciplines (11,250) was

considerably in excess of employment opportunities. The projected demand for

skilled/semi-skilled office (C-1) and professional (A-2) manpower was only

7,350 and 2,625 respectively.

In the face of growing graduate unemployment government planners called

for a re-assessment of Jordan's secondary education policy and for a re-

direction of enrolments into an expanded vocational secondary education pro-
( 12)
gramme

In order to meet the excess demand for skilled manual (C-2) labour, and

at the same time to reduce surplus secondary (academic) graduates, manpower

planners proposed the establishment of intensive short-term training programmes

within the framework of the National Vocational Training Scheme (combining

in-plant training with short formal instruction courses). To meet the growing

demand for technical and sub-professional manpower the plan called for measures

to encourage return migration among Jordanian workers abroad and suggested the

provision of incentive' rewards for those who did so. Somewhat optimistically






- 16 -


the planners assumed that rates of labour outflow would fall commensurate

with rising wages in Jordan and with declining external labour demand as

the labour-importing states became increasingly self-sufficient in technical

manpower.

In contrast the external demand for Jordanian labour was, as we have

already shown, to escalate dramatically during the mid-1970's. At the same

time increased aid disbursement to Jordan following the 1974 Rabat Summit

(together with the growing capital infusion from workers' remittances and

from Beirut) substantially increased labour demand within the domestic

economy. The number of internal job vacancy advertisements carried by

local newspapers grew by 64% over the 1974-76 period (MPS, 1977). Although

the majority of these advertisements were for skilled manual workers, there

was a growing number of advertisements for unskilled workers, particularly in
C13 )
the construction sector Shortages of unskilled labourers were also

reported from the mid-1970's in the dryland agricultural sector, despite the

effects of drought.

Crude unemployment data available from the MPHS series demonstrate a

fall in unemployment from 2.8% in 1972 to 1.6% in 1976. Although these rates

are unrealistically low (not least because of distortions in the sample frame)

the trend is consistent with other evidence. Significantly unemployment was

highest among those aged 15-24 (representing 59% of the total) and was

primarilyof short duration (three months or less) suggesting frictionall'

unemployment among first-time job-seekers. Despite the high rates of out-

migration structural unemployment, in the form of a continuing over-supply

of 'academic' secondary school-leavers and university arts graduates, remained

disproportionately high (at 3.8% and 4.6% respectively), the former accounting

for 32% of recorded unemployment.

In addition to its impact on unemployment, the escalation in labour

outflows also exacerbated extant manpower shortages. Although only limited

and highly aggregate wage rate data is available in Jordan, that data indicates





- 17 -


substantial wage rate inflation accompanied the growing labour shortfall.

Between 1973 and 1976 average daily earnings of the male workforce (non-

agricultural sector) rose by more than 153% in money terms, increasing by

24% in 1976 alone. Wage rate data is not available by occupation, however

sectoral wage rate increases show particularly high growth rates among

workers in financial services, utilities and construction. Significantly

the only sectors in which wage rate increases were below the national

average were those absorbing large numbers of general secondary graduates,

namely public administration, commerce and personal services. An RSS

survey of wage trends 1967-76 demonstrates a higher rate of increase among

manual workers (7.9% p.a.) than white collar workers (4.7% p.a.) in both

the public and private sectors.

Rapid wage inflation was accompanied by persistertcomplaints of skill

shortages, high labour turnover and rising recruitment costs (Alawin, 1978).

Al-Fanik (1978) shows that average labour force turnover increased from-25%

in 1972 to 39% in 1976. Shortages of skilled operatives and maintenance

mechanics were responsible for poor productivity and for low effective

utilization rates on heavy and light duty plant. On the East Ghor Canal

Project it was estimated that such shortages meant that some equipment was

inoperative for up to 70% of the working day (Salt and Keeley,1976).

(b) Projecting labour shortages

In producing a manpower requirements forecast, in accordance with the

targets of the 1976-80 Plan, the MPS compare expected labour outflow with

projected labour supply. Although the distribution of expected labour out-

flow by skill level has no firm statistical base, it is an important

indication of government expectations. The projections point to a loss of

some 30% (over 44,000) of expected labour market entrants to external labour

demand. Moreover, the outflow of sub-professional/technical manpower (B) and

of skilled/semi-skilled manual workers (C-2) were projected at 55.6% and 45.2%









- 18 -


respectively (see Table 6). Given these projections the NPC's warning that

labour shortages were: "... bound to exercise a negative impact on the imple-
mentation and management of development projects in general and of those in
the Five Plan (1976-1980) in particular ..." (NPC, 1976), appeared weel founded.
Comparing available supply with net demand in the non-farm sectors, the MPS

study projects net shortages of 12 % (1,339) among category B manpower and of
78 % (18,822) among C-2 workers. In the case of the former (B) this shortfall

is due to the high rates of labour outflow with sub-professional/technical
labour accounting for 29 % of total out-migration. In contrastthe emigration
of C-2 manpower was projected at less than 10 % of total out-migration.
In this case the deficit represents a massive shortfall in output from
Jordanian education and training institutes.


Despite these large sectoral shortfalls the MPS report concludes opti-

mistically that aggregate labour shortfalls would be only 6,000 (farm and non-

farm sectors), and that: "...Jordan might achieve some labour surpluses at

the end of the Plan as a result of its social policy." It is apparent however

that the assumptions behind the projections acted to minimise labour short-

falls by considerably over-stating available labour supply and under-estimating
C 14)
labour demand There seems little doubt however that the growth targets

of the 1976-80 plan were incompatible with available domestic labour supply.

The real importance of the MPS report lies not in its quantitative man-

power projections, which are of limited value given their extreme sensitivity

to unpredictable external influences, but in its illustration of government

attitudes towards labour outflow and as an indication of policy proposals.

Before examining these policies more closely (see below) the following section

will consider skill scarcity in more detail.






- 19 -


(c) Identifying scarce skills

While manpower shortages have been recognized by government planners as

a serious impediment to the execution of development projects from the early

1970's,there has been no systematic attempt to monitor the level of skilled

labour supply or labour outflow, nor to identify specific skill shortages.

Both the 1976-80 and 1981-85 plans recognize that shortages are most likely

to occur in the sub-professional, technical and skilled manual sectors, but

neither details occupation-specific shortages. Policy decisions regarding

labour market management in general and vocational training or education in

particular, cannot hope to be effective in this data vacuum.

The establishment of the VTC in 1977 has provided an indication, albeit

of limited scope, of manpower shortages, particularly in the skilled and

semi-skilled manual occupations for which the VTC caters. Since the VTC's

apprenticeship and skill up-grading courses are directly responsive to

employer demands they also demonstrate areas of skill scarcity. Although

this relies heavily on employer awareness of the VTC's capability, the rapid

expansion in the latter's coverage will make this an increasingly important

source of data on skill scarcity. Table 7 lists apprenticeship and up-

grading courses requested by employers since 1977, suggesting a short-fall

in the supply of electricians, mechanics, welders and other metalworkers,

central heating and air conditioning technicians (see also Table 8).

A second source of data by which manpower shortages may be identified is

the MOL's record of job vacancies. In mid-1982 the Department of Employment

began to request that employers supply their Employment Offices with data

regarding vacancies and salary levels. At present the collection of this

data is piecemeal, requests are not sent out to employers regularly but

presented to them when they apply for work permits for non-Jordanians (see

below), and there is no programme for regular follow-up. Furthermore the

Employment Office is not necessarily notified when vacancies are filled nor

indeed when new vacancies arise. Equally important is the variation in data






- 20 -


quality received from different employers. Data are often not occupationally

specific, making reference instead to broad occupational groups such as

'construction workers' or labourerss'. Alternatively occupations are

specified but without any indication of the number of vacancies which exist.

In many cases there is simply no reply to the request It is evident

that employers are wary of MOL intentions; for example,salary levels are often

put at very low levels in order to discourage prospective Jordanian employees

and ensure the unhindered recruitment of non-Jordanian manpower.

Despite these drawbacks it must be recalled that this exercise has only

recently been implemented and with some refinement could provide the basis for

a more comprehensive data collection framework.

Vacancies recorded in replies to the Amman Employment Office over the

period October 1982 to January 1983 are presented in Table 9 The latter

consolidates the replies from more than 200 employers, specifying 64

occupations and 1,080 job vacancies. The importance of the vacancy data is

that it covers a broader range of employers and occupational requirements

than the VTC data. Although the vast majority of vacancies were in skilled

and semi-skilled manual occupations, this source also indicates labour

shortages in unskilled occupations.

In 1978 the VTC conducted a survey of manpower requirements in some 1,500

industrial establishments in which employers were requested to evaluate their

training requirements (for both new workers and for up-grading) for the 1979-

81 period, in some 50 occupational categories. Comparison of projected require-

ments with VTC training capacity is a useful starting point in identifying

likely areas of skill scarcity in the industrial sector. Survey results show

that these are: machine operatives, supervisory staff, metal works and auto-

mechanics. The continuation of this survey on a regular basis, projecting short

term needs (2-3 years) could provide an important means of monitoring skill

scarcity.






- 21 -


IV Manpower shortages: the government response

In the absence of policies to restrict labour outflows (except in

a limited number of occupations) the government's response to manpower

shortages has focused primarily on increasing total labour supply(16)

The objectives outlined in successive development plans are:

(i) to increase the supply of technical and skilled manpower through

a rapid expansion of vocational education and training;

(ii) to promote a substantial increase in the labour force participation

rate of women.

Given the lack of restrictions on outmigration, the first of these

twin aims amounts, as is made clear in the 1981-85 plan, to a decision
(17)
to train manpower for both the domestic and international labour markets

The following section considers the implementation and effectiveness of both

these policies.

(a) Vocational education and training

The 1970's saw a number of important innovations in Jordan's vocational

education and training system. There has been both an increased emphasis

on vocational education within the formal education structure and the

development of a centralized training organization to co-ordinate and promote

training activities within industry.

The expansion of formal vocational education has been a major aim of

Jordanian educational planners since the early 1970's when a revision of

education priorities was prompted by the excessively high rates of unemployment

among secondary 'academic' school graduates. The MOE now run a variety of

vocational courses at several skill levels.

(i) Trade Training Centres

In 1971 the MOE introduced two year trade training courses for

preparatory school leavers. These courses combine further academic tuition

with trade training, aiming to direct graduates into the labour market at






22 -

the skilled worker level. There are currently 6 trade training centres

(and 16 sections attached to other secondary education institutions) with

an enrolment of around 2,000 students.

(ii) Vocational Secondary education

These account for over 80% of vocational enrolments in MOE institutes.

In 1971/72 enrolments in the three year vocational secondary cycle represented

only 9% of total secondary cycle enrolments, with an annual output of only

800 graduates. The subsequent period has seen an increase in that output to

almost 4,000 (1980/81). Although the aim of having 30% of secondary

enrolments in vocational education by 1980 proved elusive (rising only to

14%), there has been a considerable expansion in facilities for vocational

education. The number of vocational secondary schools (providing either

industrial, commercial, agricultural or nursing courses) has increased to

16 and the number of teachers has grown from 164 in 1970/71 to 631 in 1979/80.

The 1981-85 plan outlines the development of 23 new vocational secondary

schools. There are also a large number of vocational sections attached to

general secondary and comprehensive schools, including facilities for

training in postal and hotel management. The number of students (graduates

of the compulsory cycle) has increased from under 3,000 in 1970/71 to 9,600

(1979/80). Training is provided to the 'craftsman' level, with the proportion

of practical studies ranging from 20% in commercial secondary schools to 45%

in industrial secondary schools.

Despite this expansion, comparison of third year preparatory school

student preferences for secondary education options with the actual allocation

of places, indicates the maintenance of a traditionally negative attitude

towards vocational education (UNESCO, 1980). Only 16.5% of students nominated

a vocational course as their first preference. Furthermoreit is apparent

that over half the students allocated to the commercial, agricultural and

postal courses, as well as to the women's craft institutes, were not enrolled

in courses of their choice. The implications of this for performance are

obvious.





- 23 -


Since 1976 the MOE has adopted a number of innovations designed to

improve vocational secondary enrolments. In particular vocational studies

have been introduced in the compulsory grades (both elementary and

preparatory), with a full programme of pre-vocational courses for the later

elementary and preparatory grades (ages 10-14). The aim of these courses is

to develop a positive attitude towards both manual labour and vocational

education from an early age, encouraging a larger proportion of preparatory

school graduates to opt for vocational secondary courses.

A second innovation designed to overcome traditional antipathy to

vocational courses, particularly for women, is the establishment of

comprehensive secondary schools. These offer options in science, literary

and vocational courses within one institution and are designed to enable

students to sample a variety of alternatives.

(iii) Post-secondary institutes: polytechnics.

In addition to the expansion in vocational secondary education there

has been a dramatic growth (at 29% p.a. 1971/2 1980/81) of enrolments in

post-secondary vocational institutes. The establishment of technician level

training in MOE institutes is a relatively recent phenomenon; Marka polytechnic

opened in 1975 and Irbid polytechnic in 1982. The current intake is only 600

secondary school graduates, though this could expand to almost 3,000 with the

completion of plans to develop additional polytechnics at SaltTafilieh and

Jarash, in the late 1980's. Marka polytechnic provides 2-3 year technician

training in mechanical, civil and electrical engineering, architecture and

telecommunications. Although the majority of students who reach higher education

want to get a university degree rather than opt for technician level training,

rapid salary increases for technicians in recent years have made such

occupations increasingly prestigious. At present less than 12% of secondary

school graduates go on to technical education. The polytechnics have experienced

major problems in recruiting and retaining qualified instructors.






- 24 -


(iv) Post-secondary institutes: community colleges

The late 1970's have witnessed a burgeoning in the number of private

institutions (licensed by the MOE) offering post-secondary level training in

a variety of occupational skills. The high demand for such courses, which

enrolled more than 5,000 students in 1980,'is evidence of the continued over-

supply of academic secondary graduates. By 1980 'community colleges'

accounted for over 50% of all students in post-secondary institutes, the

majority in teacher training or commercial (primarily business and secretarial
r 18)
skill) courses Although officially under MOE guidance, the rapid spread

of these institutes has outpaced the availability of MOE supervisory staff.

Rapid private sector growth is seen as compensating for modest MOE plans at

this level; however, the lack of standardisation in equipment, training

methods and teaching quality, poses clear dangers. Moreover the concentration

on commercial courses and compulsory cycle teacher training may lead to an

over-supply of these occupations while having little effect on critical

skill shortages.

(v) Vocational Training Corporation

The establishment of the VTC in 1976 has filled a significant gap in Jordan's

manpower training efforts by providing a mechanism for responding directly

to employers needs. Operative from May 1977 the VTC is a semi-autonomous

organization (attached formally to the MOL) charged with the provision of

vocational training outside the formal education system. Its aims are two-fold

(i) to respond to the requirements for manpower training at the skilled

worker level through an apprenticeship programme;

(ii) to improve existing labour force productivity through short-term skill

up-grading courses.

Although in its two-year (State-supported) apprenticeship programme

the VTC has the same catchment as the MOE's trade training courses (preparatory

school graduates), it combines on-the-job training with formal workshop




- 25 -


instruction on a day-release basis. The operations of the VTC are

closely determined by demand from employers. That is, the VTC will not

establish a particular course unless there is sufficient demand for such

training by employers. As a result the programme is both flexible and -

responsive, but it is also dependent on employer awareness, a problem

highlighted in a recent VTC survey (Malki, 1982).

In its short operating history the VTC has negotiated apprenticeship

contracts with an ever increasing number of firms. Moreover it has been

particularly successful in getting small establishments to co-operate in

sponsoring groups of apprentices for whom specific training courses can be

run. The number of apprenticeships has increased from 156 in 1977 to

almost 1,600 in 1982 (see Table 7 ). The short term (150-160 hour) skill

up-grading courses have also increased their intake substantially (19see Table 8).

The VTC now runs a number of its own training centres and 12 new

centres are planned for the late 1980's. In addition the VTC aims to

establish permanent training centres within the eight largest industrial

establishments on a permanent basis. As with the polytechnics, the VTC

is also concerned by the continuing shortage of qualified instructors. Both

will benefit from the proposed establishment of an industrial teacher

training division at Marka polytechnic.

Despite the recent success of the VTC, the government's main effort

to increase the supply of skilled manpower have focused on the formal

education system and on vocational secondary enrolments in particular. It is

increasingly suggested however that this effort is misdirected. Tracer

studies have shown only limited correlation between vocational secondary

enrolments and graduate employment. Moreover a high proportion of those

entering employment in the field of their education had to have substantial

on-the-job training (MOE, 1977). In the absence of accurate manpower

requirements forecasts and with the additional unknown factor of labour

outflows, secondary vocational schools cannot respond effectively to short

term labour market demands. The current system is inflexible, ossifying






26 -

around specific courses and equipment, irrespective of labour market

conditions, and under-subscribed.

A recent survey of major industrial employers training requirements

demonstrated the extensive shortfall in the ability of the VTC to meet
that demand.( -Moreover the growing unemployment among unskilled Jordanians

and the likelihood of an increasing rate of return migration point to the

need to an expansion of the VTC's limited skill upgrading programme.

(b) Trends in women's employment.

In the early 1970's women's employment was limited in both volume and

occupational structure. It is estimated that women represented only 17% of

total (non-household) employment, moreover some 70% of that employment was on

a temporary basis in the agricultural sector. According to the 1975 labour

force census, less than 18,000 women were regularly employed in the non-

agricultural sector. In particular women were concentrated in teaching,

clerical and secretarial work, which together accounted for over 60% of their

non-agricultural sector employment. Further, female participation rates

fall rapidly with age and changing marital status. The 1976 MPHS demonstrates

a fall in women's labour force participation rate from 23% at 20-24 years

to only 9% at 30-34 years. A number of reports (notably Abu-Jaber et al.,1977,

suggest that there is an explicit policy by employers to discriminate against

married women because of high rates of absenteeism and labour force turnover.

In 1976 the crude participation rate of single women (8.6%) was significantly

higher than that of ever-married women (3.2%) in all age cohorts. Similarly

Layne (1981) found that 80% of women in a survey of Amman manufacturing

establishments were single and that 76% were aged under 30.

Despite this background the MPS projections for 1976-80 assumed that

some 80-90% of female school leavers would join the labour market during the

plan period. The achievement of the latter would have clearly amounted to

little more than a revolution in social attitudes.





- 27 -


In the ensuing period, government policy pronouncements encouraging

greater participation of Jordanian women in the labour force have not been

accompanied by measures to facilitate such an increase. Programmes to

encourage employers to provide appropriate facilities for women at work

(such as sanitary provision, rest areas, day nurseries) have met with little

success. Malki's(1982) survey of establishments employing women reports

that 32% still only employ single women as a matter of policy. Furthermore

the choice of vocational options at secondary school level for girls remains

narrow, traditionally oriented focussingg on nursing and secretarial skills)

and under-subscribed. In 1980/81 only 4,200 girls were enrolled in vocational

secondary schools.

Preliminary results from the 1979 census indicate that women's

employment in the non-agricultural sector has more than doubled since the

early 1970's. At the same time however recorded unemployment among women

(aged 15 plus) has increased (to 11%) from less than 3% in 1976. Some 82% of

unemployed women were aged 15-24, and the unemployment rate among those aged

15-19 was over 30%. It is apparent from the expansion in school enrolments

that the number of women becoming available for employment in the non-agricultural

sector has increased rapidly over the period. The number of female secondary

education graduates having grown from under 3,000 p.a. in 1975 to over 7,000

in 1980. However the availability of 'appropriate' jobs for women has not

matched this growth in supply. High initial rates of unemployment among the

15-19 age group subsequently give way to lower participation rates as discouraged

women withdraw from the search for employment. Over 42% of unemployed women

were recorded as first-time unemployed.

While educational attainment and economic necessity have encouraged

larger numbers of women to seek employment there has not been a comprehensive

attempt to direct women's employment into sectors experiencing labour shortages.

Indeed women's employment appears to have become more concentrated with rising

aspirations. By 1979 professional and clerical employment accounted for 79% of






- 28 -


women's non-agricultural sector employment (compared to 69% in 1974) and

69% of women are employed in the public sector. In contrast female

employment in manufacturing has fallen from 10% (of women employed in large

establishments) in 1974 to only 6% in 1980.

Rising school enrolments have acted to change attitudes towards the

appropriateness of that employment. Malki's survey of third year preparatory

cycle girls showed that 90% regarded employment outside the home as

appropriate to girls (though only 62% of their parents/guardians supported

this view). However almost 70% said they wanted employment in teaching or

clerical occupations. Clearly women have not, and are unlikely to, fill the

labour shortages identified in the analysis of labour supply and demand.

Moreover, a sustained fall in labour outflow together with growing return

migration may limit further increases in women's labour force participation.

This section has reviewed the government's response to manpower shortages.

In the short term it is apparent that neither the expansion in vocational

education and training nor the promotion of increased female labour force

participation, have acted to ameliorate domestic skill shortages. The only

practical solution to the dilemmas imposed by a policy of unrestrained labour

emigration has been the large scale importation of so-called 'replacement'

migrants. Both Jordanian and non-Jordanian employers have resorted to this

on a large scale. The following section will examine the characteristics and

implications of 'replacement' migration in detail.






- 29 -


V. Jordan as labour-receiving country

The importation of non-Jordanian labour was recognized in the 1976-80

Five Year Plan as an alternative means of ameliorating skilled labour short-

falls in the short-term. The NPC called on the newly established MOL to:

"...undertake the task of organizing the importation of labour for various

purposes, in accordance with labour agreements signed with the countries

concerned and subject to the needs of Jordanian firms as relayed to the

Ministry of Labour by such firms." Given the lack of a mechanism for that

liaison, the uncontrolled and rapid expansion of non-Jordanian immigration

and employment which occurred during the plan period, was perhaps not sur-

prising. This section will detail the growth in immigrant employment, its

characteristics and, in the context of declining labour outflows, its

implications.

(a) The growth in immigrant employment, 1973-82.

Jordan's 1960 Labour Law requires employers to obtain prior permission

from the MOL before engaging foreign manpower. Prospective immigrants would

only be granted a work permit if the Minister of Labour, in consultation with

the Minister of National Economy, deemed their employment to be: "...beneficial

to the national income...", and provided that such: "...expertise and quali-

fications... are not available among Jordanian workers..." The law clearly

envisages the controlled use of foreign skilled manpower where there are

critical shortfalls in the domestic labour supply. However, since the MOL had

no authority to take sanctions over contravention of this provision it remained

largely impotent, indeed the bulk of immigration and employment was effectively

clandestine until legislative changes in the current decade (see below).

Inevitably therefore, in the period prior to 1980, work permit data tends to

understate the scale of non-Jordanian immigration and employment.

During the early 1970's the number of work permit issues remained low

although the trend was significantly upward (Tables 10 and 11). Comparison of work

permit issues in 1975 (803) with the enumeration of non-Jordanian workers in





- 30 -


the labour force census (2,228) of the same year (itself only a partial

enumeration), is an indication of significant clandestine employment.

Anani (1977) suggests that there may have been over 20,000 immigrant workers

on the East Bank by 1975-76.

Since 1975 the number of work permit issues in Jordan has accelerated

dramatically. Between 1976 and 1979 it increased by over 450% (to 26,415).

Preliminary data from a 2.1% sample of enumeration cells in the 1979 national

census indicate that 10.3% of the employed population were non-Jordanian.

On a national scale that implies an active immigrant population of over

43,500 (some 65% greater than the number holding work permits). Since the

distribution of immigrant workers is spatially discrete it is likely that
[20
the 2.1% sample is itself a conservative estimate

Growing concern over the scale of clandestine labour inflows led to the

revision of residence permit regulations by the Ministry of Interior in June

1980. This included the institution of a fine of JD. 20/month for violation

of residence laws, together with a fine of JD.50/month on employers hiring

un-certified immigrant labour. As a result work permit issues increased

dramatically during 1980 since the acquisition of a work permit is a prelude

to application for a residence permit. During the second half of 1980

(following an eight week amnesty period) work permit issues were 270% greater

than in the same period of 1979. A further increase (of 17%) occurred in 1981,

bringing the total recorded immigrant employment to 93,500 .

The improvement in work permit records was however short-lived. Avail-

able data for 1982 (Amman Employment Office only) shows a 44% reduction in work

permit issues in the previous year. This fall in work permit issues is un-

doubtedly more apparent than any real reduction in labour inflows. Instead,

it reflects the Ministry of Interior's decision (in December 1981) to remove

residence permit regulations from Egyptian immigrants. Comparison of work

permit issues in Amman during 1981 and 1982 indicates a decline of some 68%

among Egyptians, while other nationalities maintained or increased their receipts





- 31 -


(see Table 12). MOL officials contend that the rate of Egyptian immigration

and employment also remained at its 1981 level and suggest that there were

circa 80,000 Egyptians working on the East Bank.

Total labour inflows in 1982 can be estimated by nationality on the

basis of available data for Amman since the latter accounts for the majority

of immigrant workers (over 75% in 1981) and the spatial distribution of

immigrant employment has been almost invariate since 1978. It is estimated

therefore that immigrant employment increased by a further 17.4% in 1982, to

almost 110,000 (see Table 13).

(b) Composition by nationality.

Labour inflows to Jordan are dominated by immigration from other Arab

states, and particularly by Egypt. Arab nationals have accounted for 70-80%

of total work permit issues since the early 1970's. In addition to Egyptians,

large numbers of Syrians (estimates range up to 30,000) are employed in Jordan

for short periods. The latter receive less than 5% of work permits, a,:

reflection of their exemption (since 1975) from the residence permit regulations.

This positive bias towards Arab immigrant workers was initiated by the

1960 labour law which provided for priority to be accorded to Arab over non-Arab

immigrant labour when no suitable Jordaniams could be found. The ad hoc committee

set up in 1977 to examine the policy implications of, and measures to regulate,

continued labour inflows, re-affirmed this principle. The committee's report

makes a number of additional recommendations designed to: . . ensure that

they (the immigrant workers) are complementing the Jordanian labour market and

not taking our labourers'jobs." Firstly, non-Arab labour cannot be hired within

Jordan, employers must have prior approval before introducing non-Arab workers.

In contrast,Arabs may enter and remain in Jordan for up to three months without

a work permit, while seeking employment. Secondly, the committee suggested

that immigrant workers should not be permitted to change jobs without the prior

approval of the MOL and the Ministry of Interior. Finally, the onus of

responsibility for compliance with residence and other regulations must lie with

the employer rather than with the immigrant worker. By the end of 1980 these
recommendations had all been implemented.






- 32 -


At the same time the government sought to place labour inflows on

a more formal basis through the negotiations of bilateral labour agreements.

The first of these, which includes the advanced approval article, was signed

with Pakistan in April 1978 (see appendix 2 for text). Subsequent

agreements have been reached with Tunisia, Morocco and Turkey in 1982. In

addition general 'understandings' have been outlined with the Philippines

(November 1981) and Bangladesh (October 1982). These labour agreements

provide for the exchange of information, the stipulation of standard contract

conditions and recruitment procedures. While such agreements are an important

step in the rationalization of international labour flows, their significance

is limited since less than 6% (in 1982) of Jordan's immigrant workforce came

from these countries. A similar agreement with Egypt (the main labour-supplier)

is precluded by the Arab League's post-Camp David boycott.

Despite the 'advanced approval' regulation imposed on potential Asian

immigrant workers, available evidence points to a rapid growth in their

immigration since 1980. In Amman alone the number of work permits issued to

Asians increased by 32% between 1981 and 1982 (while the Arab inflow grew by

only 14%). The increase in South-East Asian immigration (particularly of

Thai, Filipino, Chinese and Sri Lankan) has been strong, growing by over

70% in 1981-82. Together with workers from the Republic of Korea, prominently

present in Jordan since 1978, they now out-number labour inflows from the Indian sub-contirn-t.

(c) The characteristics of immigrant employment.

A survey of work permits issued in Amman during the period October 1982 -

January 1983 (see Table 14) demonstrates that the majority of immigrant workers

were engaged in unskilled occupations, particularly in the construction sector.

Indeed the extent of that bias towards unskilled employment is understated here

because of the low proportion of agricultural workers holding work permits.

Disaggregation of that data by nationality reveals significant differences

in the characteristics and role of the Arab and Asian sub-populations. Asian

workers accounted for the majority (69%) of skilled manual and technical employees.






33 -
Moreover, over 33% of Asian immigrants were classified in such occupations,

compared to only 18% of Arabs. At the same time, however, Asians also

represent a disproportionate share (73%) of service sector employment. The

latter was dominated in particular by Sri Lankans (of whom 79%, the majority

women, were in the service sector) and Filipinos; together these accounted for

over 84% of Asians in the service sector. In contrast, the workers fram India,

Thailand and the Republic of Korea were primarily in skilled or technical employment.

The occupational structure of Arab immigrant workers is less bipolar,

with 57% recorded in unskilled labouring employment, particularly in the

construction sector. Less than 20% of Arab immigrant workers were engaged

in skilled and semi-skilled manual jobs Although forming the majority of

clerical, managerial and professional workers, these represented less than

10% of Arab labour inflows.

The higher skill content of Asian immigrants,in general, is not unexpected

since the costs of recruitment and employment of such immigrants are high. In

1982 the average cost of bringing construction workers from India was JD.372

per employee. Comparative wage data for selected occupations and nationalities

(Table 15 ) derived from the work permit survey indicates that in the majority

of cases skilled Asians receive higher wages than their Arab counterparts.

Employers attributed this wage differential to the higher productivity and

experience of Asian labour supplied by official recruiting agencies. A large

number of Asian immigrants are employed by contracting companies from their

country of origin. This is particularly the case with China and the Republic of

Korea. In recent years, the latter country's companies in Jordan have also been

recruiting Thai, Filipino and Indonesian workers. In addition to the construction

sector a number of contracts have been won by Asian firms in the services sector,

particularly in industrial cleaning and hotel services. These are also staffed

along collective contract lines. In this respect internationalisation of the

Jordanian labour market reflects wider regional trends in contracting.






- 34 -


In contrast to this relatively formal migration process, other Asian

immigrants (notably Sri Lankans, Bangladeshis and Pakistanis) are recruited

by official and unofficial agents. A large proportion of these are employed

(clandestinely) in the services sector. For example, almost 80% of Sri Lankans

(the majority of whom were women) recorded in the survey were working as

house-maids. These womenusually young (60% were under 29) and ill-educated

(over 80% had received preparatory education or less), have been subjected

to crude exploitation. Even among those with work permits, wage rates are

low (some 65% received monthly wage rates of JD. 40.00 or less).

Unlike Asian immigrants the majority of Arabs arriving in Jordan do so

without pre-arranged employment. For the majority, short-term jobs, often

on a daily or part-day basis arranged by verbal contract, are interspersed

with periods of temporary unemployment during which the prospective workers

congregate at well-known labour hiring 'pools'. Many see Jordan as an

intermediate destination from which they are more likely to be recruited for

work in Iraq, Saudi Arabia or the Gulf. This idea of international 'step'

migration may be a partial explanation for the frequent mismatch between a

worker's educational background and his temporary occupation in Jordan.

(d) Replacement migration and skill scarcity.

Birks and Sinclair (1978) recognized that Jordan had, in the late

1970's, become a substantial labour-receiver. These labour inflows were seen

essentially as 'replacement' labour flows, playing a critical role in

maintaining Jordan's labour supply. This replacement migration was formally

defined as . the filling of a vacancy created by the movement of a

migrant who has left his country for a job opportunity abroad by the immigration

of a national of another country." In sum they project a spontaneous movement

of labour caused simply by the replacement of already departed nationals by the

inflow of immigrant workers attracted by rising wage rates. In effect this

labour inflow maintains, but does not change, the total labour supply available

to the economy. As a result it is postulated that real wage rates will





- 35 -


stabilise. Finally, it is argued that although accepting 'replacement'

migrants involves some social costs, it does enable the labour-exporter

to overcome absolute manpower shortages and thereby to maintain the

development momentum, albeit at a slower pace.

The analysis presented in the previous section suggests that 'replacement'

migration provides only a partial explanation of labour inflows into Jordan.

Comparison of the occupational structure of non-Jordanian immigrants with

Jordanian emigrants (see Table 16 ) demonstrates a distinct discontinuity.

The inflow of professional, technical and clerical manpower accounted for

only 7% of immigrant workers in contrast to their dominance (over 39%) of

the Jordanian outflow. Although large numbers of non-Jordanians, particularly

Asians, are filling a replacement role in skilled manual and technical

occupations, it is apparent that the majority (77%) are working in unskilled

occupations in construction, services and agriculture.

Birk and Sinclair (1980) postulated that large numbers of 'replacement'

migrants would be directed to unskilled employment in the urban construction
sector and in agricultural employment since strong rural-urban migration and
assumed rapid occupational mobility among the domestic labour force would create

labour shortages in these areas. Although such upward occupational mobility

is undoubtedly occurring, the growth in unemployment among unskilled Jordanians

(estimed at 9% in preliminary results of the 1979 census) suggests that the
combination of falling labour outflows, return migration and the availability
of replacement immigrant workers may be reducing that upward momentum. In the
agricultural sector there is some evidence (Seccombe, 1981) that immigrant

workers are displacing rather than replacing nationals. This is a contention

supported by Firky (1979)"... in Tel el-Arbein the youth say they prefer to
remain unemployed than work at the socially demeaning salaries of the foreign
labourers..."
The main factor responsible for the surge in inmigration employment has

been their lower reserve price. As we saw earlier, wage rates in the






- 36 -


construction sector increased by more than 30% per annum over the

1976-80 period. However non-Jordanian labour has been recruited at

wage rates well below the Jordanian market price. Anani and Jaber (1980)

suggest that immigrant wage levels range from 30-60% of those demanded by

Jordanians. Jordan has no systematic wage statistics with which to examine

this point in detail. Recent records of the Social Security Corporation

(SSC) for 1980 show a crude wage differential of 40% between Jordanian and

non-Jordanian employees in large (twenty or more employees) establishments.

Table 17 presents comparative wage rates for selected occupations in the

construction sector derived from interviews with employers. Wage rate

differentials here range from 21% for unskilled labourers, but show little

or no difference for the high skill occupations.

This evidence suggests firstly that non-Jordanian manpower in areas

of critical skill shortage can secure wages similar to their Jordanian

counter-parts. It is these workers who should be designated 'replacement'

migrants in that they fill such vacancies at prevailing wage rates. Secondly,

there is a large inflow of unskilled workers representing an alternative

labour supply. Their employment leads not to a stablisation of wage rates

but to the institution of discriminatory wage rates. As a result of this

inflow the total labour supply is increased and employers may choose between

alternative labour supplies. We will distinguish this labour inflow as

secondary labour immigration. The majority of immigrant workers in Jordan fall

into this category; once established such immigration and employment appears

to have little relationship to primary labour emigration. In addition to

forming a cheap, mobile and casual labour force, secondary labour immigrants

perform low status service sector tasks increasingly seen as socially demeaning

by Jordanian nationals. The rapidly increasing number of immigrant women are

largely employed in such occupations. In 1982 women accounted for almost 13%

(4,468) of all work permit issues, over 85% of whom were employed in service

sector occupations.






- 37 -


From the evidence presented here it is clear that non-Jordanian

immigrant workers perform a variety of roles within the Jordanian labour market.

Three such roles have been identified:

(i) replacement labour: the employment of professional, technical and

skilled manpower at non-discriminatory wage rates, induced by domestic labour

shortages;

(ii) international collective contract labour: manpower employed by

companies from their country of origin or by third country companies on

specific projects;

(iii) secondary labour: labour performing semi-skilled and unskilled tasks

at discriminatory wage rates or employed in low status occupations.

Using foreign manpower is not a simple solution to domestic labour

market problems, indeed it may have caused new problems to emerge. In particular

the availability of 'replacement' migrants reduces employers'commitment to

on-the-job training. In October 1979 new legislation was introduced to ensure

that at least 25% of the workforce recruited by foreign contractors were

Jordanians. This is however easily circumvented and carries no obligation

regarding training. In June 1983 the NCC debated measures to increase this

minimum share to 40% and to reduce the number of construction contracts

awarded to foreign companies. At the same time non-Jordanian employment in

unskilled and semi-skilled manual occupations continues to expand despite the

recession in primary labour outflows and the re-emergence of domestic

unemployment.

Manpower projections made to accompany the 1981-85 Five Year Development

Plan are far less detailed than those of 1976-80, indeed there is no attempt to

project labour demand by skill level. The plan identifies a shortfall in

domestic labour supply of 73,000 workers over the five year period, allowing for

a net out-migration of 45,000. It is recognized that women's labour force

participation is unlikely to increase dramatically; labour supply projections

assume that only 38% (40,250) of female school leavers will join the labour





38 -


force (compared to the projected 80-90% over 1976-80). The solution to the

labour shortfall is seen as an increase in the number of immigrant workers

in Jordan; the level of that increase (70,000) is expected to be equivalent

to almost 60% the growth in the number of Jordanians employed in the East

Bank (119,000) .(21)





- 39 -


VI. Conclusion

Since the early 1970's the Jordanian government has consistently re-iterated

its intention of maintaining an open-door policy towards emigration for em-

ployment. That decision is a direct outcome of Jordan's economic and political

history. The combination of Jordan's internal political structure, in which

a large proportion (if not the majority) of the population are of Palestinian

origin together with her economic and ultimately political dependence on

neighboring oil-rich States, effectively precludes alternative strategies.

Although the government continues to devote considerable efforts to

increasing the supply of skilled and technical manpower, the solution to man-

power shortages are increasingly being sought through the use of

immigrant labour in Jordan. While labour inflows have enabled employers

to compensate for shortfalls in the domestic labour supply, there is a danger

that continued reliance on immigrant labour will reduce private sector incentives

to participate in vocational training schemes, particularly when national

service removes recently trained apprentices from their employer for two years.

Concomitantly the rapid expansion of labour inflows at the unskilled level is

reducing opportunities for unskilled Jordanians in the domestic labour market

at the same time as demand is falling internationally. In the near future

Jordan may need to consider much closer regulation of migrant labour inflows.

Trends in the international labour market point to an increasing demand

for skilled and technical manpower. If Jordan is to maintain its traditional

role as a regional labour supplier, without causing further distortion to the

domestic labour market, then that role must be placed within a framework of

bilateral or multi-lateral labour co-operation agreements, specifying the

'rotation' of the migrant workforce. In this context the financing of an

expanded vocational training programme from external funds may meet with greater

success than earlier proposals for an international labour compensatory facility

raised by Jordan in the late 1970's.(22)

In trying to accommodate the role of regional labour supplier with





- 40 -


domestic development priorities, manpower planners have been frustrated by

the substantial lacuna of consistent, reliable and relevant labour market

information. To be effective labour market management must be a continuous

activity based on the evaluation and monitoring of continuous labour market

signals. At present such signals are intermittent and confused by the

pervasiveness of international labour flows.

In Jordan the traditional sources of labour market information (the records

of social security schemes and the placement activities of the employment

services) have been either absent or inoperative. Labour market data is

primarily derived from the temporally discrete household or establishment

surveys conducted by DOS and supplemented with occasional ad hoc inquiries by

a variety of institutions. These surveys are unable to provide key manpower

information with the speed, accuracy or continuity required for decision

making and policy implementation. The current status and major problems of cont-

emporary labour market information in Jordan, as they have emerged in this

study, are outlined in the following paragraphs.

In addition to its restricted sectoral and spatial coverage, Jordanian

labcur market information fails to address a number of particularly important

issues:

(i) There is no regular employer/establishment labour demand survey.

The need for such data became apparent in the late 1970's when its absence

hampered the establishment of the VTC's apprenticeship programme.

(ii) There is a continued lack of time series data on the volume and

characteristics (both demographic and occupational) of emigration for employment.

Systematic data collection is restricted to those seeking work visas for employ-

ment in Saudi Arabia. This provides only aggregate occupational data. In

addition there is a complete dearth of data on return migration.

(iii) Available data on immigrant employment in Jordan is constrained by

inconsistent visa and work permit requirements for different nationalities.

Occupational data is presented in an aggregate and often misleading form.





- 41 -


(iv) Unemployment and vacancy records held by the Employment Office are

incomplete and ill-organized.

(v) Wage rate data is almost non-existent.

In addition to the problems of restricted content and limited coverage,

available labour market information suffers from an over-long gestation period

between data collection and distribution. In many cases available data remains

unpublished and is often unknown to those who most need it. This is particu-

larly true at the international level. Thus the MOL do not have ready access

to the Kuwait work permit data on Jordanian immigrant workers.

At present the only regular data collection is that of the thrice

annual employment survey for establishments engaging five or more workers. Its

failure to distinguish skill levels and to provide regular, disaggregated,

wage rate data, makes the survey inappropriate to current needs. Nevertheless

it could provide the framework for a regular labour demand survey.

improvements in data collection could be effected in the short term in a

number of areas:

(i) Monitoring emigration: at present only those leaving for employment

in Saudi Arabia must apply through the MOL, the extension of this requirement

to other destination countries (with the co-operation of their embassies in

Jordan) would provide an opportunity for increasing data on labour outflows.

The scope of the occupational classification could be usefully enlarged. In

addition the expansion of information required on frontier departure/arrival

cards could be used to assess the extent of migrant rotation and the extent of

return migration.

(ii) Monitoring skill scarcity: a number of sources identified earlier,

notably the Employment Office's vacancy data and VTC apprenticeship enrolments

could, with modification, provide an important means of identifying skill scarcity.

These need to be supplemented by a regular (and short term) labour demand

survey and the preparation of a wage index.

(iii) Immigrant workers: there is clearly a need to monitor the level





- 42 -


and characteristics of immigrant employment in Jordan. This can only be achieved

by a rationalisation of visa and work permit requirements. This will become

increasingly important if current international labour market trends are con-

firmed and the opportunities for unskilled Jordanians to find employment abroad

diminish rapidly.



The establishment of a comprehensive social insurance scheme (Social

Security Corporation) in 1980 offers the greatest potential for more compre-

hensive data collection. Computerised employee records (including non-Jordanian

workers) include data on occupations, wage rates and job turnover. The scheme

now covers almost 149,000 workers, mostly in large firms and the public sector.

A programme to incorporate progressively smaller firms into the scheme is in

hand and ultimately coverage may be extended to Jordanians working abroad.





- 43 -


Notes
1. Quoted in Anani, 1977.
2. Jordan distinguishes between domestic exports and 're-exports', the
export of goods imported into (rather than produced in) Jordan. In 1982
domestic exports were JD. 186 mn. and re-exports JD. 79 mn. Jordan's
role as an entrep6t for goods destined for Iraq increased markedly during
the late 1970's with the onset of the Gulf war. Re-exports have increased
from only JD. 27 mn. in 1978.
3. The pattern of remittance flow is complicated since an unknown
proportion of those remittances passing into the Jordanian banking
system are destined for the occupied West Bank.

4. For a discussion of the mechanisms of Jordanian remittance movements
and their employment see Saket, 1981.

5. Economic data used in this report is drawn from the CBJ's monthly
statistical bulletin, unless otherwise stated.

6. A fuller account of Jordanian labour migration in the period prior to
1967 will be found in Seccombe (forthcoming, 1984), 'Jordanian labour
migration : the historical legacy'.

7. Ghawi (1972) estimated unemployment in 1959 at 29%.

8. Kirwan's (1982) estimated level of East Bank worker outflows at 116,000
over the period 1975-79 (23,000 per annum), is based on a residual
analysis (comparing expected with actual recorded population in 1979)
of preliminary results from the 1979 census. This makes a considerable
number of heroic assumptions, in particular the base year population and
the rate of population growth in the intervening period. The result
appears far too high when compared with alternative evidence.

9. Note that the Kuwaiti data cannot be used to verify this estimate of
East Bank outflow since those 'Jordanians' receiving work permits in
Kuwait are not necessarily drawn from the East Bank labour market but
may have arrived from 'Jordanian' communities elsewhere in the Gulf or
from outside the region altogether.

10. In the original data ISCO code numbers and local occupational descriptions
do not always match. These have been corrected for use in this report.

11. For example, Darwish (1972) notes shortages and high rates of labour
outflow among medical personnel, for example 58% of X-ray technicians
licensed in Jordan and 43% of anesthetists were working abroad.

12. The 1972 MPHS shows rates of unemployment of 7.3% and 8.4% for secondary
school and university arts graduates respectively.

13. In 1976 the government banned job advertisements for employment abroad,
then running at almost 2,000 per annum, in an attempt to reduce labour
outflows.

14. A number of omissions and implausible assumptions are made by the MPS:
(i) the projections remove all casual and temporary labour from the
base year workforce, thus assuming that net growth in demand for
such labour would be nil. This, together with reliance on the
1975 Labour Force census which under-enumerated small employers,
has the effect of improving labour-force output ratios and dampening
manpower demand projections;
(ii) productivity (output per employee) is shown to increase at an annual
average rate of 5.1% compared to its historic rate of 2%;




- 44 -


14 contd..
(iv) it is assumed that 80-90% of female school leavers would enter the
labour market;
(v) the effect of-the re-introduction of military conscription (effected in
1978) for males aged 18-20 on the labour supply is ignored.

15. The number of non-repliers is estimated by Employment Office staff at
25-30%; the actual number is unknown since no records of requests sent
out are retained.

16, In 1977 restrictions on emigration by high skill technicians working for
the Jordanian oil refinery and other para-statal establishments, were
imposed. Other aspects of this short-lived regulatory policy were a
reduction in passport validity to 3 years and the request that all
Jordanians going to work abroad register with the MOL.

17. The 1981-85 Plan (p.41) states that : "The base of qualified and trained
manpower in the vocational and technical categories will be expanded in
a manner consonant with the requirements of the development process in
Jordan and with the level of growth and development of sister Arab countries.

18. The advantage to students receiving teacher training in these private
institutes lies in their avoidance of theneed to complete 3 years service
with the MOE before becoming eligible for employment abroad.

19. The role of the army in providing trade training should not be ignored.
The re-introduction of conscription in 1978 means that some 3-5,000 males
will receive some trade training during their two year military service.

20. For example sectoral data in the 2.1% sample imply that only 3,100 non-
Jordanians were employed in the agricultural sector compared to MOL
estimates of 20-25,000 and earlier studies (Seccombe, 1981) showing over
8,000 immigrant workers in the East Jordan Valley alone. A review
(Ahmad, 1980) of projects receiving aid under the 1972 encouragement of
investment law, shows an increase in the non-Jordanian share of employment
on those projects from 3.6% in 1973 to 14% in 1978.

21. It is apparent that the 1981-85 manpower projections are biased towards a
large domestic labour shortfall.. In particular the MPS assume:
(i) that emigration for employment will remain at 8-10,000 per annum; in
reality it has already fallen to 4-5,000;
(ii) that there was no domestic unemployment in the base year; census results
suggest that unemployment may have been as high as 7%;
(iii) the demand for labour is predicated on an annual increase in GDP of
11% compared to the historic rate (1976-80) of 8% per annum; the recession of
the early 1980's suggests that this rate is unlikely to be achieved.
If domestic labour supply is re-calculated allowing for a lower rate of
emigration and for base year unemployment together with GDP growth at its
historic rate, then Jordan could experience a domestic labour surplus of over
80,000 by 1985. This surplus would be aggravated by any increase in return
migration, particularly among unskilled workers.

22. The proposal for the establishment of an "International Labour Compensatory
Facility (ILCF)" was launched by the Government of Jordan at the 19""
International Labour Conference; see ILO,Record of Proceedings, 1-ter-nana-
Labour Conference, 63rd. Session (Geneva, 1977), address by H.R.;H.Crown
Prince Hassan bin Talal of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, pp.279-63.
A similar idea was put forward by the Government of the Arab Republic -fEgyt
at the 1983 International Labour Conference: "... I propose that the
International Labour Organisation adopt the idea of establishing an Inter-
national Fund for Vocational Training to enable those countries whicn suffer
manpower outflows to implement programmes for training substitute elements,
thus filling the gap left behind by migration ...": see IL, Record f
Proceedings, International Labour Conference, 69th Session .eneva, L583-,
address by H.E. Mr. Hosni Mubarak, President of the Arab Republic of Egypt,
Provisional Record 13/1-4.







- 45 -


TABLE 1: Trade proficiency certificates issued to
potential candidates for migration, 1973-81


Year Number of certificates


1973

1974

1975

1976

1977

1978

1979

1980

1981


1685

n.a.

4820

4132

4910

4223

3943

3624

2547


Source: MOL (several issues) Annual Reports'.(Arabic)






- 46 -


TABLE 2: Number of 'Jordanians' receiving new work permits for
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 1977-82


Year Saudi Arabia Libyan Kuwait Estimated total
Arab East Bank worker
Jamahiriya outflow


1977

1978

1979

1980

1981

1982


n.a.

4523

7310

5303

2982

2435


n.a.

484

107

203

n.a.

n.a.


4758

2379

2034

2038

1722

n.a.


8950

5100

4100


Source: (a) for Saudi Arabia and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya; MOL (several
issues), Annual Reports. (Arabic). Data for 1982 are from the
unpublished records of the Department of Employment. (Arabic).
(b) for Kuwait; Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (Kuwait),
Annual report on the employment and characteristics of foreign
labour, (Arabic).








Occupation
Group


TABLE 3: New work permit issues to 'Jordanians' in Kuwait by occupational group, 1978-81

1978 1979 1980


%no. distribution
no. distribution


nc. distribution


no.


distribution


1981


distribution


A-I Professional
occupations re-
quiring a science
based degree

A-2 Professional
occupations ordin-
arily requiring an
Arts based degree

B Technical and sub-
professional occup-
ations ordinary re-
quiring two years
secondary education


221




191





118


C-i Skilled and semi-
skilled office
occupations ordin-
arily requiring basic
secondary education 386

C-2 Skilled and semi-
skilled manual occu-
pations ordinarily
requiring basic
secondary education 619

D Unskilled
occupations 844


Source: as Table 2.


9.3


182


8.9


8.0


179


8.8


178


5.0


4.2


16.2


439


10.6




7.1





4.2





25.2





18.3


34.6


21.6


192




123





134





662





399


192


11.2




7.1





8.9





38.4





23.2


11.2


26.0


35.5


540


609


26.6


29.9


387


336









TABLE 4: East Bank emigrants to Saudi Arabia by occupational group 1978-81 (% distribution)


Occupational Group 1978 1979 1980 1981


Professional and Technical 8.7 9.2 8.3 24.7

Administrative 2.0 2.0 5.0 7.3

Clerical 12.0 12.2 6.8 15.8 1

Sales 0.2 2.4 1.3 2.3 1

Services 1.1 1.3 4.8 3.0

Agriculture 2.7 2.7 3.0 3.7

Industry and Transport 40.0 37.0 33.2 24.2

Unclassified 33.3 33.2 37.6 19.0


TOTAL number 4,523 7,310 5,303 2,987


Source: as Table 2.




- 49 -


TABLE 5: Occupational structure of East Bank emigrant workers
1975 and 1980 ( % distribution)


Occupational
Group MPHS 1975 RSS 1980
Current Returnees
emigrants


Professional,
technical and 31.5 40.6 21.2
related workers

Legislative
officials and 2.5 4.8 2.9
government
administrators

Clerical and8 17.0 7.7
related workers

Sales workers 4.0 3.1 10.3

Service workers 3.6 1.7 2.5

Agricultural,
animal
husbandry, 0.6 0.5 1.1
forestry and
fishermen

Production and
related workers,
transport 51.0 27.7 39.2
equipment
wori ku i and
labourers

Armed Forces and
other unclass- 4.6 15.1
ified workers

TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0

(Absolute numbers) (952) (545) (556)


Source: (1) Department of Statistics (1976) MPHS, 1975.
Compiled from tables 5A/B, for Arab and Middle
Eastern countries only.
(2) Derived from data in Saket, B. (1982), annex 2
and 3.




- 50 -


TABLE 6: Proiected East Bank labour supply and expected


net outflow, 1976-80


Occupational Projected labour Expected net Proportion of
Category supply (Jordanian outflow supply in net
and non-Jordanian (no.) (% ) outflow (%)
institutes)

A-1 5,500 2,440 5.5 44.4

A-2 21,296 9,811 22.2 46.1

B 22,956 12,767 28.8 55.6

C-1 45,518 7,393 16.7 16.2

C-2 9,390 4,243 9.6 45.2

D 42,754 7,590 17.2 17.8



TOTAL 147,414 44,244 100.0 30.0




Source: MPS (1976) Author's calculations.













FABLE 7: VTC Apprenticeship courses and enrolments, 1972-82


Course


1. Elect riciansl
2. Mechanics
3. Carpenters
4. Welders and smiths
5. Metal fabrication
6. Spinning miachi nery
technicians
7. Oil refinery ima int en dance
mechanic and proces-
workers
8. Heating, air cuolndii oning
and plunibinig
9. Conbt ruc Ltionll worker =
O. Autu-mct haiic"
1 Earth-monuving michin r
mlchlanic
2. 1aboutr sUl)eI vi oUr
3. Sewing

10]'AL


1977
Enrolment No. of
contracts


75 1
25 1
22 1
18 l


1978
Enrolment No. of
conLracts


122 2
31 1
45 3
98 4


1979
Enrolment No. of
contract


170 5
21 1
17 1
90 4


1980
Enrolment No. of
contracts


187 5
69 4
48 3
293 8


19y8i
Enrolmenti No. of
contracts


141 4
82 5
102 4

234 12


1982
Enrolment No. of
contracts

208 5
206 to10
220 5

479 19
7 I


4


8 '


21 1


, 599


bour ce: VTC (annua ) Aniinual rejot of


the Vocational


'rainin e Cornoration .


(Arabic) Authoi 's compilation.


(ConstLuctiol skills include: painters, tiles, plasterers and reiniforcers.


16 I




- 52 -


TABLE 8: VTC 150-160 HOUR UPGRADING COURSES AND ENROLMENTS 1977-82


Course (all locations)


1. Electrical house
wiring
2. Arc welding
3. Oxy-acetelene
welding
4. Central heating
5. Plumbing
6. Auto-mechanic
7. Radio repair
8. ReFrigerator repair'
9. Electrical motor
repair
10. Tiling and
plastering
11. Shuttering
12. Cable-jointing
13. Surveying
14. Dressmaking
15. Diesel mechanic
16. Pipe fitter

17. Tractor mechanic
18. Carpenter
19. Auto-electrician
20. Tiler
21. Painter and
decorator
22. Air conditioning
23. Reinforcer
TOTAL


Enrolment
1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982


315
51



42

137
193
10
67


13


272

47





109
171

-"


- 10 11


- 13
- 10
- 10
- 10


- 16 -
- 10 -
- 15 -

- 15 -
- 14

- 9
- 14


23
- 20

- 15


165 198 220


289


865 749


Source: as Table 7. Author's compilation.


-












OFFICE: JOB VACANCY RECORDS, OCTOBER 1982-JANUARY 1983


Occupation
Professional/managerial
Civil engineer
Mechanical engineer
Construction engineer
Surveyor/draughtsman
Architect
Accountant
Instructor
Clerical/administrative
Cashier
Advertising clerk
Secretary
Receptionist
Typist
Clerks
Public relations
Store clerk
Sales
Technical salesman


Vacancies


7
1
5
5
1
16
2

8
3
14"*
14
5"*
20
2
9

9


Occupation
technicians, skilled and
-emi-skilled manual workers
Telephone installation
Computer programmer
Plasterer
lile-setter
Painter
Electrician
Blacksmith
Carpenter
Cable-jointer
Auto-mechanic
General mechanic
relex operator
Welder
Printer
Book-binder
Other technicians
HID/LD plant driver
Foreman
Photographic assistant
Car painter
Steel erector
Plumber
Pneumatic drill operator
Asphalt layer
Diesel mechanic
Stone mason
Bricklayer
Air conditioning technician
Jeweller


Vacancies


6
1
42
35 *
16
55
31
95-
22

22
6
16-
1
4
5
55
7-
5
2O
20
-6
10
5
3
11
93


Occupation
Services
Baker
Tailor
Housemaid
Cook
Waiter
Hotel cleaner
Kitchen labour


Unskilled worker
Labourers
Messenger/office boy
Textile factor-hand
Freight handlers
Night watchman


TOTAL


Vacancies


9
1
1
9
32
89
10


115*
20
15
73*
1


1080


" Note: asterisk indicates
that some employers
identify vacancies
in these occupations
but without specifying
the numbers required.


Source: Author's collation from written replies to Employment Office requests. Amman Employment Office
files. I


TABLE 9: AMMAN EMPLOYMENT





- 54 -


Table 10: Work permits issued to noi-Jordanian labour 1973-82


Year Number of work permits issued'* change


1973 376 -

1974 519 38.0

1975 803 54.7

1976 4,790 496.5

1977 7,778 62.4

1978 18,785 1J41.5

1979 26,415 40.6

1980 79,566 201.2

1981 93,402 17.4

1982 ** (109,671) (17.4)



Source: MOL (several issues)'Annual Reports' (Arabic).


: Note that this includes renewed work pcrmnit.s.

1982 data are estimated, see text for deLaiLs.












New and renewed work permits issued to non-Jordanians by nationality, 1978-82


Nationality 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982*
No. % No. % No. % No. % No. %


Arabs
Egyptian
Syrian
Lebanese
Sudanese
Iraqi
Other Arab
Asian
Pakistani
Indian
Rep.of Korea
Thai
Bangladeshi
Chinese
Filipino
Sri Lankan
Turks
Other Asian


European
Other


TOTAL


13,310 70.8
11,796 62.8
103 0.5
1,179 6.3


232 1.2
4,023 24.6
1,334 7.1
1,001 5.3
1,441 7.7
172 0.9

195 1.0



480 2.6
523 2.8
329 1.8

18,785 100


18,287 69.3
16,522 62.6
190 0.7
1,000 3.8


575 2.2
5,836 22.1
1,206 4.6
1,248 4.7
1,427 5.4
126 0.5

60 0.2



1,769 6.7
2,068 7 .8
224 0.8

26,415 100


61,967
55,544
3,639
1,172


1,612
15 -,954
2,385
3,737
3,681
690





3,461
3,,430
215


77.9
69.8
4.6
1.5


2 .0
17 .5
3.0
4.7
4 Q
0.9





4.3
4.3

0.3


su,566 100


Source: MOL (several issues) 'Annual Reports' (Arabic).
: Data for 1982 refer to Amman only and were
files.


collated by the author from employment office


I


74,829
67,796
3,092
1,077
1,425
910
529
15,559
1,440
5,217
2,114
96,2
220
1,091
1,475
1,110
1,351
579
2,637
366

93,391


80.1
72.6

1.1
1.5
1.0
0.6
16.7
1.5
5.6
2.3
1.0
0. 2
1 .2
1.6
1 .2
1 .5
0.6
2.8
0.4


100


48.9
39.4
3.3
2.7
1.1
0.6
1.8
45.1
3.3
10.7
4.2
4.2
0.8
5.7
5.7
8.0
3.0
0.2


17,698
14,284
1,185
966
398
222
643
16,333
1, 154
3,816
1,503
1,505
283
2,043
2,043
2,845
1,056
85

J2,1 75


36,206


6.0

100


TABLE 11:





- 56 -


Table 12: Work permits issued by the Amman Employment Office in 1981
and 1982, by nationality


Nationality 1981 1982
number % total number % total


Egyptian 45,044 71.4 14,284 40.1

Syrian 2,048 3.2 1,185 3.3

Lebanese 898 1.4 966 2.7

Other Arab ,1,490 2.4 1,263 3.6

Pakistani 821 1.3 1,154 3.3

Indian 3,552 5.6 3,816 10.7

Rep. of Korea 2,044 3.2 1,503 4.2

Thai 928 1.5 1,505 4.2

Other Asian 4,544 7.2 7,747 21.8

European 1,467 2.3
2,175 6.1
Other nationalities 293 0.5


Total 63,129 100.0 35,598 100.0




Source: MOL (several issues) 'AmualReports'. (Arabic).
For 1982 see unpublished monthly records, Amman Employment
Office (Arabic).










Table 13:Work permits issued by the Amman Employment Office as a proportion of total work permit
issues in 1981 and estimated work permit issues in 1982 by nationality


1981 1982
number of work % of total number of estimated total
Nationality
N permits issued work permits work permits work permit.
in Amman issued issued in Amman issued


Egyptian
Syrian
Lebanese
Other Arab
Total Arab
Pakistani
Indian
Rep. of Korea
Thai
Other Asian
Total Asian
Other nationalities
Total

Source: as Table 12.


45,044
2,048
898
1,495
49,485
821
3,552
2,044
928
4,544
11,889
1,760
63,134


66.4
66.2
83.4
52.0
66. 1
57.0
68. 1
96.7
90. 5
78.0
76.4
58.6
67.6


(53,120)
1,185
966
1,263
(56,534)
1,154
3,816
1,503
1,505
7,747
15,725
2,175
(74,434)


(80,000)
1,790
1,158
2,429
(85,377)
2,025
5,604
1,554
1,560
9,932
20,582
3,712
(109,671)


Note : figures in parenthesis are estimated,


see text p.31.





- 58 -


Table 14: Occupational distribution of non-Jordanian immigrant
workers in Amman, October 1982-January 1983



Total Arab Asian
No. % No. % No.


Professional and Managerial 129 3.4 71 4.1 _8 1
Engineers and surveyors 32 0.9 15 0.9 17 0.8
Accountants 11 0.3 5 0.3 6 0.3
Teachers 28 0.7 28 1.6 -
Managers 13 0.3 6 0.3 7 0.4
Nurses 24 0.6 24 1.2
Others 21 0.6 17 1.0 4 0.2
Clerical workers 130 3.5 98 5.7 32 1.6
Administrative officials 13 0.4 8 0.5 5 0.3
Clerks 53 1.4 46 2.7 7 0.3
Secretaries/typists 23 0.6 15 0.8 8 0.4
Others 41 1.1 29 1.7 12 0.0
Skilled and semi-skilled manual 992 26.4 315 18.4 677 33.2
Technicians 26 0.7 14 0.8 12 0.6
Electricians 64 1.7 20 1.2 44 2.2
Painters 23 0.6 17 1.0 6 0.3
Bricklayers/stoni-masons 39 1.0 20 1. 2 19 0.9
Tilesetters 34 0.9 21 1.2 13 0.6
Blacksmiths/steel fixers 76 2.0 6 0.4 70 3.4
Carpenters 341 9.1 75 4.4 Zoo 13.1
Plasterers 17 0.5 5 0.3 12 0.0
Drivers 128 3.4 54 3.1 74 3.6
Fitters/welders 52 1.4 11 0.6 41 2.0
Foremen 23 0.6 6 0.4 17 0.8
Mechanics 106 2.8 38 2.2 0o8 3
Plumbers 21 0.6 5 0.3 10 0.5
Others 42 1.1 23 1.3 19 0.9
Service workers 078 18.1 181 10.0 497 24.4
llousem,( Ui(l .,/;it\ 10n2 10.7 13 0.8 389 19.1
Cooks -- 21 1.2 11 0.5
Waiters 116 3. 52 .) 04 3.2
Bakers/confectioners 35 1.0 35 2.1 -
Others 93 2.5 60 3.5 33 1.6
Unskilled labourer's 1,686 45.0 973 56.7 713 35.C
Construction labour 1,244 33.2 600 35.0 644 31.6
Factory labour 231 6.2 220 12.8 11 0.5
Others 211 5.0 153 8.9 58 2.q
Agricultural workers 136 3.6 78 4.5 58 2.9
TOTAL 3,751 100.0 1,716 100.0 2,035 100.0


Source: appendix 3.












Table 15 : Non-Jordanian wage rates (mode) in Amman, October 1982-January 1983, for selected
occupations and nationalities (JD./month)



Occupation Egyptian Syrian Lebanese Maghreb in Turks Indian Pakistani Sri Lankan Thai Filipino Bangladeshi


Clerical workers
Secretary
Office labour
Cook L
Waiter
Laundry worker
Electrician
Painter
Brick-layer
Tile-setter
Blacksmith/steel
fixer
Carpenter
Plasterer
HD/LD driver
Fitter
Welder
Foreman
Auto-mechanic
Other mechanic
Plumber
Housemaid.
Agricultural
labourer
Unskilled con-
struction
labour


80
100
45
90
60
90
90
80
105
100


80
90
120



100
105


80


200
90

90

180
135


120

100
90
170


125


50 45


50 60


80
150

150
70
60
180
80
110


110
95

160
150
195
250


90 70
95


200C


10






150


95
65

95

100


100
100
105
120
95
140
190
120


- 66
50 80 60

- 60 50


90 50 80


- 150


150




130


120
80



100
100

110
140
140
200

110

35

55


80


18o
68
120
150
100

150

120
150









50


Continue ...


* *-










TABLE 15 contd...


Occupation Egyptian Syrian Lebanese Maghrebin Turks Indian Pakistani Sri Lankan Thai Filipino Bangladeshi


Unskilled
factory
labour 70 90 75 90 -
Hotel cleaners 40 45 45 35 65 75 55




Source: author's survey of work permits issued in Amman.

Note : wage rate data for labour from China and the Republic of Korea are not disclosed on work permits, such
contract workers receive deferred payments in their country of origin.





- 61 -


Table 16 :Comparison of employment by skill level for 'Jordanians'
abroad and non-Jordanian immigrants
(%o distribution)


Occupational 'Jordanians' in Non-nationals in Non-nationals
Category Kuwait, 1980 Jordan, 1982 in Jordan,
1975


A-i 10.6 1.2 2.6

A-2 7.1 1.7 7.0

B 4.2 2.9 13.6

C-1 25.2 4.8 15.8

C-2 18.3. 12.1 37.4

D 34.6 77.3 23.6




Source: 1975: Department of Statistics (1976) Labour Force
Census, 1975. Table 20.
1980:based on appendix 1.
1982:based on appendix 3.





- 62 -


Table 17 :Comparative wage raLes for Jordaniaii and nori-Jordanian
construction sector employees, selected occupations (1982)


Occupation


Average monthly wage (JD):
Jordanian Non-Jordanian


Ca Irpe)Cnt r

Bricklayer/stone-
mason

Steel erector


Welder

Plumber

Painter


Plasterer

Electrical fitter


Light duty
operator

Heavy duty
operator

Foreman


plant


plant


Unskilled labourer


Source: author's interviews with selected employers in
Amman, January and February 1983.


94 ()(


110.00

92.00

178.00

75.00

78 .00

n a .

82.00


133.00


150.00

114.00

70.00


O8. 00
97.00

75-00

176.00

06.00

70.00

104.00

72.00


121 .00


136.oo00

98.00

58.00




work permit issued to Jordanians and Palestinians in Kuwait


ISCO
Code.
0-11
0-13
0-14
0-2
0-31
0-32
0-41
0-42
0-54
0-6 1
0-65
0-67
0-71
0-73
0-79
0-83
0-84
0-9
1-10
1-21
1-3
1-59
1-62
1-63
1-73
1-74
1-80
1-91
1-93
1-94
1-95
1-99
2-11
2-19
3-10
3-21
3-22
3-31
3-39
3-59
Source:


1979 1980 1981
2 2 1
1 2 -
7 8
158 183 162
3 7 20
17 9 17
1
2 2 4
1 5
8 2 5
1 1 -
12 11 6
3 2 2
1 -
1 -
1 3 4
6 9 9
1 4 -
122 91 90
5 5 2
18 29 34
5 5 1
1 -
7 4 1
1
1 -
1 -
3 1
1 5 4
4 2
8 10 4
4 4 7
3 13 15
14 5 2
32 31 21
58 27 45
3 1 8
26 13 1
31 55 46
2 -
Ministry of Labour and Social
(volumes for 1980 1981, and


ISCO
Code
3-60
3-70
3-80
3-91
3-93
3-94
3-95
3-99
4-00
4-21
4-22
4-31
4-41
4-43
4-51
4-52
5-00
5-10
5-20
5-31
5-32
5-51
5-52
5-60
5-70
5-82
5-89
5-99
6-00
6-21
6-26
7 00
7-13
7-21
7-24
7-25
7-27
7-28
7-29
7-49
Affairs
1982).


Autnor s compilation


1979
1
14
4
40
3


208
64
20

13
1

182
4
1
1
1
8
1
4
6
1
2

3
1

10
6
125



1



3
(Kuwait)


1980
2
2
4
30
47
12
75
81
23
22
36

2

86

1

1
7
2
4

5
5

14
3
1
1
1
111
3

2
1
1
1
2
5
Annual


1981
5
4
6
25
24
10
56
75
55

29

2
1
65



1
1



1
4
2
4
9

3
-,

74
13
1





1


ISCO
Code.
7-71
7-73
7-74
7-75
7-76
7-79
7-91
7-96
7-99
8-11
8-19
8-20
8-31
8-32
8-33
8-39
8-41
8-42
8-43
8-49
8-51
8-52
8-53
8-54
8-55
8-56
8-57
8-71
8-72
8-73
8-74
8-91
8-92
8-94
8-95
9-02
9-10
9-21
9-22
9-25
employment


1979

2


11

5
4
3
6

6
15
4
2

6

139
5
4
2

3
114
460
2
2
32
25
5
4

6



2

4


1980


9

5
1
7
7
3
1
3
6
38
1

16
6

100

55
3
4
5
60
1
1
27
36
5
6
2


2
1
2
3
2
1


1981
2

3
1
13

2
3



2
47
2



1
96
1
61
5
1
2
18


21
17
11


5
1



1
4
1


and characteristics of


foreign labour


report on


ISCO
Code. 1979 1980 1981
9-26 1 6 -
9-27 1 -
9-29 3
9-39 12 21 22
9 41 18 7 18
9-49 20 5
9-51 38 23 19
9-52 38 45 18
9-53 68 1
9-54 3 1
9-55 23 47 27
9-56 2 3 1
9-57 2 3
9-59 22 12 6
9-69 37 2 13
9-71 15 2
9-72 1
9-73 33 1 -
9-74 2 -
9-81 .- 1 -
9-85 76 149 127
9-89 13 22 34
9-99 65 103 84


-I


I


foreien labour


APPENDIX 1: New


1979-81 by occupation










Appendix 2:


Text of the agreement on labour exchange
between Jordan and Pakistan


Signed on 29 April 1978 in Islamabad

For the purpose of strengthening and fostering understanding
and cooperation between the two countries, and to regulate the
process of exchanging technical expertise, the two countries have
agreed on the following:

Article J
The Ministry of Labour and Manpower (Manpower Division) in
Pakistan (or its specialised agency) and the Ministry of Labour in the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan would carry out the regulation of
labour transferrence and labour control between the two countries,
provided that the two sides exchange infonnation about available
needs and possibilities.
Article 2
The issuance of work permits between the tNo countries would
be subjected to the Ministry of Labour in the Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan and the Ministry of Labour and Manpower in the Pakistani
Republic.

A rlichl .3
a) Employment opportunities available in either country would
be presented to the othei country for response to these opportunities
within the available possibilities.
b) The employment offers would include kinds of the required
qualifications and expertise together with the probable terms of
employment and a detailed account of the work contract, its
circumstances, living conditions and the minimum limit of wages.

rticle 4
Employers, in both countries may apply for'specifically named
labourers from the other country for employment in view of their


personal knowledge of these through the competent authorities in
both countries.

Article 5
A written contract on four copies, would be concluded in each
case between the employer and the labourer, and.signed by both of
them, each keeping a copy with another copy to be supplied to the
competent authorities in each country. Such a contract could only
be considered as valid after the competent authorities in the country
where the labourer will be working, had issued a work pennit. In this
contract, the terms and circumstances of the employment would be
defined, particularly, name of the employer and his address and
name of the labourer, his address, kind and place of work, salary,
other terms of contract and conditions of its renewal and termination.

Article 6
The two sides would see to it that the labourer possesses a valid
work permit, a certificate of police record, a certificate proving lie is
free of contagious diseases in the country he belongs to.

Article 7
Each side would have the right to carry out the necessary
examination for the required labourers in order to ascertain the
technical qualifications and health fitness. Employers would also
have the right to carry out the examination mentioned in this article
by themselves o0 by their representatives in the country of the
emigrant before his departure.

Article 8
An employer who transfers labourers under this agreement
would bear expenses of their return journey from their country of
employment to the country of home.

The employer would be exempted from expenses of the return
journey of a labouiei who, by his own free will, leaves thle job before
ceniiination of the contract, or in case the labourer committed a big
full that Iecessilted his dismissal without being granted a graluity,
according to law.


A %










Article 9
Labourers who are transported to work under provisions of this
agreement, would enjoy all rights and privileges enjoyed by labourers
who are nationals of other countries and have come for work. They
would also enjoy the rights and privileges of those workers who were
brought to work prior to signing of this agreement, in accordance
with the alid laws and rules in the two countries.

A article 10
The competent authorities in each of the two countries would
facilitate the exchange of laboui force between themselves within
the framework of valid laws and rules, including entry and exit visas.

Article 11
The employer would take the necessary measures for obtaining
work and residence pennits for the labourers he intends to employ
from the competent authorities in his country, in conformity with
procedures in use.
Article 12
A labourer wouldd have the right to transfer to his own country
all savings from his earned income in accordance with the financial
laws and regulations in the country where he is employed.
A. article 12 A
The expatriate worker shall have the same rights as worker as
enjoyed by the citizen workers of the country of employment
according to its laws and labour practices if any.

Article 13
In the event of a dispute between the employer and a labourer,
a complaint would be submitted to the concerned authorities in the
country where the labourer is working in accordance with legal
procedure, so as to help reaching an amicable settlement. If that was
impossible, the case would be referred to the judicial authorities.

Article 14
Labourers who are brought to work under provisions of this


agreement, would comply with the laws and rules of the country in
which they work. They would respect local customs and traditions,
and would on no account engage in political activities.

Article 15
This agreement would be supervised by a joint committee
comprising representatives from both sides, with the task to.

a) Follow-up implementation of the agreement
b) Over-come any difficulties that may ,iise over application of
the agreement within three months of the date of putting it
forward.
c) Suggest any amendments to this agreement that would make
its provisions more harmonious with the principles of
brotherly solidarity between the two countries. The 'afore-
mentioned committee would meet on the date and place as
agreed to by the two sides.
Article 16
This agreement would run for three years renewable auto-
matically, for the same period unless any of the two sides wishes to
terminate it six months before expiry.
Article 17
The agreement would be put into effect from the date of ex-
change of diplomatic memoranda indicating finalisation of the
constitutional procedures necessary for approval.

This agreement has been signed in Islamabad, Pakistan on
.Jamadi-ul-Awal 21, 1398 A.H., corresponding to 29th day of April
1978, in English and Arabic, both texts being equally authentic.


For and on behalf of the
Government of the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan

H.E.K. Bandial
Secretary, Ministry of
Labour and Manpower


For and on behalf of the
Government of the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan

H.E. Issam Al Ajlcuni
Minister for Labour








APPENDIX 3.


OCCUPATIONS RECO D


ON WORK PERMITS E


AMMAN GOVERNORATE, OCTOBER 1982-JANUARY 1983, BY NATIONALITY


Occupation


Civil engineer
Electrical engineer
Other engineer
Surveyor
Draughtsman
Accountant .
Designer (textile)
Pilot
Telephone engineer
Pharmacist
Nurse
X-ray technician
Teacher
Manager/director
Admin. official
Clerical workers
Secretary
Cashier/bookeepers
Typist
Office labour
Sa lesman
Cook
Waiter
Butcher
Grocer
Baker
Cuonfectionary maker
Barber
Laundry worker
Photographer
Tailor
Electrician
Painter
Brick I layer/st uoneimason
Tile setters
Bl acksniithl/steel F ixer
(arpenters!
Pla(terers
Cable -,loi niter
leatd ing techni ciaill

11D/I D drive
Ot lier driver
Turner
Pipe litter


Total Egyptian Syrian


Lebanese Maghreb Other Arab1


Turks Indian Pakistani


Sri
Lankan


Rep.of
Thai Korea


5 -



- 5
- -- 2








I1








3

9

7 1 -
8 42 40




i 3 ib


China lilipino



2
3








6


l


6
-



1










2


2
S 22
2



26


Bangladesh
















-I


-I


O ~ ~ ~ ~ N WOKPRTQlC









Appendix 3 contd...


Occupation


Welder 39
Lift technician 4
Foreman 23
Petrol pump attendant 6
Medical equipt. workers 13
Translator 4
Power line transmission 6
Auto-mechanic L 14
Other mechanic 92
Telex operator 2
Computing technician 2
Mining technician 3
TV/radio repairmen 6
Plumber 21
Watch repairer 2
Timekeeper 1
Hlousemaid/nanny 402
Agricultural labourers 130
Cobbler/shoemaker 5
Unskilled construction labs.1244
Unskilled factory workers. 231
Guides 2
Shop assistants 21
Hotel cleaners 87
Street cleaners 79
Kitchen labour 13
Hospital labour 18
Gardeners 8
Storeman 7
Barman 9
llotal receptionist 6
TOIAI. 3,751


Total Egyptian Syrian Lebanese lyi',reb Other Arab


4

5
5
5
3


6
25



3
5


7
73
1
563
213
1
12
43
79

8
5
3
I
3
1,44 1


Turks Indian Pakistani


9 1
S 2
4 4

2
-

4
2 12 4
2

I 2
2
7 -


2 7 2
2 8 27


- 4
2

53 458


6





1242


Sri
Lankan


Rep.of
Thai Korea


8




I -


2 24








335 3


28 97



23

5
4
2

I -

428 212


China Filipino Bangladesh


12

1



4

18




9


4
3
380 196


Notes ; 1. 'Ot er A ab' in ludI(s:
2. Ia, In..d. one Af ghai1 .


l a qi ( 2 ), buda C.nes (24.), ialest inian (9), Eritrean (3) and Ethiopian (1).


survey l euork pemiLs issued in Amman (Covernurate Oct. 1982-Jan. 1983


Source : Author s am1pl




- 68 -


Bibliography



Abu-Jaber,K. et al.1976,"Labour force in Jordan", Orient, Vol.17 No3, pp.61-76.
----- 1977 "Conditions of some working women in Jordan" (Amman, University of
Jordan, mimeograph).

El-Ahmad, A.Q., 1980, The effect of the encouragement of investment law on
the Jordanian economy (Amman, RSS).

Alawin, A.A., 1978, "The structure and performance of the manufacturing
sector in Jordan and ots reflection on the economy" (Keele University,
unpublished Ph.D. thesis).

Anani, J., 1977, "The labour situation in Jordan" (Amman, NPC. mimeograph).

Anani, J.A. and Jaber, T.A., 1980, "Jordan experience and policies in the
field of reverse transfer of technology" (Amman, MOL. Unpublished report
prepared for UNCTAD).

Birks,J.S. and Sinclair, C.A., 1978, Country case study Hashemite Kingdom
of Jordan (University of Durham, IMP Working Papers).
----- 1980, International labour migration in the Arab region(Geneva, ILO).

Darwish, M.H., 1972, "Health manpower in Jordan" (Amman, NPC, mimeograph).

DOS, 1976, The Multipurpose household survey, 1975 (Jordanians abroad)
(Amman, DOS).
----- 1976, The Labour Force Census, 1975 (Amman, DOS).

Al-Fanik, F., 1978, "Labour force turnover in Jordan", Al-Amal,Vol.1 N02
pp. 20-35 (Arabic).

Firky, M., 1979, "The Maqarin dam and the East Jordan Valley" (Amman, USAID,
mimeograph).

Ghawi, S.O., 1972, "The manpower situation in Jordan" (Amman, NPC, mimeograph).

Harrell, P.S., 1978, "Vocational education and training in Jordan" (Amman,
USAID, mimeograph).

Kirwan, F., 1982, "Labour exporting in the Middle East : the Jordanian
experience", Development and Change, Vol.13 No1 pp.63-89.

Layne, L., 1981, Women in Jordan's workforce", MERIP NO 95 pp. 19-23.

Malallah, M., ed. 1978, Proceedings of the second symposium on manpower
development: the role of Jordanian women (Amman, MOL).

Malki, A., 1982, "Survey study on training and job opportunities for women
in Jordan" (Amman, VTC, mimeograph).

MOE, 1977, "Follow-up analytical study of graduates of educational institutes
in Jordan" (Amman, MOE CArabic]).

MOL, (several issues), Annual Report (Amman, MOL /Arabicj).

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Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (various issues), Annual report on
the employment and characteristics of foreign labour (Kuwait, Ministry
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- 69 -


McClelland, D.H., 1979, "Worker migration and worker remittances Jordan"
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(Oklahoma State University, unpublished Ph.D. thesis).




- 70 -


C. INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION FOR EMPLOYMENT


Working Papers


1. International labour migration and international development, by
C.W. Stahl, Jan. 1982 (out of print).

2. Towards a system of recompense for international labour migration, by
W.R. Bohning, Feb. 1982 (out of print).

3. Contract migration policies in the Philippines, by L.S. Lazo,
V.A. Teodosio and P.A. Sto. Tomas, Mar. 1982.

4. Contract migration in the Republic of Korea, by S. Kim, Apr. 1982.

5. Emigration of scarce skills in Pakistan, by M. Ahmad, May 1982.

6.F Les clandestins et la r4gularisation de 1981-1982 en France, par
J.-P. Garson et Y. Moulier, 10 mai 1982.

6.E Clandestine immigrants and their regularisation in France, 1981-1982,
by J.-P. Garson and Y. Moulier, 10 May 1982.

7. Out of the shadows A review of the 1980 regularisation of status
programme in Australia, by D. Storer with the assistance of
A. Faulkner, June 1982.

8. International contract migration in the light of ILO instruments, with
special reference to Asian migrant-sending countries, by W.R. Bohning,
July 1982 (out of print).

9.S La amnistia migratoria de 1974 en Argentina, por Lelio Marmora,
Feb. 1983.

9.E The 1974 amnesty for migrants in Argentina, by Lelio Marmora, Feb. 1983.

10.F La libre circulation 1'intdrieur d'une Communautd entire pays en
developpement, par W.R. Bohning, decembre 1983.

10.E Freedom of movement within a community of developing countries, by
W.R. BWhning, Dec. 1983.

11.F L'administration du travail de l'immigrg en situation irregulibre en
Espagne, en Grece et en Italie, par S. Ricca, janvier 1984.

11.E Administering migrant workers in an irregular situation in Grece, Italy
and Spain, by S. Ricca, Jan. 1984.

12. Recruitment practices and working and living conditions of Asian
migrant workers in the Middle East: Problems and possible solutions,
by Z. Zar, May 1984.

13. International labour migration and the ASEAN economies, by C.W. Stahl,
June 1984.

14. International labour migration and skill scarcity in the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan, by I.J. Seccombe, July 1984.


0774d/v.6












International migration and

development in the Arab region

In 1975 over two-and-a-half million Arab workers and their dependants, as well as
another half-million non-Arabs, were living in Arab countries other than their home-
land. Migration on such a scale is largely the result of economic forces, in particular
the apparently insatiable demand for labour in oil-exporting, capital-rich States
such as the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Saudi Arabia.
In this well researched book the authors examine the volume and pattern of
international migration for employment to, from and between the Arab States of
the Middle East and analyse the factors underlying it. In so doing they draw atten-
tion to the advantages and disadvantages of these flows both to the countries of
origin and to the countries of employment, and suggest what might be the conse-
quences of the ever greater recourse now being had by the migrant-receiving
countries to labour from the Indian subcontinent and the Far East. The book con-
cludes by setting out a number of courses that the Arab migrant-sending countries
might consider in order to improve their position vis-a-vis the capital-rich
States.
xii + 175 pages 25 Swiss francs ISBN 92-2-102251-X (limp cover)
35 Swiss francs ISBN 92 2-102252 8 (hard cover)









Black migration to South Africa

A selection of policy-oriented research
Edited by W R Bohning

The results of research initiated by the ILO in 1976 into the whole question of Black
migration to South Africa are brought together in this study, which is published
with the financial support of the UN Fund for Population Activities. Taking as their
starting-point the assumption that Black migration to the Republic of South Africa
should be eliminated on both moral and political grounds, the researchers set
themselves two aims: first, to examine how the working and living conditions of
both the migrants and their dependants can be improved as long as migration con-
tinues; and second, to discover what means there are of reducing the dependence
of the migrant-sending countries on job opportunities in South Africa and, in partic-
ular, to consider how the existing migration link can be used to relieve these coun-
tries of their need to send workers to South Africa. The final chapter suggests a
possible plan for the gradual phasing-out of migration over a period of 15 years.

20 Swiss francs ISBN 92-2-102759-7 (limp cover)
30 Swiss francs ISBN 92-2-102758 9 (hard cover)









Trade in place of migration
An employment-oriented study with special reference to the Federal
Republic of Germany, Spain and Turkey
By U. Hiemenz and K. W. Schatz
An important feature of a new international economic order would be an efficient
international division of labour that would encourage a mutually profitable revival of
world trade. The present book is one of a number of case studies carried out under
ILO auspices to quantify some of the factors involved.
After examining in some detail the competitiveness of the industries of the
Federal Republic of Germany, in particular, which is one of the developed countries
already most integrated in world trade, the study estimates the effects of a liberali-
sation of the country's imports on employment in the Republic by industry, by area,
and by the skill, sex and nationality of the workforce. The possibilities of re-employ-
ment in their own countries for the Spanish and Turkish migrant workers who
might well be displaced by such a liberalisation are assessed in a concluding sec-
tion, which contrasts the economic policies recently followed in Spain and Turkey
and points to their employment implications.

x + 118 pages 17.50 Swiss francs ISBN 92-2-101865-2 (limp cover)
27.50 Swiss francs ISBN 92-2-101864-4 (hard cover)

I f n .I IO i d




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