• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Title Page
 Executive summary
 Conclusions and recommendation...
 Introduction
 Smallholder agriculture: Sector...
 Smallholder agriculture in Third...
 World food supply and the Third...
 Smallholders in rural society
 'Invisibilty' of women's contribution...
 Division of labor by sex in agricultural...
 Definition of male and female agricultural...
 Women's preeminent role in food...
 Recognition of women as food...
 Centrality of women's role in the...
 Bibliography














Title: Women, migration and the decline of smallholder agriculture
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00087047/00001
 Material Information
Title: Women, migration and the decline of smallholder agriculture paper presented to the Board for International Food and Agricultural Development, Washington, D.C.
Series Title: Women in development
Physical Description: iv, 48, 8 p. : ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Chaney, Elsa
Lewis, Martha Wells
United States -- Board for International Food and Agriculture Development
United States -- Agency for International Development. -- Office of Women in Development
Publisher: Office of Women in Development, Agency for International Development, International Development Cooperation Agency :
Distributed by Office of Women in Development
Place of Publication: Washington D.C
Publication Date: 1980
 Subjects
Subject: Rural-urban migration -- Developing countries   ( lcsh )
Women in agriculture   ( lcsh )
Genre: federal government publication   ( marcgt )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (p. 1-8).
Statement of Responsibility: by Elsa M. Chaney and Martha W. Lewis.
General Note: "Prepared for the Office of Women in Development, United States Agency for International Development, AID/OTR-147-80-94."
General Note: "October 1980."
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00087047
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 09612958

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Title Page
    Executive summary
        Page i
        Page ii
    Conclusions and recommendations
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Introduction
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
    Smallholder agriculture: Sector in trouble
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 6a
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
    Smallholder agriculture in Third World economies
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
    World food supply and the Third World poor
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
    Smallholders in rural society
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
    'Invisibilty' of women's contribution to agricultural production
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
    Division of labor by sex in agricultural production
        Page 25
        Page 26
    Definition of male and female agricultural tasks
        Page 27
        Page 28
    Women's preeminent role in food production
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
    Recognition of women as food producers
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
    Centrality of women's role in the small farm operation/male migration
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
    Bibliography
        Page B-1
        Page B-2
        Page B-3
        Page B-4
        Page B-5
        Page B-6
        Page B-7
        Page B-8
Full Text


















WOMEN, MIGRATION AND THE DECLINE

OF SMALLHOLDER AGRICULTURE



by Elsa M. Chaney
and Martha W. Lewis







Paper Presented to the Board for
International Food and Agricultural
Development, Washington, D. C.

October, 1980











This Report was prepared for the Office of Women in Development, United
States Agency for International Development, AID/OTR 147 80 94.
The views and interpretations are those of the authors and should not be
attributed to USAID or to any individual acting on its behalf.









EXECUTIVE SUMMARY


In the total world food supply picture, small farmers play a crucial role, parti-
cularly in less-developed countries and in production of food for the poor.
Smallholder systems are being undermined by many forces, and the implications
for future food supplies are ominous. Women's participation in the smallholder
sector is central; overlooking it can distort development efforts to strengthen
this primary source of food and social stability.

Migration is a major ingredient in the decline of smallholder agriculture. The
family farm and the community suffer from the loss of labor when young men
leave to work as wage laborers in agriculture or in distant cities or countries.
With cash remittances, the family left behind must shift production and consump-
tion patterns. A dependency on remittances develops, resulting in loss of self-
sufficiency both in food production and material necessities. With this new
cash-created dependency comes a breakdown in the worksharing systems that
have been a factor in holding the community fabric together, and a reluctance to
take up agriculture again if the migrants return.

Agricultural development programs sometimes threaten rural economies as well
as smallholder agriculture. When agricultural production is directed towards
export, foreign exchange earnings often go for purchased luxury goods and imported
food for urban consumers. Modernization and mechanization usually mean less
employment in agriculture; for those who continue to work in that sector, a
changeover to purchased food from traditional home-produced food frequently
results in lower nutritional levels.

Projections of world food supply indicate that there will be serious shortages,
particularly for Third World countries. This will mean inadequate nutrition levels
for millions of poor people.

There now is a body of development literature documenting women's contribution
to agricultural production and making it "visible. The picture that emerges is
that women predominate in food cropping, in subsistence agriculture, in hoe
cultivation. When production is commercial, based on a mechanized system or
on the plow, men are in control.

Neither rural women themselves or agricultural economists judge women's labor
in food production by the same standards as men's work on crops that are sold.
Besides ignoring women's contributions in planting, weeding and harvesting,
economists evaluating agricultural productivity overlook the support tasks per-
formed by women: fetching and carrying, feeding laborers, caring for small
animals, producing and reproducing the labor force -- their own labor power,
their partner's and their children's.





S Chaney and Lewis Executive Summary ii


Recognition of the role women play as food producers still is inadequate for re-
sponsible development planning. Major works on agricultural development over-
look completely this key factor in production. Yet many studies exist documenting
women's capabilities in farm production and management -- if they have sufficient
support and inputs. Scholars on migration see the pattern of women staying be-
hind as a strategy to preserve the "patrimony" on the land; to keep the smallholding
as a social and economic security factor for the family; to make a home in which
to raise and feed the children -- and often to send food to relatives in the towns
because their wages sometimes do not cover all their expenses. When men mi-
grate, the women carry on the farming somehow (taking over cash crops as well
as raising the food), but when women leave -- unless they can arrange for a
surrogate mother/housewife -- the farm is abandoned.

Because of the important role women play in family farming, the forces undermin-
ing small farm systems deprive women of an important source of economic produc-
tivity. When families produce for a cash market, the income often is attributed
to the male's labor, goes to his control and is less apt to be spent on improved
nutrition and quality of life for the family.

This paper is not solely an argument for equity or for the recognition of the spe-
cific contributions women make to food production. Rather, it suggests that any
policies designed to increase food for the poor will not succeed unless they take
into account women's role as food producer and, preeminently, as producer of food
for the poor.











CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS


A. Smallholder Agriculture and While the productive potential of small family
Food Production farming systems is increasingly recognized,
much remains to be learned. Research and
development efforts have concentrated on the crops and technologies of larger
and mechanized systems. World food needs demand that greater emphasis be
placed on research and development studies on small farming systems with
attention to:

1. Improving growing methods and varieties of crops grown on small-
holdings, with special emphasis on women's crops.

2. Developing appropriate production, harvesting and processing machines
and tools for small fields and terraces -- designed for family use.

3. Designing small systems in which the crops grown are food crops
the family needs for improved nutrition.

4. Studying the economics of small farms to measure the value of foods
and services provided outside the cash economy.

5. Assessing the social and psychological contributions to health and
stability of rural society provided by smallholder farming systems.

6. Describing and analyzing smallholder survival strategies which in-
clude a creative mix ,of off-farm employment, food production, manu-
facture of items for sale or barter, etc.

When agricultural development projects are designed, consideration should be
given to their impact on small farm systems, national food supply and parti-
cularly the effects on the supply of foods poor people eat.


B. Women's Contributions in Women's contributions in agricultural produc-
Smallholder Systems tion -- especially in food crops -- has been in-
visible to economists and planners. Equity and
successful agricultural development demand:

1. Learning in exact detail, through time allocation studies and other
methodologies, what women contribute in smallholder systems.

2. Modernizing strategies in which the value of women's food production
and processing roles are recognized, and in which they are given the





Chaney and Lewis Conclusions and Recommendations iv


resources -- credit, training, access to inputs, tenure rights --
to strengthen and enhance their productive efforts.

3. Mechanisms to foster the organization of rural women so that they
can begin to define their own needs, discover or invent ways to
help themselves, and pressure the political system for the supports
and services they and their communities need.

4. Creation of simple materials on the interface among nutrition,
health, food production and food consumption.

5. Training of rural workers beyond "home economics" to give instruc-
tion in nutrition and health linked to vegetable gardening and staple
food crops.

6. Studies of wild foods, their nutritional contribution and role in family
survival strategies.


C. Effects of Male Outmigration A great deal of study has gone into
on Food Systems/Women's Work exploring the impact of migration on
urban areas and on individual migrants.
Little has been done on the effects of migration on the people, particularly the
women, left behind. We need:

1. Detailed analyses of the effects of male absence on women's work
load, and particularly on women's food production efforts.

2. Policies and programs to strengthen and enhance women's work in
family food production, and to ease their burdens.

3. Assistance to women in carrying out cost/benefit calculations on
their own cash-conserving and cash-earning options, so that
they can decide the opportunity costs of whatever possibilities
may be open to them in food production, wage employment, etc.

4. Cash-earning opportunities for women which combine with their
household/farm responsibilities.















I. THE DECLINE OF SMALLHOLDER AGRICULTURE AND WORLD FOOD SUPPLY


Introduction: Hunger and malnutrition among the rural and urban poor in many

countries continue despite years of agricultural and industrial development pro-

grams and substantial real progress in enlarging the gross product and raising

productivity. Apparently there is a failure in the anticipated linkage between

general economic development and the advancement of welfare for many in the

population. In a reappraisal stimulated by these conditions, development experts

are taking another look at smallholder food production systems for values perhaps

overlooked in efforts to push world agriculture into large-scale, capital-intensive

modes of production. Ironically, this interest arises at the same time there are

forces undermining smallholder systems and actually causing the abandonment of

land. (Wortman and Cummings [1978 ] is one reexamination of these issues.)

In this paper, we argue that migration of males to cash-earning opportuni-

ties off the farm is one major ingredient endangering smallholder agriculture,

and particularly the production of local food. In Part I, we discuss the reasons

smallholder agriculture appears to be losing ground, and the effects on the food sup-

ply and the nutritional status of the poor. In Part II, the emphasis is on women's

role in small farm systems, especially their preeminence in food production. We

cite evidence that the absence of able-bodied men puts enormous burdens on the

women left behind to carry on the agricultural work and care for their families. As





Chaney and Lewis 4 Page 2


a consequence, the production unit may decline, and sometimes is abandoned.

This paper is not a treatise on the productive superiority of smallholder

over large, capital-intensive agricultural systems. Rather, it suggests that

smallholder farms play an important role in producing food for the poor, in rural

income distribution, in sustaining family and kinship networks, and as a productive

asset for rural women. In many world regions, women grow the family food. If

they have access to land, women's economic power may be greater than in wage

labor, and they have a security factor on which to rely if their jobs disappear.

We do not advocate that women should choose to raise food instead of income-

earning activities in all cases. Often women will decide to do both, if they have the

opportunity. Rather, we are suggesting a careful cost/benefit analysis of wage em-

.ployment and family food production both by designers of projects and the women

themselves.2 There are high economic and social opportunity costs in depending on


IThere are many experts, however, who do assert the productive efficiency of
small farms. The World Bank (1980: 42) reports "wide-ranging evidence that (com-
paring similar types of agriculture) smaller farms outperform larger farms in value
added per acre. In a Scientific American issue on food, Scrimshaw and Taylor
(1980: 88) note that "yields per acre are usually higher on smallholdings than they
are on larger farms since families use their many hands to exploit what we have
described as the intensive margin. Nor is it always the case that small farms can
be consolidated into larger entities. Much of the land abandonment and production
decline about which we write is associated with hill and/or poorer land where mechan-
ized systems cannot be introduced, yet where labor-intensive efforts and improved
farm practices on terraced hillsides result in productive enterprises.

2Women already are beginning to make such analyses. Rogers (1980: 143-47)
sees women's desire to strengthen their control over the subsistence sector as a
conscious, countervailing strategy to men's virtual monopolization of cash crops;
she agrees with Pala's (1976: 22) contention that far from being a retreat to traditional
work, women's efforts to build up their control over subsistence sector activities has
meant increased numbers of women doing what was traditionally men's work in agri-
culture. She observes that if women lose even this asset to the demands of men for
their land and labor, they may be in a much more disadvantaged position.





Chaney and Lewis Page 3


cash to buy food. Moreover, the wage-earning equivalent of home-produced food

is rising as world food supplies tighten and prices soar -- a trend that will pro-

bably continue for many years.

Smallholder agriculture is declining in many developing countries because

of forces not necessarily related to its social and economic value (we discuss some

of them in the next section)., This decline has disastrous .effects on nutrition be-

cause small cultivators produce many food items in the diets of the poor -- for

example, tropical root crops such as yam and cassava, and plantain which grow

easily and cheaply on small holdings (Berg 1980: 25). According to a World Bank

study (1979: 3), cassava is a major source of calories for 300 million people, many

of whom are rural and poor. Food grains such as wheat and corn, while cheap

on the world market, are often beyond the reach of the poor because their countries

lack foreign exchange to import grains or the ability to subsidize their sale to con-

sumers. Government programs to encourage food production (as in the Green Re-

volution) have had hurtful consequences; for example, high fixed selling prices to

encourage the production of grain can lead to a drop in legume production which

affects the marginal diet of low-income groups (Scrimshaw and Taylor 1980: 83).

The decline of the small farm sector causes (and at the same time is itself

accelerated by) the outmigration of male farmers and increasing burdens on the

women left behind. Women must manage the household and care for the family,

but also provide the family food and produce the cash crops. Remittances from

family members who have migrated may be irregular and inadequate, and at times

may cease altogether.





Chaney and Lewis Page 4


There is some evidence that women -- most often left without secure

title to land, credit, inputs and extension services -- may find the workload so

onerous that they take their children and also leave the rural areas for the towns.

Not only is the food supply in some countries seriously endangered by migration,

but the existence of the small farm sector itself is in jeopardy. In some regions,

there are increasing numbers of abandoned farms and unused agricultural lands.

In other areas, large farms have swallowed up small farms. Often these large

enterprises do not produce food for people of the region or nation, but rather food

and other crops for export. For example, fresh vegetables for the U.S. market

grow in Mexico on land formerly producing local traditional foods, and Egyptian

agriculture has shifted to supply the European market and the Egyptian middle class.

Developing nations can ill afford to lose the crucial contribution small farm

systems make to food supply. Agricultural policies sensitive to food and nutrition

of the poor must address not only the general problems faced by small farmers, but

in particular must devise strategies to encourage and enhance women's contribution

to this sector. Lack of understanding of the roles women perform, and lack of

support and services to women left behind on the land as men are forced to migrate

because of insufficient farm income, exacerbate the decline of smallholder agri-

culture in many world areas.


Smallholder -Agriculture: Smallholder agriculture is the production system evolved
Sector in Trouble
by rural families living on the land to provide their basic

human needs of food, clothing, shelter, security for the young and the old, and other

family supports. It is a complex of interdependencies based upon a variety of





Chaney and Lewis Page 5


contributions from family members -- physical strength, judgment and experience,

intuition and imagination, light labor and heavy labor. Production above household

needs is sold, bartered for other kinds of food or family needs, given away or fed

to animals to be converted into animal protein food.

The household on the small farm is not always the stereotypical (in U. S. terms)

family: father, mother and children. Often elderly parents and other kin live in the

household. Other kin who contribute vital support to the family may not live in the

household -- they may be away permanently or temporarily doing migratory labor.

According to Safilios-Rothschild (1980), in many developing countries adult females

head 30 to 40 percent of rural households.. One study of village women in Ghana found

that 65 percent of women over 18 are solely responsible for their children's daily

nutrition and other requirements (Bukh 1979).

The smallholder system is vulnerable on a number of fronts, not all of which

will be treated in detaiL here. Among these are natural calamities such as drought,

hurricane and flood; erosion of land and destruction of water resources; mistaken

development strategies and issues related to land tenure. This section examines in

particular the effects on small farm systems of migration and of competition from

large, capital-intensive agriculture. The land tenure situation also is reviewed.

Migration affects rural communities in complex, sometimes contradictory

ways. Benefits include relief from overcrowding and underemployment; capital in-

fusions through remittances that make it possible for the family to stay on the land

and to relieve some of the drudgery with labor-saving implements; and fallow, or

"rest" for overcropped, wornout land. Detrimental effects of out-migration on the

smallholder system are the development of dependency on cash from wages or remit-




Chaney and Lewis Page 6


remittances, and consequent loss of self-sufficiency; loss of labor affecting the

capacity of those remaining behind to cope; poorly cared for land and deteriora-

tion of agricultural infrastructure such as irrigation ditches; breakdown of work-

sharing customs; rejection of agriculture as a way of life with the loss of young

adults to the community in their most productive years -- leaving behind women,

children and the old.

Ireland is the classic example of migration-caused decline in agriculture.

As Power (1979: 134) describes it, "once emigration reaches endemic proportions

(as it has in Ireland), a kind of human depression and a social despair sets in,"

leaving a "devastatingly destructive individualism that makes even the simplest co-

operative venture... extraordinarily difficult." Colvin, et al. (1980) talk of the

deprivation, sadness, decline and despair which permeate the social atmosphere

in regions of male out-migration in the Senegambia, particularly in Mali and Mauri-

tania. The authors also make the point that not only are some regions being emptied

out, but that whole countries are becoming peripheral -- with their only export

being population:

Since migrants [from Mali are predominantly males in their most
active ages from twenty to thirty-five years, their absence has a
serious effect on the age and sex structure of the population in the


3
Many efforts to assess the costs and benefits associated with international
migration are underway. There is some evidence that the developed nations have
gained more from labor migration. They secure a cheap, flexible labor force,
workers in their most vigorous years, and they avoid the social costs of rearing
and educating them, however minimally, as well as caring for them in old age if
they do return home. Some argue that sending countries also gain: a safety valve
for excess population, for example, as well as remittances which ease foreign
exchange shortages. Others counter that such "benefits" are illusory since most
remittances are spent on inflationary consumer goods, and few countries have
figured out how to capture remittances for productive investment.





Chaney and Lewis Page 6a


areas of origin. This is most notable in the Sonike areas where
average male migration is near 40-50%, and some villages ex-
perience absentee rates of up to 70% of the active male popula-
tion. In the absence of men the work devolves on women, child-
ren and the old people and deteriorates in both quantity and quality
.... The loss of active hands means a net loss of agricultural
produce in the area and the remittances tend to be spent for non-
productive investments rather than agricultural equipment, fer-
tilizer, water supply, processing, or cottage industry ibidd.: 227).

Colvin and her associates profile similar patterns in the other countries of the

Senegambia, in one of the few in-depth treatments of migratory movements and

the effects of the migration on regional economic and social structures, with con-

sistent attention throughout on the impacts on the region's women.

In a study of migration from ten rural Mexican communities, Cornelius

(1976: 14) found a "point of no return" when demographic and economic decline

is beyond reversal (two of the ten communities had reached this point):

There appears.., to be a threshold point in the out-migration process
beyond which the costs of out-migration to the sending community
outweigh:the benefits. As long as close relatives of permanent emi-
grants remain behind, the flow of remittances is likely to continue
and the local economy remains viable. When a large share of these
nuclear family members die or move, an irreversible process of
decline may begin.

Another example of "flight" can be found among the Garifuna of Guatemala, where

traditional male tasks in fishing and cropping were taken over by women when men

left for wage labor. Ten years later women also were migrating and sending back

remittances. Subsistence farming had practically cased (Gonzalez: 1976). Many

more examples could be cited from the literature.

According to a United Nations Development Program report (1980: 26),

30 percent of the economically-active male population of Yemen is working abroad,





Chaney and Lewis Page 7


and some villages are virtually depleted of active males. In poor country after

poor country, migration is having disastrous effects on small farm food produc-

tion. In Jamaica, one sees idle land owned by migrants in New York City or Toronto,

unfarmed because it needs soil conservation treatment no tenant or squatter can

afford (or qualify for under government programs). In the Dominican Republic, one

is told the reason for the idle land is that the farmers are "gone. In the arid

Middle East, irrigation systems have deteriorated from lack of maintenance, and

in Jordan "schemes to develop the Jordan Valley for irrigation are foundering from

lack of manpower" (Birks and Sinclair 1979b: 296). Mueller (1977: 157) notes that

in Lesotho, per capital agricultural output.is declining each year:

There is increasing population pressure on the land which is con-
stantly eroding. Though migrants use their land as a base on which
to house their families and from which to extract what produce they
can, they do not put back into the soil what is necessary to prevent
its destruction.

Migration sometimes results in manmade calamities which also destroy food

production capacity. Haiti is such a manmade calamity. Hills are denuded, soil

eroded, population pressure on land is severe and "continuous mobility and insta-

bility" of the rural people is a permanent condition" (Berggren, et al. 1980: 15).

In Pakistan, according to Birks and Sinclair (1979a: 118), cash remittances from

migrants were spent for water pumps which proliferated; the water was extracted in

such volume and the water table fell so rapidly that "doubts now exist over the future

of water supplies in that area. "

Standing (1979: 46) points out how the introduction of cash exchanges in agri-

cultural systems -- and the necessity to earn cash to pay rent and taxes -- can induce

migration:




Chaney and Lewis Page 8


Relaxation of feudal forms of exploitation also means that barriers
to migration are lowered.... the shift from a system of compulsory
labour services to rents in kind (such as sharecropping) increases
the opportunity for the peasant or some member of the peasant
household to become an absentee landholder. For rather than pro-
duce his own allotment, the change implies that the peasant is able
to acquire the means to pay the rent through migration in search of
wage employment, leaving the remainder of the household to pro-
duce the family's subsistence.

Then, as is the case in Yemen (Birks and Sinclair 1979b: 297), as returns to

working abroad begin to exceed those from agriculture, rural people come to view

migrant laboring as their major source of income, "displacing agriculture from the

central focus of their economic lives. ". In Oman, seasonal farming -- particularly

labor-intensive winter wheat production, \has dropped to one-fourth the area under

cultivation twenty years ago because work in the oil fields is so much more lucrative

than food production (ibid.). Many migrants also go abroad to escape the grinding

poverty of agriculture as a way of life. When they return to the family left behind,

they often use their new resources to take up different and easier, higher-status work.

Not only may it be difficult to return to farming because the holding has deteri-

orated in the farmer's absence, but work-sharing systems which make farming

viable may have broken down. Many writers point to the destruction of reciprocity as

another major impediment to continued food production during the time of the

migrant's absence, and to the revival of agriculture upon his return. In Philpott's

study (1973: 103) of migration from Caribbean Monserrat, for example, communal

work sharing, which made heavy rural work more festive, has practically disap-

peared, and land has been abandoned.

The migration of key family members also contributes to the already difficult

question of who decides -on agricultural improvements. In a major soil conservation/





Chaney and Lewis Page 9


small farmer productivity effort in Jamaica, the director pointed to the land tenure

situation and absentee owners as a major difficulty facing this project. Insecure

land tenure can be a disincentive to long-term land improvements such as terracing

and other soil conservation practices, development of irrigation capability, and

planting of tree crops. Firm tenancy or land ownership usually are requirements

for agricultural production credit, as well as credit for land improvement. No one

wants to put time and money into land that can be taken away. Moreover, insecurity

about future tenancy discourages proper care of the soil and water resources, fur-

ther undermining the productivity of the land.

That land reform can increase agricultural productivity is known. Accord-

ing to the World Bank's 1980 Report (p. 41), a land reform usually will increase agri-

cultural output after an initial period of adjustment because "small farmers tend to

apply more labor per hectare and to use land and capital at least as productively as

large farms. Power (1979:151) outlines a series of measures to improve small-

holder production:

If certain bottlenecks in the production system are removed (the cri-
tical question is the distribution of land), 5 % growth rates in agri-
culture can be achieved... and the 5% growth could be based on the
production potential of the peasant farmers. These bottlenecks
comprise archaic land tenure arrangements, lack of credit; poor
research and extension services; unproductive agricultural tech-
niques; shortages of fertilizer and water supply, and an under-
developed rural-industrial sector.

In addition to questioning the efficacy of large cash-crop food production

systems, experts sometimes have doubts about collective or group production

efforts. Among others, Cohen (1979: n.p.) points to evidence that pro-

ductivity is far higher on the kitchen plots of collective workers than on their team





Chaney and Lewis Page 10


farms. The nagging question, he says, is "whether private land holders actually

have more incentive to care better for their land and increase its productivity

than those who only share in the output of a group production effort. "

S Other difficulties not related to migration beset the smallholder. Competi-

tion from large capital-intensive systems is a factor. As agriculture around it

modernizes, the small farm loses ground if the farmer does not adopt or cannot

afford modern agricultural techniques. The emergence of large landowners and/or

capital-intensive systems can saturate local markets with increased production from

expensive fertilizers, mechanization and technology inputs, driving the small pro-

ducer without capital or access to creditiout of the market. Development models of

the past twenty years have reinforced this trend. In the press for export earnings

and increased yields, more emphasis has been placed on crops that grow well in

mechanized or extensive systems; little or no resources have been invested in re-

search, marketing and processing, or improved seeds and fertilizers for the crops

grown on small farms -- preeminently food crops and particularly foods grown for

people of the region.

The emergence of large operations not only creates overwhelming competi-

tion, but sometimes undermines the viability of small units by siphoning off family

members as wage laborers, further precluding the poor from taking advantage of

new technologies (Standing 1979: 49). Inflated land prices, created by the larger

farmers expanding and by land purchases financed with cash remittances from

family members working off the farm inhibit the smallholder from "rationalizing"

his or her own farm to viable unit size. At the same time, high land prices may in-

duce a family to sell out and move on. -

"-





Chaney and Lewis Page 11


Smallholder Agriculture in If agricultural modernization were producing adequate
Third World Economies
food, and if all people had sufficient purchasing power

to achieve good nutrition levels, concern for the demise of the smallholder might be

just a sentimental exercise. However,: much of the production from large, modern

agricultural enterprises in developing countries goes into export, and export earnings

often are spent on imported luxuries for the middle classes -- liquor and food,

automobiles and gasoline, fashionable clothes and other consumer goods. Decreased

nutrition levels for the rural poor are the result.

Modernization and development affect not only large enterprises, but also can

put the smallholder into non-food cash crops which would, of course, be advantageous

if there were nutritious food to buy at reasonable prices and if small farmers could

count on good returns for their products. In the real situation today, -however, small

farmers would be wise (and need to be encouraged) to keep some degree of food self-

sufficiency. If governments make no alternative plans to grow foods which poor people

eat, it is hard to see how taking smallholders completely out of food production --

either by substituting non-food cash crops or by neglect so that people migrate and

abandon their land -- is a sensible policy.

Food supply projections on Third World agriculture are not encouraging.

For example, according to the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa,

Projections of demand in Africa for food are running ahead of pro-
jections of production with disquieting implications for food prices,
the need for greater imports draining foreign exchange and particu-
larly for the nutritional status of the poor. Estimates are that by
1985 demand for food will be 77 percent higher than in 1970 while
production will have increased by only 45 percent. Concern for the
crisis this will provoke has directed more attention to the produc-
tivity of small farms and the contribution they can make towards
food self-sufficiency (n. d., n.p.).




Chaney and Lewis Page 12


The serious economic implications for Third World countries because of

smallholder agriculture decline are many, as are the implications for human

suffering. Some experts now are saying that the small farm sector deserves re-

appraisal because it has the potential to produce for the urban masses through con-

centration on indigenous resources of land and labor, without resorting to expensive

imported inputs necessary in modern mechanized systems. The full potential of

small farming systems for productivity and for stabilizing or invigorating rural

societies cannot be known, however, until these questions are explored through re-

search and development efforts comparable to those devoted to large farm systems.

It is evident that there are conflicting trends in the food supply/demand pic-

ture in the Third World, and it is precisely here that we need more information.

For example, food production may decline when farmers turn exclusively to cash

crops or migrate to earn cash, lowering food production at the same time that cash

is available from crops or remittances -- and thus creating more demand for food,

higher prices and greater need for more cash (and thus for more migration).

If the small farm family shifts from producing subsistence staples in response

to the attractions of the cash market, effects on the family's nutrition may follow.

Increased income can encourage increased food prices; purchased food is often pro-

cessed food, and the formerly self-sufficient family may have a higher cash flow

and lower nutrition. Families eat a complex variety of foods in rural areas -- some

wild, some randomly-intercropped -- that over the years has evolved into a balanced

diet. They may find it impossible to recombine and achieve the same balance at a

local market. The knowledge of wild foods also can be lost. In Jamaica, urban and

rural people eat a nutritious amaranth called "calaloo" as greens. The same plant





Chaney and Lewis Page 13


grows wild in the mountains of the Dominican Republic where malnourishment is

severe, yet its food potential is unknown or forgotten. Rogers (1980: 146) points

out how the encroachment of forests and waste-land

has resulted in the destruction of large parts of the 'ecological matrix'
on which so many of women's economic activities depended, such as
tending poultry and livestock, straw-plaiting and weaving, or collect-
ing wild plants and spices for home consumption or sale.

As Rogers notes, not only does food for the poor decline with introduction

of world market cash crops or with migration, but related home industries fall by

the wayside as well. When subsistence-producing families begin to live on cash

wages, they develop new consumption patterns. They turn to the market for items

previously produced in the domestic unit -- plastic utensils instead of wooden, deter-

gent instead of soap, polyester readymades instead of cotton homemade clothing.

Many of these items also are imported, using foreign exchange. Standing (1979: 47)

sees the loss of family labor from outmigration as another cause of the decline in

home production:

Though out-migration will not lead to a labour shortage in all house-
holds, for very many it will. Often it will do so in a scarcely visi-
ble way, because the initial consequence will be that poorer house-
holds are merely precluded from taking advantage of new productive
opportunities or are forced gradually to abandon traditional domestic
pursuits.

In sum, evidence is mounting, as Kreuger (1980: 20) notes, that with

government and financial emphasis on commercial agriculture for export, the

peasant, economy is destablilized and a food producing potential is undermined,

in addition to the other social and economic disruptions. As he observes,

In spite of government programs intended to increase agricultural
production, Mexico's food imports have increased... by 167 per-
cent during the last six years....If these trends continue, by 1982,





Chaney and Lewis Page 14


34 percent of the money from petroleum will be used for food imports
and by 1990, 72 percent of the oil money will go for food. The night-
mare for some Mexican economists is that Mexico might follow the
pattern set by Venezuela of using oil to buy food, a pattern which not
only depletes non-renewable resources but also destroys campesino
agriculture (ibid.).

In the discouraging picture sketched above, smallholder agriculture can pro-

vide a safety factor -- a crucial supplement to purchased food,. Imported food and

food aid. In smallholder "mixed farming systems, a combination of crops is

grown to satisfy a variety of food needs, not one or two cash crops which may fail

Small farms utilize a set of survival techniques learned over generations experi-

encing the vagaries of weather and history. As Jerome (1977: 293) puts it, "The

mini-agricultural systems of the subsistence agriculturist demonstrate stability,

self-sufficiency, efficiency, productivity, and richness -- characteristics consis-

tent with health and well-being. "

There is an appropriateness in the developing world of a food production

system that emphasizes human labor increments where labor is abundant. Small-

holder production can reemphasize the wide variety of traditional foods and condi-

ments, and counter the faddism of "modern" foods -- often less nutritious, more

expensive processed foods which have to be imported.

A vigorous smallholder sector also means that savings in foreign exchange

can be achieved through reducing food imports -- both luxury and staple foods. And

with some small farm production, modest amounts of foreign exchange can be earned.

When there are more farm families with incomes and purchasing power, internal

markets for manufactured and craft products can develop in rural areas. King and

Byerlee (cited in Zalla[1979: 4]) found that 84 percent of all increases in consumer





Chaney and Lewis Page 15


expenditures in rural Sierra Leone "are for goods produced in small-scale agri-

culture, fishing, industrial and service sectors."


World Food Supply Global food supply has been growing, and some agricul-
and the Third World Poor
tural experts see technological breakthroughs bringing

even greater increases. Nevertheless, the poor still are vulnerable because their

access to food is governed not only by the world supply, but by their own (and their

governments') purchasing power, especially as food prices rise. Most expectations

are that the period of cheap world food prices (which held except for short periods

of world drought as in 1973-74) is about to end. The great surge in corn production

achieved with the introduction of hybrid seed and short -season varieties has leveled

off. The recent period of abnormally good weather seems to be running its course.

Costs of all inputs are increasing, and the supply of good land and mineral fertilizers

is decreasing. Moreover, in the developing world the demand for food is not inelastic

as in rich countries. There is growing demand for food from the new industrial wage

workers and their families receiving remittances -- new arrivals in the market

economy.

World food reserves available for food aid have never been adequately re-

built since the drought of 1973-74. There are conflicting opinions on what consti-

tutes an adequate reserve to meet emergencies and still not depress world prices to

the point of creating disincentives to production. Whatever constitutes an adequate

reserve, there are limits in political will and ability of rich countries to provide

food through disaster aid, concessional sales, food-for-work programs and the like.

Periodic failures in "world market" crops because of drought, disease and





Chaney and Lewis Page 16


disaster precipitate steep price rises for all food: even local foods are much more

expensive, at least while the crisis lasts. Increasing costs (and uncertainties) of

transport because of the rise in oil prices -- as well as unrest and war in oil pro-

ducing regions --ultimately will factor into food prices.

Degredation of the world's resources of productive land has awesome impli-

cations for food supply for everyone. The worst destruction, however, is on hilly

or marginal land where poor people farm. The Sahara is advancing south at a rate

of three-and-one-half miles per year. Topsoil long ago eroded off the hillsides of

the slash-and-burn agriculture of the Caribbean, Central and South America;.the

subsoil now is being washed away. Salts are building up on irrigated land, and

fossil ground water supplies are waning. New lands opened to replace lost acreage

are less productive and more fragile. Disturbing and deforesting them creates n.w

erosion problems of serious consequence.

The dimensions of the food and nutrition problems can be seen in projections

made by the World Bank. In studies using data from five developing countries,

reported on by the Bank's chief nutrition officer, Alan Berg (1980: 24), estimates

based on the most optimistic set of assumptions (high income growth and stable food

prices) show a sharp reduction in the proportion of the population that is under-

nourished, yet over 150 million people still suffering that condition. More realistic

assumptions project a depressing picture.. Berg says ibidd.) that a key conclusion

of this analysis is that "increases in income and in food production are likely to fall

far short of what is required to meet basic needs in nutrition."

It becomes clear that increased production will not necessarily ease the hun-

ger of the poor. Most analyses project increases in demand for food in the years




Chaney and Lewis Page 17


ahead. If these predictions are borne out, the food produced to meet this demand

will be those foods wanted by people with money to pay for it. Foods suitable for

commercial markets, especially for exportation, are principally those crops

grown on large mechanized farms. Many world market crops are not "expensive"

in comparative terms -- no farmers in the world receive less for their wheat and

corn than do U. S. farmers. But without foreign exchange, the Third World poor

have little access to these bargains, nor any assurance that the bargains will always

be available to meet demand.

Food crops are produced in the Third World, however, on small plots with

few inputs other than labor. While such crops return little to the farm family for

their hard work, they are the basic foodstuffs of the family and the poor of the

country. They are cheaply produced. 3 These foods are .he tropical root crops

such as cassava, cocoyam, potato, and yam -- in short, poor people's food.

Berg (1980: 25) estimates that the benefits of a 10 percent increase in the production

of cassava would be received entirely by the calorie-deficient group, whereas a

10 percent increase in the supply of beef would add three times as many calories

to the daily diets of the adequately-nourished as to those of the calorie-deficient.

As he further notes, although poor families spend most of their income on food,



3The small or subsistence farmer is usually in the business of growing food
for his or her family and selling the surplus above family needs for whatever price
,can be gotten. Essentially, small farmers provide a subsidy to the landless and
urban poor in the Third World, much as the developed world's farmers subsidize the
middle class in their countries with cheap food. The exception is in the European
Economic Community and Japan where farmers are assured a fair return and public
policy is directed to maintaining a viable agriculture.




Chaney and Lewis Page 18


...in many countries more than 40 percent of the population has
calorie-deficient diets, and upward of 15 percent have gross defi-
ciencies. Second,- the foods they buy differ markedly from those
bought by the rest of the population. In Indonesia, for instance,
the lowest three income deciles obtain about 40 percent of their
calories from cassava and corn; by contrast, the upper three de-
ciles obtain about 14 percent of their calories from these foods.
Third, and contrary to common assumptions, poor people tend to
have an adequate balance between protein and calories in their
diets even when an important share of their calories comes from
low-protein starchy staples ibidd.: 24).

Some attention to small farm sector food production in ThirdWorld economies

would therefore seem to be warranted, in the light of the precarious world food

situation; problems of adequate supply and distribution to the poorest strata can

be alleviated, at least in part, by some degree of food self-sufficiency provided by

smallholder production.


Smallholders in Rural Society Smallholder agriculture is valuable also because it

provides the basis for a healthy rural society. The

economic contribution in a local market for modern sector goods and services that

farm families can make has been mentioned. If the decline can be reversed and

adequate support extended, smallholder agriculture might -- with adequate family

planning -- stabilize the rural population and slow down out-migration. A healthy

rural society could prepare the young who must migrate by giving them the necessary

health, education and emotional strength to be productive members of urban communi-

ties. A strategy. to enhance smallholder agriculture could support a reserve labor

supply in dignity, and prevent premature migration before the urban sector is ready

to provide jobs.

The farm families of the United States were raising and educating the future




Chaney and Lewis Page 19


workers in industry, the professions and business for decades before the massive

migration from rural America that occurred from the 1920s to the end of the

1950s. The exodus took place with relatively little pain (except for the landless

farm workers from the Southeast) because people left farm homes with good skills,

education and health. The story is much the same in post-World War I Japan. A

healthy rural society, supported by adequate returns to agriculture in a small farm

system, sent the surplus children to town prepared to be productive, competent

workers in a modern industrial economy. (Shinpo 1973).

In the less-developed countries today, the rural people are leaving their

homes from weakness, not strength. In the beginning of migration, those with am-

bition and energy often leave first, and the community left behind is even weaker

because of the loss. Because they feel impotent to confront the forces arrayed

against them, Krueger (1980: 20-21) observes, Mexican peasants "migrate to the

already overburdened urban areas or to the norther frontier.... Such rural to

urban exodus causes villages to be abandoned or towns to be inhabited by children

and the aged."

In Africa, migrant workers in the mines are men in their most productive

years -- those years when, if they were home, they might put energy into improving

agricultural practices. Wives left behind are also in the prime of life, but in their

childbearing and rearing years. The burden of keeping the farm going on top of

family responsibilities leaves them little energy for creative development efforts.

Such a cycle becomes self-perpetuating. As Mueller (1977: 78) outlines it in

Lesotho, the father leaves to work in the mines. Food production declines, and the

family fills the gap with cash remittances on which it becomes ever more dependent.





Chaney and Lewis Page 20


With fathers absent, sons are responsible for herding the animals and thus are

unable to attend school regularly. The absent father cannot instruct the son in

animal husbandry; because he hasn't been to school, the boy has neither practical

nor academic education and must also migrate for work. (See also Bryant [1977J.)

Development does not, however, always strengthen rural society if it is

poorly devised. Stavrakis and Marshall (1978: 162) describe the negative changes

in local customs brought on by the rapid rise in sugar cane production in a rural

Belize community. Cash earnings from labor in the sugar cane plantations were used

to purchase food which families formerly had grown in small corn fields and vege-

table gardens. This change resulted in women having less control over productive

resources and becoming more economically dependent upon males. Moreover, many

of the cultural practices of reciprocal food exchanges with relatives were no longer

possiblewithout corn production for chicken and pig feed. Thus, agricultural de-

velopment contributed to undermining family cohesiveness. Such examples could be

multiplied. Another example of undermined family life was related by a rural

development project director in the south of the Dominican Republic. Increased cash

flow did not go into improved quality of life for the farm workers' families, but

rather into rum and "another family" for the men -- not an uncommon occurrence.

Involving women in development planning and giving them more control over the

returns from agricultural production could prevent development results of this kind.

Finally, family farming provides a family with a "security option. People

at the margin have learned to devise a package of survival techniques which may

include keeping one foot on the land, work at one or two outside employment, barter-

ing and trading and, for those who have migrated, a refuge for times of unemployment.





Chaney and Lewis Page 21


II. WOMEN IN SMALLHOLDER AGRICULTURE AND MALE MIGRATION


"Invisibility" of Women's Contri- Any discussion of smallholder agriculture must
bution to Agricultural Production
include attention to the crucial roles women

perform in what still is the basic food system of the world's poor. It is not our

purpose here to document in any detail the range of tasks rural women perform;

a growing body of scholarship is making visible the significant contributions of

women, particularly to the smallholder agricultural sector.

Boserup (1970), de Wilde (1967), Pala (1975), Paulme (1963), Spencer (1976)

and Van Allen (1975) were among the first to summarize the evidence for Africa,

and since then case studies on many countries and tribes demonstrate that women's

labor contributions to agriculture often equal or exceed those of men -- justifying

Boserup's early contention that Africa has a female farming system par excellence

(1970: 16). Goody and Buckley (1973: 108) classify 279 societies in Africa (including

those bordering the Mediterranean) and marshall evidence that women play the major

role in cultivation, or at least an equal role to men, in 71 percent of them.

In the Middle East, there is evidence that women, especially among the poor,

have always played a greater part in agriculture than has been acknowledged (Youssef

1977); with the migration of men from such countries as Yemen and Jordan, women's

participation in agriculture is rising (Azzam 1979: 50). Evidence for Asia is not

so abundant. -Sakala (1980) in her extensive bibliography of South Asian materials

includes some annotated entries, but probably the most complete assessment is

Nelson's survey of the literature (1979). She deplores the fact that the data which

exist are "piecemeal and difficult to put together in any meaningful comparative




Chaney and Lewis Page 22


fashion" ibidd.: 2). However, Goody and Buckley (1973: 109) note that wherever

one finds the hoe in Asia, especially in Southeast Asia, women usually play the

dominant role in agriculture. Al-Qazzaz (1977) provides an extensive, annotated

review of women in rural areas of the Middle East and North Africa.--

In Latin America, most experts estimate that women's participation rates

in the agricultural work force are at least 20-30 percent in the Hispanic regions

(much higher than official census figures indicate), and very much greater in the

Andes (Deere 1977; Deere forthcoming; Leon de Leal and Deere 1980; Deere and'

Leo6n de Leal, forthcoming).

A recent article by Irene Tinker (1979: 11-24) pulls together information on

women's agricultural activity from many recent studies, as does the paper prepared

by Chaney, Simmons and Staudt (1979) for the World Conference-on Agrarian Reform

and Rural Development. There are annotated references in Buvenid (1976) and

Rihani (1977), two recent bibliographies on women in development. :Rogers (1980)

is the most recent summation of data from all world regions, and Zeidenstein

(1979) is another good source.

Part of the difficulty in documentation is the fact that in many countries,

women's work in agriculture is "invisible, because women's status is misreported

as "housewife" in census and other statistics when, in fact, women may spend more

time in fieldwork than in housework. Even in Thailand, where women represent 45

percent of the workforce in the official statistics, a Thai scholar (Dr. Amphorn

Meesock Kyunying in National Council of Women of Thailand 1977: 36) observes that

"so much of women's contribution to family income, especially in the rural areas,

is unquantifiable and therefore generally ignored." Nor has the problem been faced of




Chaney and Lewis Page 23


how to count what is produced and consumed on site -- and to calculate the cash

women conserve, especially in growing and processing food.

When women are asked probing questions about what they actually do, how-

ever, they do not confine their descriptions to cooking, fetching water and taking

care of house and children. In a survey of women in two rural villages in Thailand

ibidd.: Appendix II), 73 percent of the women surveyed said their principal occupation

was agriculture: either growing rice, tending crops or raising animals. Only 6

percent said that their main job was "housewife. In Jamaica, a survey in the cen-

tral mountainous region found that 22 percent of the smallholdings are managed

principally by women (U. S. Agency for International Development 1977: 56). Even

when they are not the principal farm operators, however, spouses of male farmers

participate regularly in farm production activities: 47 percent help in most farm

operations, while another 21 percent help at least in planting and harvesting (Jamaica,

Ministry of Agriculture 1977: Table 156). In countries where a strong tradition

exists confining women's role to the domestic sphere, unless survey questions are

carefully constructed, women may self-identify as housewives because they, their

menfolk and their societies perceive this as their only socially-sanctioned role --

even when they spend long hours in agricultural tasks (Deere forthcoming).

Other scattered statisticalevidence now indicates that women's contribution

to farming has been and continues to be far more substantial and more crucial to its

success, particularly in the small farm sector, than either survey or census data

have indicated. Formal counting operations in the past have seriously underestimated

the extent of women's participation in a host of productive activities -- because the

concepts and categories used to define "work" do not capture what Boulding (1977:78)




Chaney and Lewis Page 24


calls the "partial, private and voluntary nature of the within-family income

transfers" in which women engage. However, interpretation of statistical sources

must be cautious. Scott (n. d.: 2-3) has argued persuasively in a recent research

note that the drop in women's agricultural participation in the 1972 Peruvian census

from high rates registered in 1940 may very well be real and not due to faulty

census definitions. Women, she says, over the years have been steadily forced

out of cottage industry (which used to be combined with peasant farming in several

regions of the Peruvian Sierra); out of coastal agriculture as mechanization of some -

processes proceeded (women and children were preferred for jobs such as cotton

picking, rice transplanting and weeding, before machines were introduced), and out

of the Sierra as minifundist agriculture disintegrated. Census data, in fact, show

high rates of outmigration of both women and men from highland areas formerly

typified by peasant farming and cottage industry.

The same explosion of women from paid employment has occurred in many

developing countries; for example, in Brazil census data show that women made up

45.5 percent of the workforce in 1872 (and 35 percent of those in agriculture); by

1920, their numbers had fallen to 15.3 percent of the workforce and only 9.4 per-

cent of those in primary occupations (in the decades between 1960 and 1980, women's

participation in the workforce increased to about 23 percent) (Saffioti 1978: 184-86;

Population Reference Bureau 1980). In Jamaica, women in the agricultural labor

force declined from 49. 2 percent in 1891 to 19. 9 percent in 1943 (there was an

absolute decline in numbers of women farm workers, from 137,600 to 45,600)

(Roberts 1947: 87).

In other countries, women carry on "invisible" agricultural work behind the





Chaney and Lewis Page 25


walls of their compounds -- for example, sorting and storing seed, winnowing

and thrashing grain, as well as processing, shelling, husking, grinding and

pounding all types of grains and nuts; extracting oil from peanuts, palmnuts and

coconuts, and caring for animals. Hill (1972: 121) documents that even under

"strict rural house seclusion," women in the Hausa areas of Northern Nigeria own

about two-thirds of the sheep and goats. In Egypt, Syria, Morrocco, Sudan and

the Yemen Arab Republic, large numbers of women participate in agricultural

work within and outside their compounds (Azzam 1979: 44-45). In Egypt, con-

trary to what the 4 percent official figure implies, according to Smock and Youssef

(1977: 60), women frequently undertake field work, food processing, seeding,

animal husbandry, cutting, weeding, carrying of fertilizer and other agricultural

tasks. As the authors point out, men cannot do some of these tasks "without invit-

ing public disapproval for engaging in what is regarded as a woman's job. An

official of the United Nations Fund for Population Activities recently observed

(Pkrez-Rarmrez 1978: 17) that it is imperative for women's presence in demographic

and other statistics to be "unveiled" in order to provide a more valid base for

development programs -- his remarks have general application, and do not apply

only to women in Muslim societies.


Division of Labor by Sex In all but the poorest strata, where agricultural and
in Agricultural Production
household tasks sometimes are carried out inter-

changeably by women and men, everywhere there appears to be a division of labor

by sex. Such a division is important to document for our purposes here, since

most cultures define the food crops grown for family consumption as a female
---------- ----------- ,





Chaney and Lewis Page 26


responsibility, and the cash crops (whether food or fiber) as male.

Boserup in 1970 (pp. 15-35) suggested an initial division between extensive

(hoe) agriculture, associated with shifting slash-and-burn strategies and engaged

in principally by women growing food, and intensive (plow) agriculture, carried out

primarily by men. As agriculture modernizes, a further division appears: men

generally are in charge of commercial crops (to which women may, however, con-

tribute substantial amounts of labor), and women concentrate their efforts on the

subsistence crops eaten by the family (although'some of these may also be sold).

While "male" and "female" crops may vary by culture, those to be marketed tend to

be perceived as men's, and those destined for the family table as women's (for spe-

culation on how the division of labor in agriculture originated, see Etienne and Lea-

cock [19,J3 esp. 12-16).

-While such classifications may not hold for every culture, some degree of

labor division between the sexes occurs almost everywhere. For example, in Ghana

the situation is much more complex, according to Smock (1977: 202); there, many

female farmers (more than in other African countries) produce a surplus for sale,

and women have never been excluded from cocoa farming, Ghana's principal cash

crop. However, Smock cites several studies which document trends found in Ghana

and elsewhere: female holdings tend to be smaller than male; more females engage

in subsistence foodcrop farming, and there is less opportunity for women to expand

cocoa farming because they cannot so easily get land. In still other areas of Africa,

where the plow is not used, men and women work on a variety of crops (Hill 1972:

121-23). Sometimes the division exists more in perception than in reality: in

Andean rural communities, there is much more:overlap in tasks and greater





Chaney and Lewis Page 27


participation of women in agriculture than the men are willing to acknowledge

(Bourque and Warren, forthcoming).'

Elsewhere, however, increasing numbers of case studies appear to document

the notion that in many cultures, men clear the land and do the initial plowing,

while women plant, weed and help with the harvest. In Jamaica, for example,

on steep hillside farms where it would be difficult to use a plow, the turning of the

soil both for family garden and cash crops usually is done with a fork by a male.

Interestingly, such work often is called "plowing, perhaps in recognition that a

man would do it with a plow if he could. There are many comments when women

"plow" with a fork, because the work is,considered too heavy for them. In several

communities of the Peruvian Andes, women do not touch the plow because of cultural

taboos and social pressures (Bourque and Warren, forthcoming). The division of

labor in the Peruvian Andes appears typical of many other parts of the developing

world:

Here[in the Montaro valley] women do practically all the farming
tasks; hoeing with great clumsy-looking implements, sowing, weeding,
spreading the maize crop to dry, herding cows and sheep. The men
plough with oxen and turn the earth with the ancient Inca "hand plough,"
the chaquitaolla (Wilson-Ercoli 1980: 8-9).


Definition of Male and Female Part of the problem in sorting out the contribution
Agricultural Tasks
women make in agriculture, and particularly

their role in food production, is the fact that women perform a range of tasks which

are not defined as strictly "agricultural, but which contribute to the overall farm

enterprise. Women may, for example, wash and repair the soiled clothes of the

fieldworkers (including their own); they may carry lunch to those doing field work





Chaney and Lewis Page 28


(including providing their own food); they may prepare the substantial meals which

in many labor exchange systems are an important part of the compensation for

extra harvest hands; they may go to town to buy seed, a new hoe or machete handle,

or to stand in line to pay a tax or secure a document.

Women themselves might not always define these tasks as part of the agri-

cultural endeavor, and their partners would be even less likely to do so. Bourque

and Warren (forthcoming) suggest that men have a "male-centric" view of agricul-

ture, defining it narrowly as those tasks directly related to the farm enterprise:

plowing, planting, harvesting. In the Andes, for example, women may dig out the

silt from the irrigation channels, lead the'burros out to the fields on irrigation day,

and carry out the noonday meal -- but only opening the sluice gates to let in the

water, a carefully-regulated male task -- would be defined as "irrigation" (ibid.).

Alongside their agricultural tasks, women in developing countries also labor

in the household. It is difficult in peasant econoinies to separate what household

tasks are "agricultural, and which fall outside the definition (if indeed, any do).

In some sense, almost all of women's household duties -- including their primary

role in bearing and rearing children -- contribute to the production and reproduction

of the agricultural labor force (and subsidize the industrial workers as well). Never-

theless, such tasks generally are not defined as part of the farming endeavor..

Ironically, several studies now show that even when time spent on household tasks

is not counted, women's agricultural labor time on family food and cash crops often

outstrips the hours men spend farming. (For a resume of studies on women's work

load in rural areas, see Rogers[1980: 155-58 ]De Wilde [1967: 85]early observed

that considering their domestic labor, women usually experience higher labor





Chaney and Lewis Page 29


peaks than men in Africa. Detailed studies measuring the hours women spend

in performing household/agricultural labor are few, but a pioneering work is

that of Zeidenstein and Abdullah[forthcoming]. Several of the selections from a

book edited by the International Center for Research on Women forthcoming after

its "Women and Poverty" seminar several years ago also deal with measurement of

women's work load.)


Women's Preeminent Role What several recent efforts to document the role of
in Food Production
women in agriculture have argued is that women are

entitled to participate in development because they represent one-half the persons in

rural society. Women already are "integrated" in development, this argument goes,

because they are :productive, contributing members of peasant households -- what

is wanting is formal recognition of what they already do, along with efforts to en-

hance their contributions and ease their burdens (Papanek 1977: 15).

We are sensitive to arguments of equity -- there is no good reason to shut

out half the human race from development programs and projects because they are

female. What is of primary interest here, however, is the specific contribution

women make to food production. Quite aside from any considerations of justice, we

would argue that any policies designed to increase food for the poor simply will not

succeed unless they take into account women's role as food producer and, preeminently

as producer of food for the poor. As the Economist put it recently,

More is at stake than "women's rights" in getting to see the "invisi-
ble woman ". As subsistence farmers, it is women who provide the
food that the poor actually eat. If development is a process meant to
benefit the poor, then it would follow that planners should pay more
attention to the subsistence sector, to its economic contribution and
to the people who work in it (1979: 70).




Chaney and Lewis Page 30


Documentation on women's preeminent role in food production in Third

World countries is growing. The United Nations Protein Advisory Group (1977)
-----------
drew together extensive evidence for Africa, and Rogers (1980: 158-66) cites the

evidence for other world areas as well. There also are references in most of the

individual country studies cited in this paper. What is clear is that in many cul-

tures, even where women take part only occasionally in labor on the field crops,

they often have exclusive responsibility to produce the bulk of what the family eats.

Indeed, as Bryson (1979: 57) reminds us, crops with the highest nutritional value

often are the "minor crops" -- vegetables and legumes -- grown in some areas only

by women.

There is some evidence that women's preponderant responsibility in provid-

-ing family food in some of the world's poorest nations may have increased over the

past few decades, as men's opportunities diverted them from food production -- first

to trade in ivory, wood, wool and other products later to grow commercial crops

for market sale, and most lately because men often can find better off-farm employ-

ment jobs as migrant laborers. Hay (1976: 9 Iff) has a good description of how the

out-migration of men turned the economic strategies of women towards increased

foodcropping, over a long period in Kenya's history, and Bukh (1979) documents the

same pattern in an Ewe village in Ghana -- men gave up cultivating yams for the

family diet, and started to earn cash, first by growing cocoa and later by migrating,

leaving food production mainly to the women. Smale (1980) found that male migration

goes far back into the history of Mauritania, and is endemic in both pastoral and

sedentary production systems in that country. Women cultivators are laboring more

now, she says, as male migration accelerates. Colvin, et al. (1980) find similar pat-

terns in the Senegambia.




Chaney and Lewis Page 31


There is other evidence of women's increasing responsibilities to grow

food. Weil (1976: 183) says that traditionally, Mandinka [The Gambia] wives

participated in a minor way in food production, particularly garden crops, but

since World War II, women have borne the burden of food production, until today

they are responsible for the major portion of household food as male Gambian

farmers have become dependent upon an increasingly commercialized market and

production system. Rogers (1980: 142-43) cites several sources that attribute

the original emphasis on cash crops for men to a concern of colonial authorities

that men were underemployed in relation to women -- the male occupations of war,

hunting and herding all diminished under colonial rule. Other societies have been

highly mobile for generations: Lowenthal (1972: 2-13) documents the fact that Carib-

bean and West Indian countries have been emigrant since European settlement.

Most are characterized by "a paucity of men, he says; sometimes there are only

two men to three women, or even one to two ibidd.: 219):

The scarcity of the able bodied makes it hard, if not impossible to
cultivate family farms, cope with marketing and transport, and keep
up community organization.... as the labour force dwindles, field
crops give way to cattle and coconuts, pasture succeeds tillage, and
wilderness encroaches on pasture.... commual work groups and
reciprocal labour services fade away ibidd.: 220-22).

In the tropics and subtropics, family food production is carried out on a

continuous cycle, and is an intricate art based on "lore" passed from mothers to

daughters since-unrecorded times. Every food crop has its own schedule and place

in the rotation; there is no real beginning or end (the fact that most food crops are

annuals or biennials, and that many cash crops are perennials may have some

important implications for women and men in relation to who migrates, to be dis-





Chaney and Lewis Page 32


discussed in more detail below). Food production involves gathering and pre-

serving the seed for each crop; carefully calculating the best time and place to

plant according to the season and mix of crops; preparing the seedlings and seed

beds; watering, weeding, cultivating, harvesting. After that, some items must be

processed and stored -- or prepared for sale -- and the cycle of each crop begins

again.

Women until recent times also added substantially to family food through

gathering and processing many wild species of fruits, nuts, vegetables and herbs.

In some world areas, women still add substantially to family diet through reaping

these "free goods, where encroaching cash-cropping, deforestation, or ecological

decline have not destroyed the environments in which such species flourish, or where,

notions of what are "modern" foods have not led to neglect of traditional food sources.

Cloud (1978: 69) mentions wild plants and fruits as an important fall back while

crops are ripening or as a reserve in years of crop failure. Rather than ignore such

contributions, Kyunying (National Council of Women of Thailand 1977: 36) suggests

that they be counted as family income. In Thailand, she says, women make a signi-

ficant contribution through

such things as tender sprigs of vegetable picked from the hedge and
cooked for dinner, or fresh eggs from laying hens kept underneath
the house, or a few fish from a nearby pond. Without such things,
taken so much for granted, half the rural population would be in
danger of malnutrition.

Interesting discussions of women's special knowledge stock or "lore," related to

both cultivated and wild species of foods and their properties, are contained in two

papers by Elise Boulding (1977 and 1978).

There is another set of tasks which falls to women, intimately connected to





Chaney and Lewis Page 33


food production systems of the poor. In the National Academy of Sciences recent

study, Post-Harvest Food Losses in Developing Countries (1978), we see the follow-

ing photos:- girls and women sun drying rice in central Java; rice threshing in In-

donesia; winnowing paddy in Burma; corn husking in Cameroon; sun drying salted

catfish in Cambodia, and selling fermented cassava flour in Kinshasa market,

Zaire. Defining post-harvest losses as those that can be measured by loss of weight,

loss of quality and loss of nutritional value, the authors point to a potential 10 per-

cent loss in durable (cereal) crops, and a 20 percent loss in perishable (vegetables,

fruits, fish) crops ibidd.: 17; 168). Yet, they say efforts to reduce food losses be-

tween harvest and consumption are almost entirely neglected because there is no

awareness onthe part of governments of the seriousness of food losses, nor of the

fact that simple interventions could reduce them significantly ibidd.: 160-161).

The NAS recommendations include the notion that traditional, non-market,

largely subsistence food production offers particularly important opportunities for

food conservation since "efforts to reduce loss at this level will affect large numbers

of needy people" ibidd.: 171). Pointing to extension services as a basic mechanism

for education and training in after-harvest food conservation, they cite a "mismatch"

between trainers and people being trained: the extension workers are male, but it

is women who are most involved with food between harvest and consumption:

In some countries this is particularly evident where women--
who are producers and marketers of basic foods as well as the
family members responsible for food preparation -- are bypassed
by male extension workers. Women may regard many of these
activities as ones of which men can have no useful knowledge. Un-
less women can be trained and employed as extension agents and
given full backing (including the same career opportunities as men),
many of these producers and marketers will not be reached ibidd.: 160)





Chaney and Lewis Page 34


In most peasant cultures, women also play a substantial role in marketing

surpluses from both cultivated and uncultivated sources as a means to earn cash.

There are data from a number of studies which indicate that women use this cash

to buy other foods for the family, or in some other way "invest" it in family wel-

fare; some experts say that males are not so much inclined to do so.

Also missing from most analyses is any consideration of what women save

in terms of family expenditure with the food they grow, gather and store. "Income

conservation" is not a concept considered by agricultural economists, and crops/

animals consumed by the family sometimes are not even counted in family income;

only what is sold for cash is calculated in the total. Most often, these important

items in the family diet contributed "in kind" are hidden income-transfers made

by the women.

In sum, home-produced food has economic value that deserves recognition.

Food prices are going up everywhere in the world, and there can be little realistic

expectation that they will decline; there will be ever greater demand for food be-

cause of population growth and because of the improved economic situation from

successful development efforts, where this occurs. This means that even if peasant.

families achieve an improved cash position, they may not be able to translate cash

into improved quality of life if the people of the region become totally dependent

upon the market economy for food. At the same time, any food produced by the

family will have increased cash value. Moreover, the potential for inflation in

food prices in the local situation is enormously increased as new cash-crop income

competes for a smaller quantity of locally-produced food -- again enhancing the

value of home production.




Chaney and Lewis Page 35


Additional factors contribute to raised food prices. Local market prices

must reflect increasing costs of distribution and delivery tied to rising crude

oil prices. There is another energy cost to the family -- the human time and exer-

tion, as well as fuel costs, expended in getting food home over difficult terrain.

It follows then that in evaluating energy expended in home food production, energy

expended in the alternatives must be considered. While it is difficult to measure

exactly the cash savings in a family food production effort, the validity of the argu-

ment is evident.


Recognition of Women Until the early 1970s, "progress" in agriculture sometimes
As Food Producers
implicitly included the notion that women would retire from

the fields to their proper domain of the household. When capital-intensive agriculture

was at the center of development strategies, such a stance seemed logical: production

would be increased through judicious applications of modern inputs and technology;

thus, the woman's labor would no longer be necessary to the farming enterprise, and

the surplus children also could migrate to the cities where new industries would absorb

them.

In recent times, however, planners have been looking once again, as we noted

above, to the viability of small farm systems. The swollen cities with their jobless

millions, sometimes approaching 35-50 percent of the population, and the urgent

need to feed both urban and rural people without going broke on food imports, have

contributed to a growing body of new thinking about the small farm sector. Many

development scholars and practitioners believe such systems deserve reappraisal

and study, as well as assistance, because they could make the crucial difference in

a nation's ability to feed itself.





Chaney and Lewis Page 36


What is curious in this reappraisal exercise is the virtual absence of

recognition for the role women play in smallholder agriculture, particularly in the

production of family food. Indeed, whole books and entire articles now have been

written (and reviewed) on world food supply/small farming systems without a single

mention of the fact that it is women who produce much of the food grown in the Third

World. Even men who have observed these systems at firsthand apparently cannot

"see" women doing agricultural work. Recently, in a presentation on small farm

systems in Ecuador, the plant biologist (male) kept underscoring the wealth of agri-

cultural knowledge that fathers pass to sons -- without once noting that the slides

he had himself taken pictured principally women and girls, doing the farmingL and

that some of this knowledge no doubt passed from mothers to daughters as well. As

an Economic Commission for Africa study (n. d.: n.p.) puts it,

in nearly all the documents concerned with productivity of the small
farmer, the assumption is that this small farmer, who is to produce
more food, is a man -- "the farmer, he"....this is a false assumption
since it is predominantly the women who produce the food crops, in
addition to helping their husbands to weed their cash crops, harvest
them and carry them to market.

Wortman and Cummings (1978) are among the latest scholars to create a

stir.in development circles with an otherwise landmark book on small farms and

food production -- a book marred, however, by the authors' difficult feat inlwriting

it without ever mentioning that it is women who grow the food in most small farm

systems and without making a single recommendation on how women's efforts might

be enhanced so that they could do it better. Earlier, Lappe'and Collins (1977)

followed the same pattern, leaving women out of their more controversial but widely-

disseminated Food First. (It is fair to point to one book, a multi-country World




Chaney and Lewis Page 37


Bank study (de Wilde 1967), which made many references to women's lack of

incentive and male control over women's earnings. Connell, et al. (1976) also cite

extensive evidence of women's participation in food production.

The failure to acknowledge women's role as food producers has practical

consequences, nowhere demonstrated more clearly than in the tendency to exclude

women from extension services and access to agricultural credit and inputs (Staudt

1975-76 and 1978). This omission becomes particularly evident in resettlement

schemes which ignore women's agricultural role. Cloud (1976: 5) documents how

families in a resettlement project in the Volta River basin began to leave because

the women found the situation intolerable; no land was provided to them for kitchen

gardens so they were unable to fulfill their obligations to provide sauces for the

millet, nor was there access to wells, grain mills and market places, all regarded

as essentials. Many of the women insisted on leaving (see also Economist 1979: 70).

Other examples are frequently found in.the literature. In a case related by

Palmer (1980: 42), men in an irrigated rice resettlement project wouldn't eat the

rice, yet their wives were not given enough land to grow staples and had to sell rice

plants to buy sufficient for their needs. In another resettlement of highland Indians

in the lowland plains (the San Julian project in Santa Cruz, Bolivia,) the staff appeared,

according to the evaluation carried out by Stearman (1978: 12-13) "to have little real

interest in the question of integrating women in the orientation program, and actually

feel that females [including female staff ] may be detrimental to the project. Yet,

the author (an anthropologist) says:

In the rural highlands, women play an active role in family decision-
making, agricultural activities and marketing. They have a great
deal to say about the control and expenditure of family income; they




Chaney and Lewis Page 38


are the primary caretakers of livestock; women select the seed for
planting and participate in all phases of agricultural production; and
women comprise the bulk of marketing networks.

Many women, suddenly divested of their traditional responsibilities by the San Julian

project, and expected to "content themselves only with cooking, washing and house-

keeping, which for a highland woman who has experienced broader horizons is in

effect an insult, say they cannot get used to life in the project, and they return to

their home villages ibidd.: 13).

Several .studies indicate, nevertheless, that women are good farmers and

managers when they have the resources they need to support and enhance their efforts,

and sometimes even without such assistance. Bryson (1979: 49) says that Cameroonian

women have achieved a "near miracle" in modern times by keeping pace with food re-

quirements of the growing populations in both rural and urban areas, in spite of the

lack of improvement in their techniques and the difficulties of working the soil with

simple implements. In two parts of Africa which typify areas of extensive male out-

migration, Staudt (1979: 10) mentions studies by Moock and her own research in

Kenya that suggest the "productivity gap" between the sexes may not be as marked

as anticipated: in one study, women produced the same amounts with less inputs than

men farmers -- they made up in efficiency and hard work what they lacked in re-

sources. Fortmann's (1979: 2) data on maize practices also shows no significant

differences between men and women farmers -- female participants were as "modern

as male, and male non-participants as traditional as female. Rogers (1980: 106)

notes that often women are expected to raise funds for their development projects,

although valuable as indicators of motivation, she says, these activities demand an

inordinate amount of time to raise even minimal amounts, restricting the time and





Chaney and Lewis Page 39


energy available for more directly productive work. Sometimes women cannot

get funds even when rural development projects are undertaken in their districts,

and funding-for male activities is abundant.

On the other hand, there also are indications in the literature that women

-abandoned and left without supports may become less efficient, discouraged farmers

(as men left without the partnership of women are prone to become). In a village

of Botswana where one-third of the households were headed by women, those with

male heads produced an average of 1.9 bags of sorghum, compared to 1.2 for

female-headed households (Report on Village Studies 1972: 140 and 152). Bukh's

(1979) shows how women, because they have less access to capital and technological

knowledge, are forced to lower their productivity and to grow crops of lower nutri-

tional value. Women in the Ewe village she studied, for example, replaced yams

(which require a much longer growing period and more labor) with cassava, which

is much lower in protein. Staudt (197,8) treats this issue at length.

While we should not like to overdraw the point, we want to suggest that there

is good evidence that because women are society's nurturers par excellence, there

may be a solid basis for the nearly-universal relation between women and the culti -

vation of food crops. In much of the developing world, the family's life and good

health depends upon the food women provide; families and women themselves are

reluctant to separate definitively from the security of a food-growing plot. In

Africa, a common practice is for the men to migrate and leave their wives and

families behind to live from the subsistence cultivation. Bledsoe (1980: 181) ob-

serves that many young men in Liberia who work for wages marry to obtain sub-

sistence food -- their salaries are insufficient to maintain them.





Chaney and Lewis Page 40


Anthropologists have determined that women contributed significantly more

to family subsistence through food gathering than males did through the hunt in

tribal systems. Rohrlich-Leavitt, et al. (1975) gives a resume of the evidence,

as do several of the articles in Etienne and Leacock (1980). Women were the

probable inventors of horticulture; in times past when men went out to hunt, they

often returned empty handed; women in warm climates, however, gathered and/or

cultivated upwards of 80 percent of the food consumed by tribal peoples.

Moreover, it is striking in the literature how often the woman on a small-

holding is the nurturer also of future generations -- or indeed, keeps hold of a

small piece of land precisely to be able to carry out such activities. Gooassns

(1976: 50-51) portrait of older women in Guadaloupe could be duplicated on any

Caribbean island, in many an African village, or in the South American highlands

where daughters who have gone to the coast to become domestic servants often send

their children back to the home village:

The fostering of grandchildren, nieces, nephews and godchildren
is indeed universal among older women who participate in the
local culture and its values. Husbands and sons may spend their
money on a car or in the local bar, but a woman usually has her own
small landholding and earned income, and she uses these to fulfill
her responsibilities as mother, foster mother, grandmother, god-
mother ibidd.: 50).

Women with their acute powers of observation and their centuries of accumu-

lated experience in growing things are preeminently fitted to care for the wide

variety of plants and animals found on the typical small farm. 'Modernized farm

systems (there is no implication here that small farms also cannot be modern)

are based on much simpler farm procedures, depending today on near-mechanical





Chaney and Lewis Page 41


prescriptions for planting, fertilizing, irrigating and harvesting (usually) one or

two crops. In contrast, the small farm appears to the observer -- used to

straight rows and exact spacing -- as chaos. The small farmer with a mixed

cropping system interplants, using some varieties as shade for others, and hedging

his/her bets against disaster by including more than one type of the same crop.

Good diet depends not only on producing food, but on producing the right kinds

of food. Women are open to learning to grow the proper food crop combinations to

make a complete diet. The authors have collaborated recently on several experi-

ments with "Family Food Production Programs, built around growing a planned cy-

cle of nutritious vegetables keyed to the starchy staple crops found in many parts of

the world. Prepared in the proper amounts and combinations, vegetables/staples

provide a complete diet with only occasional animal protein. In Jamaica, a Family

Food Production Program has trained 20 young extension women who are high school

graduates, most of them from the hillside farms around Christiana where the project

headquarters is situated. Intensive nutrition and health education are linked to teach-

ing gardening skills to the farm women, with attention also being paid to the nutri-

tional value of wild plant species.

Rogers (1980: 106-7) points out how "home extension" in some rural areas

is becoming more relevant to the real needs of rural women and families. In the

Zambia, newly-formed women's groups expected to be taught sewing, yet "they

changed their attitude radically as food became scarcer and more expensive, and

became keen on learning agricultural techniques (ibid.). We also found women in

Jamaica and the Dominican Republic becoming aware of the economic value of their

subsistence activities. As in the examples Rogers cites, female home extension







Chaney and Lewis Page 42


workers in effect, if not in name, were becoming agricultural extension officers.


Centrality of Women's Role in the Small The small farm operation, whether
Farm Operation/Male Migration
strictly subsistence in nature, or

whether some of the production enters the cash economy, in some ways centers

more profoundly around the woman and her tasks than around the man and his work.

Women's contribution appears to be more necessary, and this is nowhere more

evident than in the patterns of out-migration from rural areas in much of the Third

World today. It is well established in the demographic literature that men go first,

leaving their womenfolk behind. While'this is partly because some immigration

countries do not encourage or permit the migration of families, there still is some

evidence that in the case of small farms, it is the man who goes off to seek employ-

ment.
(1979: 77)
As Leon de Leal and Deere/note in their study of four Colombianrrural-

communities, "as the family loses access to the means of production, men are

proletarianized, either locally or by migrating to other zones in search of work;

generally women will remain behind on the farm tending the crops and animals."

In the Syrian Arab Republic, a rural community survey (United Nations Development

Program 1980: 10) discusses the plight of women left behind because of various forms

of male migration: "from rural to urban areas in search of construction or other

employment; and from rural areas to neighboring countries short of labor. Several

authors speak of female "shuttle migration, that is, women who move back and

forth between town and countryside. In Obbo's (1980) sample of women migrants

to Kampala, there were some Luo women whose husbands had been in the capital

for twenty years:






Chaney and Lewis Page 43


The responsibility of maintaining the rural base fell heavily upon
the shoulders of women. They shuttled between city and country
at least two to four times a year, the number of visits depending
on the range of their responsibilities in the village. Some women
visited their husbands inbetween weeding, planting and harvesting
food and cash crops, leaving their relatives to take care of the
homes. Others with no relatives visited their husbands in the city
only twice a year, and spent the rest of the time farming and taking
care of the younger children ibidd.: 84).

It is true that women migrants now outnumber men on migration indices

in several world regions; nevertheless, before jumping to the conclusion that most

of these women have gone off leaving partners and families to fend for themselves,

we need to do much more research on the age compositionof the female migrants

and on the composition of the families left behind. (For two state-of-the-art papers

on women in international migration, see International Center for Research on

Women 1979 and Chaney 1980 .) Certainly we saw many female farm operators

in the Jamaican hills, and many farm families whose daughters had gone to King-

ston; rarely, however, does one encounter a farm family with no adult woman. On

the one hand, female-dominant migrant streams may be fed by the out-migration

of daughters; on the other hand, when a woman migrates without her male partner

and her family, she most often leaves behind an elder daughter, another female

relative or a grandmother to look after the family.

We do not want to assert that every smallholder operation centers around

a wife/mother surrogate (whether the male is present or absent); indications are,

however, that in the long run this is almost always the.case. Babb (1976: 4)

speculates that this is so because women are less dependent upon men than men

are upon women: women's greater role flexibility means that they have at least

some familiarity with agricultural work, she says. She notes that in the highland








Chaney and Lewis Page 44


Peruvian communities she studied, "greater sympathy and assistance" seem to

be directed toward the lone male than to the woman on her own, perhaps because

of men's greater "helplessness" and higher public status. Babb adds a humorous

saying from the people of Huaro (taken from the field notes of Nunez del Prado):

a yunta (yoke of oxen) will replace a husband, but only another woman can replace

a wife.

From the above discussion, it follows that the first person to migrate from.

the smallholder plot often is the adult male, and demographic studies confirm this

tendency. In some cases, however, young daughters may be the first family

members sent because they have less claim on the land and often can find work

as domestic servants in the towns. Daughters as long as they remain single are

counted on to provide cash for the farming operation from their wages; they often

preserve close links with their families on the land. If sons leave, as many do,

there is a loss of labor. In some cases, this may not be crucial if plots are

small, but in other cases some farming operations may have to be curtailed.

Indications are that the wife goes only when she has a mother surrogate. to whom

she can pass on her responsibilities; in some cases adult women can get jobs in

the cities and towns more easily than either youths or adult men, although such

jobs tend to be low-paid and low-prestige occupations.

Because we customarily think about migration almost exclusively in terms

of those who go, the women left behind have received scant attention. Several

migration experts (among them, see especially Keely L1979J) have pointed out that

there seems to be an implicit assumption in sending countries that the family

structure, particularly if there is an extended kin network, is quite capable of







Chaney and Lewis Page 45


absorbing the shock of migration and taking up the slack when husbands, fathers

and sons.depart. The scattered evidence we have about what actually happens

when adult males migrate for extended periods indicates that family structures

are, in fact, strained -- sometimes to an intolerable degree.

When women are left alone through absence of husbands, fathers or eldest

sons, they may have difficulty coping with both the household responsibilities and

work on the land. Where they do the bulk of the agricultural work in any case,

women may not find male absence so burdensome. But often women must take

on unaccustomed tasks in the cash cropping -- including not only the cultivation

(which they sometimes do in any case), but the planning and marketing decisions.

Nor are women always able to get the help they need when they need it.

Reciprocity of labor exchange in the countryside often functions on a male net-

work; women's networks exchange goods and services, but not work in the fields.

Labor is difficult to hire, and is in demand on other farms at the same time.

Extended family systems -- for example, male relatives left behind in the rural

areas -- may no longer fulfill their support functions. In one African tribal

group, for example, brothers of absent males who are, by custom, supposed to

extend help to their sisters-in-law are no longer doing so. (Gordon 1978: 8-9).

Women are bearing the burden of their own and their partners' responsibilities,

often able to count on help only from their mothers and sisters.

If they do not get the support and assistance they need, women may cut back

on agricultural activity or abandon little by little many of the farm operations.

There are some indications that agricultural productivity is decreasing in areas

of heavy out-migration of men. Land goes out of production, or




Chaney and Lewis Page 46


the same land is used over and over again because there is no one to clear new

land. Terraces fall and are not repaired. Waterways and irrigation systems

silt up and are not dug out; other repairs are put off or neglected altogether.

Sometimes women fall back into just sufficient subsistence production to feed

themselves and their households (ICRW 1979: 116-18; Mueller 1977: 76-77; Birks

and Sinclair 1979: 220; Myntti 1978: 42). On the other hand, some studies show

that women aren't given enough responsibility -- for example, to make timely

decisions on what to plant or on the sale of crops. At times they must defer. to

male relatives, or the decisions must wait until the absent male comes home. -

Connell, et al. (1976: 142) cites evidence from a number of studies on the

effects of male outmigration on agriculture; he challenges the notion (asserted in

several reports) that output will not generally suffer until one-third to one-half of

the men are gone. Such estimates are based on unproven assumptions, he says,

and cites one study in Western New Guinea where the people left behind had

abandoned settled agriculture and reverted to gathering wild sage (ibid.).

Rogers (1980. 166-74) also has a good survey of the impacts on agriculture (and

the burdens on women) of male migration, asking "Where have all the young men

gone?"

We can only speculate here on the reasons why, in almost every case, the

smallholder enterprise must have a wife/mother or replace her with a surrogate

within a reasonable time, in order to survive. Because these are no more than

explorations on the topic, we have put our speculations in the form of questions

to be asked in further research, rather than statements of fact:






Chaney and Lewis Page 47


1. Do women stay behind on the land because women are more involved
in annual crops (garden, family food) than men, while male agri-
cultural crops often are perennial or else (like yam) long term --
once well-established, the men can afford more time away from their
crops for seasonal migration?

2. Do women stay behind because they are more apt to be able to manage
the cash crops (or are perceived to be able to do so), while the men
find it difficult to cope with the many-faceted set of tasks the farm,
woman does?

3. Do women stay behind because they are more likely to be in charge
of farm animals which either have to be liquidated, or else left in
the care of a responsible adult?

4. Do women stay behind because working class husbands cannot support
them and their children in the city and, moreover, need their contri-
J bution of foodstuffs from the family plot to survive themselves in the
towns? Is there a reluctance to lose the security factor which the
land represents?

5. Do women stay behind because someone has to remain to preserve
title to the land and to keep the "patrimony" together -- the livestock,
house and buildings (however humble), fencing, cleared land, irri-
gation channels, terraces? Once let go, such infrastructure even
on a small, poor farm is hard to replace.

S -" ,6. Do women stay behind because they feel they have a better life in
r, ^ the country in some cases -- if they have a viable, worthwhile role
S .l i to perform? Do they feel that the land gives them control over some
'l '\ resources they might lose in the city, and which might not be re-
Splaced by the wages they could earn? Is cash in the city always
preferable to access to land and to the assets such access implies?

Whatever their reasons for remaining, there are many evidences that women

are overwhelmed with work in the countryside and too poor to take advantage of

modern inputs, technology and training which might lighten their workload. They

are left out of credit, agrarian reform and extension schemes. In the case of

women left alone, such omission has even more serious consequences than for

women with male partners who qualify for all of these supports.

When women find that they cannot make it, especially in cases where the







Chaney and Lewis Page 48


absence of the male partner is prolonged, they may in the end decide to

leave the land themselves. In this way, the last links to the family plot may

be broken, and if the male member does return, he will join his family

in the town or city to which they have gone.


Conclusions and Recommendations

Our conclusions and recommendations follow the Executive Summary,

pp. iii-iv.












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Addenda


Colvin, Lucie Gallistel, Cheikh Ba, Boubacar Barry, Jacques Faye, Alice Hamer
Moussa Soumah and Fatou Sow
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/ in the Senegambia.' Final Report. Washington, D. C.: United
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by Praeger.


4 'T




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