• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Title Page
 Letter of transmittal
 Table of Contents
 Preface
 Preface
 The place and the people
 Technology and economy
 The land
 Land ownership and practices
 Labor
 The business of agriculture
 Consumer goods
 The level and cost of living
 Function of wealth
 Appendix 1. Document relating to...
 Appendix 2. Commodity prices and...
 Appendix 3. Households in order...
 Glossary
 Literature cited
 General index














Group Title: Publication Smithsonian Institution. Institute of Social Anthropology
Title: Penny capitalism
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00087046/00001
 Material Information
Title: Penny capitalism a Guatemalan Indian economy
Series Title: Publication Smithsonian Institution. Institute of Social Anthropology
Physical Description: x, 230 p. : ill., maps (some folded) ; 26 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Tax, Sol, 1907-1995
Publisher: U.S. G.P.O.
Place of Publication: Washington
Publication Date: 1953
 Subjects
Subject: Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- Guatemala -- Panajachel   ( lcsh )
Antropologia Economica   ( larpcal )
Indianen   ( gtt )
Sociaal-economische situatie   ( gtt )
Economic conditions -- Panajachel (Guatemala)   ( lcsh )
Economic conditions -- Guatemala   ( lcsh )
Genre: federal government publication   ( marcgt )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Guatemala
 Notes
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (p. 224-225) and index.
Statement of Responsibility: by Sol Tax.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00087046
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 00307885
lccn - 53061345

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Title Page
        Page i
    Letter of transmittal
        Page ii-iii
    Table of Contents
        Page iv-v
        Page vi-vii
    Preface
        Page viii-ix
    Preface
        Page x-xi
    The place and the people
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
    Technology and economy
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
    The land
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
    Land ownership and practices
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
    Labor
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
    The business of agriculture
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
    Consumer goods
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
    The level and cost of living
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
    Function of wealth
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
    Appendix 1. Document relating to labor
        Page 106
    Appendix 2. Commodity prices and index
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
    Appendix 3. Households in order of wealth
        Page 110
        Page 111
    Glossary
        Page 112
        Page 113
    Literature cited
        Page 114
    General index
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
Full Text

9,'
.Z r'
I c
...( ~ 4


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION'

INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY

PUBLICATION NO. 16



.


PENNY CAPITALISM


A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY




by




SOL TAX


72.06






, -. i .. . . .

* o ,, o .. -
.,
rr


0 111, r II


P I S
r *. 7 ;
4~) )-
.C.


'1..
1
I
1.
~. -'.f h~


;,










/
,,

' . r, ,'
; r';:


.w -' #,


- -~-~~---`~~~~


~s c~aa cmonk,& N ob


..;r
r~ r







o~lS3
D 13 '
i'
-'
/s~ Oc
. *i


r~8a~~

~~r~c~

t: '.;

lr


r
=; -;:s' n
~
~l.G'
''i ^ '' '~Z-
.t


'.7 1LI~
C .
4' ~i,' 2
P.; ;Ci





SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY
PUBLICATION NO. 16







PENNY CAPITALISM

A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY


by

SOL TAX


CITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE .WASII[NGTON:1953
%ale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. - - . - - - . Price $1.75








% /?. /A
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY,
Washington 25, D. C., June 4, 1951.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled "Penny
Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy," by Sol Tax, and to recommend
that it be published as Publication Number 16 of the Institute of Social An-
thropology.
Very respectfully yours,
GEORGE M. FOSTER, Director.
DR. ALEXANDER WETMORE,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.


PUBLICATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL
ANTHROPOLOGY
1. Houses and House Use of the Sierra Tarascans, by Ralph L. Beals, Pedro Carrasco,
and Thomas McCorkle. x+37 pp., 8 pls., 20 figs. 1944.
2. Cherin: A Sierra Tarascan Village, by Ralph L. Beals. x+225 pp., 8 pls., 19 figs.,
5 maps. 1946.
8. Moche: A Peruvian Coastal Community, by John Gillin. vii+ 166 pp., 26 pls., 8 figs.,
1 map. 1947.
4. Cultural and Historical Geography of Southwest Guatemala, by Felix Webster McBryde.
xv+184 pp., 47 pis., 2 figs., 25 maps. 1947.
5. Highland Communities of Central Peru, by Harry Tschopik, Jr. viii+56 pp., 16 pis.,
2 maps. 1947.
6. Empire's Children: The People of Tzintzuntzan, by George M. Foster assisted by Gabriel
Ospina. v+297 pp., 16 pls., 36 figs., 2 maps. 1948.
7. Cultural Geography of the Modern Tarascan Area, by Robert C. West. vi,77 pp.,
14 pls., 6 figs., 21 maps. 1948.
8. Sierra Popoluca Speech, by Mary L. Foster and George M. Foster. iii+45 pp. 1948.
9. The Terena and the Caduveo of Southern Mato Grosso, Brazil, by Kalervo Oberg.
iv+72 pp., 24 pls., 2 charts, 4 maps. 1949.
S10. Nomads of the Long Bow: The Siriono of Eastern Bolivia, by Allan R. Holmberg.
iv+104 pp., 7 pis., 4 charts, 1 map. 1950.
11. Quiroga: A Mexican Municipio, by Donald D. Brand. v+242 pp., 35 pls., 4 maps. 1951.
S12. Cruz das Almas: A Brazilian Village, by Donald Pierson. x+226 pp., 20 pis., 13 figs.,
2 maps. 1951.
13. The Tajin Totonac: Part 1. History, Subsistence, Shelter, and Technology, by Isabel
Kelly and Angel Palerm. xiv+369 pp., 33 pls., 69 figs., 18 maps. 1952.
14. The Indian Caste of Peru, 1795-1940: A Population Study Based upon Tax Records
and Census Reports, by George Kubler. vi+71 pp., 2 pls., 1 fig., 20 maps. 1952.
, 15. Indian Tribes of Northern Mato Grosso, Brazil, by Kalervo Oberg, with an appendix
entitled "Anthropometry of the Umotina, Nambicuara, and Iranxo, with Comparative
Data from Other Northern Mato Grosso Tribes" by Marshall T. Newman. viii+
144 pp., 10 ple., 2 figs., 14 charts, 3 maps. 1953.


TO
ALFRED VINCENT KIDDER
WITH
AFFECTION, RESPECT, AND GRATITUDE


4


t













CONTENTS

PAGE PAGE
SPreface.. ---------------------------------------- x Land ownership and practices---Continued
The place and the people---------------------- "- Land renting----------------- 81
Location--------------------------------- I1 Land values ---------------------------- 82
Geography------------------------------- 2 Hill land .--.--- ----- ....-------- 83
Population ------------------------------- 6 Delta truck land ---- .--------..----- 83
--The Indian community-------------------- ..8 Coffee land------------------------..- 84
The way of life ------------------- ----- -~1 Labor------ -------------------------------- 85
STechnology and economy-------------------------3 "The use of time ---------------.----- .. 8
The kind of economy ----------------------. 3 [ jDivision of labor-- .-.--------------.------ 90
Technology------------------------------- 19, eAge differences----------------------- .90-
Technology and economy----------------- -- 27- Sex differences --------.--------------- 2'
The land---------------- ------------------- 29 The mnilpa-------..---------------.. 92
Natural resources ------------------------- 29 Truck gardening ------..-------...- 92
Climate ...---------------- ---------- 29 Coffee.---------.----------------. 93
The river.------------.--------------- 30 Fruit-.--- .....----.-----. ...---- 3
The lake.----.------------------------ 30 Animal husbandry---....--.....--- 93
Wild fauna- --.-----------.------------ 32 Firewood- ---.......------------ 93
Wild flora.--------------------------- 33 Housing-..-------------------.--- 93
Land use.-------------------------------- 35 Clothing--- ----------.--.... 93
Hill land-----------------------------. 35 Housekeeping--------------------. 94
Delta land-------------------------- 38 Load carrying--...--------....--.- 94
Coffee or truck ----------------------- 40 Summary-.-----..---------....-- 94
Truck lands--------------------------. 44 Special occupations--------------------.... 95-
Agriculture.------------------------------ 47 Artisans and miscellaneous business...- 06
The milpa..-------------------------- 47 Practitioners---- ---------------------- 67
Corn yields.--------------------------- 49 Agricultural labor.---------...----...- .- '.
Bean-squash yields-------------------- 52 Labor practices and wages .._--.-- 00
Truck farming------------------------ 52 Freedom of labor- .......... 10
Onions------------------------------- 53 The business of agricultu.-----. ---- ----..... 10
Garlic _-----------------------------.. 54 Agriculture--------------- -----------. 108
Beans.-------------------------------- 54 The milpa-----------------. -- ---- !3
Other vegetables--- ------------------ 54 Tabl6n crops.----------------------- 110
Tubers------------------------------ 55 Onions-.-----. ----- .------ --- 110
Pepinos--------------------------- 55 Garlic-------------------------- 112
Coffee-- ..-.---------.---------------- 55 Beans--------------...---- -113
Fruit.------------------------------- 56 Vegetables grown from imported seed. 11
Vegetable-pear------------------------. 57 Root crops and peppe.s_ .-- 114
SLand ownership and practices.------------------ 57 Pepinos...------.-....----. ..--- 14
Common lands...--------------.--------- .57 Coffee -----i--4.---.....--------- 14
Privately owned land..------------------.. 59 Fruit-.. -------------. -----.----
Ladino owners---.--------------------- 62 Summary: Costi and profits-.----------- 11
Indian owners.-----..------------------ 65 Summary: Time consumption ---..-.-. 16
Resident Indians---------------------- 66 Animal husbarndry.....------------.... ---. 1
Tenure and transfer ----------- --------- 68' Fowl- ..-----. ----------.--------- 117
Inheritance -----.---- ------------------- 72 Hogs-_ -.........-..-------------.-- -- 119
The inheritance of household No. 49__--- 72 Goats and she:---......--------. -- .19
The inheritance of household No. 58---- 74 Cattle-.-..-.. ..... --------------. 117
The inheritance of household No. 55 ... 75 Bees -------... -------------- ---- -- -
Summary...----------------------- -- 79 Horses and mule .....----.------ ------ 120
Land as collateral------------------------- 80 Dogs and cats.----------------------- -- 1
Land pawning------------------------ 80 Summary: Costs and profitss .. .... ...- 121







INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


WAGE
The business of agriculture-Continued
Disposal of produce.1----------------2-----
The local market------------------- 123
Outside markets------------------- 125
Farm business.-------------------------- 12
Time spent marketing---------------- 13
Consumer goods---------------------------- 133
Buying for use-------- --------------- 133
Market buying..----.----------------- 1349
Prices-------------------------------- 13 /
Corn------------------------------- 139
Beans-..-------------------------- 140
Other food staples-------. ---------- 141
Meat and fish...--------. ------.-- 141
Vegetables.-----------.------------- 142
Fruit--...--------.----------------. 143
Domestic production..------------.----- ..143
Kinds of houses-------.------------- 143
House building.---------------------- 145
Value of houses-..---------. ---------. 147
Supplies, furnishings, and tools --------- 147

Cooking and washing.----------------- 148
Clothing--------------------------- 150
Textile work------------------------ 151
y The level and cost of living--------------------- 154
Household establishments..---------------- 154
Costumes------------------------------ .158
Food------------------------------ -- 163
The sample families.---. ----------.- 163
Community totals.-------------------- 164


MAPS

1. The region of Lake Atitln ---- ... --......
2. The municipio of Panajachel -----------------
3. Panajachel: the area of the study...----------
4. Land use----------- ----------------
5. Coffee and truck lands.. --------------
6. Land ownership..-------------.......................

CHARTS

1. Temperature and precipitation in Panajachel,
1932-36.----------------------------
2. Hill land use ..-------... ----------------
3. Coffee vs. truck acreage.----------------...
4. The use of truck land by resident Indians.....
5. Land ownership...-------. ----------
6. Distribution of privately owned land..---.--..


PAGE
1
3
5
36
42
58


PAGE

4
37
43
47
59
60


The level and cost of living-Contliued
Equipment ... -------------------.......
Ceremonial, festive, and miscellaneous ex-
penses_----------------------------.
Personal expenses, taxes, etc_------------
Community wealth--------------------
The balance of payments.---------------
The standard of living--------------
Comparisons- ----------------------
Functions of wealth----- ----------------
Method ---.--.----------------------
Defining the community for study---....
Establishing wealth differences---....--.
The significance of wealth differences----.. .--
Localization of wealth----------------
Land and wealth---------------------
Special occupations and wealth----......
Labor and wealth--_-----------------
Wealth and domestic animals ..--------.
-,Differences in housing---------------
Differences in food..-----------------
Costume and wealth.-------------
Wealth mobility---------------------
Motivations---------------------
Conclusions ---------------------
Appendix 1. Document relating to labor.--------
Appendix 2. Commodity prices and index........
Appendix 3. Households in order of wealth---....
Glossary.- --------------------------------
Literature cited.--..--..---.... ---------------
General index-----------------------------


7. Delta land use-..------------------------
8. Average acreage of individual lots--------.........--
9. Average acreage per land-owning family- .----
10. Distribution of land among Ladinos and Indians-
11. Distribution of Panajacheleflo land.----------
12. Genealogical reference to the inheritance of
household No. 49--------..----- -------.
13. Genealogical reference to the inheritance of
household No. 58--------------------
14. Genealogical reference to the inheritance of
household No. 55------------------------
15. "Usable" time--------------------
16. Time spent on economic activities- .....---..
17. Sex division of labor in ordinary week........
18. Guide to description of 10 Panajachel establish-
ments .. ...--------------.--------------
19. Special occupations and the land-wealth scale.


PAGO


174

177
181
18 I1. Births and deaths, 1921-36, excluding still-
183 births----------------------------------
184 2. Indian population by sex and age------------
184 3. Population by age, sex, and class -----------
186 4. Distribution of Indians by households- -------
186 5. Location of Indian and Ladino coffee and truck
187 lands---- ------------ -----......
189 6. Location of Ladino coffee land..----------...
191 7. Panajachel truck acreage.---------------
191 8. Truck-land use of Ladinos and resident and
192 nonresident Indians_---------------.
194 9. Resident Indian truck crop patterns----......
195 10. Comparison of land distributions-------.... ..
199 1. Size of Indian delta lots.-- ------------
199 12. Distribution of all Panajachelefio land, areas
200 reduced to value---------------------
201 13. Pawned land-------. ------_-_-----
202 14. Rental costs in 1936.--------------.-------
204 15. The use of time ------------
206 16. Community service-----------
208 17. Time of officials----------
210 18. Personal and social activities...---------
217 19. Time devoted to agriculture and domestic ani-
220 mals by sex and age-----------_---------
224 20. Average day of average Indian -----------.
227 21. Time devoted to trades, professions, and special
occupations. ---------------------------
>22. Income from trades, professions, and special
occupations- -...........................
23. Persons with special occupations.............
24. Full-time laborers..........................
PAG^ 25. Local Indian labor in Ladino fields-----......
61 26. Cost and gross and net return per acre of milpa,
62 1936 --------- ------------
63 27. Labor required to grow 10 cuerdas of milpa- -
6 28. Cost of growing onion products (per acre)-----
7 29. Labor required to grow onions from seed.---
30. Labor required in growing onion seed .-------
72 31. Cost of growing garlic-------------------..
32. Man-days required and cost of growing beans
S in garden bed----- ----------------
33. Returns from vegetable growing ----.........
76 34. Cost of growing pepinos_---- ---------
8 35. Cost ofan a cre of coffee ---------
89 36. T'me consumed in and income from fruit
90 growing, 1936_--------
9 37. Total cost of agricultural products-----------
155 8. Value of agricultural products--------
1554 39. Time devoted to agriculture- ----
194 40. Value of domestic animals owned ------
41. Combinations of domestic animals ----------
42. Estimated costs of and returns from domestic
animals, 1940-.--...----------- --
43. Households habitually represented by vendors
in various markets-----.------------- -



( I


TABLE


PAGE

7
9
9
9

41
41
45

46
48
62
66

68
81
82
86
86
86
87

88
94

95

95
96
99
100

108
109
110
111
111
113

113
114
115
115

115
116
116
117
118
118

121

123


44. Produce brought to he Panajachel mr.r.:et
by local Indian women (1937) .-....--.
45. Summary of Panajachel vendors in iw:-eklay
market (1937) -----------.-------..---..-
46. Constitution and source of produce of vendilng
groups in outside markets--.............-..
47. Summary of time devoted to marketing. -.. -
48. Time spent vending in the local market-..-...
49. Time devoted to visiting outside marKe's- ...
50. Vendors in the Panajachel market..........
51. Annual average prices in Guatemala City....
52. Hogs slaughtered in SololU................
53. Onion prices -.....................-.......
54. Kinds of houses-------...... ...-............
55. Average cost of Indiar houses, 1937 ----.....
56. Materials and time used in building a mass-
adobe house.........------------ ..-....
57. Value of Indian houses, 1937.----------.-----
58. Time devoted to kitchen work, 1936 ........
59. Panajachelefio weavers -----.-------...---.
60. Time consumed in domestic reductionon, 1936..
"-61. Costumes----------------.....................--....
62. Probable costumes of those on whom censuri
information is lacking -----------...........--
63. Cost of clothing -- ........ ....- .........
64. Average cost of annual costuming-..... ..
65. Consumption of food in three families .....
66. Seven-day food intake (1944) of s;x families
(in net grams).................. ......
67. Food consumption ....................
68. Household furnishings and supplies, and
tools--- ................-...... .......
.69. Ceremonial, fiesta, and miscellaneous ex-
penses, 1936 -------.......................------
70. Expenditures of officials for rituals---------..
71. Expenditures for public rituals------------
72. Personal expenses, taxes, etc-------------
73. Summary of expenditures in 1936 -..........-
74. The balance of payments- ------- ------
75. Comparison of average food intak ir rural
Guatemala per nutrition unit per day ......
76. Wealth of Panajacheleflo households involved
in land pawnings- ---.---..----... ..-..-.. .
S77. Wealth of households renting agricultural land-
78. Distribution of Panajachel textile workers--...
79. Indians regularly employed by Indians in
Panajachel-------------.. -----.... ..--..
80. Distribution of domestic animals--.........--
81. Wealth of 10 households.--------------
82. Rooms and living space of 10 households--...-
83. Number and kinds of beds in 10 households.--
84. Seven-day food intake (1944) of six families
per nutrition unit per day..--------. ....--
85. Panajacheleflo costume distribution -----...--
vn


ILLUSTRATIONS


1i'4

125

126
I?2
132
132
361
139
142
143

146

146
147
14C
152
154


169
161
162
166

160
868

175

177
179
180
182
182
184

185

192
193
195

196
199
199
199
200

201
202


VI





PAGE
NOT AVAILABLE
FOR SCANNING








X INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


anthropology are needed. I once asked Jean
Learned, an economist who studied these mate-
rials on Panajachel, what she as an economist
would have done differently. The considered
reply was unexpected to me, yet wholly obvious.
As an economist she would not have spent years
in a community of 800 people without records of
prices and the like. Panajachel is a place for the
skills of (say) an anthropologist, not an economist.
Conversely, an anthropologist is not trained to
cope with the problems of a nation in the world
community.
Let me not be understood to minimize the im-
portance of study at the local level, or of the use-
fulness of the anthropological (cultural) point of
view at all levels. But this is a study at the local
level, and essential as it may be to understanding
the whole, it is the study by an anthropologist of
an anthropologically oriented problem. The econ-
omist will learn from it much about the economy
of a community in Guatemala. He will also learn
something about anthropologists (as he can learn
more from Firth and Herskovits and others) and
the way one anthropologist studies a place like
Panajachel. I do not expect that he will learn
any economics. Nor do I suppose my colleagues
in anthropology will learn economics from me.
What I offer is a conception of how one studies a
primitive money economy. My own work falls
short of an ideal because I had no model. Here is
a pattern from which others may depart.
This book has been long in coming. A first
short draft was written during the winter of 1938-
39. I was encouraged by Dr. W. F. Ogburn to
extend this to a full study. It was completed
in June of 1943, when Dr. Ogburn was also
kind enough to write a foreword. Delay of
publication, first because of the war and then by
desire to revise the manuscript, was fortunate,
both because in the intervening years I learned
much from colleagues at the University, and
because the long delay permitted a fresh approach
to the manuscript. I think it does not matter
that the economy is described as of a period 10
years past (and indeed from a 1936 base) because
if it is interesting it should be as representative of


a type, relatively independent of time and place.
My original field notes on Panajachel have been
microfilmed and as part of a series are available
in many libraries, well enough indexed so that I
think a patient reader can use them in connection
with this volume. This is one of three books
which I hope to write from these materials; a
second describes the world view of the Indians;
the third, their social institutions. Meanwhile
the materials on these subjects may be studied in
their original form. Whoever looks at them will
note that my wife and I (later with our young
daughter) lived in Panajachel on and off from the
autumn of 1935 to the spring of 1941, and that
Juan de Dies Rosales, an educated Panajachelcflo
who was a school teacher ia 1936 and who became
my assistant (and eventually an anthropologist
in his own right) collected a great deal of the data
in the earlier years. It was not until the last
field season (1940-41), however, that I systemat-
ically collected much of the essential data on the
economy. By then I had done much work on this
book and had begun to know what I was looking
for.
From 1934 to 1946 I was on the staff of the
Carnegie Institution of Washington's Division
of Historical Research. This work was done as
part of the Division's grand plan for studying
various aspects of Mayan'Indian culture. How
much I owe to its recently retired director, Dr.
A. V. Kidder, for his patience and encourage-
ment, I attempt to say by dedicating this book
to him. From my colleague and teacher, Robert
Redfield, with whom I have worked so closely
both at home and in the field, I have received
much more than I can acknowledge. I recall
with pleasure the friends in Guatemala who
helped us, and especially our Indian friends, whom
we still miss; and jump without difficulty to my
colleagues at the University of Chicago, who
through the years teach me humility. I have
said that my wife shared with me the experience
in Guatemala; this book is hers, too.
SOL TAX.
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO,
May 1, 1951.












FAW. McBryde's Map



LAKE ATITLAI


Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian

Economy


By SOL TAx


GUATEM


SCALE


9 o 0I
MILES

KILOMETERS

LEAGUES

ONE INCH TO Of


LEGEND

Railroad -- Auto road
S Gasoltne passener-boat route


VlZZA GE C? TOWN j-J HoLUSES oF A SETTL EME/
PATTVW j j-
+ ++ + M UN/C/P/O 0BUNDAOAR/S (MUV/C/IP/O TAKES NAME OF
,/A1OR ALZZ.'/AL ANL COLL Ul/AL AREAS ST/POALD. (BOA EVNCL
CuL /TU ANL@D /r/STOR/CAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHrNWET UrATEMAI

/ -
4 -


91


lon derLinatio,, IS!
6- 32' EaM
N






w
P.---t--


LOCATION
PIanajichel is one of three hundred fifty-odd
municipios into which the Republic of Guatemala
is divided. These municipios, not unlike our
townships, are political subdivisions, but in the
region where Panajachel is located they are also
important cultural and economic units (Tax,
1937). Although they have a common basis, the
Indians of each municipio differ in language and
General culture and, since there" is a tendency
toward marriage within the municipal, in sur-
names"and physical appearance. Not the least
significant of the differences among municipios
Sis in economic specialization, which may be
partly, but only partly, accounted for by local
variations of altitude and terrain. Since such
specialization in production leads to trade, and
since no municipio is economically self-sufficient,
it is not possible to limit such a discussion as this
to Panajachel (or any other municipio) alone; nor
can it be assumed that any municipio is "typical"
and its economy representative of all.
aPnajachel is 1 of 11 municipios (map 1) ihosQ
(lands form the circumference of Lake Atitlan
.hih liaw aboutfn n l st.i r LGntinmala. City.
( The Liak,'ta ttqulde of some__e 5QOfee Lc upies
an iumense c formed by volcanic crus
(collapse;,ithas been partialy amme also by
''6Icanic growth on the south shore (McBryde,
1933, pp. 63-64; 1947). The volcanoes of Toliman
and San Pedro start abruptly from the southern
shore; cliffs rise precipitously and almost uninter-
ruptedly from the edge of the water to heights


of 1 ,00 cC onsequently there
,fewriatural town sites on the shore itself and only
(a small number even near the lal.-Y' rain sit e
therefore, assumern~ mii-mercial importance. The
only good outlets to the rich coastal reglors in
the south are on either side of the volcano of
Tolim&n, where the ground levels off before meet-
ing the lake, and here are found the towns of
San Lucas and AtitlAn, perhaps thl mcst prcsp erous
in this region. On the north shore 'wo streams
that flow into the lake have cut wide reough
valleys, and built sufficiently broad deltas, to form
natural town sites. One of these is th- Panajachel
River, on the banks of which is situated the town
of Panajachel; the other is the Quixcap, which
forms the delta called Jaibal, the site (until it was
disastrously flooded three centuries, ago (VAzcnez,
1937, p. 171) of San Jorge, now sifniatsd far up
on the cliff above. Both Panajachel and Jaibal
are busy ports for the water tralac ic. oss the lake.
The former, however, is much mor3 important,
because a town is nearby, beccus, the main
highway from the capital to the west passes
through it, and because gasoline launches as well
as canoes may be accommodated. A glance at
map 1 will make this clear.
The lake towns as a graup are in a particularly
strategic position in this part of Guaemtla, lyigug
as they do between the warm lowlanos and the
cold highlands. The great region of tropical*
agriculture (coffee, bananas, cotton) of the Facific
slope is in a belt lying at altitudes of from three
to five thousand feet. In the portion of this belt*
lying just south of the lake are to be found jreat


THE PLACE AND THE PEOPLE


~.~~~-I'~----~-- -~PCCL-~---- _





PAGE
NOT AVAILABLE
FOR SCANNING





PAGE
NOT AVAILABLE
FOR SCANNING






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


63.8

/ 10

1.22
.116 .11 .58 .35".09"
Inch JA FEB. MAR. APR. MAY JUN. JUL. AUG, SEPT. OCT. NOV. DEC F.
CHART 1.-Temperature and precipitation in Panajachel, 1932-36. (Source: Mario Garcia S., courtesy F. W. McBryd
*=only 1933 and 1935; #=only 1933, 1934, and 1935; and "=only 1932, 1933, 1934, and 1935.

>1 ___ i,


4




















t


i
3.

i




I:
i
i


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEb


The Panajachol delta has an altitude above sea
level of from 5,100 feet (the altitude of the lake)
to about 5,200 feet. The climate is mild, the tem-
peratur'O rarely falli n- b-Vl-a
S80g 'he mean temperature is remarkably con-
stant throughout thc-yenry-rnarying only bTween--
640 and 67Z1_ The diurnal range varies, how-
ever, with the wet and dry seasons, from about 30
in January to about 160 in June. The afternoon
Temperatures during the dry season are consider-
ably warmer than during the rainy season. There
is some rain in the dry season, and there are many
(days without rain in the rainy season; but it may
be said that from the beginning of May to the end
of October it rains heavily for a few hours each
day, and during the remainder of the year it almost
never rains.
In the rainyseason outside work-is often im-
possible for days at a tiime, and the Indians save
mi iany it~isTde jobsft or t rnthcser.-Sickness is
Then much more prevalent. It is difficult to go
Sto market and to earn wages, just when the basic
breadstuff, maize, is scarcest and must be bought
at high prices. The river is high and impossible
to cross sometimes for days, and there is always
the danger of its overrunning and destroying one's
land and house.
The river, from which flow almost all the irriga-
tion ditches, is narroww stream in the dry season;
but when it rains in the hilhisabove6-it-beconies a
ragifnigl-Wintorrcntari.rying rocks and branches
and other debris down to the lake. At such times
the stream divides into three or four channels,
changing its entire course in a moment and, run-
Sning along the banks, undermines and erodes the
fertile soil of the edges. Each summer hundreds
or even thousands of square feet of good agricul-
tural soil are washed into the river bed.2 Houses
have been destroyed, and families, losing all their
land, have been forced to borrow shelter or become
laborers on the coast. How long this condition
,has prevailed I do not know, but the Indians have
a legend to the effect that the river has been on a
rampage since a deposed priest vengefully buried
a figure of Christ somewhere near its source.3
It would be arbitrary to divide the municipio
into urban and rural sections. The delta is
inhabited; the hills are not. In the delta a small
area laid out in streets contains the municipal
Buildings, the church, and the market place. It
Might be called the town, but since officially and


61
iOl


r087
'~Lo


956746 0-53 (Face p. 5)


- --T--


~~lyil~Tl
4:.~~.''


MALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 5

otherwise the whole delta is so designated t
would be better to call it the town center. Over
the rest of the delta the people live rather evhjly
dispersed, irregularly among the coffee fields and
the garden plots (map 3). The town center is on
--the west bank of the river reratively-r e -to~-pex
of trefit---n-- iTeFuuillying area extends
therefore to the south. The most strictly Indian
portion, where most of the pure Punajaachel
Indians have their homes and fields, is on the other
side of the river where they live almost to th6
exclusion of others. The town center, or west
Asid ofLthe-xiver, is ocieiT lirggelyj y .L din--
and by Indians-immigrant from other towns. It
-also contains such extraneous element i asT-Iotels
and country homes of wealthy Guatemalans and
foreigners, for the most part along the lake shore
between the river and the west edge of the delta.
The Ladinos tend to live close to the town center;
the weatt x th~ .els This is general Guate-
malan custom, although in Panajachel the arrange-
ment seems to be breaking down because of the
development of a "gold coast" section along the
lake shore.
In the immediate town center there is almost no
-eltivated- land-except -the pati flower i:- irens.
But in the remainder of the delta it may be said
that the land is primarily devoted to crops, the
dwellings occupying only small pieces surrounded
by fields and orchards. Inlfact-the.housc s aro so
of en hidden by surrounding vegetation that a f r;
attcmBt- at t ppyiig-mi'sed more_ thinh!lf of

The automobile highway from Guatermarfi City
crosses the river from the east about a mile an.d a
half above the town center, runs south th ouigh
town and then west to the southwest corner of the
delta, whence it climbs steeply tb Solol .andd points
north and west. In the delta it is a broad an(
straight road, unsurfaced except fr cobbl st~oes
in the center of town. The other wide roads shown

Of a half-acre price of land used for an experimental cornfield in 193t, for
example, the river washed away in that one season tt leps: F C sua-ue 'e: .
a A rival story has it that when sugarcane was introduced In Parajchel,
jealous canegrowers of another town (Sia Mutln Jilotetrncj' mudrl 'ho
river to become wild. The Maudslays !sitd Pan.aichel in 1804 air ':rite,
"There are times during the wet season wian the rudder i nc.eeaf. Ir Ih' vol.
noe of water threatens the safety of the town, uil r e were told that 'ts
many years ago an inundation caused great damage, wa.h 'rg a a) some of
the houses, and cutting off the townspeople from% al eatside s 'ormnriseati'n"
(Maudslay, 1I99, p. 57). The photograph of Pana)achel publhiheld y t(b
Maudslays in 1899 shows that at the time of their viLsi :;oe rl c ir had a riult
different course from when McBryds lhotoTraspld the tolta IntaIo e er.ry
thirties. The reader Is referred to MlcBryde's excellent ,,hotr-aShas,
published in 1047, for a general p'ctare as eosl as for 'les comparison.






6 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16

on map 3 are also used by automobiles, except that Patanatic is a settlement of Indians who came
in the rainy season the river cannot usually be two or three generations ago from the municipio
forded. The main footpaths are from 2 to 4 feet of Totonicaplin to the northwest. It may be con-
in width. The smaller ones, connecting the sidered a colony of Totonicapeflos 4 who remain
houses with one another and with the main paths socially and economically distinct from the Indians
and roads, accommodate only single files. Cul- of Panajachel. Patanatic is located in the hills
verts for the passage of the irrigation ditches are north of Panajachel along the automobile highway
covered over in most cases by logs and earth; but just before it descends to the river and delta of
crossing the smaller paths the ditches are usually Panajachel (map 2). The plantations Santa
left open, to be stepped over by the pedestrian. Victoria, Natividad, and Jesfs Maria are to the
The irrigation ditches vary in width from 1 to 2 north (map 2). La Dicha and Bella Flor arc in
feet. Only the main ones are shown on map 3, the east delta (map 3). They are not plantations
but it can be seen that every part of the delta is in the sense of having a permanent population of
fed by the network. The truck lands that are laborers. San Buenaventura, called a flour mill in
watered from the ditches are cultivated in small the census, was at the time of this study a large
raised beds and the water flows between them when and populous coffee plantation. The main portion
it is required. Any of the ditches can be cut off of it is near the lake shore on a small delta just
by a barrier of branches, rocks, and earth; sluice west of the Panajachel delta (map 2).
gates are not used. Duringthe rain_ season the
mairr-dithes- must be watched carefully a-thleir POPULATION
sources lest the water flowbeyon id~ntrol. ..Dur-
ii tlhedry season, on the other hand,-therfis often To the 1921 census figure of 1,041 for the
a shortage c e n4nlyrr- -cf-thn "pueblo" should be added the population of the
be used at one time. cAieSrinount of ports and the two plantations of the delta, for a
cooperation s therefore required throughout the total of 1,113 living in the main delta portion.
Records in the municipal hall show that in the
year among those who make use of the irrigation Records in the municipal hall show that in the
yetemom 15 years from 1921 to 1936, 365 more births were

The census of 1921 (Guaterala, 1924, Fourth registered than deaths (table 1). The pueblo's
Census, pt. 2, pp. 186-187) is the latest published portion of this increase would be some 288, and
census report which subdivided the populations the 1,113 of 1921 should have increased naturally
of the municipios by location. (The detailed to 1,401. Such a figure takes no account of immi-
results of the 1940 census are not published.) gration or emigration; but I know no reason to
The 1921 census subdivides the municipio of believe that one outweighed the other greatly
Panajachel asfollows: during this period. The 1940 census gave an
ThePanajachueblo of Panajachel, populationows:----------- 1,041 p (p ay including very-
"urban" population' (probably including cvery-
The puehamblo of Panajachel, population------------- 1,041 thing but Patanatic) of 1,871. Yet in 1936, we
The plantations of La Dicha, Sta. Victoria, Nativi- could account for only about 1,200 inhabitants in
dad, Jesdis Maria, and S. Felipc Bella Fler, the delta. A careful census of the Indians re-
population--------------------------------- 257 vealed a few less than 800, and since only 62
The flour mill of S. Buenaventura, population---.- 8 Ladino families and 7 odd individuals were
The lake ports of Tzanjuyd and Monterrey, popula- casually counted, it is not likely that there were
more than about 400 Ladinos. Whatever the
Of these divisions, the only ones included in cause of the discrepancy between my figures andr
this study are the pueblo (which occupies the delta those inferred from official sources, for the pur-
portion of map 3) and the two "lake ports," the poses of this study the population will be taken
first of which lies just beyond the southwest corner as about 1,200.
of the map and the second a short distance to the The distinguishing characters of Ladinos and
east. Both Tzanjuyd and Monterrey are sites of Indians, the two classes of people officially
hotels, and at the time of this study the second was recognized in Guatemala, differ to some extent in
not a port at all. On the other hand, when this t>
study was made there was another port, called 'The Spanish manner of designating Inhabitants of towns will be used In
this report; thus, an Atlteco Is from AtitlSn, an Antoftero from San Antonie
Santander, still farther to the east. Palop6, etc.


different parts of the Republic, but in general a
Ladino is anybody who is not an Indian, and an
Indian is defined on the basis of cultural and
linguistic criteria rather than on physical features
(Tax, 1937, p. 432).6 In Panajachel the Indians
are distinguishable from Ladinos because their
mother tongue is Indian and their command of
Spanish relatively poor, because they wear a
costume distinct from that of the Ladinos (which
is pretty uniform over the whole country), and
because their surnames are usually of Indian
rather than of Spanish origin. It is possible for
an Indian to come to be considered a Ladino by
both groups if he speaks Spanish like a Ladino,
bears a Spanish surname, and adopts the clothing
and the ways of life of the Ladinos. It must be
borne in mind that since the distinction is cultural
rather than physical, Indian and Ladino are not
primarily thought of as race designations in the
sense that Negro and White are in the United
States. But there are important economic and
social differences between the two classes, and each
constitutes in large degree a community apart
from the other. This study is concerned primarily
and almost entirely with the Indians of Panajachel.

TABLE 1.-Births and deaths, 1921-86, excluding stillbirths 1

Year Number of Number of Excess of
births deaths births
1921 ----------------------------................................. 61 24 37
1922----------------------------.................................. 74 30 44
19W3.................................. 58 29 29
1925----.................. 59 32 27
1924 ------------------------------- 72 37 as
1925 ------------------------------- 539 32 27
1926 ............................... 70 40 30
1927 ................... .----------- 66 34 32
19M28...------.----- ------- 88 40 28
1929 --------------------------------- 66 31 35
1930----------------------------.................................. 76 46 30
1931----------------------------.................................. 58 41 17
1932 ------------ 80 70 10
1933 ------------......... 90 42 48
1934. ................................ 62 36 26
1935s................................- 70 67 22
Total........................... 1,039 589 450
I Compiled from records in the Municipal Hall of Panajachel. The figures
rerersent totals of al births and deaths registered; at the time the figures were
abstracted from the records (a long task because each case is hand-written in
paragraph form) we wre too Insufficiently acquainted to be able to distin-
ihsll registrations of local residents from tloses of transients; nor could we
distinguish those of Patanatic and time various inas from those of the town.
This should have been done. Stillbirths are excluded here; In the record they
are registered only as births.

Although officially the population is divided
into Indian and Ladino, actually four classes of
people are distinguishable in Panajachel. First
there are the wealthy and educated Ladinos who
participate almost completely in the culture of
I In the 1940 census, for the frst time, the phrase "Whites and Mestieos"
was substituted for "Ladinos," however, the change represents one only of

offielal language.


modern civilization. They are rclttivei- krg.a
landholders, government officials, and keepers of
large stores. -They-nmay.own aiitoinol il:.s and
radios and they soil times have iirtcsin Guate-
_mala.City.. They always wcar gTi)d sto:e clothes,
shoesgaBnd. nckties; they nomallx speakl at culti-
v ted Spanish and no Indliap, ain are uis'rill' fair-
ly well e uca j_ 7clais lru-bdrd
feiToreignersin town. Second, thcre are the
poor Ladinos, who participate loss in the cultara
of modern civilization and are culturally mere akin
to the Indians. Unlike the first group, and like
the Indians, they are proletarian rather than
bourgeois, working on the soil or as artisans; their
clothes are countrified and they often eo ano wear
shoes or neckties; their Spanish is that of unedu-
cated persons, and their F:teracy rate is very low.
Many of them speak the Indian language in ad-
dition to Spanish. The first class may be called
urban, the second rural. The rural Ladinos came
to Panajachel for the most part from other small
towns, the urban Ladinos from the cities anid larger
towns. All came within the present century, 'he
rural Ladinos generally earlier than the others.
Although in cultural, social, and economic ways of
life the two groups are easily distinguishable,
there are cases of passage of individuals from the
poor to the wealthy class. In such cases more
than economic success, however, is necessary, for
education and general sophistication arc also cre-
requisites of the higher status.
The Indians are also divisible into two groups,
but these groups are not thought of as relatively
inferior or superior, as are the two kinds of La-
dinos. First, there are the Indians of the Pana-
jachel community who may or may not tiwee all of
their ancestry back to Panajachel forefathers, but
who consider themselves Panajacheleo., culturally,
speak the Panajachel dialect, and participate in
the politico-religious organization of the commu-
nity. Indians from other towns have married
Panajachelefos, and their offspring havbecome co in
every social sense Panajacheleflos. Indeed, there
is at least one case of a family with not a drop of
old Panajachelefio blood that is in every other
sense a Panajachelefio family-thought of so by
themselves and by the others as well.e Pana-
Descended from an immigrant from Sti. Lucia Utatlin who niarriael a
woman of Patzin who later married a Panasachelefto and brought up her
first children In the local community. One of these married a Sololatera
whose family are all in Panalachel, and this couple have children indistin-
guishable from local Indians except that the daughters-like some other
Panajachelofias-wear the San Andres blouse!


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOY---TAX





PEMNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECOIOMY-TAX 9


jachclefios speak a dialect, wear a costume, and
have certain beliefs and ways of life distinct from
those of the Indians of other towns; they are a
social and cultural unity. Secondly, there are
in Panajachel a number of Indian families, origi-
nally of other towns, who do not participate, or
who participate very little, in the social, political,
and religious community of Panajacheleflos._They
wear the costumes nnoften
cont ue the pursuit of economic specialties
'brought with them; their language and mentality
is more like that of their blood relatives than of
their present neighbors. Some of these families
have lived in Panajachel only a few years; some
indeed came just before the time of this study and
have since left. Those that are more perma-
nently settled tend to marry their children with
Panajachelefios and thus eventually become ab-
sorbed into the local community. The allocation
of particular individuals or families to one Indian
group or the other is therefore to some extent
arbitrary; and that is one reason why all locally
resident Indians were included in this study of the
economic life of the community.
The municipios of Guatemala (and Chiapas as
well: Redfield and Villa, 1939, p. 107) are of two
general kinds. In the one, the Indians live on
their farms in the country and come into the town
where they often set up housekeeping at intervals.
In the other, they live in the town itself and repair
to the surrounding countryside when necessary
to till the fields (Tax, 1937, pp. 427-433). Pos-
sible explanations of the difference need not be
discuss I here. A consequence of it is that in the
"vacant town" municipios the Indians tend to
lead a dual life alternating between their isolated
country homes and the town, while in the "town-
nucleus'' municipios the rural territory, which is
uninhabited, achieves importance only incident-
ally to agriculture. Unlike the Indians of Yuca-
tan, for example, the Guatemalans of this region
are not accustomed to live on their cornfields
during periods of work (Redfield and Villa, 1934,
p. 68); hence in town-nucleus municipios the men
leave their town homes for no more than a day at
a time to work in their cornfields.
It is apparent from the description already given
that Panajachel is a variety of town-nucleus
municipios. The Indians live in a restricted area,
and their cornfields are outside this area. It is
true that they do not live in a compact town, that


their homes are dispersed outside of the town
center, and that orchards and gardens lie around
their houses; but the whole delta is considertod
the "town," the Indians have but one home, and
their cornfields, to which they go to work a day
at a time, lie outside. The allocation of Pana-
jachel to one town type or the other is not in itself
important; but it is well to remember that Pana-
jachel and the other municipios of the lake differ
in this fundamental ecological respect-with
whatever economic and social consequences are
involved-from most of the other municipios of
the region.

THE INDIAN COMMUNITY

In the portion of Panajachel under discussion
there lived, in 1936, an Indian community of 780
persons. This figure does not include Indians
for the most part from other towns who lived as
servants in hotels or the homes of Ladinos or as
laborers on the plantations. It does include
Indians from other towns who lived as domestics
and hired hands in the homes of local IndianS.
It does not include three families, part Indian,
who, in all respects but ancestry, are Ladino.
Of the 780 individuals, 688 might be called "Pana-
jacheleflos," having at least some Panajachel
blood or family connections, and entering into
the religious and political life of the local Indian
community. The remainder, 92 in number, were
"foreign" Indians with no Panajachel family
connections. Included among the Panajache-
lefios were additional foreign Indians, 8 men and
28 women, married to Panajachelefios,7 having
thereby become part of the traditional community.
The remainder of 652 "ultra-pure" and part-blood
Panajachelefios does not represent the total of
the species in the wider region, however. Con-
siderable numbers have migrated from Pana-
jachel to other towns, to the capital, and to the
coast plantations and have lost their connectiorjs
with the local community. The genealogies
collected uncovered 46 such who are still remem-
bered (and some of whom occasionally return)
but there must be more.
Table 2 classifies thp 780 Indians of this study
by sex and age. The figures on age, data for
which were not collected with sufficient complete-
ness or accuracy to be used, are based on the
I One man and three women were not married to PanaJachelefios, but
related In other ways.


assumption that the age distribution for the In-
dians of 1936 was the same as that given in the
1921 census (Guatemala, 1924, Fourth Census, pt,
1, pp. 303-305) for tie whole population of the
municipio. Table 3, based on an analysis of the
census made in 1936 and taking into consideration
the age distribution shown in table 2, reclassifies
the population, adding a distinction between
"Panajachelefio" and "Foreign" Indians.
TABLE 2.-Indian population by sex and age,
Percentage In Number of Indians, 1936
1921 census
Age group .
sex
Male Female Total Male Female unown

Under 7--............ 18 20 147 67 74 '6
7-14 .......---....- 17 12 112 66 46 ..---------
14-18----..-........ 10 8 70 39 31 .----------.
1-40-.....--..-..-.- 37 40 300 145 155 ....-....-
0-0............... 17 14 120 65 55 .........-
Over 60-...-.-.- 2 6 31 8 23 ...........
Total----- 101 100 780 390 384 6
I The census of 1021 (p. 186) divides the 1,145 Indians of the whole muinc-
tpl into 563 males and 582 females. The preponderance of males uncovered
by my 1036 census is probably the result of errors. I think that when sex was
doubtful, informants tended to assume the child was male. Or the error (if
such there is) resulted from a careless misunderstanding: in some cases when
I was told that there were two hlijo in the house-and the names were not
given me-I may have put them down as male children when in fact one was
a female. In most cases I found out the names of people, but with infants it
was often diicult and I let the matter drop; I should not have.
All cases In which information on sex is lacking fall into the infant class;
all are probably under 2 years of ae. It would be possible from municipal
birth records to determine the exact age of most of the Indians. This long
and laborious task was not attempted, although the method is obviously
superior and more exact than the indirect one employed.
TABLE 3.-Population by age, sex, and class
"Chil-
Total "Infants" dren" "Adults'
under 4 years 4-15 over 15
years



P 4 A P4 & P

Panajacheleno.--.------- 688 351 331 6 49 36 6 75 55 227 240
oregn --.......---....... 2 9 63 9 --, 5 12 28 32
Total....----.-- 780 390 384 0 55 45 6 80 67 255 272
I Inclrudin forein domestics In Panajachol households, but 'not foreign
Indians married into them.
The 780 Indians lived, in 1936, in 157 house-
holds; of these, 134 were Pnlnjachlceio and 23
foreign. The average number of persons per
household was, therefore, 4.9, the Panajac leios
averaging 5.1 and the foreign Indians, 4.0. Table
4 shows the actual distribution of households by
size. (The reason that 4 households are shown to
contain half-persons is that there were two biga-
mous men who divided their time between two
households each. For many purposes below


these dual households are combined, and the
total number considered to be 132 rather than 134.)
Thef foreign Indians live for the most part on the
side of townl west of the river; 21 of ,Lth 23 foreign
households, containing 79 of the 80 foreign Indians,
were located on the west side in 1936; and, besides,
21 of the 36 foreigners married into PanajachelAfio
families lived west. In 1940 there were no foreign
families on the east side: one of the two had left
Panajachel, and the other had moved to the
other side.
The households of the foreign Indanrs, whoi are
cut off from their relatives, contain fo' the nmost
part simple families (parents and children); but
the composition of Panajacheleio househoHl s
varies greatly. Only 83 of them were counted a.
"simple," and that number includes 17 -i wvlikh
there were step-relatives and half-siblings. Of
the remainder, 36 may be considered nahrt'a
extensions of simple families, containing ir addi-
tion married children and/or their offspring.
Finally, there were 15 households which include
additional relatives, most often the siblings of the
parents.
There is some tendency m the itmiicsi toward
patrilocality: for every case i: which th;'e was. a
son-in-law living in the household, there wer tsvwo
cases in which there was a daugbter-in-'nw :nT:tead
or in addition. But all such cases together rum-
bered but 27. Most young people' set up inue-
pendent establishments soon after malring'.

TABLB 4.-Distribution'. Indians ty households I

Number of lrscthoids
Number of persons
Total kBa a' a- FoleirL
Total heloros' In l1a

I 2 ~ --------------------------------
1 ---------------------------------- i ~
2 ------------- ---------- ---- 14 4
r .... ............................ 14 ) \
.....-------------------------------- 33 28
------------------------------- .
....... ...---- ----..-- ..----. .... 24 I 6
..... .-------.. ----------.- -------. 24 23 ,
.. ...---------.. -------.. ----.. ---. is i ...
4 ....................................-------------------- 2 2 .
---------------------------
-..----------------.------..--- ---- ,
10...-------------------------------- 3 3
11...........------------------ .--- -- .
Total ---..----.----.-- 157 Y! 4 23


1 This table Is based on a household uissdr, checked aidd ,chevked In a
number of ways. It Is probably not 100-percer ta vrrate hbecatwi rulrlnp the
months that elapsed in the ngtherinv of the data, charies a wcr rotting (o .s:y
occurring (births, deaths, changes of residsc evlUI mninrritr etc.:' .: '1 it is
difficult to know whether the picture Is corrnt or any ?ltnt lof t lre. 'ho
attempt was to get all of the data as of May 1,1036, but ,l nre thie IDs' ,', hi
was not resolved until 18 months after that, it Is o',)lojs tnat Ct I I ot have
rc needed.
Not outing foreign servants as members of the hov-h(o lis,


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGYY PUBLICATION NO. 16






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


There was in 1936 only..one household in which- comrades of each of four cofradias, and two or three theless, no other segments of society even ap-
ainuinIrctate-iperson7-a-rnn7rl witv thtfmily; graded mayordomos of each eofradia, for a total proach the households in social and economic
but there were four families with domestics and of religious officials of about 16 (in 1936, 15). The solidarity. In the household the members may
hired hands, all of them foreign Indians in the 2 classes, civil and religious, are only partially be economic individualists, but they do cooperate
service of Panajachelefios. separable, however. In the system of succession on a noncash basis, while between even such close
Although there are evidences that in generations in the hierarchy the Indians alternate between the relatives as father and son or two brothers who
past there was some kind of kinship or local unit 2, and all offices are graded in a single hierarchy. live in different households, there is practically
consisting of more than one household, today the The Indian officials, at least insofar as the In- no common enterprise on a basis different from
household is the only functioning social entity dians have anything to say, are neither elected that between unrelated persons. In making this
within the community. True, familial relations nor, strictly speaking, appointed. The elders study, it was striking to find in how many ways
that cut across households in bilateral kinship principlese, who have passed through the suc- the data had to be gathered by households rather
lines are recognized by formal visiting and gift cession) and the higher officials together choose than individuals on the one hand or family or
giving, as are also god-parental relationships; but the new officials each year; but since a person is neighborhood groups on the other. Thus, in dis-
they do not crystallize into social segments. The not eligible to serve in an office until he has served cussing marketing it was useless to try to deter-
only effective social segment is the individual in a lower one and since he is not obliged to accept mine which individuals went to certain towns
household, whatever its constitution. That this an office unless he has had a period of rest after regularly, but it was easy to find out which house-
is so can- be most clearly seen in the light of the his previous service, the choice is limited, and often holds were regularly represented by one or another
politico-religious organization. automatic. Holding office entails pecuniary dis- individual in a given town. Likewise, in land
Like the other municipos of Guatemala, all of advantage, and when there is doubt as to who ownership it was not difficult to discover which
which are from the point of view of the central should get one, a poorer man can avoid it more lots were owned and worked by a certain house-
government the smallest important administrative easily than a richer man. hold; but it would have required more time than
units, Panajachel has a series of governmental What the system finally amounts to is that we were able to give to determine which persons
officials, some appointed and some theoretically almost every man (together with his wife) gradu- of the family actually owned each one.
elected. Generations back, before there were ally moves up through the series of offices, but in
Ladinos, all officials (except a Secretary) were any one year a man does not take an office unless THE WAY OF LIFE
Indians, as they still are in other pure-Indian it is his turn. The point of the relationship be-
towns. Before 1935, when a new system was tween the family organization and the politico- When a tourist comes to Panajachel, the road
invoked, all were chosen from and by the local religious system is that "turns'" are taken not by takes him past the little town center where, sur-
populace. After the Ladinos came, they were individuals or blood-kin groups, but by house- rounding a small square park, he sees the ruins of
given certain of the highest offices; but the Indians holds. There are some 52 offices to be filled an- the sixteenth-century church and the drab adobe
continued to fill all offices unofficially from their nually, nearly all of them every year, and 132 town hall, library, and jail. Driving over the
own ranks. After 1935, when some of the offices Panajachel households from which to fill them; cobblestones he finds the road lined for a few
were abolished and others became appointive no household normally has more than 1 office- blocks with whitewashed adobe houses, most of
from above and outside the community, the In- holder at a time, and after a person finishes his which present to him a small store front and
dians continued to name a complete roster of term no other member of his household is expected grilled windows under a red tile roof. Then for a
officials; but then fewer of them were officially to serve for at least another year. kilometer he is out in the country, the houses
recognized.' It was still possible, however, to In the same manner, contributions of money for spaced far apart along the road, coffee groves
speak of Indian officialdom as consisting of a first fiestas and of labor on public works come from and open fields and garden patches between them.
alcalde, second alcalde, first and second regidores, whole households, not individuals (i. e., a house- ie arrives shortly at one of the hotels near the
first and second regidores ayudantes, first and hold, no matter the size, might be asked to contrib- lake shore, from which he has a view of the broad
second auxiliar, first, second, third, and fourth ute one man-day of labor to repair irrigation expanse of water and the striking twin volcanoes
mayores, and 24 ungraded alguaciles. There were, ditches), that dwarf it. Perhaps after a trip across the
thus, 36 civil offices to be filled. The household is therefore the primary social lake to Atitlhn, San Pedro, or San Antonio, and
At the same time, there are a series of religious unit. By definition it is also an economic unit, perhaps a stroll through the countryside near the
offices in the Indian organization, none of which since it includes those who live under one roof, hotel, he leaves the hotel to continue on his way.
is officially recognized. These are connected with or in one compound, and have a common kitchen. He will remember the lake, certainly. If ques-
the church (of which there is no resident priest) But there is lacking in both the native ideology tioned he may recall that he did go through a
and the cult of the saints. There are the first and and in family practice any complete economic little town called Panajachel when en route to his
second fiscales, first and second sacristanes, community. Each member of the family tends hotel, but that there was nothing there to attract
to own property and to keep track of his own earn- attention. Indeed, there was not. But in most
19JSdi5ol h tbi reoluon, te legal system changed again the p- ings and contributions for common needs. Never- cases the tourist has not seen Panajachel.


, -:. ^
nr


Nor have more than a few of the1 ludinns seen
.the tourist, at least as more than a pa: n:urn cloud
of dust. The Indians live away from the highway,
most of them ont e t e- r .Thpy.r
live. -i little--hatcledt ,huises lhidaen in coffee
groves--The tourist has seen, for the most pirt,
the Ladino and Gold Coast sections. Along the
roads he has seen more Indians from other towns
than Indians of Panajachel. The latter he would
probably not have recognized anyway, since,
unlike Indians of such towns as Chichicastenango
that wear unique costumes, there is little to dis-
tinguish them.
Yet the Panajachelefios are distinguished from
all other Indians in details of costume, as well
as in language, institutions, customs, and beliefs.
Their economic base is different and many of
the techniques in which they are proficient are
foreign to inhabitants of neighboring towns.
Differ as they may from each other, the norm of
behavior in the community undoubtedly differs
in greater or less degree from the norms of be-
havior of each of the other surrounding muni-
cipios. That is the way of this region of Guate-
mala, and Panajachel is not the only community
different from the others; for each municipio
tends to have its own cultural variant, and its
own economic specialties. Panajachel is no
doubt less colorful than some other commu-
nities; but its sociology and culture and certainly
its economy is no less interesting.
Panajacheleflos are almost exclusively agri-
cultural. The women weaXne-parkpf the clothing
worn; the men build the houses and make i fewr
things- like -tool hafts- for -theirown ..uLna_ the
womiien cook raw-naeri lsntoTmh- st rf lce food
that is consumed; but that is as far as industrial
technology goes, and none of its products are
sold outside the community. AU housciold
utensils-pottery, grinding stones, baskets, gourds,
chiin-and-so on-and practicallyly all housenoid----'
furnishing suc as-.tables and chairs an: moAts,
must be brought- ii froi other towns So rust
many articles of wearing ipparel, such as material
for skirts and cloaks, hats, sandals, blankets,
and carrying bags, as well as cotton and rtre-d
for weaving the other things. So) must most
of the essential fondsttffs: the greterP part
of the corn, all lime li ,_gnd _pices, n'os7 of
tlhe-cri, a tL.j thc meat. T iTi u all
these essentials th i- ndic.si go -t04c, rLtu 1itlir





PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


in neighboring Solol-ori the local town center. to be respected for their personal virtues (as But the Indians work for such luxuries. Rich
To getlc money they d epcnduTipor thfiTSaltof- evaluated by the community): industry, friend- and poor, men, women, and children, bend over
agricultural produce that is unimportant in their lines and amiability, willingness to share in the soil or under their burdens from morning to
own diet and grown almost solely for the market. communal duties; and in a town as small as night; and when it is too dark to work they go to
Onions and garlic, a number of fruits, and coffee' Panajachel such virtues cannot be long simulated, sleep. There is ordinarily no fireside hour, no
are the chief commodities produced for sale. Yet it cannot be gainsaid that wealth is at the roistering in the evening. If there is any fun in
TTo produce them consumes the great preponder- least an obvious evidence of industry, and its workaday life, it must be in the work itself. Or
anc nii p uctv tie, and to take reward. perhaps the Indians derive satisfactions from the
them to market consumes much4f ie remainder. Nor is business exempted from the ordinary well of inner life that is a heritage of their culture.
Crn-ite first essential dIhe Indian / rules of decent behavior. People frankly try to For while in their ways and means of getting along
.as a ; he thinks oft-en i terms oflhis make a living, and to get rich, but not at the with nature and with each other they are not so
tortillas and h -- n which are, in a way, his expense of their self-respect; they do not ordi- different from ourselves, their view of the world
breai .rbutter.ut"iiife- as a producer-- narily try to cheat; a debt, unless it is secured, about them-the sun and the earth, the heart
and in-business is oriented toward onions, garlic, seems to be a moral burden; they do not, when and the soul, plants and animals, God and the
-and theother -ro6auctOlii~i -trckt-farm g. It sober, beg; when they ask a favor they bring a Devil, butchers and bakers, life and death-is
is to them, and the prices they bring, that his gift, and when they do a favor they do not ordi- not only different from ours, and naive and
fortune is tied. narily accept payment for it; when they receive a picturesque, but is a coherent whole that may well
The Indian is perhaps above all else an entre- gift they return a gift. Loss of face is probably be as satisfying as it is self-explanatory.
preneur, a business man, always looking for new worse for most people than loss of money; a man If the Indians are on the whole a cheerful lot,
means of turning a penny. If he has land enough may stay in the house for days at a time because
to earn a good living by agriculture as such, \,he is ashamed to face his townsmen. TECHNOLOGY
he is on the lookout for new and better seeds, This is a study of the economy of a group of
fertilizer, ways of planting; and always new people who by our standards live in the most THE KIND OF ECONOMY
markets. If his land is not sufficient, he begs primitive condition. Their houses have no floors or
and borrows land where he can, often paying a windows and aredilledlWi i TrokUT m the ope n The Indians of Panajachel, and the people
rental price that is, for him, high. If he must, fire. They are often in rags. Their diet-hks few among whom they live and with whom they do
he works as a day laborer for another. But luxuries, and hardly a person is fatter than thin. almost all of their business, are part of what may
he would rather strike a bargain of some kind; A newborn baby's chance for life is something less be characterized as a money economy organized in.
perhaps he can buy the harvest of some fruit than good, and with medical care at a minimum, single households as both consumption and produc-
trees to gather and sell, or buy up onion seed life is always precarious. A few dollars' capital ton its, with a strongly developed market which
to take to Mixco or the capital. Even adolescent can, with hard work and good fortune, be run up tends to be perfectly competitive.
boys and girls make deals when they can, perhaps into what is, according to local standards, a tidy Although ad consumers the Indians enter, in
renting a piece of land and working it on their nest egg. But the accumulation of years can dis- minor ways, into the world economy of firms-for
own; and young children are alert to small appear with one prolonged sickness, or one spell many years, for example, they purchased matches
opportunities, of drinking, or the acceptance of a public office manufactured by a monopoly granted the Krueger
Yet, although money is that which everybody at an inopportune time. With good luck and interests-their production is accomplished quite
tries to get more of, it is not of highest value in hard work a poor family can in a generation strictly on a "household" rather than a "firm"
the culture. It alone does not bring the highest become a rich family; but the largest fortune can basis.0 The producing unit is the simple family;
respect, although it is, among other thing, a .as quickly be frittered away. t' Folowing a suggestion of my colleague Bert F. Hoseltit (to whom I
means of quickly ascending the scale of offices The community _a a whole is not poor. Atof osar hLane (ibeor pp. 10-32) di who distinguish m as "units tof economic
to become a respected principal. T'lie richest least it isqabTic to indtlg-i lg -kii-ries beyond th decision" hos ehom, whose decisions by definition have the objective of
man in town is also the first principal, and possibly needs of food, clothing, and shelter. It sup.- tiylpronsi, tmponwants oftheunit, fromfic or ,inothseaoectsaromoney
Profits, and says that "The economic organilatton that Icves production to
the most highly respected person; but he also ports a rather elaborate ritual organization arms Is cnied capitalism." ly this definition the title of thi book appmrst
happens to be good and kind and religious and requiring the expenditure not only of time but of av" mnonoratonalo ends but that bou.sholds may be "rntionl" In mat i.
wise. The next-to-richest man is probably one money, especially for liquor. It allows people 8Ilzing the magnitude of utility. s I believe that those of Panalachel tend
of the most disliked, and he happens to be irritable to go to festivals pnd to markets even when u d, sand he adds (p. 31) that there sconm "tao houhds of e rce between
ousehohds operating in the capitalist econoomy and households of the domes-
and tactless-and suspected, as well, of having these serve no commercial needs. It sustains a t economy of pre-capitalist societies. The dominance of business enter-
killed off, by sorcery, most of his relatives for no-workl-in-tlhe-fic ls Sabbath and a number of Pre with a tangible and quantiiend magnitude (money profit) as their
objective has created a mental habit of considering all kinds of decisions as
their share of the inheritance. People seem holidays. It permits its youth their fashion a pursuit ofa single objective, expressed as a magnitude. Someauthors til
fripperies. All this in the face of perfect knowledge this mental habit the 'capitalist spirit.' It spreads beyond the speciflo
d------ fripperies. All this the decisions of business enterprises and affects the mode of operation of other
W, ch is important d n b diet: te Ind requnt their ena that time is money and so, definitely, is a penny. Ults, including households. Under the Influence of the mental habit
crop, however, and buy pownee gow ehewbere, at retail.


however, it is neith.: E ~c,%use they are satisfied
nor because the course o; lifeo uns smooth.
Ambition, a desire for the securirv and prnst:gc
that more land will allow, ectmrs to bei a gC.erous
current flowing tizhrou t Ihian lif,. i ,)'or.y, with
both health and fortune so tenuous, can never be
long absent. But beyond the recurring mejor
griefs and sorrows, perhaps the mo s Dirs.stnPt
obstacles to peace cf :n.-d are the continued

vexations of social life: fear, envy, fear o' orvy;
rumors, slander, gossip, fear of gosip"; uaarrels;
insults; faithlessness; ridicule; enemies. Passi.ns
are close to the surface and contir.ualy running
over into words that feed them. Witbhi the
family, between lovers, among ncighb.rs- -any
day some little thing may send one scurrying to
the courthouse for redress and revenue.
The community is rich enough to support that,
too.

AND ECONOMY

there are no factories, no estates, no cooperatives
But because of the regional specialization of labor,
it is also very strongly a market economy. IL
many if not most, communities, a %lrqejrroporjn
-o7Tlwhatisnsunmi.Lhns to__ he purchased. The
chief products-ef Panajachel, fcr euxamiile, are
onions, garlic, and fruit produced almost entirely
for sale, while the staples of the diet-corn, beans,
peppers, salt, meat, bread-and the clot',ng or
the materials from which it is made, and almost
ial toolrs- and iteinsils, mriit be piirchased.
All business is done on a money basis; barter
almost does not exist. Moreover, almost all of
it is done on a cash basis. It is possible to borrow
money, at interest, in various ways; but although
lending may sometimes become a business (and
Ladinos may earn part of their living from the
proceeds) credit institutions are undeveloped. A
person borrows money because he needs it for
some consumption rather than business purpose;
Indian merchants work almost exclusively on the
basis of funds actually accumulated and saved.
mentioned, hotueholds are encouraged to order their preferences along a
scale; I. e., to maximlie utility. In caplttalst society, therefore, the decilons
of households are more likely to conform to the deductions derived from the
postulate of rationality than in societies which preceded the rl.s of m< dern
capitalism." I think it will apxpear in this description that the economy
of Panajachel (which is a market rather than a domestic economy of isolated
units of decilson) has these characteristics of the capitalist society. Whether
Lange would prefer to call Panajachel households "firms" or ti ncept au
intermediate class of what I call "penny capitalism" I do not knw.


INSTTUTE OF SiOCIALt ANTHROPOLOGY PU~fBLICATION NO. 16'






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 15


The idea of borrowing money either to buy -'CPcople arrive at market at 9 or 10 in the morning prices are established over longer periods of time
merchandise for resale, or to rent land and hire and take their usual places, generally arranged so n all of the market places together; hence there
agricultural labor, is virtually nonexistent. that vendors of the same product sit one next to tends to be a competitive market. The price
In -tle-rtioa4alnomy,-markt--place8 r-'e the other. The vendor unloads his wares, arranges itself of course varies with the product the season
/exceedingly important. -iTher-re--torcs owned them on a mat or table in front of him, and waits the distance of the market from the center of its
St-_j -ts! ttnsea-In-a-fbotliL xinos for the customers. A prospective buyer comes up production, and so on. Beyond such accidental
ad Indians occur in established outdoor.market and looks over his tomatoes, for example, touching factors as the toughness and business acumen of
places.--Ocsa-tijonapeddlers distribute their wari~- them at will. He asks how much they are. "Two the merchant and upon his immediate financial and
-To Tomes, some merchants buy produce at the cents a pound." The buyer offers a cent a pound, other circumstances (a sick child at home may
establishments where they are produced, but such and the merchant shakes his head. The buyer cause a vendor who needs money quickly to accept
practices are exceptional to the more general passes on, presumably to look for tomatoes else- a lower price and possibly depress the whole
pattern. Andjnj -anycase.-it--isinthe market where. He does not return. The same happens market) prices are fixed in accord with the usual
ace wher-anumber of buyers and a number of with several other prospective customers. The ways of the market.
./'Ellers meet that prices for all tend to _'It." tomatoes are not selling at 2 cents a pound. This is so even when recourse is not had to
SIn thEn-ri e ace, irequently te central Perhaps one of the buyers, when that price is the common, open market place. In Panajacel,
4zzplaza of the town, vendors spread their wares and mentioned, remarks that he is asking too much, where merchants come to the farm and bargain for
buyera..come to purchase -them. _Almost _evx that others are selling tomatoes for less.i Even if beds of onions even before they are harvested, the
as its market da once twice a week; this does not happen, the vendor after an our may fa r calculate s chances of getting more b
t b]Jamg.- towans havo.-hem4im jig.d people notice that he is selling no tomatoes at his price, harvesting the onions, taking them to market, and
who have producato sell know where -nd when Another customer comes. "How much are the so selling them at wholesale or retail. In doing
b- markets are held, andtheiy -hake their choice tomatoes?" "Two pents." "One cent," says the so he calculates the value of his time; and in doing
"I of marketsin ;ecordance with their particular buyer. "No; my bottom price is 1 cents." The so, both he and the buyer also use their knowledge
circumstances. They know that ifthey-go-te-a- customer takes some at that price. The next of what market prices are apt to be when the onions
farther market -they will-other factors being customer perhaps counters the 2 cents proposal are taken to town. Since there are several mer-
equal-get better prices for their goods, which are with an offer of 1% cents. "Take them," says the chants going the rounds, and since there are many
worth more the farther from their source they are, merchant onion growers, here again competition enters the
but they may prefer to spend less time in travel Sometimes a merchant finds that he is the only picture. The price is established in a particular
an .get..a smaller price. Or the men may go-to one who happens to be selling tomatoes in this case in terms of the various factors that enter in
far markets with large quantities whil`h women particular market this particular day. Seeing and that price in the particular case influences
go to sell in the local-markets.. Likewise, the this, he perhaps asks 4 cents ,a pound. He soon what may be called the market price
purchasers of goods make a choice of markets finds, let us say, that despite his fortunate position, mce- mo of-the-- people --in the region 're
according to what they want to buy and how people prefer to do without than to'pay more than literate it may be questioned whether they are
much time they are willing to spend to get it more 2 cents a pound. And eventually his price comes capable of the mental bookkeeping that is involved'
-eheaply a loser-to-its source. Everybody in down to that. Or he may unluckily discover that if we are to call them economically wise. Are the
the region I have studied knows that Tecpan is everybody has the intention of selling tomatoes in ble to figr their duion with some
the place to buy lime, that bananas are cheaper this market this day; and our merchant who may ra ? I think that in most cases he answer
in Atitlan, that pitch pine-and pigs are cheaper in - have bought these tomatoes the day before in a is unequivocably iii the affirmativeI n Pana-
Chichicastenango. If one wants a few ounces of market near the tomato-producing area for a cent jachel where I laboriously calculated costs of pro-
lime for iTE-e-Tki cooking of corn, he will not a pound, may find himself unloading at half that duction I had frequent occasion to remark the
go to Tecpan for it. But if he wants a hundred price. Tomatoes are highly perishable, so the accuracy of the estim s given by the Indn
pounds for-thc1dinding of a house, it may pay factor of chance is important. With respect to produce hcmcles i ow hcntheyey
him to take the journey. Nobody will normally--- nonperishable items, however, there is still (b11l well and when icy are doing p My
take a day'sT-rip to Ci cihicastenango for a few fluctuation in price with the supply and demand favoiiaxampleI ie. o woman weaver with whom
cents' worth of pitch pine, but if a person wants of the particular time and place, since if supply is I spent some days calculating the costs of various
to buy a little pig or two for fattening, it will pay short people will pay a little more to get what thel garments. She wove her garments for the use of
him to go.there, want when they want it, while if supply is long her family, and never-as far as I know-made a
) This basic knowledge about markets is known merchant will reduce his price at least to tb practice of selling her textiles. Yet when I
en to a child; and it is-consisently acted-upon point where the loss will be no greater than the practice of selling her textiles. Yet when I fin-
when conditions permit. value of the time spent in repeating a trip to sed my silent paper calculations, taking into
--d i r market. Generally speaking, however, and par- consideration the value of her time as well as of the
SMaBryde (19o3) deebes .1 ticularly with respect to less perishable item materials, she could tell me almost to the half-
market syrsnmof the enltirertmon. ticularly with respect to less perishable item& a


penny what the result should he; and if I di, nd t
have it, I-not she-was wrong.
This rather impressionistic description suggests
that the regional market 2--whether thought of
in a general or abstract sense, or as the market
place-may he characterized as perfectly conm-
petitive insofar as it tends to be (a) atomistic, (b)
open, (c) free, and (d) based on "rational"
behavior.
(a) It is atomistic, of course, in that the
buyers and sellers are small (no on: ol il, able
significantly to affect the market) nnd act inde-
pendently of one another. Characters, ically, a
number of small vendors of identical merclhan-
dise-standard bunches of onions, or peanuts sold
by the pound, for examples-sit side by side in
the market place, competing for the money e! a
large number of equally small and independent
buyers who appear during the space of a few hour
to purchase the same merchandise either for con-
sumption or for resale. Likewise, an employer
is able to choose among a number of potential
workers, independent of one another; and each
worker characteristically has a choice of employers
none of whom is sc large as to affect the ag,
rates substantially more t:nm the others.
(b) It is open in that tbereis nuobanrr r- ew
competitors entcring--r--or-olnh--ones leaving. the
Market I have never heard ?yen a sur'g(stic(n
of an attitude that vendors or classes Jf vi;ndor.
ought to be excluded from a market,. mnlcf I~oss
any organized effort to do so.
(c) The market is relatively very five in o lat
prices arese by ic intrpla:7 of supply _.1_
demandtno l nt ji oritarian_ regulate in.
I detect three kinds of interferencee" 't the
"free play" of the forces of supply and demand.
The first, which hardly ne eds discussion, is that
of the wider world economy. Since the l:cal
economy is not autonomous, events in the world
(wars, depressions, etc., and the less startling
economic changes) influence local prices, which
are not, then, determined wholy by the free play
of local buyers and sellers.
The second class of interference are thor'
caused by Government intervention. Leaving
aside the monetary system, to changes in which
the regional economy must adjust, the mor"
I" Here defined as any given areal and temporal space in which a given
commodity is sold for a fixed set of prices; "the market" Inctuds aln nstl-
tutionally rccognired exchange relations.


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16





PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


important of these interference, such as import The third class of interference are those which People interestedly report news of market prices,
and export taxes, have few direct effects on the customs, institutions, and beliefs impose on the as well as wages and business transactions in
regional economy, since the goods entering the "free play" of supply and demand. These are, I general. They seem to have knowledge of price
local economy are with few exceptions not only think, remarkably few and unimportant. There differentials in various local markets, and calculate
domestic but even regional. Such revenue-produc- are a few beliefs that perhaps impede the most comparative advantages. But it would require
ing taxes of the National Government as stamps efficient production, such as that lumber and much close study to determine the accuracy and
and stamped paper for legal documents, and those corn are to be cut and harvested only in certain currency of such knowledge.
on real estate, affect the regional economy very phases of the moon. There are some sentiments With respect to the second point, there is
slightly. Taxes on tobacco and liquors, and the impeding the most economic allocation of time and remarkable indifference. There is no discernible
governmental controls on their manufacture and resources; for example, in Panajachel it is felt tendency to attend the personality of the vendor;
sale are of greater importance. It is difficult that every housewife should have chickens, even the buyer will accept a commodity from a stranger
to say, however, whether people would drink or if they do not "pay." There are social con- in the market as readily as from his own brother,
smoke substantially more if the price were lower. siderations that prevent land, for example, from from a Ladino as from an Indian. There are also
License fees, and market taxes, although not being treated absolutely as a commodity, though few artificial distinctions, such as in'adverised
very large, affect merchants and certain producers in Panajachel it is nearly that. But on the whole, brands; recognized differences in quality tedd to
and of course prices. Almost all taxes are levied one is hard put to find clear examples of any be real differences (in types of oranges, for cx-
solely for the purpose of raising revenue; once "cultural" interference with economic behavior; ample) that distinguish commodities. --
Panajachel levied no market tax on vendors of a even those just mentioned are equivocal. The Obviously, it is more difficult to determine
scarce item (pitch pine) to encourage an increase difficulty here is the methodological one of having "indifference" in the hiring of labor or the choice
in the supply; this may be more common than I to document a negative statement. As one of employer; the work is often not the same, the
know. Except as sumptuary taxes (liquor, to- examines the materials contained in this mono- workers and employers have different expectations
bacco) may have a moral element in their motiva- graph, it becomes clear that "cultural interference" of one another; and there are nonquantitative
tion, I know of no other such use of the power to is largely absent; but there is a possible exaggera. factors that necessarily confuse the picture. To
tax. tion involved in the very bookkeeping method say that there is indeed indifference in the "labor
There is occasional interference with the price that is employed. All I am able to say is that in market" to the degree that the "commodities"
mechanism. Once during the period of this study working out the economy of Panajachel I rarely are subject to no important difference might be
the Government controlled the price, and to some came across anything not quickly reducible to justified; but it seems futile as only repeating, and
degree the distribution, of corn when an extraor- economic terms. Customs, beliefs, sentiments, not applying, a theoretical concept.
dinarily short supply produced a crisis. The and institutions seem, where they are not divorced The criterion of rationality which involves
case emphasizes the rarity of such interference, from, to be rather affected' by, than affecting, consistent behavior is (for me) the most difficult
On the other hand, the Government has always economic behavior. to apply, since rational behavior is now being
had laws respecting both land and labor. The (d) The last paragraph drifts toward discussion defined as that behavior which a given consumer
former, regulating the distribution of public lands, of the fourth criterion of a competitive market- displays, provided that he is consistent. Both
etc., have had virtually no effect on the regional the assumption of "rational" behavior on the part cultural differences and personal idiosyncrasies
economy; but the labor laws, always in effect dis- of its participants. Rationality implies (1) con- are permitted in the definition. On this basis the
criminatory against Indians, who by one means or sistent behavior in terms of cultural values, prices Indians of Panajachel appear as rational as any.
other have been forced to go to plantations to work, and quality, (2) indifference on the part of buyer Similarly, Lange says (1945-46, p. 30) that "a unit
have influenced the local economy. In the thirties and sellers as to their trading partners, and (3) of economic decision is said to act rationally when
there were minimum wage laws, and similar pieces information on the partof buyers and sellers con- its objective is the maximization of a magnitude.
of social legislation that in fact had little if any cerning prevailing prices. Firms thus act rationally by definition, while
effect.'3 Similarly, there have always been mecha- With respect to the last, it is difficult to deter households do so only when their preferred alloca-
nisms to supply labor on the roads and in other mine how much knowledge members of the market tions of resources among different wants can be
public works; males are subject to head taxes that have of what others are doing. The practice ordered along a scale." I have already suggested
may be worked out or paid in cash. Finally, the of shopping in the market place is a device to that by this definition the households about which
Government enforces weights-and-measures regu- obtaini-iffariltion; a buyer rarely makes hi I write act rationally.
nations (which in terms of economic theory need-4 purchase at the first try, and I suspect that s On the other hand,there is the special conception
not be thought of as hindrances to free compe- I vendor does not begin to reduce his price until hi of rationality as Max Weber (1947, pp. 168-171)
tition). understands that others must be doing so. Mon uses the term: economic activity is rational insofar
important is the fact that money values are tht as it involves planned distribution of services at
u Since these data were gathered from 1936 to 1941, no account s taken of favorite topic of conversation:---The typical first the disposal of the economizing person (or planned
canl gationy bwehse o muc sinhe evolution of 1944, aterwhlh quetion-_sHow-mu did you pay-for acquisition of those in possession of others) in


accordance with his estimate of the expected cost,
thus taking into account marginal utility. In
this sense also most economic behavior in the
Indian economy of this region of Guatemala is
generally highly "rational." The Indians may
of course be wrong in their "estimates," but they
weigh choices in accordance with the economic
principle. Weber calls exchange economicallyy
rationally oriented" when it concludes by com-
promise a struggle of interests in which either both
parties have expected to obtain advantage, or in
which one of the parties is compelled by economic
power or need to participate. To this "rational"
exchange he opposes the "customary" exchange
involved in gifts among friends, chiefs, and so on-
although he adds that such gift-exchange may also
be rationally oriented. In this sense again the
local economy is higlily rational, for even gift
exchange (in marriage, for example) and cere-
monial disposition of goods and services are
notoriously rationally oriented, with the cost
carefully counted and often resulting from com-
promises of conflicting interests.
However, Weber also opposes to "rational'"
exchange those exchanges that have as their
purpose not gain (the chance to make a profit in
the market) but the provision of commodities for
the sustenance of life. In the latter case, condi-
tions of exchange are determined inCivrdually, ar.d
exchange is thus irrational. "Thus, for instance,
household surpluses will be valued accordir g "o the
individual marginal utilities of the particular
household economy and may on occasion be 3old
very cheaply. Under certain circumstances the
fortuitous desires of the moment determi:re tc a
very high degree the marginal utility of goods
which are sought in exchange [p. 1711." In tLis
sense, the economy described here cannot be very
rational, since most persons are too close to a
subsistence level of life, too subject to the vagaries
of fortune, to avoid frequent exchanges to obtain
commodities necessary to life. Indeed, orly in the
cases of real merclhnts is there much "rational"
exchange in this sense, a Statistically, in the
economy as a whole, "rational" transactions ru'ist
be in the very small minority. This in another
way of saying that the ccobomy is not "capitalis'"
in the sense of having business firms, for as Weber
points out (pp. 171, 192) a "rational" struggle for
exchange develops in its highest form in tiansac-
tions for commodities which are used by or ex-


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NJO. 16





PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY---TAX ]


changed between business firms. Where units are
household groups, with consumption needs, wholly
rational business transactions must be few.
But even though the regional economy lacks
firms, I find it hard to imagine a people more
endowed with the spirit of business enterprise than
the Indians (and Ladinos) that I know best.
There is probably no Panajachel Indian over the
age of 10 who has not calculated a way to make
money with his available resources. Just as boys
in our society begin to "trade" at a tender age, so
the Indians early take and make opportunities for
profit---"for keeps," or, put another way, in terms
of advantage accepted by adult society. I know
of boys 8 and 10 years of age who have set them-
selves up in business, buying and selling independ-
ently of their parents. Boys of 12 or 14 are apt to
be pretty sophisticated traders. I doubt that I
know even one man in the region who is not
interested in new ways of making money, who does
not have, typically, an iron or two in the fire, and
who does not make his living partly as a business
enterpriser. His wife is often the brains behind
the business, too, and women also independently
engage in business enterprises of one kind or
other. It is therefore easy to go for descriptions
of Panajachel to the writings of classical econo-
mists, for (as Adam Smith says; 1937, p. 421):
"Every individual is continually exerting himself
to find out the most advantageous employment for
whatever capital he can command."
The ethic of the community seems admirably
suited to such an economy. There is frank ad-
mission that wealth is good. It is money that
makes possible the fulfillment of recognized duties
to the community and to one's family. Indeed,
money is one of the sacra of the Indian culture,
together with such other socially valuable items
as corn, fire, and the land. Before the Conquest
cacao beans were used as money, and entered into
mythology and ritual as well as the market place;
the substitution of coins and banknotes has oc-
curred in both realms, and money is both ordinary
and a subject of esoteric belief and sacred attitude."
Industry and intelligence (together with hones-
ty) are perhaps the most valued single traits of
character. In folklore it is the lazy person who
gets into trouble (although in folklore he may
'4 To be documented with publication of material on the world view of
Pannjachel. Meanwhile, material is available in my microfilmed Panajacbel
Field Notes, 1950 (hereafter referred to simply as my microfilmed notes), es
peeially pp. M0-5S54 and the sections on beliefs, and in many stories.


come out on top, Cinderella fashion) and wily
tricksters arc spoken of with appreciation. It is
clearly recognized that luck is important in de-
termining man's prosperity; I think there is no
notion of damning a man's character simply
because he is poor (perhaps the community is too
small, and the people too informed about one
another to permit such stereotypical thinking).
But by the same token, the successful man is
recognized to have had more than good fortune:
he has been industrious and intelligent as well.
By and large, in a simple-agricultural-small-busi-
ness society, this is of course a valid diagnosis.
Honesty is highly valued. In assessing the
place of this good in the economy, however, two
points seem relevant. In the first place, the defi-
nition of what is honest permits sharp business
practices, such as "let the buyer beware"; nobody
is expected to tell the whole truth, and it would be
unintelligent to do so. To recognize and repay
debts (even without documents to prove them);
to keep a bargain; to give full measure-all these
are expected. But to be fooled is also expected.
Two incidents perhaps illustrate the difference.
The one is the furor that occurred in the market
place one day when a buyer claimed to be short-
weighted (by an outside merchant); nobody
thought it was funny, and the law was called in.
The other incident was funny, though it concerns
short weight no less. The Indian women of
neighboring Santa Catarina weave red huipiles
that make attractive tablecloths in the eyes of
Americans. In 1937 the Catarinecas were not
engaged in any considerable tourist trade, but
we were buying such huipiles. At first we paid
$2.50 or $3, bargaining as is customary in such
cases, and purchased quite a few. The women
came with greater and greater frequency; and since
they were making the cloths primarily for us, we
felt an obligation to continue buying. In order to
put a stop to it, we lowered our price, and began
paying no more than $2. They kept coming. We
lowered our price to $1.50 and eventually to $1,
and still they kept coming. (How foolish we had
been to pay $2.50!) Eventually, a particular
friend who had not before come to sell us textiles
came to offer a huipil she had made; she wanted
$3 and would not come down in price. When
we told her what we had been paying, she asked
to see the textiles; a comparison showed that hers
weighed at least twice as much as those we were


currently buying. The Catarineca women had
simply kept pace with our price, and nobody could
of course complain.
The second point is that honesty is not so firmly
established in the culture that it can be taken for
granted. That the moral sanctions in Indian
culture are not such as assure honesty, even in
weights and measures, is shown in the fact that
buyers carefully watch the scales. It was shown
more dramatically one afternoon when an Indian
from nearby San Antonio came to sell onion seed.
He needed money, and had 2 pounds of seed;
he would sell the 2 pounds at a bargain price, and
I decided to buy them both to favor him and to
favor any local Indian to whom I could resell the
seed at this bargain price. I was with two of my
Panajachel friends when I made the purchase;
and when I began to look for a scale to weigh out
the seed, one of my companions said, "Oh you
don't have to weigh it; if this man says there are
2 pounds, there are 2 pounds; he's a creyente."
My friends were normal Indians (i. e., not
creyentes); the Antofiero was a convert of the
American Protestant missionaries; and the Pana-
jachelefios recognized that a "believer" would not
short-weight us. The inference is clear that the
usual Indian morality, in contrast to creyente,
offers no such guarantee.
Perhaps most significant is the fact that the
supernatural sanctions that govern business deal-
ings are essentially secular in effect, punishments
that fit the crime. If one commits a sin like
spitting in the fire, or complaining at having to
climb a hill, the punishment is sickness; but the
punishment for stealing (in the form of robbery or
of business dishonesty) is rather bad luck in busi-
ness affairs: stolen money just does not do one
any good, and may cause poverty.
Here is an ethic, in short, that encourages in-
dividual industry, acumen, and enterprise in a
struggle to gain wealth.
At the same time, the culture tends to value
everything in consistent monetary terms. It is
true on the one hand that money is not an end in
itself; that is, miserliness is certainly not a value,
and one gains prestige by devoting both time and
money to duties to the community; but, on the
other hand, such spending is the contrary of
anonymous, and it is as carefully accounted as
business transactions. Religious and social pat-
terns do not limit the operation of the economic


system (although they consume w eal : and .oe.a a
factor in maintaining, i unro, equal ldistrnlb.'on iof
personal wealth); rather, the patte.'n o: ritual is
in part cast after the image of a monly-.exchange '
and competitive economy. Surplus wealth is
nowhere "given away"; i ,buys prestige ,'nd aldFi- ,-:
cal and social power; an:l at each step in the
process, everybody knows the cost. WeVeth
brings with it obligations, but ihey Pa;e i'mas;lred
and limited and involve equivalent retu'-r;.
Nor is there conflict between the t :.(rd of inT:-
personal relations characte-ristic of this type of
economic system and the pattern of ii.le',pesonal
relations general in th:- society. It is p;ruhas ir,
tour deforce that a communility of 800 people living
in a small territory should achieve ulh. ,out it is
a fact that relations among members s vc( o& la
Panajachelefio community appear m :xtia:'minariy
impersonal. Documentation of this assertion
must await publication of material on the sccia-
political-religious structure of the commrni.mit.1
It must suffice now to say that, for its size, the
community is surprisingly "atomized"'; ': t is,
individuals tend to be separate units, eacl relatcd
to others with respect to a single role. Just as in
our society there are many relationships (.;uch as
teacher-pupil, storekeeper-customer, physician-
patient, employer-employee) binding individuals
by single sets of behavior, and thoroughly scram-
bling the population; so in Panajachel most of the
ties that bind tend rather to unite many people
lightly and ephemerally than to bind a few in
tightly knit groups. The family group tends to
break up as the children mature; neighborhood
ties mean next to nothing; the groups of political
and religious officials unite individuals arbitrarily
and temporarily. The social system uses indi-
viduals, or simple household groups, as its units,
and-to continue a figure of speech-moves them
about according to external criteria. The inter-
personal relations characteristic of the free econ-
omy are, in short, to be subsumed in a class of
impersonal and individualized relations more
general in Panajachel society.

TECHNOLOGY

The kind of economy that I have described
characterizes an entire region; the Panajachel
Indian economy is like this because, of course, it
"Partially documented (Tax, 1941).


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL AN'rTHROPOLOGYY PUBLICATION NO. 16





INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


is part of the region. In matters of technology,
on the other hand, there are class differences within
the region. In order to understand better that
practiced by the Indians of Panajachel, it is
therefore necessary to make some general dis-
tinctions for the whole area.
It takes only superficial familiarity with western
Guatemala to notice that there coexist three tech-
nological "layers" roughly connected with the
difference between the city and the rural areas.
The top layer is the thin veneer of modern in-
dustrial art; the middle layer, a very substantial
one, represents European technology of the cen-
turies before the Industrial Revolution; the bottom
layer is what remains of the technology of the pre-
Columbian Indians. A general problem is posed
by the fact that even today, after 400 years of
contact, Indian culture is still largely charac-
terized by a pre-Conquest or "primitive" tech-
nology. Living in juxtaposition with Ladinos
whose culture partakes of the middle (European,
preindustrial) layer and even of items of modern
technology, and entering with them into a single
economy, it seems remarkable that the Indians
should be so "backward." A brief discussion of
the general situation will serve to introduce de-
scription of the technology of Panajachel in its
relation to social and cultural differences in the
community.
The top technological layer in Guatemala pre-
sents no problem. It is obviously new: an ex-
tension to this country of the modern material
culture of the western industrial world. It con-
sists of such elements as electric-light plants,
telephone and telegraph and radio, the steam
shovel working on the highway, and motor
vehicles. To the south of the region that con-
cerns us, there runs the railroad that connects
Guatemala City and the Mexican system of rail-
roads. In a town called Cantel there is a modern,
cotton-textile mill; in another town, Amatitlan,
there is a smaller woolen textile mill. On the
coffee lmantations there is snme modern farm
machinery. In the city and in the larger towns
there are also corn-grinding machines operated
by gasoline motors. This modern technology is
clearly connected with Ladino culture-much of
it with educated-Ladino culture-as well as with
the city. Everything electrical, mechanical, and
automotive is owned and operated by Ladinos.
Even their use by Indians is minimal. The


Indians very occasionally have an electric-light way in importance to the cultural and linguistic
bulb in the house; they sometimes send telegrams; one. Now it must be pointed out (Tax, 1942)
they occasionally listen to the radio owned by a that the Ladino population is recruited from the
Ladino or by the Ladlto comnitirity. They ase Indian communities. That ise over the course Ot
buy and use sueh things as flaMhlghte, hatii~ el thim idividWil Iidinati I" iiRi piii s 8d becoHie
pera, and sewing machines, which may be said to aculturated to Ladino ways, and leave their local
have entered Indian culture in some degree. Indian societies and come to form part of the
They do not, of course, make any of these things; Ladino population. In some regions of Guatemala
and except for sewing machines, they do not oper. this process has already destroyed the Indian com-
ate mechanical devices. munities; all of the people are Ladinoized and
In Panajachel, specifically, there are Ladinos recognized by most people as Ladinos. In west-
who enjoy the fruits of modern technology. The ern Guatemala this is not the case; most Indians
Indians are quite typical, however, in sharing live in easily distinguishable Indian communities.
it-if at all-strictly as observers. It happens When I speak of Indian culture I speak of the
that Panajachel Indians have no sewing machines; culture of communities that are still identifiably
so that full technological "participation" is con. Indian. When I say that such and such a Euro-
fined to the using of flashlights and, in the hands pean trait is not part of Indian. culture, I mean
of the local barber, hair clippers. They use some that it does not enter into the normal life of the
Cantel-spun cotton and machine-woven cotton Indian communities. When I say-and I shall-
cloth; they ride on trucks and busses; they oc. that certain European techniques are practiced by
casionally hear radios and patronize itinerant Indians who are partly Ladinoized-who have
photographers. They have not, of course, the entered European culture in some degree, it may
faintest notion of how these things work. A cur. seem that I am arguing in a circle by saying that
rent folk belief is that (somehow) people's heads knowledge of the European technique makes a
must be chopped off to make electric light. It was man a Ladino. What I shall mean, however, is
seriously assumed by my friends that because I that such an Indian is partly Ladinoized in that
came from the United States where such things he has in some degree departed not only from the
are made, I "know how" to make an airplane practices of his local Indian culture, but he has
An amusing incident illustrates the naivet6 of in doing so left his local Indian society to enter
Indians faced with gadgets of modern society: I in some degree Ladino society. For example, I
had given a friend a cheap alarm clock, telling shall point out that some Indian men make pottery
him to wind it every 24 hours. A few weeks late on the wheel, but that they do so in shops in the
he reported to me a narrow escape he had had th towns where the Ladino wheel potters live, and
previous afternoon; he had gone to the Sololl that they lead lives that are in many respects
market, and was delayed; he suddenly remembered like those of the Ladinos. They are not full
the clock at home and-Cinderellalike-hai members of typical Indian societies.
dropped everything and run the 5 miles to hi In this discussion of which traits of European
house, just in time to wind the clock, technology are shared by Indians, I am therefore
Analysis of Indian and Ladino participation i thinking of Indian culture and of Indians defined
the "middle" technology is much more difficult as participating fully in Indian culture.
It presents, first of all, a methodological problem What, then, are included in the technologies of
of the distinction between Indians and Ladlinos the two layers that I call "primitive" and "pre-
It will be recalled that the dlilference is, essentially industrial European" an how are their traits now
that Ladinos are the carriers of Europe(an culture- distributed in Indian and Lainoi cultures?
are Spanish-speaking, wear our type of clothes Sixteenth-century Europe, which sent its sol-
etc., and are part of the national society, while th diers, missionaries, and colonists to the New
Indians are member of small local societies whose World, had a material culture little different from
cultures are in large part descended from the pre that of classical times. The chief domestic ani-
Columbian regional culture. The Ladinos tend t m als were horses and mules, cattle, sheep, swine,
have more white blood, and the Indians mop and chickens and other fowl. There was a conm-
Indian blood; but the physical distinction give plex of dairying-milk, butter, cheesemaking, and


PW1NY CAPSITALISM: A GUATIFUM


tALAN INDIAN BCONOMY---TAX 21

so on; of leather tanning and soap and tallow-
candle making; of the use of animals for draft and
fertilizer. The important grains were wheat, P?3,
Hnrley, and oats. Rice, of course, came in sdihe-
Whert: There Wisg a hittiiml hiV e w ih eA(t:-
041tur that included Lbositdrt~ i olruht
threshers and round millstones,'powereU by \/,at:
wheels. There were brewing and wine making
and bread making; there were baking in an o',en"
and frying in animal fat. There was i etai! york..
ing, especially in iron. Gurns and IgunJ~ 'wder
supplemented metal swords and knves as weapon:
of war and the chase. There were carts and plous
drawn by animals. There were spinning wheels--
cotton, wool, flax, and silk were woven on upright
foot-power looms with continuous warps. Thsie
was also tailoring of garments and of leather
shoes. There were brick baking and crime ma-
sonry, and houses with windows. And so on
There is no point in extending % list that is obvious
in our own culture.
Now let us note what the India;Ls in G'J"temala
had when the Spaniards arrived. Besides tie
dog, the only important domestic animal ais the
turkey, whose meat and possibly eggs were v se.d.
As in Europe there were Lees, honey, amn. wax.
The skins of wild animals wcre cured and ,:sed.
With no beasts of burden, and no vehicle., loads
were carried on the head (women) o:r the back,
with the tumpline.- The c-ly grai;n vs rYzpir;
there were, as in Europe, a number of vegetables
such as beans and squasb and chile. Co. as
planted with a sharpened stick; there: vL no im-
portant preparation of the soil. Toolsa weru re-
sumably stone and wood, for altho-ugh copper rmid
bronze as well as gold wer': known in sorann rt:; of
America, they were not used in comnao, imople-
ments, certainly not in Guatemala. The weapon-i
of war were stone-pointed arrows anid ieancs Tne
techniques of cooking were barbecuing, toosting
and baking on the griddl en rnd loilii; ,n te. .
Cotton was grown, and spun with the ihar0 d v/wori.
It was woven on the backitrap loom, one end
attacllcd to a tree or po:s. 'There was a mnim-um
of tailoring, and the footgear cc.nsisted oi ea eath(er
sole attached Iby leather thongs roniid t h, fet:.
Stone masonry was of course known, ,buA t domn 's:i
architecture probably used walls eitfer of 'ernes or
wood or of unbaked mud bricks or d(u'), or l
without windows.
If one compares the inventory of imported






22 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


European items with the technology of the Ladino
population of Guatemala, the striking fact emerges
that every item is still an integral part of Ladino
culture. New items have been added, but nothing
(of the list given ') has been lost. Since Ladinos
and their culture are important in western Guate-
mala, this European technology is therefore part
of the regional technology that I am describing.
All of these items, similarly, are known in Pana-
jachel, and are part of the culture of at least the
Ladinos of Panajachel. The question is, which of
these items are also part of the Indian culture of
the region, and of the Panajachel Indian tech-
nology in particular.
Complementary questions need to be asked
about the survival of pre-Columbian Indian tech-
nology. With the exception that stone tools and
all items specifically connected with warfare (such
as the bow, shields, etc.) have utterly disappeared,
every item listed in the Indian inventory is still
part of the Indian culture of the region. Again,
the Indians have added new items but (with small
exceptions such as those noted) they have lost
nothing. Therefore again, since Indian culture is
ubiquitous in western Guatemala, the pre-
Columbian technology is also part of the regional
technology, and of that of Panajachel.
But, with one exception, every item of the pre-
Columbian technology that survives in Indian
culture is also part of the Ladino culture of the
region. The exception is the use of the spinning
whorl and the backstrap loom, confined (as far as
I know) to Indian women. Indian agricultural
and cooking techniques, and crops and foods, are
as much part of Ladino culture as of Indian. The
Indian technology is therefore general in the
region; and at least the Ladinos have combined it
with the old-European.
The questions reduce themselves to one: the
degree to and the ways in which traits of old-
European technology have entered Indian culture.
Therefore, we may now check the items of the
European inventory to see which have, during
these four centuries, become part of the Indian
technology of this region of Guatemala.
Only two European complexes are as much a
part of Indian culture as they are of Ladino:
chicken culture, and wool technology. The chicken

s Wine is not made-grapes are rare-butt i is known; beer is brewed only
In the city and largest towns. Neither the European nor the Indian "In-
ventories" pretend to be more than exemplary.


is mtore important tlhan the aboriginal turkey; it until recently; obviously if some Indians had not
enters importantly into ritual and social life as learned to butcher cattle, there would have been
well as economic. True, Indians do not eat much no meat in the all-Indian communities. But
chicken or many eggs, lbut only because of their the tanning of leather is as far as I know a Ladino
poverty, for these are salable luxury goods eaten monopoly; and although a few Indians make
by the Indians chiefly on special occasions. tallow candles, this is not a common household
Wool technology in the higher highlands to tile art. But a more important lack is the entire
northwest of Panajachel is more important to dairying complex. An occasional Indian owns
Indians than to Ladinos, and is thoroughly part of and milks a cow, selling the milk to Ladinos; but
Indian culture. The whole complex includes the I do not know any who makes butter or cheese.
raising of sheep (and their use in fertilizing hill- Furthermore, Indians do not normally drink
sides), the shearing and washing of wool, the use of milk, even when they can afford to. They do
metal carders, the spinning wheel, and the foot- not like it.
loom-all strictly European. The men of many Animals, as I have indicated, are not used to
Indian communities earn most of their livings at draw carts or plows. Plows are used, with oxen,
wool spinning and weaving, and occupy the time by Ladinos in some parts of the country; and
of the women as well in the technical processes there is the exceptional case of northwest Guate-
involved. mala-near the Mexican border-where ox-drawn
Otherwise, domestic animals are not fully part plows are regularly used in Indian agriculture.
of Indian culture. Horses and mules are used I am not acquainted with the circumstances of
more in some regions than others, and the more this exception. Oxcarts are used on Ladino
Ladinoized Indians sometimes use them for pack- plantations, of course driven frequently by
ing. But in general Indians do not have pack Indian laborers; but they are not found in the
animals, they almost never breed them, and they Indian communities.
so rarely ride them that one can be virtually In the sheep-growing regions the fields are
positive that any man on a horse is a Ladino. systematically fertilized by the sheep; the Indians
As for women-I do not recall a clearly Indian move their corrals periodically from place to
woman on a horse. place on the hillside. Otherwise manure is only
Pigs are much more common in Indian com- occasionally used by Indians; of course there
munities; but again they are on the edge of, not normally is not very much. The institutions of
really part of Indian culture. Some communities the stable and the barn are completely lacking in
breed and raise swine, and there are even Indians Indian culture.
who know how to geld them. In other com- Wheat is grown in some regions by Indians as
munities they are only bought to be fattened and well as Ladinos. I do not know how they usually
sold again. But only rarely, that I know of, are thresh it-I have never lived in a wheat-growing
they processed by other than Ladinos or pretty community-but in passing I have seen horses
Landinoized Indians. Pig butchering is typically used by Ladinos and not by Indians. Indians
a Ladino trade. Nor do the Indians typically usually sell the grain, however; the milling of
use the lard-for that matter beef is preferred flour is a monopoly of wealthy Ladinos. In one
to pork, too; the frying techinque is still by and case where wheat is grown I was told that wheat
large confined to Ladinas and to Indian womel is mixed with corn and prepared in the manner of
who have worked in Ladino homes. Indians corn in the Indian kitchen.
do use the soap made of the pork fat by the pil The Indians like bread, and eat it when they
butchers, can afford it and when they can buy it. It is not
Cattle, similarly, have been only in small part a part of the normal diet, but it is an important
adopted into Indian culture. Beef is common part of Indian ritual and festival life. Baking is
eaten, and if the lAdians could afford to, their not a domestic art, however, any more than
would eat much more. Usually they buy th( among the Ladinos. Except in some all-Indian
meat in Ladino butcher shops, but there ar communities, the bakers, furthermore, are almost
Indian butchers-usually in or from towns when always Ladinos.
there are no Ladinos or where there were nonw Very few Indians drink bottled beer from the
986746--S-3--


city. The favorite beverage of both Ladinos and
Indians is the hard liquor made in licensed dis-
tille-ies. The making of liquor is not confined to
the Ladinos and their distilleries, however
Indian bootleggers are not uncommon. Further-
more, nobody can say that distilled liquor, a
European import, is not thoroughly integrated
into Indian culture.
Metals have entered Indian culture in the form
chiefly of tools, particularly the steel 1 oc and
machete. In some other parts of Guatemala iron
tools are made by Ladino blacksmiths (I hlve
never heard of an Indian smith) but most of the
tools are imported from Germany, England, and
Connecticut. Carpenters and masons and such
also have their imported tools of metal. Entam)b-
ware utensils are occasionally used. Tinware
also common. Imported sheet tini is elaborItte'd
into cups and kerosene lamps by Ladino tinsmith:
in the city and elsewhere; if there is an Indiian
community somewhere that specializes in the
trade, I do not know it, and there are no tinsmitLs
among the Indians of the region I write about.
Gasoline tins find many uses among Indians.
During Holy Week they buy canned fish. Metal
money is of course also used; I trust that no In-
dians make it!
The footloom, with one major exception, is
distinctly part of Ladino, and not of Indian
culture. The Indian women use the backstrap
loom exclusively with the strange oxceptio, of one
Indian town in which there are shops of Indian
weavers, both men and women, using the fco6t, om.
The major exception is in the wool peoces;ng that
I have mentioned. In a whole large region of
western Guatemala, the European techniques
of carding, spinning-on the wheel-and weaving
woolen cloth and blankets, is definitely part of
the culture of the Indian communities. U like
the Ladinoized Indians-wh6 weave cotton textiles
on footlooms, these wool weavers are clearly not
Ladinoized. Nor is the spinning wheL dased by
other than the wool weaverss. -
I shall return to this later.
Tailoring, curiously, has'also not entered India)i
culture except with woolent g eds. In tl.e same
areas where woolen cloth is made there are Iniians
who are tailors to fashion the cloth into Indian
garments.
On the other hand, there are no Ind'an shoj.
makers; nor have shoes ever become part of In-


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMbT-T-rAX 23






24 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


dian culture. However, built-up sandals-hua-
raches, as they are called in Mexico-are becoming
popular among the more Ladinoized Indians, and
they seem to be primarily neither a Ladino nor
an Indian manufacture but are made chiefly by
Ladinoized Indians, who also make such items as
leather belts and coin purses and saddles, which
are otherwise made by Ladinos.
I shall go no further in this rather tedious in-
ventory, because I want to discuss some of the cases
in more detail and point out their implications.
Obviously, some of the cases involve matters of
taste, like the Indian food complex that has been
little affected by the Europeans. I shall not dis-
cuss why rice or bread have not replaced tortillas
and tamales. I assume that one cannot go much
beyond saying that it is a matter of preference
that goes back through the generations. Cer-
tainly nobody but a nutritionist could raise the
question of the relative efficiency of diets. The
same applies to another example. Indian houses,
at least in large regions of Guatemala, do not
have windows. When I asked the Indians why
not, they took the view that they did not want
people to look in. This again approaches a
question of taste, and only an expert in hygiene
might debate that of relative efficiency.
What we can more profitably explore are those
culture elements in which a prima facie case for
difference in value can be made. Clearly, there
is no question as to why, everywhere in the world,
a rifle replaces the bow, or metal tools replace
stone tools. They do their jobs better. Some
techniques and things are clearly dominant over
others. Among the Indians of Guatemala, the
pack-animal stage, and the wagon stage, were
skipped over. However, an increasing number
of Indians are now riding on busses and trucks,
simply because they know that the round trip
from Solol& or Panajachel to the Guatemala City
market that takes them 6 days to walk can be
made with double the load in only 2 days; and
they earn more money, even taking into account
the fare, if they ride the bus. It is more efficient.
We may take it for granted that if, on the other
hand, the European culture element is not more
efficient than the one it is to replace, it will not be
adopted. However, efficiency is relative to
particular cases, and cannot be judged except in
the context of particular circumstances. Thus,
for example, the beast of burden. It would seem


more efficient to have a mule carry the Indian's and as it happens, people never sell corn on the
load than to have him carry it on his back. ear, but only in the grain.
Our whole culture history seems to prove that One could then argue that the whole system
beasts of burden are useful and we ought there- might be changed. But if we do that, we only
fore to be surprised that they are so little a part of see what is involved in the question of why mules
Indian culture. But if we examine the case, are not today important in Indian culture. Much
we find that its circumstances cast doubt on the of the whole technological system, and the eco-
efficiency of the beast in the particular instance, nomic system, that at first sight does not seem
A man can carry 100 pounds on a long journey; to have anything to do with mules, would have
a mule can carry 200 pounds. A man has to to be altered to accommodate them. The mule
accompany the mule, and the mule is no faster comes as part of one culture with which it grew
than the man. If the mule were a free good, it up, so to speak; it is not immediately adaptable
would obviously be better to take 200 pounds to another culture with a long history that did
than 100 pounds in the same time. Indeed, it not take account of mules. From the point of
would be better still to have a string of a dozen view of an individual Indian, the mule is not
mules and transport 2,400 pounds in little more efficient. And the only way mules can become
than the same time. In fact, it would be so part of Indian culture is for Indians to take to
advantageous that the investment in mules using them.
would soon be repaid. However, mules must eat. There are reverse cases, too, that could be cited
In a region where pasturage is good, that is no to the same point. For example, many of the
great problem. Indeed, even without much Indians of Panajachel know that it does not pay
pasturage, but a plentitude of corn land, it would to raise chickens, and yet some of them do it.
still be no great problem, since the mules could The chickens are their bank account, a way of
return to the soil, in fertilizer, much of what they saving in their peculiar situation. Also, for an-
take from it. other example, they raise beans when they could
In much of western Guatemala there is not only buy them cheaper than it costs them to grow
a shortage of pasturage, however, but a shortage of them; that is because they want the beans when
land. Most Indians do not grow more thanbeans cannot be surely obtained in the market.
enough corn for their own use, and many growSentiment enters into the matter, too, but the
even less and have to buy corn to make up thePeculiar circumstances of the case are the main
difference. Since corn is thq major part of thekey to an apparent anomaly.
human diet, and must become the major part of But questions of efficiency-even as broadly
the mules' diet, corn must be purchased if theinterpreted as I have been using that word-are
mules are to be fed. The more mules, the moreOt the only guiding factors in explaining why more
corn that has to be bought. It turns out cheaperEuropean elements are not part of these Indian
in most cases to hire two men to carry the extracultures.
goods than to feed one mule." Take the case of the potter's wheel. Here
It could be argued that the Indian could getsurely it ought to be evident that this Old World
out of this difficulty by buying corn when it invention was a great technical advance. Pottery
plentiful and storing it. But (in western Guatecan be turned out quickly and well on the wheel.
mala) he has no technique-neither do Ladinos-Let us see what has happened in Guatemala.
for storing corn in the grain, so that it does not It is the women, not the men, who make pottery
rot. He successfully stores corn only on the earby hand. It is strictly a household art. The
Woman of the house, and her children, gather the
t The question arises why Ladlnos use pack mules, as they do. Tbdtay and grind and knead and mold itin the kitchen
answer Is, first of all, that Ladlnos are richer. They own land In muand courtyard between kitchen chores. The men
greater quantities than do Indians; they are the ones with surplus corn 'Um lly help t fire and they .
well as some pasturage. Furthermore, corn is a less Important part of th sun help to fire it, and they take it to market.'
diet. They eat bread nd meat and rice and vegetables and fruit; I the Pottery in Europe is made on the wheel pri-
turn m)st of their corn Into transport by feeding it to muk-s, they can bi1,_iy by i
the other foods with the profit. If an Indian tries to do this, and does make ily by men, specialized artisans who work in
profit, and has money to buy corn, he may find no corn on the market wbM----
he runs out of his own. And unlike the Ladlno, he cannot oomforbtabi a m writing particularly of the Indian community of Chimente, a rural
eat anything elas. et of Totonicapan n which considerable pottery is made.


their shops in the towns. When the SpanishE
colonists came to Guatemala, it may be assumed
that potters were among them, and that they 3et
up shops in the towns. What may we expcck to
have happened? Should the Indian women have
taken to the wheel simply because the wheel Lad
come to Guatemala? But cultural diffusior is not
a process of osmosis; the Indian women woulH
have had to learn to use the wheel. Perhaps
they would have had to apprentice themselves to
the Spanish potter. This was outside the culhure
of the Indian women, clearly; also, typically the
women speak no Spanish and are shy of strangers;
also the Spanish potter would doubtless never
have thought to take a female apprentice--and
an unlikely one, too. Besides, even were those
obstacles overcome, what chance was there that
the woman would have gone back to her com-
munity to ply and teach her new trade? She
would have become Ladinoized and still the
potter's wheel would have remained outside of
Indian culture.
The alternative was for Indian men rather than
women to learn the trade. This was much easier
from all points of view. Of course, it happened,
too, and there are Indian male potters using the
wheel; at least, in the town of Totonicapan there
are many of them. But they are partly Ladinoized
and definitely town dwellers, outside of ncrrial
Indian communities.
With many people-the Ladino descendants cf
the Spaniards and of the Indians who learned the
trade, plus the Indians only partly Ladinoized-
making pottery on the wheel, what should have
happened to the Indian women potters in com-
petition with the more efficient professionals wi~'
their wheels? One might expect the woir.en to
give up their art as a losing battle against superior
economic efficiency. They should long ago have
stopped coiling pots, and then Guatemala pottery
today would be like that of Europe, all lade on
the wheel, exemplifying the triumph of a super r
technique.
But no. As it happens, the time of the women
who make the pots has no economic value. They
live in an area in which the ordinary field crops are
dominant; in the agricultural division of labor, the
women play small part. The culture gierw up
with men working in the fields and marketing
pottery and with women doing the domestic wo~c
and molding pots. If a woman stopped ma king


FRNNY CAPITALISM~: A GUATMAIA nDIAN ECONOMY-T-rAX




INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


pottery, she would have nothing to do with her
time. But she would not even think of that pos-
sibility. Actually, since her time has no economic
value, the pots cost nothing to make, unless for
some purchased materials. The family could
clearly earn more money if she continued to make
pots than if she stopped. The competition with
wheel-made pottery is under such circumstances
only theoretical. So women continue to make
pottery, and in the old-fashioned way. In some
places, as it happens, women's time is worth
money. For example, in Panajachel they work
in the onion beds. In a town across the lake-
San Pablo--they help their husbands to make rope
and hammocks. In both-places the women are
rapidly dropping the auxiliary household arts that
they once practiced. Spinning was the first to go,
and then weaving. In San Pablo, the women no
longer weave at all; in Panajachel, fewer and fewer
learn the art.
Perhaps, it may be suggested, the women who
made pots should have found some more lucrative
way of making their time earn money. Actually,
in the place I am thinking of (Chimente, municipio
of Totonicapfn), the women do not even weave;
presumably pottery drove out weaving there some
generations ago, just as rope making drove out
weaving in San Pablo. Some new art would have
to be introduced or some old art expanded. Or
the women could help in the fields as they never
have. But consider again what changes are
demanded simply to get wheel pottery to replace
hand pottery in Guatemala.
Spinning and weaving are other interesting
cases. I do not know whether the Spanish women
who colonized Guatemala brought spinning wheels
with them. If they did, spinning may have been
an "accomplishment" like playing the piano.
Whether they might have tried to teach Indian
women to spin, I will not try to imagine-since, I
repeat, I do not even know if they knew the art
themselves. Today, nobody in Guatemala spins
cotton on the wheel. Ladina women do not spin
at all; the Indian women who spin use the hand
whorl in a bowl. The big mill at Cantel now
supplies most of the cotton thread that the weavers
use, so Indian women are rapidly forgetting how to
spin cotton." The mill has not, however, replaced
the hand loom, chiefly because it does not yet make
the patterns of cloth that the women use in their
garments. Besides, now there is great foreign


demand for the hand-woven textiles, and for this
market the mill will never be able to compete. its entirety, except that many of the designs are
Foot looms, on the other hand, can and do turn typically Indian. This complex was not called
out material which is used in Indian garments and upon to replace anything in the culture. Wool was
which is also, incidentally, purchased by foreign something new. Not only new but obviously, in
lovers of native arts and crafts. Indeed, Indian that cold mountainous country, something very
women have almost universally stopped weaving desirable. The men and the women both took
material for their skirts because they prefer to buy something that gave them a source of income; the
that of the foot looms. The blouses of the women women do the washing and carding and the men
have more individuality from town to town, so it the spinning-wheel spinning, learned from Ladino
will take longer for the foot looms to supply the artisans-and the foot-loom weaving.
small individual demands, if they ever do. More The lesson to be learned is that where other
likely what will happen is that the Indian women things are equal, an advantageous, or more
will give up their distinctive local blouses and wear efficient, trait of technology will impose itself upon
the more generalized types that are made on foot an alien culture; but that other things are not of
looms, just as with the skirts. This will probably course equal, and the particular circumstances,
happen, however-as in the cases mentioned-only economic and social, override the element of
if and when and where other occupations for abstract or objective differential in efficiency.
women give their time more value than it has at The further lesson tb be learned, I think, is that
their looms. And this may never happen, now the phenomena of diffusion and culture contact are
that foreigners are buying their textiles. to be understood only in the very intimate terms
The foot looms, like the potter's wheels, are in that are afforded by intimate contact with the
the hands primarily of Ladino artisans in shops i situations in which the actual people are involved.
the towns. As in the case of pottery, some It need not surprise, therefore, that history and
Ladinoized Indian men have learned the art. The circumstance have supplied the Indians of Pana-
same explanations that are used to explain why jachel with its own peculiar roster of technological
Indian women do not replace their backstrap traits. This roster is amply inventoried in the
looms with foot looms obviously applies here s course of this monograph. Here need be made
well." Not only culture traits, but entire ece only a general statement to show the sense in
nomic complexes come into competition. which Panajachel has a "primitive" (even though
The case of the Indian adoption of the Europeas not pre-Columbian) technology.
wool complex mentioned above confirms thi Panajachel is outside the highland sheep-raising
thesis. There is no question of the Ladinoizatiol area; therefore, nothing of the entire wool complex
of these wool-working Indians. They are rur (except the wearing of woolen garments woven
dwellers and as much part of Indian societies a elsewhere) is present. Likewise, pasture could
any in Guatemala. But it should be recalled that hardly be scarcer than in Panajachel; and there is
the Indians keep the sheep; sheer, wash, and can a shortage of corn even for human consumption.
the wool-all in the European manner-as well s So horses and mules are little used; no domestic
spin it on the wheel and weave it on the foot loon animals except fowl are fully part of local tech-
Obviously, we are here dealing with an entire nology, although pigs are fattened, a few head of
complex of European origin. In the manner the cattle are kept and the cows are milked, and there
one would expect, it has diffused to the Indiansi are a few sheep.
On the other hand, the culture of vegetables of
SUnlike the case of pottery, the eiciemncy of the mill hns ts expected Ae European origin is the chief commercial enterprise.
for two reasons-first, because raw cotton in the highlands is not a free gs The fruit and vegetables rown in the Lake region
but has to be bought; and second and more important, all women whose g eg
can also weave, so with cheap thread from the mill, they simply spend m were introduced soon after the Conquest; whether
time at their nlomo. the irrigation technique that makes possible the
t" I cannot explain the exerilonal ease of the women of San Pedro Sa
tepequez (Dept. of San Marcos), where Indian women work at foot looms year-round gardening characteristic of Panajachel
the shops. This Is nn extraordinary town, the only one I know that I aS introduced from abroad, or was adapted from
Spanish-type town in every respect except that it Is populated exclusively od Ii ie to t rop, po le t
Indians. Perhaps If one studied the place he would discover that in sold Indian ideas to the new crops, is impossible to
sense allofthe ndanshave become Ladinoized; and that might explalan s. The technology involved (given the idea of
anomaly of the women foot-loom operators. taking water off the river by means of a network of


ditches) is simple and nonspecific and could have
been an invention suggested by local geography,
here or elsewhere in western Guatemala.
It would be reckless to say that Europeaa tech-
nology is entirely absent in Panajachel; but it is
clear, at the same time, that the technology of
Panajachel is on the whole "primrive" ol prre-
Columbian. Panajachelfcios use the products
of animal husbandry (lea;ier. soap,' candle(, "
lard, meat) but do not make them. A few metp 4
tool types (hoes, axes, machetes, etc.),aen lia'l, but
none are manufactured; carpentry and masonry,
with their specialized tools are not spe'ialiies
typical of Panajachel. I doubt if there is a scrow-
driver, even, in any Indian's tool che;t There
are no smiths. Plows are not used; the wheel is
not used (not one Indian family has a cart or
wheelbarrow or anything of the sort-even a
pulley). Pottery is not made at al, so t'iore i noo
question of the potter's wheel. Spinning (what
little there is) and weaving are done iin old Indian
fashion; and only sewing and embroidering (with
the needle-there are no machines) are perhaps
European additions to textile arts.
Except that the relatively recent coffee cultire
has been taken over as a complex which happens
to include a hand-turned rotary cylinder to "emove
the pulp from the bean, agriculture is accomplished
by means of hand techniques entirely. Skill is
important, but is confined to skill in the us,
primarily of the hands, aided only by simple tools
like the hoe and the tin pan used in sprinkling the
gardens. The Indians are skillful in preparing
and fertilizing neat gardens, in planting, trasi;-
planting, watering, and obtaining the seol.
Garden culture is careful and very intensive, hut
it is strictly "hand" work.
If the Indian technology of the region as a whole
is "primitive," that of Panajachel happens to be
particularly so.

TECHNOLOGY AND ECONOMY
As we all know, it has been a popular theory
that the free functioning of the system of economy
that permits each individual to pursue his own
interest in competition with other individuals is
the system that in the long run produces the
greatest wealth in the community."1 Mercan-
Adam Smith (1937, pp. 11-15) argues that self-interest li~ behind the
division of labor whichls mainly responsible for the wealth. It is not
clear to me how he relates division of labor to technological progress. HIs






28 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


tilism was assailed because it interfered with free
trade and free competition and hence slowed the
accumulation of the nation's wealth; and fre-
quently any governmental planning is deplored
because our high standard of living is claimed to
be the result of the rugged individualism of free
competition and the free functioning of the laws
of supply and demand.
In the light of that theory-that it is the free-
competitive economic system that makes for the
production of wealth and the high standard of
living-there may occur to the reader a simple
question. Why is it that this region of Guatemala,
which has so close an approach to the ideally free
competitive economy-where rugged individualism
is not bothered by governmental red tape or by
labor unions or trusts-why is it, then, that the
region is so poor and the standard of living so
abysmally low? Here, where there should be
wealth, the day-labor rate of pay is 10 to 15 cents
a day. The people, entering the second third of
the twentieth century, live without medical aid
or drugs, in dirt-floored huts with hardly any
furniture, the light only of the fire that smokes
up the room, or of a pitch-pine torch or a little
tin kerosene lamp; the mortality rate is high; the
diet is meager and most people cannot afford
more than a half-pound of meat a week. The
chickens or oranges that they grow they eat only
on special occasions because they are worth more
on the market than their growers can afford to
consume. Schools are almost nonexistent; the
children cannot be spared from work in the fields.
The freight of the country is carried up and down
the steep mountain in loads on the backs of the
Indian men or on the heads of the women. Life
is mostly hard work, and one is apt to get sick if
he worries or complains about it. And if he
does get sick, and is kept from work for a few
weeks and has to hire a medicine man-there go
his life savings, and his land and his means of
making a decent living. For one lives here with
a precariously bare margin of safety, and the
difference between wealth and poverty is a slim
little piece of bad luck.
I do not know if the level of living among the
emphasis is on the skills of men that it improves rather than in accumu-
lation of technical knowledge, although when he argues that water carriage
made possible large scale, hence more effective, division of labor, hence (?)
improved technology, an inference may by drawn that wealth comes from
both Improved division of labor and technology. In later chapters, Smith
makes very clear his realization that technological Improvements (e. g.
in weaving, p. 246) bring about reduced prices and abundance.


Indians of Guatemala is one of the lowest in t possibly more mischief, of course-or more pro-
world; it is difficult to compare with such plaa duction, which usually means a higher level of
as China and India. But it is surely low enough living; or, more important still, it will make easier
to give meaning to the question: Why does n( the education of children which, eventually--
the fact that everybody works hard for himse given the reasonably practical rural educational
alone, and seeks to maximize his own reward system that one can without danger forecast-
have the effect of creating wealth for all? will facilitate the introduction of new agricultural
I suppose the answer is pretty obvious. TI and industrial techniques which will in turn again
main reason is that the technology of the regia raise the level of living and give new impetus to
as described above, is inferior. It may be argus the whole process.
that the land is poor, that natural resources a This is bound to happen in Guatemala; and if
lacking. This may be true: if there are imports the social system permits the rural Indians their
mineral deposits, they are not known; the land share of such improvement, physical conditions
perhaps not too rich. But clearly the use will surely improve. The point is, however, that

natural resources is relative to the technology the improvement will be the effect not of the
The England of King Arthur's time had me economic system as such, but of improvement in
coal in the ground than it has today. England tools of production and communication. It seems
technological development is certainly as me clear enough that no matter how successful the
cause as it is consequence of its natural resour individuals of a society may be in pursuing their
There may not be coal in this region of Guatemal own interests, they will not increase the wealth of
but there are streams of running water, and th that society unless they have something with
could be harnessed for use. In these days wh which to increase it.
we seem on the verge of getting energy from atoi This is doubtless not a new observation,
perhaps of some common materials, it seems fut
to speak of natural resources unqualified by ca THE
siderations of technical knowledge. NATURAL RESOURCES
No-what seems to be lacking in Guatemala
the beginning of the accumulation of techno If "nature peoples" are contrasted with "city
knowledge that eventually results in improvemt peoples," with the criterion simply the directness
in the material standards of life. This techni( of the use of natural resources, Panajachel
knowledge need not be indigenous; it could probably falls closer to the artificiality of the city
diffused from without. Nor may it require "i than it does to nature. Although the Indians are
dustrialization"-the area might well rcme dependent upon the vagaries of nature, live close
largely agricultural and still take advantage to the elements, and are reasonably adapted to
better technology. How this might happen the climate, their positive direct utilization of
illustrated by the case of motor vehicles. J what the wild flora and fauna offer is slight. In a
though the Indians failed to adopt many items statistical sense the products of the wild play
sixteenth-century European technology, I ho virtually no part in the economy.
mentioned that contemporary Indians are taki The Indians realize fully their dependence on
to the use of motor-vehicle bus or truck lines tl the orderly processes of nature. They fear the
are owned and operated by Ladinos. A continl end of the world, which may come from flood or
tion of this trend alone (even if nothing e an eclipse of the sun or moon or from a violent
changes) will eventually contribute to raising I earthquake. But except that such fears may
level of living in the region. I do not know b encourage prayer and some avoidance of sin, they
many man-hours 'of time are spent in carry hardly affect daily life. The Indians avoid
produce to market on foot, but it must run i lightning and sharp winds when possible. When
the millions in the whole region. At least i rain or drought is untimely, and the eroding river
of this time will be saved when it becomes comB becomes unruly and threatens the town, they call
practice to ride in busses and trucks, and wt upon all of the spiritual resources available.
these are available between all points. In a When sickness comes, they often exhaust not only
sequence, either there will be more leisure-4 their spiritual but their material resources.


although I have never seen or heard it expressed;
but it seems to me to come out rather dramatically
in the Guatemalan situation here described. I am
led to observe also that it is perhaps a significant
fact of our social history that modern economic
theory had its beginnings in a period of increasing
technological perfection. Probably no economic
system could have prevented the increase ;: the
wealth of industrial nations. Yet, because of the
coincidence in time-if it was a coincidence, w+Thch
it probably was not-this increase in wealth has
been attributed at least in part to the effectiveness
of the economic system from which, it was pre-
dicted, it would result. If the economists had
been living not in Europe or America but' in
western Guatemala these past two hundred
years, they could not have credited to free compa-
tition the glory that progress in technology
has deserved. But of course if they had lived
in Guatemala, they would not have been econc-
mists-they would have been very enterprising
peddlers.


LAND

Some beliefs about nature materially afft'.
everyday life. For example, the physiology of
plants and animals changes with the phases of the
moon so that lumber is cut and corn hartvested
chiefly during alternate fortnights. Or, because
supernatural beings are abroad at night, com-
merce tends to cease at nightfall. But in the
main, economic procedures are dictated by
practical considerations-even on our stand-
ards-alone. This is least true when the .po-
cedures concern elements old in the culture and
close to the basis of life (such as corn)' and most
true with newer elements and these wltse value
is reckoned only in terms of money (such as
oranges or onions). But it is a strong tendency
throughout. The following discussion Cf the
Indian adjustment to his surroundings can there-
fore be made largely by economic criteria: fo'r
although in Panajachel action is grounded in a
matrix of presuppositions distinct from those of
our culture, it is guided by what we regard as thj
practical.
CLIMATE
The seasonal rain is essential to coniceld agri-
culture and saves watering of the irrigated gfrdenw.


PE~NNY CAPITALISIFM: A GUIATEZMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-T-AX





PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY---TAX 31


30 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 18


But considering the occasional torrential rains that
destroy land and crops, and enforce idleness, the
rains are also a liability. The Indians frequently
feel it as such. The rainy season is a time of
sickness and of poverty with granaries exhausted
just when corn is scarcest and highest and when
cash income from garden and market is lowest. It
is also a time of tension, and fear of the elements.
It is a relief to the Indians when the short dry
period in August permits them to do their outside
chores (such as supplying firewood) and freely
take the mountain trails. The release is greater
when the rains end entirely. The corn harvest is
at hand, and gardening and commerce reach their
full tempo. Even so, in the rhythm of the year
the first rains of May, after the windy and dusty
dry season, are welcomed by the Indians and (in
their words) by the thirsty earth alike.
The clothing and shelter of the Indians is
reasonably well suited to the climate. The
women's garments seem too heavy for comfort in
the heat of the day; some have changed their
costume partly for this reason. Footgear is in-
frequent and all are accustomed to getting their
feet wet frequently. Merchants on the road wear
sandals and in the rainy season carry raincapes
made of palm fronds. Around town there is little
formal protection against a sudden storm. While
not completely weatherproof, the thatched-roof
cane-and-adobe houses are substantial, and the
kitchen fire helps to keep them warm. At night
a light blanket often covers three or four persons,
with the temperature below 500 and the fire out.
An assessment of the Indian adjustment to the
climate must take into account both that the
people are hardened and accustomed to what they
have, and that the death rate is high, especially
in the rainy season.
THE RIVER
The river is less curse than blessing. The bed
of the river is a wide, rocky nuisance. In the
rainy season the quiet stream in the center divides
into rushing torrents of brown water carrying
rocks and timber from the hills above, is impass-
able for days at a time, and causes particular
difficulty for those who live on the side opposite
the town center. Worst of all, the streams at
times wash away acres of the fertile soil of the
river banks, including the houses of some and all
of the real possessions of a few. But the river is


also the source of the irrigation system basic to the
garden agriculture that in large part supports the
Indians. The irrigation system serves every part
of the delta, and through both an appropriate
technology and communal effort and control the
water is very effectively utilized. When water is
short and there is moonlight, many of the Indians
water their gardens at night. Although people
are accused of many kinds of nonsocial acts,
Indians are rarely if ever charged with wasting
water. The technique of watering fields requires
a minimum of water. Various farmers may use
the same ditch at once by filling single gutters
through their fields and shutting off the egress of
water while using it. Land is flooded only for
special purposes; ordinarily water is simply dipped
out of the gutter in a tin basin and tossed onto the
garden bed.
Most families get most of their kitchen water,
and do their laundry, and the women wash their
hair, in the river or in the nearest large irrigation
channel. (Bathing is done in the sweat bath;
relatively few Indian men, and more boys, bathe
in the lake.)
In the rainy season the river provides firewood
washed down from the hills, and rocks for launder-
ing and fireplace stones, sand for building, and
small fish thrown out of the rushing streams.
The few springs in the hills above town might
be better utilized, perhaps by following the isolated
example of one family which planted a dry-season
garden below such a spring.
THE LAKE
For the towns along its shores, Lake Atitln is
important not only as a source of water for per-
sonal, household, and agricultural uses (for which
purposes Panajachelefios use the river instead),
but also as ameansof easy travel and a source of fish
and crabs, and of sedge used in making a popular
type of mat.
In contrast with those of the south shore, par.
ticularly Atitl&n and San Pedro, the Indians of
Panajachel do not regularly travel over the water,
mainly because their trade routes do not often
carry them to or through the towns across the lake
When Panajachel Indians do go to Atitlan or San
Pedro, they go by water (when they go to Sal
Lucas they often go by land because it is not so
much more difficult); however, they rarely go to
Atitlan or San Pedro, for their communications


are with Solola, TecpAn, and the cast rather than
with the southland; therefore they infrequently
and only exceptionally use the lake for travel.
None of the Indians (even those of AtitlAn or San
Pedro) are fond of water travel; the lake becomes
suddenly rough and dangerous. Thus, for ex-
ample, Pedranos often go overland to Solola when
the lake is rough, a journey of a day that is made
on the water in 3 hours. Probably the major
distinction between towns is that the Indians of
the south shore have strong incentives to water
travel because they frequently and in great
numbers go to SololB and Tecphn.
Canoes are made only by the Indians of the
south shore where suitable timber is found.
Canoes in Panajachel (and Santa Catarina, which
has more) are all bought from canoe makers of
Atitlan, San Pedro, and San Pablo. Possibly this
fact influenced the establishment of trading pat-
terns so that the Indians of the south rather than
those of the north shore carry the merchandise
between the highlands and the lowlands.
Distribution of the use of canoes for commercial
fishing, crab fishing, and sedge gathering is like
that for transport except that Santa Catarina
has a great fishing, crab fishing, and matting
industry. Save on general grounds of economic
specialization, it is very difficult to explain why
Panajachel (or San Antonio or Santa Cruz), for
example, does not engage in such activities.
Take fishing for example.
The lake abounds in tiny fish; one variety is
about an inch long, another twice that size, and
a very few weigh up to a half pound. Some parts
of the lake may be better stocked than others;
the Panajachel Indians claim that a generation
ago there were many more fish than now in their
neighborhood. In Panajachel, informants said
canoes were never used in fishing; but they de-
scribed four other methods once used here, all of
which are still known in some villages. According
to informants who claimed to remember the old
state of affairs, by one method of shore fishing,
in which a party of some 20 boys drove the fish
into a large conical trap, each of the boys caught
as much as 25 pounds of fish after 3 hours' work.
If this is true, fishing was a better business
(at present-day fish prices) than anything else in
Panajachel. The question is, why was fishing
virtually abandoned? The Indians say that the
sing of the lake has destroyed the beach (the
9567468-3----4


lake has risen) and that there re fewer fish :lar
Panajachel than there once were Brt anwth5 -
reason that was mentioned is that the pIEopl are
too busy with agriculture.
Or take crab fishing. The most prmr.irnent
crab fishers of the lake are the Catarmnc:os, who
in season seem to spend most of their nights with
pitch-pine torches and a long baited luie of lre-.
filament that is lowered into still water. The
fishing is apparently best close to the shcri, mnd
some of the favored spots are off PanajacI'el
Although Panajachelefios once did much c'ab
fishing in this manner, now only two or three
exceptional persons do so occasionally. Local
Indians also find crabs on the beach and among
the rocks near shore, and there is considerable
folklore about the pursuit; but on the whole
crab gathering is rare and unimportant. The
excuses made for not fishing do not all hold for
crab fishing; for there are crabs near Parxajachei.
In this case, at least, it is obvious that the Indians
are too busy farming to spend their nights crab
fishing, particularly since it required investment
in canoes and equipment. The Catarinecos
specialize in fishing and crab fishing just as the
Panajachelefios specialize in vegetable growing;
and the immediate explanation cannot go far
beyond that.
The same may be said of the sedge that grows at
Panajachel as well as at other parts of the lake
shore. But if a few Panajachelefios use canoes
for fishing and crab fishing, not one cuts sedge,
and no Panajachel Indian manufactures mats.
They are made in Santa Catarina and in other
towns of the south shore, the industry evidently
connected with the use of canoes.
Owners of the three canoes of Panajachel were,
in 1936 and 1937, a half-Ladino and two yosng
Indians who are brothers-in-law. They used
them to ferry passengers across the lake, and
around the impassable river in the rainy season;
they also fished a little, with hooks and nets (new
techniques learned from Ladinos) and traps bought
from the Catarinecos; and they crab fished oc-
casionally. All three are more clearly entrepreneurs
than remnants of a cultural tradition.
The Atitecos and to a lesser degree the Cateri-
necos use their canoes to hunt the waterfowl which
come in the dry season, hitting the birds with
stones. The Panajachelefios say lhey .ised to
hunt them from the shore -;ith slingshots, never





PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 33


in canoes; but few of the Indians do this now, and
never commercially.
It may be concluded that as far as the economy
of the Panajachel Indians is concerned, if a magic
wand should cause the lake to disappear overnight,
it would hardly be missed.
WILD FAUNA
There are a few large animals in the hills of the
municipio, and in neighboring hills where Pana-
jachelefios hunt as freely: deer, coyotes, wildcats,
and "honey bears." (See Glossary.) The meat
and/or skins and other parts are valued. The
Indians generally do not hunt this large game,
although Ladinos, who own rifles, do.
There are more smaller animals. Rabbits,
skunks, opossums, and weasels are to be found
both in the hills and on the delta. They are
killed when possible, for they damage the crops;
but except that the weasel's skin has some value,
they cannot be used for anything. Porcupines,
taltuzas, coatis, raccoons, armadillos, tepescuintles,
and squirrels are found in the hills. They are
occasionally hunted, and the meat of the last four
eaten; skins of raccoons, tepescuintles, and squirrels
and the shell of the armadillo are used or sold;
the penis bone of the raccoon or coati has special
uses. It may be doubted, however, whether from
one year to the next more than a dozen of all of
these animals are killed.
Birds are more numerous. Besides the water-
fowl, 44 kinds were described as being very
common. Of these, 16 are found in the delta
portion, 21 in the delta and the hills as well, and
6 exclusively in the hills; one migratory species
simply passes over Panajachel twice a year.
Most kinds the Indians, particularly the small
boys, occasionally capture or kill. One man
estimated that his family killed 80 birds in a year.
A bird not hunted is the carrion buzzard which
is of no use dead (except in a cure for madness)
and of very considerable value alive. Some
birds are killed not because their parts are utiliz-
able but because they are dangerous alive; such
for example, are the grackles which prey on the
cornfields, and the hawks which prey on barn-
yard fowl. On the other hand, Indians will not
usually kill birds that are considered augurs of
ill because they fear the supernatural conse-
quences; or birds otherwise "dangerous," like one
supposed to change into a snake when about to be


caught; or others, like the swallow, because they Indians do not utilize them in a practical way.
are holy. In these cases, however, the Indians Such smaller forms of animal life as worms and
also say they would have no use for the birds grubs and weevils are, in their relations to the
killed or captured. Twenty-two species are listed Indians, only detrimental.
as edible, and said to be killed and eaten. Fifteen
are specifically said not to be edible, five of these WILD FLORA
"because they feed on insects" (but so do a few Much more important in Indian life than the
edible birds), two "because they cat excrement," fauna are the three hundred trees and plants,
and one snakes; two others are birds of ill-omen, most wild, some semicultivated, described as
and one is connected with sickness; the swallow growing in Panajachel. I have information on
is not eaten because of its saintlike character. uses of about 200 of these. In the discussion
In the cases of three birds (including the buzzard which follows, they are divided roughly into classes
and the chicken hawk) no reason was given, such as trees, bushes, herbs, etc.
A few birds have medicinal and other uses. Although trees are often planted in particular
A few are caught and caged; but if the Indians places, either for shade or fences, they are almost
catch them they usually sell them to Ladinos, never cared for. Since the same may be said in
for the Indians themselves almost never keep some degree of fruit trees, it is not easy (or im-
caged birds (except pigeons) in the house. portant) to distinguish the wild from the culti-
Few Indians own guns, licensed expensively vated, especially since shade trees in coffee fields
by the Government. Sticks and stones and serve a purpose clearly commercial.
machetes are the commonplace weapons. A few At least 10 different trees furnish posts and
blowguns (through which pebbles are shot) are poles for building, the hardwoods guachipilin and
used to kill birds, but the most commonly used oak preferred. Oak is said to be the best firewood,
weapon for birds and small animals is the sling- but almost all are equally common. Fruit trees,
shot, and most of the men and boys are adept in especially those standing at crossroads, are felled
its use. It is a forked branch through which a supposedly only at the risk of one's life, and hence
stone or large seed is hurled with the aid of rubber are rarely used in building, and only the branches
bands made from inner tubes and bought in the are commonly used in the fire. Some woods are
market place. Indians know but do not have not used for firewood for reasons that may not be
hunting dogs, although they take their ordinary sound: jiote madronee) wood when burned gives
dogs when they hunt the larger animals. Traps a sickness of the same Spanish name, which is
are used, not to capture game for food, but to the word for mange; guachipilin is too hard to
protect fields and barnyard. Thus, coyotes are split; to burn wood of trees that yield fruit in the
caught in pitfalls with roosters and corn as bait; rainy season causes the fruit to be wormy. But
grackles are usually caught by tying kernels of since the Indians normally cut and gather all the
corn to a string so that when they swallow the firewood they need, and rarely if ever import any,
corn they are held fast; rats and mice and some it must be supposed that their reasoning, if false,
of the larger animals that invade the cornfields is not economically harmful.
are caught in a variety of deadfalls. Boys catch The uses of trees in agriculture are many.
songbirds to sell to Ladinos by smearing on the lsmo, eucalyptus, and silk-oak trees (as well as
branches of trees a sticky substance made from bananas) are planted for shade in the coffee fields;
bird lime which holds the birds fast. rotted leaves of the coffee bushes are the most
Relatively few snakes (probably not poisonous) common fertilizer in the vegetable gardens; wil-
are to be found in the neighborhood. The Indians ow, ilamo, and silk-oak branches and certain
do not mind killing them, but the meat is not large leaves such as banana are used to cover
eaten; or other parts used. The several varieties newly planted seeds to shade them while they
of lizards found locally are not used and are usually germinate; and willow is planted along the river
avoided as poisonous.' Frogs and toads are also edge to prevent erosion, and around springs to
for the most part avoided, keep them from drying up. From guachipilin
Insects are abundant, but except for bee culture and oak, taxisco, avocado, and citrus come the
and the use of insects in certain remedies, the hafts of iron tools as well as wedges, stakes,


harvesting nails, and mortars. Cudgels (com-
monly coral and citrus branches) may be chosen
poorly because a hardwood supposedly becomes
soft and a softwood hard in dealing with super-
natural beings. Fences are made from jocote
(Spanish plum) and the very thorny coyol
branches; but small trees (especially madrone,
coral, yucca, and amate), supposed never to die,
are often planted for the purpose. Fiesta deco-
rations for houses, streets, and saints come mostly
from local trees-pine (needles, branches), cypress
(branches), silk-oak (flowers), citrus fruits (flow-
ers, leaves, fruit), coyol (branches), and pacaya
(leaves)-and plants. Parts of trees are also used
as children's toys (e. g., soapseed and paterra
seeds, acorns, coral flowers, castor leaves) and to
make toys (e. g., guava wood for horns, and
citrus-fruit branches for slingshots).
Trees furnish very little of the Indians' food.
Salable fruit is usually sold and varieties not inter-
esting enough to be marketable are 'isuirlly left
to rot. Although aware that certain branches,
flowers, seeds, and fruit of local trees are us 'd in
cooking elsewhere, Panajachel Indians make
almost no use of them. On the other hand, many
parts of trees are used in the preparation of medi-
cines; for examples may be mentioned pine p;.ch;
"buzzard tree," nance, and coral bark; madrone
bark and gum; amate "milk"; guave, eucalyptus,
and nogal leaves; citrus-fruit leaves, juice, and
skins; and avocado and anona seeds.
The following miscellany, finally, will give an
idea of the variety of uses of parts of trees. Yucca
leaves and capulin bark are substitute for lantner,
and the fibers of the first are used for tying; a soap
is taken from the soapseed tree; pine pitch is used
to repair canoes; tuna-leaf gum is mixed with the
lime to make whitewash stick; thorny tuna hlaves
are placed in paths to keep people and animals
out; the oil of cross-sapodilla seeds is used as9 a
hairdress by some men; silk-oak gum is used as
paste in kite making; taxisco branches are usec as
hangers in the house; the toronja is used cere-
monially as a candle holder; coral seeds arb used
by diviners; and so on.
Yet, certainly, the Indians do not make full "so
of their trees. For example, the ccjete tree is
used in other places to make boxes; but the Prna..
jachelefos do not know how. Nor do the local
Indians engage in lumbering; they use the lumber
undressed for their houses, and if they need boards


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLIECATION NO. 16





34 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


or beams they must buy them from other Indians.
Nor is there a carpenter or a cabinetmaker among
the Panajacheleflos.
Much the same can be said of other plants.
The partial inventory that follows indicates their
diverse uses; yet the Indians know that other
peoples utilize them in ways that they do not.
For example, a half-dozen varieties of tree fila-
ments are known and substituted for rope in
tying and binding, and in the case of one kind the
leaves and flowers are used medicinally. But
the Indians of Santa Catarina make special use
(as crab-fishing lines) of one variety found in
Panajachel.
Other examples are a small plant that grows
along the irrigation ditches in Panajachel, not used
locally, but gathered by Santa Catarina Indians
who take it home to feed to their barnyard fowl;
laurel leaves, not eaten here but known to be used
in cooking by Ladinos and by Indians of Tecpin
and Patzin; a plant called "white soap," used by
Solola Indians for soap, and even sold by them in
the markets, but not used by Panajachel Indians
who buy animal soap. The century plant is a
good example of one not fully utilized. It grows
wild, and is occasionally planted. Indians say
that they used to beat out the fiber to make rope,
bags, etc. (as is done in towns across the lake)
but during the years of this study no Pana-
jacheleflo practiced the art. The only part of
the plant used is the thorn at the end of the leaf
which is used in the backstrap loom and to extract
chigoes from the toes.
The flowers of two tree parasites and the leaves
of two others find use in ceremonial adornment.
Bird-lime fruit is used to trap birds. Several
kinds of mushroom are eaten. A vine called
"bird's claw" is used for tying, and its flower is
made into a whistle by the children; animals
browse on the leaves of another, pega pega; the
flowers of the choreque are used in food; the
"mouse ear" is placed under the vegetable-pear
vine to induce it to produce fruit as abundantly
as it does; and the leaves of five different vines are
used medicinally.
Besides one cultivated fodder grass, at least
three wild grasses are used primarily for fodder.
Although most thatch straw is imported from
towns where it is cultivated (local land is said to
be too valuable for such use), three wild grasses
are suitable. A grass called sabagasta is used by


muleteers to stuff pack-saddles. Another called animal grazing. One (skunk plant) is used to
"lime tea" is a common medicine. Wild canes, keep mice out of newly planted corn; another
and a semicultivated variety (as well as corn- (bitter sunflower) to drive ants out of the milpa;
stalks) are widely used in building the walls and a third (rosemary) is burned in the house to keep
roofs of the houses, such structures as granaries, out evil spirits. A number of plants, especially
furnishings like shelves and beds, for fences flowers, are used in ceremonial adornment;
around the vegetable gardens, for beanstalks, and among them are "mouth of the dragon," bougain-
for other things requiring poles and hollow tubes, villea, "flower of death," Easterr flower," and the
Cane leaves are used to wrap tamales and the sap, red geranium. Many flowers in addition are
leaves, flowers, and stem tips of some varieties cultivated for secular adornment, much less
(e. g., the elder tree) are used medicinally, frequently by Indians than by Ladinos.
Bushes like chilca, barrej6n, and pus furnish fuel
for the sweat bath, as do cane and smaller branches LAND USE
of many trees. Tziquinay and sajoc and many In explaining why the utilization of"wild" prod-
other bushes are used for kitchen firewood. ucts is relatively slight one must remember that
Tamarisk-shrub wood is used for ax hafts, the they are not free goods. It takes time to hunt
branches of the "sunflower of the rocks" as bean or fish or gather. Simply, the Indian usually makes
poles, and "little broom," "sweat-bath plant," and more profitable use of his time tilling the fields or
chichicaste branches to beat the body while in the marketing produce. The community lives, on the
bath. Chilca, "little broom," and a plant called whole, well above a bare subsistence level; it
quechd, make good brooms. Chilca branches are does not eke out a living with what can be found
also used as bean poles and spits, and its leaves in woods or water; it has an element of choice in
are used to cover young vegetable plants. Leaves the use to which human resources will be put; and
of the "deer's tongue" bush are edible, those of therefore it can put market-selected food above
many other medicinal, what may be "freely" collected, and does. At the
The longest list of plants includes the smaller same time, the community is not so rich that it
shrubs, flowers, and herbs. To many known by can choose less rather than more profitable em-
name, no use could be ascribed. Some two ployments of time.
thirds of the 34 plants on which I have information In this competition for time, agriculture is the
have medicinal but no other uses. In some cases clear victor. The Indians have taken advantage
it is the whole plant, in others the stem or leaves of the alluvial plain, or "delta," and its possi-
or both, in still others the juice or sap that is used; abilities of dry-season farming to develop a year-
and of course the medicines are prepared in # round intensive horticulture; and above all else
number of different ways. To list the plant in both an economic and a sentimental sense-
would be tiresome. It is noteworthy that wild above even the cultivation of milpa on the hill-
plants are not of great importance in the prepare sides-this is their life.
tion of food. Besides those mentioned above, o It is with respect to land use, depending as it
which the fruits are of greatest importance, I caM does so largely on local conditions, that the vari-
add only 15 plants that find any place in the diet ous towns of the region differ most greatly. The
Of these perhaps 4 are commonly used: ti culture-in the sense of technology and consump-
chipilin herb, purslane, amaranth, and the root tion habits, of beliefs and customs, and of religious
of the "mother of maize" plant, which the pool and political organizat ion-follows rather closely a
arce said to use as a substitute for corn when tbh single pattern with but minor differences from one
latter is not available. But on the whole the will community to the next. But the economic base,
vegetable foods constitute only a negligible pae in the sense of what the people exploit to earn their
of the total diet. living, differs more widely. Most of what is
The other uses of the many small plants are nd reported here about the use of land in Panajachel
many. The leaves of one are burned in the sweat is necessarily unique to Panajachel, where the
bath; those of another are used to wrap tamalet topography makes special demands and affords
and of a third to line baskets of fruit and to protedspecial opportunities. The argument, however,
other things. Three of the plants are good f that the Indians have achieved an adjustment to


the land that (given the technology) :, highly
efficient is doubtless more gcierally applicacl,.
Each community of Indians has developed a
modus vivendi relative to its peculiar conditions'
that may strike the observer as efficient'-and
there is no intention here to ex;,ol as peculiar he
efficiency of the Panajachel adjustment.
To answer the question of how, and how ,ei;)
the community utilizes its rcsouIrce an.1 fuliills
its potentialities, it is necessary to accept the
technology as a constant. The techniques of
agriculture that are used by the Indian, diffcr-
entiate them on the one hand from hunting er
gathering peoples, and on the other froIm suo isties
with machinery; that is not difficult. But these
techniques also differentiate Panajachel from; other
Indian communities; for the meticulous kind of
intensive garden agriculture common hers is
quite different from the field agriculture practiced
generally in the region. An acre of Panajsehel
garden land can require 33 times as much labor
as an acre of ordinary milpa! The problem of the
relations between land and labor must be very
different in Panajachel from what they are in
corn-raising communities like Chichicastenango or
in communities which combine milpa agriculture
with time-consuming industries like basketry,
pottery, rope- or mat-making, or foot-loom weav-
ing. The industrial communities frequently
employ the time of men, women, and children as
much as Panajachel, but not on the land. At the
same time, the land may be just as "intensively"
used, given the kind of agriculture. The situations
are simply not comparable.
Since technology is evidently not constant-
either in the world, or as between towns in
Guatemala-it is evident that one cannot assess
the success of a people in making use of its re-
sources. When one says that an Iowa farmer
"makes better use of the land" because ho gets
so many bushels of corn per acre as compared
with some other place, one means that Iowa
technology is more advanced. Given Panajnchel
technology, it would be difficult to argue thLa., the
Indians do not get more out of their land than
the best Iowa farmers. But again such compar-
isons are meaningless.
IIILL LAND
The area of the municipio of Panajnciel in-
eluded in this study is shown on the insert in


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN ~INDIAN ECONOLMY---TAX






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


map 4, and comprises by my calculation, 22 1,530
acres of land surface, divided as follows: Acr,
Delta.----------------- ------...... ....._ -_ 580
West hill-------------------------------- 420
East hill ----------------------------------- 530
SBased on laborious calculations on the map itself, with corrections for
slopes, checked by information on areas of all of the individual pieces of land.
McBryde's maps (see McBryde, 1947) and personal advice were helpful.
Figures on hill lands are subject to much greater error than those on delta
lands, both because the survey problem is much greater and because the
importance of the delta lands is reflected in correspondingly more information.
WEST I EAST


The use of this land, as estimated for 1936,28 's
summarized in chart 2. The west hill rise more
precipitously than the east, is more recKi' and
barren, and is unwatered. In piaccs nedl its
summit it is lightly forested, a source of firewood.
Corn grows only in a few small fields near the
base of the hill north of town, and a large onr

a The figures and description, unless otherwise noted, are Ill ior.tte b'a
year 1936. The present tense is frequently usy wit'. revere. to tbs; ear,


"i Cornfield


MAP 4.-Land use. P
Pasture


At Rest



Coffee


CHART 2.-Hill land use.


D Until able



D Ten Acres


36





INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


high above the delta. A piece of land is used for
pasture. Otherwise the west hill is sterile. The
measure of its unproductivity is the fact that in
1936 only about 50 acres, 45 cornfield and 5
pasture, produced more than firewood and perhaps
a few wild plants. Very few more than these 50
acres, certainly less than 12 percent of the whole,
is utilizable agriculturally.
A much greater proportion of the east hill, more
irregular in its rise, can be put to agricultural and
pastoral uses. The entire slope is not part of the
territory of Panajachel, or included in this study;
perhaps the upper third is land of the neighboring
municipio of San Andres. The 530 acres of
Panajachel land, including territory from the base
of the hill to the San Andres line and from the
boundary with Santa Catarina to the plantation
"Natividad," are not all shown on map 4, but
their limits may be seen in the insert map.
The figures in chart 2 are accurate to within a
few percentile points except for the uncertain line
between the land "at rest" and unutilizable,
which is little better than a guess. The cornfield
land classified as "resting" had been used before
1936, as evidenced by the land itself and specific
information from many informants, and some of it
has been planted since 1936, while other cornfields
have since lain fallow. The unused land, like that
which is never utilizable agriculturally, is mean-
while a source of firewood and useful plants.
This east hill is watered by three streams and a
spring that is tapped for the town's water supply.
In 1937 a small fraction of an acre of land watered
by the largest of the streams, in a relatively level
pocket half way up the hill, was utilized for vege-
table growing in the dry season. By 1941 this
vegetable area had grown to several acres. By
1941 also, the hillside acreage devoted to coffee
had grown to 50 or 60 acres, at the expense of
cornfields.
If fallow land, including pasture, is called agri-
cultural, it may be said that all potentially agricul-
tural land was so utilized in 1936. No case ap-
peared in which apparently suitable land was said
to be left indefinitely untilled for any reason. This
is not to say that all land was used optimally.
Evidence to the contrary is the fact that after 1936
some was cultivated more intensively by replacing
corn with coffee and vegetables. Nor do I have a
way of knowing if some of the land that was resting
would not really have been planted, or that some


that was planted should not have been resting.
But it seems clear that by and large all suitable
hill lands are, over the course of years, put to
agricultural uses.

DELTA LAND

It is with somewhat more confidence that I
turn to data on the delta portion of Panajachel.
First, because the area is much more easily
delimited (as shown on map 4) as being confined
by the two hills, the lake, and the boundaries of the
fincas to the north. Second, because the land,
being level, is relatively easily paced off; the topog-
raphy presents few problems, even to one not ex-
pert in such matters. Third, because once the
area is mapped to scale, the accuracy of the
dimensions of plots of land, as furnished by in-
formants, can be checked by measurements on
the map itself.24
The area of the delta comprises about 581
acres, divided as follows:
Acre
West of river bed.--..----------------------- 319
River bed...----....------------------------- 130
East of river bed .---------------------------- 132
The river bed is an expanse of stones, sand, and
gravel; although in places small foliage has taken
root, the whole of it may be considered sterile
waste. A few garden beds made during the dry
season on reclaimed patches at the east edge of the
river bed occupy less than a fifth of an acre. A
generation before, according to all reports, the
river bed was only a half or a third of its 1936
width; and it has continued to widen by erosion
of the fertile banks. At the time of study, stone
walls near the right bank helped to protect it (the
other was without any protection at all); since
then, a flood serious enough to be reported in the
United States has doubtless made this statement
obsolete.
Aside from the river bed, almost all delta land
is utilizable agriculturally. During one rainy
season an avalanche of rock and water from the
,T Tih delta was originally mapped, with the help of natives and ofa slmpk
conmptis, in April of 1936. Data on land use, and ownership, as well as house
and other features, were plotted. When this map, rdedced and printed
was shown to l)r. F. W. McBryde. 4 years Later, and compared with a skctdc
of the snine area thst he had made in September 1036. it was apparent thai
revisions would be necessary. Therefore tn iW4-41 the map was revised b
the field; McBryde himself came to Paurnjaacleil in theo course of his work and
together we checked a number of points. Later, using McBryde's revis.d
map (see MeBryde, 191, map 23) as a bse, I went over every part of the delta
and made further mall corrections. Map 4 is thus the result of collaborate"
between MeBryde and me; but final responsibility for errors is mine.


cast hill rendered a strip of land useless. Some
of it had been reclaimed by 1936; some 3 acres
remained untilled and presumably untillable.
In two places on the west side of the delta, irriga-
tion ditches had cut small ravines and rendered
fractions of an acre unsuitable for farming. In
addition, land within a few feet of the lake edge
cannot be cultivated because of the sweep of
the waves. Otherwise all of the land is utilizable
for agriculture. However, as seen in the following
estimate, 48 acres are diverted from agricultural
purposes for buildings, roads, irrigation ditches,
etc., not counting the narrowest footpaths and
irrigation ditches or the little land occupied by
fences and land boundaries, which are themselves
frequently paths and ditches.
Acreage not utilizable agriculturally:
Buildings, cemetery, houses and patios, etc- 31
Streets, roads, larger paths----------------- 13
Main irrigation ditches-------- __---------- 4
Unsuited to agriculture: river bed----------- 130
Otherwise unsuited to agriculture------------. 7

Total- ------ ----------------.. ------... 185
Potentially agricultural-pastoral-----------... 396

Total acreage of delta---------------. 581
Of the 396 acres remaining for agricultural uses,
only about 10 were not so used in 1936. In
other words, almost 97 percent of potentially
agricultural land, almost seven-eighths of non-
sterile land, and about two-thirds of all delta
land, including the river bed, were used agricul-
turally or pastorally. As will be seen below, not
all this is so used during every month of each year,
but if the information compiled is correct, all
of it was used during at least part of 1936, and
the general picture had not changed by 1941.
Actually, somewhat more than the mentioned
seven-eighths of the nonsterile land is regularly
in production, for in the patios and gardens of
the houses are always to be found fruit trees
and flowers, and oven vegetables, with commercial
value; and lining the roadsides are numerous
fruit trees.
The proportion of land in cultivation is greater
on the east side of the river than on the west by
about 4 percentage points, owing chiefly to the
fact that the Ladinos, whose houses and patios
occupy much more space per family, live almost
exclusively on the west side. The large white
spaces west of the river shown on map 4 are the


houses, stores, and hotels owned by Ladinos (and
one Ladino-owned piece of land used in 1936 as
a public playing field and since brought under
cultivation). It is a main thesis of this setion
that land use cannot be discussed without refer-
ence to the class of owner, for the questions resolve
themselves into discussion not so much of "What
kinds of land are used for what purposes?" but of
"To what uses do different kinds of people put
their land?" Suffice it to say here that the geo-
graphical differences are less important than the
"racial," and that specifically the Indians cultivate
a much greater proportion of the land at their
disposal than do the Ladinos.
The following summary, dealing only with land
put to agricultural-pastoral uses, classifies it some-
what arbitrarily:
Act Percent
Truck- .------------------ ....----- 142 37
Coffee----------------------------.._.... 193 50
Cornfields only------------------------. 14 4
Pasture only----------------------- .... 10

Total.--..-- ..__---- -------__.--- 387
The classification "coffee" is clear, for occupation
by coffee bushes is visible and year rourd. TLb,
term "truck," on the other hand, requires explana-
tion. On the irrigated land of the deiLa a will
variety of vegetables is grown, with growing
seasons of 2, 3, 4, 6, or 11 months. In a la-ge
number of cases this land, devoted to or.ions
garlic, beans, etc. in the dry season, is planted
with corn during the rainy months. In some case'i
this program is carried out year after year. Ia
any case, I have called such land "truck" even
though I would prefer that the word not include
corn. Some land, however, is never ci' ivated
except during the rainy season, and then is planted
only with corn. This land, usually o' dit.reeent
quality from truck land, I have classified separately
as "cornfield only." The land called "pasture
only" is land that was not cultivated in 1936 but
on which animals regularly graztc. Anirraln also
grazed along the edges of the river bed and th;c
lake shore, on a few parcels o the truck lands for
several months during the year, and in thk: dry
months also on land devoted to corr: in reason.
This land of course is not classified a: "pasture
only."
A thesis will be developed thAt in general lan:-
jachel lands are utilized as intensively is pos;ibl,,
especially those owned by Indians. Explanation of


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUI~ATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


the 38 acres of land used only for grazing is there-
fore required. It is not far to seek. About 4 acres
are unsuitable for agriculture, or marginal: 2 acres
near the lake shore are marshy, another acre was
affected by the wash of a few years before, and two
other small pieces are stony. One of the latter
might be tilled, but the owner happens to have
sufficient better land for his needs. The remaining
thirty-four-odd acres of pasture that could have
been tilled in 1936 belong almost entirely to
Ladinos who own a few cattle, who thus need the
pasture, and who are wealthy enough to be able to
divert part of their land to this use. One large
piece was in family litigation in 1936 and could not
therefore be rented to Indians for vegetable grow-
ing as it has been since. Disregarding such an
exceptional circumstance, it appears to be true
that only when a man owns considerable land, and
happens to need pasture, will he sacrifice some of it
to the purpose. That Indians are rarely in such a
position explains why only five Indians had pasture
land in 1936. Two of them owned the stony mar-
ginal plots alluded to above. The third, a land-
rich Indian, had a small piece on which to keep
his mule. The fourth, a dairying Indian with
sufficient land, had a small pasture for his cattle.
I do not have data on the fifth case, involving less
than one-fifth acre. The exceptional cases help
make it clear that the Indians tend to use all their
.land as intensively as possible. Statements by
Indians suggest that such use is explicitly valued.
The smallness of the percentage (3.6) of delta
land confined to the cultivation of corn also con-
firms the tendency, especially among Indians, to
more intensive cultivation. Most "cornfield only"
lands are at the foot of the hillsides, chiefly the
west hill north of town (map 4). This land is often
irregular, stony, and not irrigable and thus not
suited to vegetables. The plot at the base of the
east hill was rendered unsuitable for gardening by
the wash a few years before. The two pieces of
land in the delta interior happen also to be too
irregular and stony for the easy cultivation of
vegetables. Some of the "cornfield only" land,
however, appears to be suitable at least for coffee,
and by my argument should not be left for corn.
The largest single piece (7% acres) is owned by a
relatively poor Ladino family, and I do not know
why they do nothing more profitable with it.
Another piece is owned by a Ladino who actually
has coffee planted in all but this corer of a large


parcel of land. The remaining hill-base cornfields
are owned by three Indian families, and two Indiat
families share with a Ladino the two parcels in tht
center of the delta. The five Indian families an
all well above the average in the amount of land
they own and control and so can, perhaps, afford
to make less intensive use of these marginal lots
Perhaps the ultimate explanation is that sacrifice
are frequently made for the sake of corn growing
since corn is of such great importance in thi
kitchen.
The statement that land is usually devotee
exclusively to corn only when it is unsuitable foi
more intensive use also explains the cornfields ii
the hills, most of which are good only for rainy.
season milpa. It is significant that parts of th(
hills suitable for coffee or vegetables are beini
more and more converted to such crops. Thi
fact suggests another point about the delta. It
seems likely that in years past more land was les
intensively used than was the case in 1936 and
that the continuing tendency has been to culti.
vate more and more coffee and vegetables, anc
to leave less and less land idle or planted onlk
with corn. Informants talk about "new land"
i. e., land with no recent history of vegetabk
growing; and, as do the other facts available, the!
indicate that' such new land is disappearing
Some of the new land of course is now in coffee
but a good part of what there evidently was
especially on the west side of the delta, is nor
devoted to truck gardening.

COFFEE OR TRUCK
The reason why lands are alternatively devoted
to coffee or to truck demonstrates contrast
between the economies of Indians and Ladinos
Some land may be more suited to coffee than to
truck (probably never the reverse); however, thi
land of the delta is sufficiently homogeneous tU
make it unlikely that this limiting factor i
important. Certainly it is negligible compared
to the easily demonstrable fact that the Ladine
tend to grow coffee and the Indians truck. Tb
large blocks of coffqe lands shown on map 4 ar
seen by a comparison with map 6 to be also block
of land owned by Ladinos; and those where
vegetables are grown are predominantly Indian
owned. Chart 3, a, a comparison of the tw
sides of the delta, shows that there is no great
difference in the distribution of crops geographic


cally. On the other hand, chart 3, 6, as clearly
shows that coffee is grown very much more on
Ladino land than on Indian land. Actually,
78.3 percent of the delta coffee land belongs to
Ladinos, while 73 percent of all truck land is
Indian-owned. If the land rented by Indians
from Ladinos is added, the Indians indeed have
82 percent of all of the truck land. The dif-
ference between Indian and Ladino is the over-
ruling factor in the use of land: wherever Ladinos
own land they tend to grow coffee; wherever
Indians own land, they tend to grow truck
crops. In order to test this rule in detail map 5
compares the relationship in sections of the delta
that were divided arbitrarily for another purpose.
The figures (table 5) show that there is an ex-
ception to the rule; the following analysis both
explains the exception and gives additional
insight into patterns of land use.

TABLE 5.-Location of Indian and Ladino coffee and truck
lands

Acres owned

Section Ladlno Indian
Coffce Truck Coffee Truck

W ------ -- 46.56 6.04 2.29 619
W2 .------------- 18.45 6.18 3.12 .94
W3 ---..............-- 1. .90 4.75 .58 10.76
W4 .-- ---- ------------- 22.33 5.53 617 5.95
WS .------------.------- 3.03 6.28 4.75 32.45
El1 ..--...---- ... --- 11.88 ..-...--.-- &351 7.40
E2 -- ...---- ----- ...--- 7.67 1.83 5.63 9.33
E3 --------------------- 4.95 1.07 6.00 8.48
E4 .-- -.--- 2.95 2.11 8.88 11.76
Es .....---------.... 13.34 .24 1.06 2.26
Unknown------------ ------ --- .36


(1) The Ladinos consistently own much more
coffee than truck land. The notable exception is
in section W5 where almost all the coffee-truck
land, including that of Ladinos, is in truck. The
land involved here is dominated (and was in the
past even more dominated) by nonresident In-
dians from San Jorge la Laguna. Both in San
Jorge and Panajachel they grow vegetables and
no coffee. All of their land is in truck, and this
may influence the local Indian and Ladino W5
landowners in that direction. However, another
factor is the relative "age" of various sections.
Truck gardening is the traditional Panajachel
occupation, coffee having come in relatively
recently. The east delta without any doubt was
always heavily populated and intensively culti-
vated, while the west delta was more thinly popu-


lated and less intensively cuiti.cated. Indians
recall when on the west delta there were large
forests of cane so thick that animals rndo c re'
people became lost in them. One of the reasons
why Indians took to replacing truck with co,'tee
is that the land was no longer producing rEntk
crops abundantly. This must have been espe-
cially true in the east delta, a fact tha.t is pis't 'f
the explanation of why the Indians have a larger
percentage of their land in coTee in the east delta
than in the west. Conversely, the Indi-,ns talkl
about the land of section W5 as "new iandt." and
one concludes that it is devoted almost exclusively
to vegetables partly because of the Jorgefo Itradi-
tion, and partly because it has been nrioducing
truck products most profitably.
(2) There is a tendency for the Ladi.os to h-ve a
greater proportion of their land in rcfce wh~.ere
they own a greater percentage of the land; but
the proportion of their land in coffee is greater
east of the river than west (table 6).21

TABLE 6.-Location of Ladino coffee land


Section

wo-.
Wl-..------
W3-...-----
W4..----
W2..----
WI.,,


Percentage
of land
owned by
Ladinos

86.1
72.7
69.6
65.3
20.0


Percentage


Percentage
of Ladino-
owned
land in
coffee
88.5
80.8
80.2
74.9
32.5


Section


E5-..--.....
El------..
E2----..
B3 ------
E4 ------


Percentage P,,rontage



S 38 9 ,0.7
of land ofLano.
owed. by owined
LadiLos, landing

g005 2 98.2
2. 1 10 0
20.3 82.
197 6.t3


(3) There is some tendency toward a constant
relation between the proportions of land devoted
to coffee and truck by Indians and by Ladinos.
Thus in five sections (W1, W2, W5, El, E5) the
proportion of Indian coffee to coffee-plus-truck is
about a third the proportion of Ladino coffee to
coffee-plus-truck. In two sections (E2, E3) it is
about a half, and in two others (W4, E4) higher.
Only one section (W3), exceptional in most
respects, is unique-the proportion being about
one-sixteenth. If it is assumed that the propor-
tion of one-third is "normal," it is seen that
sections E2, E3, W4, and E4 have (by alternative
interpretations) either an abnormally large per-
centage of Indian coffee to truck, or of Ladino
truck to coffee. In terms of the first statement,
The fact that the sections east of the river do not ru n in a smooth ordo
in this respect as those west is doubtless partly due to the smanler u.-Jverse
Involved. Thus, for example, the Ladino land of sector El FI na. own*, sy
three families who happen to be coffee produose and who have virtually n i
truck land anywhere


I I I I I


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16





PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


42 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


the pertinent facts in explanation are (a) that in
these sections there are more Indian houses than
in any others, and (b) the Indians favor coffee
around the house site because children and
animals damage gardens close by. In terms of the
second statement, the explanation might be that
truck, the crop of the group dominant in the
ownership of E2, E3, and E4, influences the crop of
other owners in the same direction (as in the case,
above, of section W5). This explanation could


not cover W4, however, where Ladinos own n:mo-t
70 percent of the land. Nor would a l l a '1' be
applicable in the contrary direction, ;iace it is not
true that the largest proportions ol Indiaz~qcnfrou
are in sections most dominated-by Lhdinos...i g
(4) Two dominant patterns may be ideitifieO.
In one, comprising sections W1, W2, W3, W4. T1j,
and E5, the Ladinos own the great biulk of the land
and have it largely in coffEe, while tL -A Indai.
land, smaller in extent, is largely in tuck. Section


CHATr 3.-Coflre vs. truck acreage. a, East side and West, crop distribution much alike; b, Ladinos grow coffee, lodians
grow truck.


MAP 5.-Coffee and truck lands.


LIIIU





44 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


El is atypical only in that the land is almost
equally divided between the "races." El and
E5 are unusual in that the Ladinos have extraor-
dinarily large proportions of their land in coffee:
the statistics are upset by the fact that in each
section there happens to be a coffee plantation
accounting for a large part of Ladino-owned land.
Section W4 is atypical in that the Indians, instead
of having a large percentage of their land in truck,
actually have a little more in coffee than they have
in truck. Most of the disproportion is accounted
for by one large-land-holding Indian family that
came to Panajachel from Solola two generations
ago and has planted coffee on most of its land. In
the area of the delta comprising sections W3, W4,
and W5 the soil tends to be sandy rather than
black. The Indians say that until recently they
thought it was not very suitable for vegetables.
They were proved very wrong, but the fact
remains that vegetables were not grown much in
the area. Sections W3 and W4 are particularly
stony, since the river once flowed through them,
and probably little cultivated until coffee (easier to
plant under the circumstances than truck) was
introduced. It is likely that the family of Sololfa
Indians (whose coffee groves are indeed very old)
planted most of the land in coffee because at the
time any other course seemed impracticable. In
any case it will be seen that there ire good reasons
for a large landowner to plant a large proportion
in coffee.
In the second pattern, comprising sections W5,
E2, E3, and E4, the Indians own the great bulk
of the land and have it largely in truck, while
the Ladino land, smaller in extent, is largely in
coffee. Section W5, atypical in that the Ladinos
reverse their usual condition of having more coffee
than truck (although they still have three times
as much of their land in coffee as the Indians do)
has been discussed above.

STRUCK LANDS

The specific uses to which truck lands are put
are exceedingly complex, differing with the class
of owner, the season, and to some extent the kind
of land. Most of the data obtained concern lands
used by resident Indians whose use patterns are
also described below in connection with agricul-
tural practices. In anticipation some general
points are pertinent.


A given piece of truck land is utilized in one of tablones allowed to go to seed for another 5 or 6.
three ways: Since it is a rare individual who can regulate his
(1) Corn may be grown during the rainy season, time and land perfectly, part of such land is
in which case the soil is prepared much as in the usually idle for a month or two once or twice a
hills. The milpa occupies the land for about 7 year. In most cases very little is planted during
months. Sometimes while the corn is drying the the rainy season, so frequently there are 4 or 5
cucumberliko melon locally called pepino is idle months during that time.
planted between the corn plants. The land is (5) A crop of garlic followed by a crop or two
not otherwise utilizable during those 7 months. of onions and other vegetables. As in the case
(2) Pepinos, usually planted in small individual above, there is apt to be considerable idleness of
hills, occupy the land for from 9 to 11 months; the land during the rainy season.
with the exception noted above, it cannot be (6) A crop of pepinos, occupying most of the
otherwise used during that time. vyar, followed by one of the various yearly patterns
(3) Most frequently the land is made into the mentioned above. Most frequently, perhaps,
rectangular garden beds, called fablones, in which prpinos are alternated with one of the combina-
are grown onions, garlic, sweet cassava, sweet- tions including corn, and in such cases the pepinos
potatoes, and various other vegetables including may be planted while the corn is still in the field.
cabbage, carrots, radishes, etc. These crops have e'pinos are rarely grown in consecutive years on
different growing seasons, and some-notably the the same land.
tubers-are grown simultaneously with others. A particular landowner may follow several of
Thus there results great complexity. But where these patterns on different plots of his land.
and when there are tabl6n crops, neither corn For example, it is frequent among Indians for a
nor pepinos are grown. man to use two pieces of land in manner No. 6, but
Between crops, some land is usually idle. How to alternate them so that in any one year he has
much land is idle in a particular case depends upon both pepinos and the other crops growing.
the crops customarily planted by the owner. Notwithstanding such complexity, it is possible
There are several very common patterns in this with some confidence to calculate how the truck
respect, which may be listed as follows: land is used in any one year, for particular families
(1) A season of corn followed by a crop of and "race" groups usually follow consistent and
garlic, and repeated. This sequence crowds the commonly known patterns. Table 7, which
land, for since garlic grows for at least from 5 to 6 brings together the myriad items of land-use data,
months, and corn for at least from 6 to 7, obviously calculated for every plot of land, reports the
the planting of one must coincide with the harvest- acreage devoted to each of the important truck
ing of the other. The land is never idle. This crops during the year.
sequence is not considered favorable for the garlic, The situation whereby so great a proportion of
so frequently corn succeeds garlic, but another idle land is to be found during the rainy season
crop succeeds the corn. when tabl6n crops are relatively few could be
(2) A season of corn followed by a crop of beans,
and repeated. This is a popular sequence, TABL 7.-Pana
especially with the rich (notably Ladinos). It Num
usually allows 2 months' rest for the land each Orop rownlog
year, and no doubt is preservative of the richness J' Fybau. Marh April Ma:
of the soil; it is not an economically intensive use .------------ -..
of the land. ih pl... ..........::::::::: ..:.. .... ....... ... ...... : ....:
(3) A season of corn followed by one or two ic n ...n::::::::::::::::: 1.
crops of onions and other vegetables, and repeated. for M .4........... ....... .
",rvile .2 2.9 238 27 21.7
Depending upon the' amount of onions grown, v'i,,n0 .;;.01;:6... 1. .4 A .
r beans ............ : ..... ... 1.4 8.8 1. 0 19.0 &
there may be 2 or 3 months of rest, or none. ,C ikasbr,,..................... s .d .: ....
(4) The wholo year devoted to onions and other oteb........................ . .
eetble .............. .3 .3 .5
vegetables. Onion nursery grows for 2 months, ....----------------........... 4 --0 7 1.7
the transplanted onions for another 3, and the T..a........................ 1s 1A 13&s s 13.


'al
ibe

y


avoided if all the land were planted vit i (:in
during the rainy season. Actainly, th? I.n'irns
do plant corn on virtually all thi.ir :',6r. in I (i, anI
their idle land is found rather in the dry seanrs;
this results in less intensive cultivation of he most
valuable money crop of the dry sensor., (niois.
Most Indians cannot afford this. Garlic and r.',r
might seem the optimum combination 'rom thij
point of view. But garlic supposedly cranni., r
grown year after year in the same :and; it i.s .!v,
said that garlic land should be prepared ir.ta:bs
in advance to allow the turned-under grass lc" -.,
so that a repeated sequence of garlic and! corn 's
uncommon. Of course continual use of I ',lI is
not the only measure of intensity ')f u as ;'il
be seen later, when compared with corn or any
other crop, the labor and the g-oss income invr ed
in vegetable growing is out of all propcrtion to
the acreage involved.
Table 8 compares the percentage of'acroeng,
devoted to various crops throughout the y.ar
(the arithmetic mean of the monthlyI figures) rm
Ladino lands, resident Indian iands, ar;d. 'ho-se ci
outside Indians virtually all of ltow, live in 'Sen
Jorge. The comparison is instructiv-: 'in!,kte Ahb
resident Indians who strike a bnhance, the Jor,rou,
devote almost 57-percent of their lu, n ,,) o-inij
(and grow neither corn nor garlic) and th Ladiir.e
the same proportion to corn (and grow no pp'tn.') '
In the case of the San Jorge residents the ,explane-
tion evidently is that they have aci','irl c:.
lands for onion growing; on the one hand tl.-y
doubtless have cornfield lands back 'or:.1 th~e.
occupy their rainy season 6ime ard give rtemn t.-
grain they need, and on the othec, oiticns ath.
than garlic are a traditional crop in San Jorge. The
case of Ladinos, who grow so mich corn o. a i1 :(
chel truck acreage
r of acres on Ist of month it

June July August October No-
I I I I I ember b,r I


17 53.0 53.0 51.5 14.7 48.7 <(53 23.2 37.S1 T2P.A
... ........ ....... 1.4 4 4.1 4.3 ....... I) I
3 .... I 3.8 .a 12.4 12 4 1214 I t 1.n s I
2 .8 I 1.4 1.9 4. 5.4 5 .4328 *
% 31.3 29.1 27.0 27.1 31.4 49.7 Mo4 s. ; I.0
S........ 1.1I 1.1 7. l 7. I 7.s t.7 ,) 5. S
A .............. ........ ...... .4 1.7 1 a 1 i.I
S .7 .........-..-.-. ..-....4- 2 4
S 1 7 ........ ... ............ ....... .
.1 .1 ....... ........ ........ ....... 2. .
4 8.7 48. 1 4.8 34. 27. 1.1 2 9. '4 1
6 1'8.I 136 138.5i '1 1 1 5I3 5 t .2 1. Ij6.5


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUOATEMJALAN IN'DIAN ECONOMY--JTAX 451





46 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


lands, is particularly illustrative of the difference
in economies of the local Indians and Ladinos.
Corn is the important breadstuff to both, and it is
advantageous to grow at least enough for house-
hold needs. But only the rich are ablo to do so.
Few Indians, but most Ladinos, are independent
enough of the need to earn a livelihood through
money crops to be able to grow corn instead.
(The same may be said of beans, another food
staple, which are grown disproportionately by
Ladinos.) A complementary reason for the differ-
ence is that Ladinos depend upon Indians for
agricultural labor, hence prefer crops that depend
less on intensive labor. Another case is the noted
Ladino preference for coffee as opposed to truck.
TABLE 8.-Truck-land use of Ladinos and resident and
nonresident Indians
Percentage of year-acres of delta truck land
Crop
Al Resident Absentee L o
All In;.ns* Indians Laino
Corn-.................... 21.81 1. ............ 6 1
22.7 19.1
Corn with pepno...... 0 .9. 1. 31 ....
Pepione.. ......... 3 8.7 14.8 ............
Onion nursery........... .0 5.08 9.0 .8
Onions.......... .... ... 27. 30.9 38.3 86.
Onions for seed- 3......... 6 2.1 9.4 .8
Oarlic.................... 8. 9. ............ 11.8
Vine beans............... 160 3.6 3.8
round beas............ 3. 3.7 ............ 6.1
Vegetables,.. .. .............
Idle.............. ....... 17.6 16.6 25. 0 13..
Total................ ..0 9. 100. 99.
i Ineludint that rented from Ladinos.
SExcluding that rented to Indians.

The reason why the Jorgeflos use their land to
only 75 percent of capacity while the Ladinos use
theirs to 87 percent of capacity is that, as men-
tioned above, corn grown in the rainy season,
when onions are at low ebb, uses land more con-
tinuously. The difference in this case would be
more striking except that the Jorgeios grow so
many pepinos, which themselves occupy the land
much of the year. No doubt the. Jorgcfnos gross
more from their pattern of truck-land use than do
the Ladinos; it will be seen later that the resident
Indians have struck a happy medium.
Chart 4 depicts graphically the use of sixty-
odd acres of truck land owned or rented by the
local Indians for which fairly reliable information
was obtained. This is a 'Yi sample of all resident
Indian land and probably gives a good picture of
the whole.
Since the Indian pattern is median, the picture


that emerges is not unlike what would appear k organizing information for 161 pieces of Indian- rich, having more land, tend .hr t r.r ;ic'e
all truck land in Panajachel." The chart repn planted land, will give an idea of their kinds and more uniformly thun the? oor and a li,,e 'th:
sents the area of each crop on the first day of at relative frequencies, same variety by planting diLierrn is w' A
month; but the interpolated impression of it In the section where the value of the various different crops. I looked rcr i,h krih )ootWi o..'.
annual cycle of each crop mst be fairly realistic crops is discussed (pp. 108-11G), some light is corn in their truck lands on the same prinsple+ that
There are differences in the use to which truth thrown on the problem of the relative efficiency of Ladinos do, but the difference is n3ft obu t.s.
land is put in different parts of town, but as nton of the uses. But since other factors besides
be inferred from table 8, the class of the owners profits during a year must be taken into consid- AGRICULTURE
the land again is at least as important a diffe ration, that discussion is hardly definitive. The
tiating factor as the geography. For exampi crop combinations favored by individuals appear THE MILPA
the Ladinos grow corn, beans, and garlic on thi little related to their total wealth. A thorough In the milpa, or cornf ld, greo maize, .:ev
truck land no matter where it is located. Neve comparison of the truck crops planted and of total and squash or pumpkins. Beans ae -o4l. i;
theless, such a fact as that pepinos are grown ma land wealth, or truck-land wealth (for which data ever planted in delta cor fc! ic but in e v
on the west side than on the east must be explains are available) is not made because a quick survey two-thirds of the bill cornfields t ey b rs en td
by common belief that they produce better in tt shows that this would probably not be worth the with every fifth or sixth corn plant 3 cm': : e
less-exhausted land of the west side. Very mu effort. Examination of the crops planted by 25
more corn is grown on resident Indian truck larx of the poorest, 10 medium rich, and the 8 wealthi- Insone place tn Ouatemal bea ar planted noto r,.uiyreth.rr h t
of the east side than of the west; this in a negati est families shows little difference except that the ro,, sa tt mbupthesti. a' A
way can also be attributed to this presume
geographic factor. The reason why a greatR J ,A
proportion of resident Indian truck land is i O.
garlic on the east than on the west side may ai
be a matter of the soil, since much sandy soil- q
said to be unsuited to garlic-is west of the rive
But it is still clear that the most essential determi
ing factor in the use of the land, insofar as it .
not uniform, is the custom of the group to whi
the farmer belongs. For whatever the origin f
such custom, and whatever its geographic at
economic base, the people of one element of tl o4
population tend in general to use their land, t M
matter where located, in much the same w ,
The details of truck-land usage among d
Indians for which such details are available arei 4 5 6 7 9 1011
complex as almost to defy generalization. Vani
tions on the patterns of truck-land usage that has t
been listed above are many, for within the limi
set by the agricultural habits of the community a
there is sufficient leeway to permit a large numb
of crop combinations. The way a particuAe l
farmer uses his land depends upon the tot -P
available to him, and whether it is owned, on pas
or rented; what lie supposes to be the nature of d
soil and the requisites of the crops; the inmnedist "
past crop history of the land; market prices
various products when plans for the next crop, 4
next year are being made; and so on. In addition
the financial state of the landowner-his consul
needs, his obligations and debts-helps him dctL du -y% j jt.
mine how he should plant his land. Table' .
mine how he should plat his land. able AT 4.-The use of truck land by resident Indians: 1, Corn; 2, corn-pepino; 3, pepinos; 4, onion nursery; 5, unions ;
SSucb a cart could be made from the data of table 7. 6, onion seed; 7, Idle (resting); 8, vine beans; 9, ground beans; 10, miscellaneous vegetables; i1, gailie.


PENWY CAkITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX






48S INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


also widely grown in the delta in the dry season
entirely apart from corn, in separate gardens;
these beans will be discussed separately. Squash,
of the kinds called ayotes and chilacayotes, are
very infrequently grown in the delta cornfields,
but almost universally in the hills, planted between
the rows of corn at wide intervals, and never
except in cornfields.
Corn is grown only in the rainy season on
the hillsides, where it is virtually the only crop

a Occasionally a rich Indian plants a few stalks of corn in Irrigated delta
fields durtog the dry eason. The Indians recognlz the practice as uneco-
omilcal; some Insist that for some reason such out-of-ason corn does not
produce.

TABLE 9.-Resident Indian truck crop patterns

Number of cases

Land Crop(s) listed Crop(s) listed
Cps) normallyplante followed by alternated with
Crop(s) normally planted P call pa peplino
exclu-
sively
with On Only Alter. Alter
whole on noting natlng
listed plec part halves years

Total e1t cases)..... 01 31 9 12 1
Oons...................... .3 ......... ...:::..::::: .....
Onions --------------------- 33 -,------ ---- ---
... .... ..... .........
Part onions, part beans.... 4 .

Part onions, part arlns.... 34 1...... ....- . 3
.... .. . . ............... ..
union seed .......... ........
Part onions, part swed... 10.. ..
Part onion seed, part garllc ....2... ..... ..

............ ..... a
O a r n wed... . . .. . . ... . . . .. . .,-- - -: : ::- : : : "-

Part grrlic-onion sequence, k ......I ... ......... ,
rt beans. *.
Part srlc, part beans..... .. .... .... ......... ......
Part beans-dle, part ononilon onion ro t w
-tr-w--r-e------------- b
Fail I n-t part ondio
Strawbcrles........... ... .... ....... .........
P pina. (rented land
changed annually),.... ...... .

SIn readI n the table the columns (tht not the flar irs) are "ctumulatle."
Fir example (1-st colunn, ninth row) It Is seen that there are 2 canes In which
al of the fond Is planted with onions and tgarllc, but pnrt of It with milpa
In ese. n, every other year; In alternate years pepinro are irown Instead.
a I ca., rpart of land I'lie.
r2 c t. le.ns than half pfp(nos.
0 1 c-i.e hbeant all yrar; others, beans followed by more onions.
SM1 ca alno vrepeta)lCs.
'1 cae. milp only everry second year.
1 Case, atin on nil the hnd pirt of year.
I case. 2 pliros of lind changprd off.
S3 crise, gurlic land idle after harvest; others, onions fill In the year.
1 cnse. b-ans all year; In others, the land rented from Ladlnos for only
the bean season.
i 2ease., pnrt of land Idle.
a I tea. leei than half pepinoas.
L-in' Idle after garlic harvest.
In I ca-o there Is an onloms-mllpa sequence and In another caso abeano-
mlpla seiience replrcIng the garlic-nillpa sorequcnce every third year; In these
nt-;a petfnoo are grown only every third year.
*1 ca., only 1 of the 3 crops (benns, garllc or onions) grown In a year, and
each one every third year. 3
SI case, pepiee grown aoaeoutve years, I ductng no crop the third year.


that is planted, and also in tlhe delta where for tb
growing season it is permitted to displace other
truck crops. The growing season is about I
months, from May through December, includir
the 6 months of the rainy season and the first:
months or so of the dry season, during which th
ears ripen.
The tools used in milpa agriculture are the ai
machete, occasionally the pickax, a wooden hr
vesting nail, and above all others the hoc. Neithe
plows nor draught animals are ever used. Tree
need rarely be felled in preparation, so axes aV
much less used than machetes (imported, broad
bladed knives some 18 inches long with 6-ind
handles), used to cut small trees, bushes, as
brush. The hoc is used not only to turn over an
break up the soil, but also to chop away and scrap
off undergrowth of all kinds. Typical is th
broad-bladed hoe; but for some purposes a ho
with a small blade (once a large one, worn dow
by use) is employed.
No fertilizer from outside the field is normal-
added. Exceptionally animals graze on hillside
land between crops and while it lies fallow; other
wise fertilizer is never added, although after td
harvest the cornstalks and leaves are allowed t
rot, or are gathered and burned to enrich the soi
Delta land, used the year-round, is fertilized, be
not especially for milpa; it is planted with oc
crop or another year after year without beconmi
exhausted. Hillside land presumably does becon
exhausted; it is then allowed to lie fallow for
number of years, during which wild vegetation
grows, to be cut and burned when use of the las
is resumed. Such land is called "new land";;
may remain fallow so long that many forget th
it was ever cultivated. I cannot say for how lot
land may be uninterruptedly planted with mill
and still produce a crop. Indians talk about
"tired" vs. "fresh" or "now" land, and difTerena
in yields between the two; the criterion for "r.
haustion" (i. e., at what point a field would a
be considered worth planting again) is not dec
The life of land depends in part on its inclinatia
the more level the land, the longer it can be uss
I have cases of gentler slopes which product
profitable crops after 12, 15, and 25 years of ca
tinued planting. This contrasts with a piece c
a steep hillside that had been planted for "aboa
10 years" and given up to rest because exhausts
to remain unplanted for "about 6 years."


On new land in the hills, the trees and brush are
cut away with machetes during March and early
April, and burned over during the last of April,
when it is ready for planting. On land used the
year before, the soil is thoroughly hoed and the
weeds and old cornstalks piled and burned.
Ashes are thought to be good fertilizer. Seed
has been kept on the ear from the year before,
carefully selected by picking over. Seeds from
the same piece of land are usually planted each
year, for each altitude and region has its appropri-
ate variety. After the first rains of May, a
number of men plant together, each with a small-
bladed hoe and a small bag in which the seed is
carried. A 6-inch hole is dug with the hoe and
five or six seeds are carefully placed in it, after
which the hole is covered over with the hoe and the
earth patted down. Every fifth or sixth plant,
chosen so they will not form rows, is planted also
with three or four beans. Squash are planted
(between the corn plants) only after the corn is up.
On a slope, planting is begun at the top, and the
rows follow the contour lines, apart either a vara
and a half (4.1 feet) or a vara and three-quarters
(4.8 feet), apparently depending on the practice
of the farmer rather than on the type of soil.
The distance between plants in a row is the
same as between rows. Some Indians say that on
new land, known to be richer, the distances are
reduced by a foot, but the few data I have do not
seem to bear this out. I have seen corn growing
on slopes as steep as about 45*. In irregular
fields, odd niches of soil are utilized simply by
planting as many stalks as the space permits; no
land is ordinarily neglected if it can be planted.
Until the seed sprouts, at least, the fields are
carefully guarded against gracldes, mice, etc.
Scarecrows and traps of various kinds are used; but
children are frequently on the field a good part of
the time. Seeds which do not sprout are replaced.
After the danger of small animals is past, the milpa
need be visited only every few days. The field is
usually cultivated twice, sometimes three times:
when the plants are about a yard high, the field is
weeded and the earth hilled around each plant to a
height of about a foot; then with the second weed-
* There Is no flxed plan for the dlstributlon of corn and beans. The planter
actually places about 2 pounds of corn and a half pound of beans (for a rierda-
.178 acre) In his bag and draws out a handful for planting. If there happen
to be less than five or more than sit kernels of corn, be makes a correction. U
there are one, two, or three beans, he plants them-provided that he has not
Panted beans la the Immediate vicinity. What goe lanto ach hole, i
efo, partly a matter of chance.


ing (when the "points" begin to :'onr.i t i'r
plants) the mound is built to abuit foot lnd a
half; at thet same time the leaves of the !ttto)ri oif
the stalks are often cut away. Liel 'hp planting,
each cultivation is done by a gioup of men wita
hoes. When the ears are formed aomee are
usually picked for eating or sal~ and t e aeraet
around them cut for use. When t., ears are
fairly ripe, the tops of the stalks may be ct rff f,;
use as fodder. Now in drla fields the sit~lk t r
nicked above the middle and the tops 'Iutit ..v r so
that the ears point downward. The tslil (o' r ir
the delta is particularly vulvnrabl. te A'win; the
reason given for doublingg" it, howe er, is thtte it
protects the ears from the birds anJ thei ias: ri..r-.
which otherwise rot the gra n. While the gra;n
ripens, the field is especially protected from thi
larger animals: deadfall traps are used.
In December, the men harvest, nagiiu -vcrk ~i:
groups, each with his shoulder bag, a iHRgi re '.y b
bag," and a harvesting nail, a 6- t- 8.-ifIh h'd-d
wood or bone spike with which he separate the
ear from the husk to remove the )are car. Larqe
ears are taken with the husk4. Harvc.r -; s begin
at the upper edge of a hill so thnt ears that 'al
can be retrieved later (the poeo- >tr arc pernit'ced
to glean anything left). The harvetcrq carry
the corn back at noon rnd at night, tc.antying
the bags in the courtyard of the house whirr tl-
ears dry for several days before being st -cherr on
the ear in the granary. Practically every part ,I
the corn plant, from the stalks to thlv silk, has
important uses which need not tm detailed icrs..
Of course the grain itself is the basic food etapro.

CORN YIELDS

The corn yield varies not only from year to
year but with differing terrain and soil fertility,
hence also on the length of time the lnl has c.
in use. Indians ordinarily report their harvest
in number of bags whose content varies 'wib the:
size and, since they are filled with wlicte eau,
with the quantity of grain or. an ear ot giver size.
Since the land harvested is also -not ex icly
measured, it is little wonder that official statistics
(not themselves too ctrefslly gathere,l sc iho'l
0 Made of malsey fiber In tc-wns outside of Pan lajhel und t cWht .a
the markets. The bags are rmlod at both ends by fmras of dw-, :rlnnoY.
They differ in size, depending oit the number of mmnhe oir d t.i arr f k.,-*h.
According to Informants, those most commonly uwed In PJ ileshs. we of
mneshes 60 by0lor by 9. Someare 40by 10and:'y or 1 O ,I '-" nr'
sem bha of I by 12, but he says thbes are unsoenton.


]PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONO)MYI-TAXA






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY---TAX


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


be unreliable. Production of corn in the Depart-
ment of Solold in 1935-36 was officially esti-
mated at 62,249 hundredweight on 4,694 man-
Zanas of cultivated land,*3 or about 13.7 bushels
per acre, next year at 136,484 hundredweight on
5,952 manzanas,32 or 23.6 bushels per acre. Ac-
cording to the same source the yield per acre in
the Republic as a whole dropped from 17.2 in
1935-36 to a little less than 16 in 1936-37. Even
were these estimates reliable, the yield in Pana-
jachel might be quite different from that of the
Department of SololL.
In Panajachel the Indians consider "three bags
per cuerda" an average yield; they say they may
get only half of that or as much as four bags or
more. Offhand they say that one bag gives 100
pounds of shelled corn," so that their "three bags
per cuerda" may be translated 30 bushels per
acre. This yield is attributed to hill land, un-
fertilized except by the yearly wild growth and the
cornstalks burned or turned under. Town land is
known to produce more because it is level and
usually fertilized with rotted leaves of coffee
bushes. Indications are that the Indians figure
too optimistically. In delta truck lands where
the soil is fertilized, the field easily guarded, and
the plants can even be watered if necessary, it is
true that the yield is high. A reliable informant
for 15 consecutive years harvested from a cuerda
(0.178 acre) of such land as much as 46 bushels
per acre, which appears to be about the maxi-
mum. Judging from other data, the worst yield
from that piece of land is about 20 bushels per
acre. My only other information on delta yields
comes from an experimental milpa we planted
in 1936;"4 the area was small and the year bad;
too much reliance must not be placed on the re-
sults. The yield for the whole plot was at the
rate of 25 bushels per acre, the range between 57
and 4. In the portion planted in the same manner

i Afeorim,. Dept. Agrl., 1937, p. 332 (ustemala. 193i).
i mfemtiare, icept. Art 19.', p. 213 (Ountemala, 1P93).
0 Estimates of caucnli Inftrrnanlt ranged from i0 to I.50s iunds koe a "large"
bag. In vwd harverts, with more and hreer kernels to the ear the net welcht
of the train isb greater per h-iilfl of harvested ars. Since big differ In slre,
It I difficult to be Itlsild In the matter. I helped thresh only one bagful
of ern, so must lcind upon statements of three reliable Infrmants. They
srem to re ge th:t in imers of nadl hardest a stmnnilrd 50 by 10 bag--he
numbers reer to the number of nw slwses -hols enaiugh c.trs to give 100 poMnds
of shelled corn. One says that a gosd barvest gives 115 pounds from a full
bag of this size, but that In bad years the yield Is only 100 pounds. Another,
wie use overslue (50 by 12), .l h, Fets 120 pounds, but that In the poor year
1930 each bag yielded only as pounds.
M The eoperliment asd I rmultd aw outlined la m my mleroflnsed notes,
pp. 14-14.


as the Indians normally do in the delta, the yield
was about 30 bushels per acre. However, the
experimental plants suffered extraordinary vicissi-
tudes. It seems on the whole probable that the
normal yield in the delta is well over 30 bushels
per acre, and that it ran to about 35 in 1936.
The yield on the hillsides is certainly less.
Three reliable informants furnished the following
information on their own harvests over a period
of years:
(1) Ten cuerdas (1.78 acres), near the foot of the East
slope; medium incline; stony soil (considered good);
the land had been at rest up to 1934, when the vegetation
had been felled and burned and milpa planted. In 1935
the informant sowed this second-year land in the usual
manner, half with yellow and half with white corn. The
weather during the growing season was favorable. The
yield was at the rate of 28 bushels per acre for the yellow
corn, 20 bushels per acre for the white; average yield, 4
bushels per acre.
(2) Same land as No. 1; planted in 1936 with yellow
corn only. The weather conditions were less favorable
than in 1935; average yield, 5 bushels per acre.
(3) Thirty cuerdas (5.34 acres) on the East slope; the
soil is black and loose, with few stones; since 1914 it had
been used annually for milpa, but the cornstalks were
always turned back into the soil, and only occasionally
were the leaves removed from the field. The higher part
of the field is much more inclined than the lower, which
is almost level; a barren rock cliff also shades part of the
higher portion. In 1937 the informant planted one-half
of the piece, including high and low portions. Cultivation
was as usual, except that hard places (in which clumps of
grass gicw) wevre ihoed up. Fouirteen of the. fifteen cuerdla
were sown with yellow corn; the other, at the highest edge
of the land, at the foot of tIh rock cliff, was sown with
white corn. The harvest of yellow corn was at the rate
of 14.3 bushels, of white corn, 20 bilshels; average yield,
14.7 bushels per acre.
(4) Same land as No. 3, but the entire piece planted by
the informant and his family. Cultivated in the same
manner as usual, in 1938 white corn was planted in a strip
along the higher edge, occupying 8 of the 30 cords. The
rest was planted with a yellow corn that a local Ladlino i
supposed to have brought from Puerto Barrios (on the
Atlantic coast) 2 years before and planted in Panajachec
The land was divided across the contour into four equal
strips, each planted by one member of the family. The
yellow corn yielded 22.5 bushels per acre, the center
strips 24 bushels and the other, 19.60 ushels per acre. The
white corn did very poorly, yielding at the rate of I
bushels per acre; average yield, 17.8 bushels per acre.
(5) Same land as No. 1, planted in 1939 entirely witk
yellow corn. Beans were also planted, but yielded nlotlhin
for lack of rain. The weather was very unfavorable. One
outside strip yielded 18 bushels per acre, the other, 16.5;
one inside strip yielded 16.5 and the other, 11.4 bushels per
acre; average yield, 15.0 bushels per acre.
(6) Four cuerdas of 34 saras (0.784 acre) on the hillside,


near the lake shore, of San Bucnaventure; stony soil that
had been used for seven consecutive years. Informant
planted milpa in 1939, burning the old cornstalks and
using no other fertilizer; sowed the yellow Puerto Barrios
seed referred to in No. 4, at intervals of I wcaras instead
of the more usual 1. Weather unfavorable; average
yield, 19.6 bushels per acre.
(7) Three and a half cuerdas (0.623 acre) at the foot of
the east hill and the lower part almost level; soil clayey;
protected on one side by neighboring milpa, and below by
truck garden. The land had been continuously cultivated
with milpa since 1924 by the informant, who burned the
stalks and leaves each year as its only fertilizer. Planting
yellow corn in the usual manner, except that he cuts away
the first growth before the "first cultivation," and at
intervals of 1% varas, the informant says that good harvests
have yielded 287 pounds. This is at the rate of 29 bushels
per acre. In 1939, however, when the weather was very
unfavorable, the yield was at the rate of only 15 bushels
per acre. Probable average annual yield, some 5 bushels
per acre.
(8) Four and one-half cuerdas (0.8 acre) contiguous and
similar to No. 7. This land has the same history as No. 7,
except that from 1933 to 1937 it was mortgaged to and
used by another Indian who, according to the informant,
planted the same seeds by the same methods as he does
himself. This was planted in 1938 with the same yellow
seed; yield, 3.1 bushels per acre. In the year 1939, with
unfavorable weather, the harvest was like that of No. 7;
yield, 15 bushels per acre.
These are records of informants. In 1940 I was
able to check some of them:
(9) The owner of the land of cases Nos. 7 and 8, who
planted the whole 8 cuerdas (1.42 acres) in 1910, measured
off a cuerda in the center of the field and harvested the corn
of this section separately. The harvest consisted of three
50 by 10 mesh bags, one containing small husked ears, the
second large ears in the husk, and the third some of each.
I could not shell the corn (for the owner would have no way
of storing the grain), but I weighed the bags on an accurate
balance. The first bag weighed just 150 pounds, the
second 140, and the third (which was not full) just 75.
We carefully calculated that we should reduce the total
by 40 pounds for the bags, husks, and cobs. The re-
mainder was 325 pounds of grain, which meant that the
measured cuerda yielded at the rate of 39.6 bushels per
aere. The measured-off cuerda obviously yielded better
than the field as a whole, as the center usually does. We
calculated, simply by counting the total number of bags
husked and of unhusked corn and assuming that they
weighed the same as did our samples, that the yield of
the whole field, including white maize that did poorly,
was at the rate of just 6 bushels per acre. This is just
what we had previously calculated from his information
alone.
The informant sid that the yield in 1940, that
we had just measured, was about the same as
that of 1938, and much better than that of 1939.
A glance at the figures of cases Nos. 7 and 8,


independently collected in 1939, will [how how
nearly correct his judgment was. 'fhoele scrs
little question that the yields mentioned in th ls
last three cases are very nearly correct. (t is
especially significant, therefore, to note apain
that this land began to produce corn in 1924 and
without the addition of any outside fertilizer in
1940 it still yielded 25 bushels per acre.
(10) An informant who had not previously supp ii ,un
with information allowed me to weigh the .'a:vesut ,' co' -i
yielded by what he said were 3 eucrdas (0.51 r.crc.* of
steep Santa Catarina hillside which he had rated I did
not see or measure the land, but 1 saw the five mall bf.g,
of corn that it produced and noting that they were equr',
we shelled but one of the five and weighe: thte p ,in..
The grain weighed 65 pounds,so that it may be alculntcji
that the total yield was 325 pounds, or a ithe rite (i: tin
land area was correctly calculated) of il bushi.l per acre.
Unfortunately, I neglected to ask the ififormant how muc'l
corn he had eaten before the harvest; PinCi he is poor, it
may be that such a factor was important in the case.
A casual informant said that his 1940 yield f;ors,
4 cuerdas was four large bags, each conta;nirn 150
pounds, or at the rate of 20 bushels per a-r. c A
very reliable Indian told me that a rertar. 30
cuerdas (5.4 acres) planted for the sBc:md year,
yielded 48 large bags; if the bags averag-d (is in
case 9) 130 pounds of shAlled corn, the yield p(r
acre on this large piece was 21 buI!hels! pelr as're.
If such records are typical, the yield of Li;side
corn rarely if ever reaches 30 lbu ,hels Irr fc',s .
The range in cases reported is fromrn 2f Ino r io
11 bushels per acre (leaving out the li:;astrous
white corn of case No. 4), the a-ve;age of
good and bad years about 20 oishelsc :r ac'e.
In the long run "bad" years may bt' less frecuct:t
and the long-time average yield (Idser ;,o 30
than to 20 bushels, as the Indians believe. Never.
theless, for 1936 I have set it at 20 bushels. It
should be emphasized that Panajache' t:ill land
is not exhausted as quickly as repu' ed h.:re P-nd
elsewhere using the same system of agriculture.
(McBryde, 19-7, pp. 17-18). The ;in.d o f :-,rs
3, 4, and 5, in use continuously sin* 1'14, yii-
ed 22.5 bushels per acre of yellow corn in 1940,
compared with the yields of 28 and -5 bushlr
per acre for second and third yenr land (r nes 1
and 2). Cases 7, 8, and 9, in cont li.otr uis- incce
1924, show a yield of 25 bushels per acre in I :r
The evidence is not conclusive; poil anaiy .s were
not made; it is also conceivable that :he inl:hin
who say that animals were never grazed cr, th
land err in their historical accounts.






PENNY CAPITALISM: A QUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX


The normntl return in corn appenrs to be close
to two-hulndre1l-fold in tUhe illis il foiur-lln Ired-
fold in the delta. Tih Indians' report that they
sow about a poiind of seed to the cuerda, or 5.6
pounds to tho acre, appears rotsonanble. Kernels
of corn suitable for sowing rni 100 to 120 to the
ounce; if planted 5 kernels to the stalk at inter-
vals of 1.5 caras (4.1 English feet), some 7 pounds
would be used to the acre. The difference be-
tween this figure and 5.6 pounds may result
because usually not every foot of the acre is
utilizable. Even on the basis of 6 pounds of
seed to the acre, a conservative normal hill yield
of 20 bushels gives a return one-hundred-and-
eighty-seven-fold, and a minimum normal delta
yield of 30 bushels, a return two-hundred-and-
eighty-fold. No account is here taken of seeds
used in replanting, which would lower the relative
return.
In all the cases cited, five grains of seed per
plant were used. In cases Nos. 1 through 5, the dis-
tance between the plants was 4.1 feet, in the re-
mainder 4.8 feet. Assuming that in each case the
seed was planted throughout at even intervals, that
7 pounds of seed were used per acre in the first
cases and 5 pounds in the others, the returns were:
No. 1:
Yellow -----... Two-hundred-and-twenty-four-fold.
White---------- One-hundred-and-slxty-fold.
No. 2..---..------- Two-hundred-fold.
No. 3:
Yellow......--- One-hundred-and-fourteen-fold.
White.-------. One-hundred-and-sixty-fold.
No. 4:
Yellow---.. ...- One-hundred-and-eighty-fold.
White.-------- Forty-fold.
No. 5 .------------- One-hundred-and-twenty-five-fold.
No. 6 ------------- Two-hundred-and-eighteen-fold.
No. 7:
Average.------. Two-hundred-and-eighty-fold.
1939.---------- One-hundred-and-sixty-eight-fold.
No. 8:
1938---------. Two-hundred-and-fifty-eight-fold.
1939 ---------- One-hundred-ard-sixty-cight-fold.
No. 9:
Whole area----. Two-hundred-and-eighty-fold.
Measured por- Three-hundred-and-sixty-five-fold.
tion.
In the one case of the delta land mentioned above,
the yield was four-hundred-and-sixty-fold. The
return in those portions of the experimental milpa
planted more or less after the Indian fashion was
two-hunrd-rd-and-twenty-ight-fold. Probably the
normal delta yield is well above three-hundred-fold.


BEAN-SQUASII YIELDS
itfornllationl on liiilpa Ibeannl is s:cantI. In oneo
case, Itlin farmer harvested pound per plant
(112 lpolni(s per a:cr) of black, white, andi rod
beonst all of which yichlnti equally. Another sait
that his yield of black beans on now land in 19:135
came to 88 pounds per acre, and that an addi-
tional (unknown) amount had been stolen. In
1936 the same land yielded at the rate of 53
pounds. Another Indian reported having planted
84 bean plants per acre, 50 of black, and 17 each
of white and red, from which he harvested (he
said) 28 pounds of black beans, andl an unreported
quantity of the others. Another said that from
10 cuerdas (1.78 acres) he harvested 25 pounds of
beans. In case No. 5 (above) the beans yielded
nothing at all because of "lack of rain." On the
basis of such data it is difficult to form a judgment
as to average or normal yield. As calculated from
official figures, the yield in the whole Department
was 663 pounds in 1935-36 and 933 pounds per
acre in 1936-37." But these reports must include
ground beans as well as milpa beans. I estimate
that the harvest of beans planted with corn in
Panajachel hill milpas in 1936 averaged 75 pounds
to the acre.1
Data on the yields of squash are also inadequate.
In the seven cases recorded-none from trained
informants-the number of plants ranged from 17
to 33 per acre, and the yield between 3 and 5
chilacayotes and between 5 and 10 ayotes per
plant. From this information I estimate an av-
erage yield of 50 chilacayotes and 100 ayotes per
acre.
TRUCK FARMING

The chief crops in irrigated fields in tihe delta
(besides corn) are onions and garlic, beans, and
such vegetables as cabbages, carrots, turnips,
radishes, etc., sweet cassava and sweectpotatoes,
and pepinos. Garlic and pepinos have fixed
planting and harvesting times; the others may be
found at any time at any stage of development.
Beans may be grown at any time, but in practice
are generally planted in delta milpas between
Memorif Dept. Agr., 1937, p. 02.
n fenmora., Dept. Agr., IM9, p. 214.
It There Is also the question of the effect of mllpa beinn on the corn yield.
On thit pjint there Is no Informatlion from the Indl'ie; hbut from the Ineon
elusive resnilts of the eyperimental coronfeld It appears tiit leains o( adversell
affect the corn yield. In every ease where begins were planted. the cr
yield was smaller (and In al but ne ease much smaller) than In oorwpondll
plants without beana.


inilpa seasons to fill in the remaining 4 months.
'The tools employed in truck' ftrning atre t itpick-
ax, the hoe, a pointed wooden stick, and a tin basin
or it gouird for wittering. In general their techniques
employed are thoos of a homo gardener; a great
deal of meticulous Ihand labor is involved.
All except a few plants, especially pepinos and
tomatoes, are grown in rectangular garden beds
called tablones. These beds, neatly and sharply
raised above clean straight troughs that separate
them, are characteristic of the irrigated lands of
the town. Singly or in patches of a dozen or two
they are to be found in all parts, surrounded by
coffee and fruit trees. The amount of land avail-
able sometimes limits the length (ideally 32 caras
or about 88 feet), but rarely changes the width
from its apparent optimum of three varas (about
8 feet). If a bed is wider than this, it is difficult
to reach the center from the gutters; if narrower,
too much space is wasted by the gutters. The
standard is a bed 3 by 32 varas, with eight beds to
a cuerda. Most of the working time of the
Indians, at almost any time of the year, is spent in
making the beds or planting, transplanting, water-
ing, weeding, or harvesting the vegetables.
In the dry season, the land is first thoroughly
flooded; the softened soil is then dug up with a
pickax and the raised rectangles are formed by
moving earth from gutters to beds. Even a bed
that is remade from an old one is carefully dug up
to a depth of 2 feet and the soil turned. Every
twig and stone is removed, but leaves and rubbish
are left for fertilizer. The edges are carefully
tamped down, work that requires the greatest
skill. After a few days the bed is watered and
then smoothed: every lump must be broken and
the bed made perfectly level lest water collect in
depressions.
ONIONS
If seed is to be planted, the bed must be especial.
ly carefully smoothed and even small pebbles re-
moved. A pound of onion seed is sprinkled
evenly over the surface, the planter moving along
the trough, then covered with an inch of damp
black soil containing rotted coffee leaves, and the
whole carefully covered with broad leaves to keep
off the sun. Every 3 days the leaves are lifted
and the bed is watered. Watering is always done
by standing in the flooded trough and with a tin
basin or a gourd sprinkling from above. When


the plants come up, in nbsiot 9 dnays, t'l c hiv. s. re(
ren ovcd; tiit lie i plants lr41 wr .c1,d duly i ,ti
fine spray until 2 inches high, iofvr iwh, i tl, iii aYe
wtltroed only otict iln Heverl d,~ys, r .v Ltn 1 ..
plants csem to need it. In 2 mointils 'hen s ed'iirf
are ready for tralnsplii.ii. i. Beds flor ninrililtit-
ing have been readied, and now with the hid of a
pointed stick the plants i,re uilrooted i i,:! i.r I
in a basket. Half of the beadn and a quarter if tlr
green is cut off, and dried leasce:e are rer-reld.
The seedlings produced iq 9oner tl are srfecie;,i
to plant eight tablones df onions.
Transplanting is usually womcie's work. Ech
seedling is, with the aid of a stick, ;,seted if Ahe
eartl with the thumb. The onions anr spaced 4 inches apart, unless largely oiCon : are
desired, when 5 inches are left bet wr-n. O'.io,-s
(or other vegetables) are also usunily planted
along the oblique edges of the bed. Soie people,
when they transplant, sow seed of other b(rls on
the bed at the same time, and the u('cs ot thase tar
left to grow with the onions. As the onions grow,
they are regularly watered ani weeded. Vihen
they begin to flower, the tips of the greens are t-u'
off. Before harvesting, the ground is softened
with water. After pulling up the onion", the
hairy root and any wilted leaves are cut off (aad
often left on the bed for fertilizer), the onions ar3
graded by size and tied into bunches of 10 f6r
market.
Some beds of onions are allowed to go to ieed
almost always in October so that the reed may
mature during the dry months. They r ar
fenced off and carefully watched, and the soil in
fertilized with the droppings of barnyard fowl.
At the time that seed replaces flowers, the ilc' is
flooded for an hour or more. Seed is prodiuce'l
from mature onions in about 5 months, thus tr)m
seed in 10 or 11. When ripe, half the stalk is cut
off, and a number of stalks exe tied togi the.:u .d
hung heads down in the kitchen to dry. When
dry, the seeds are removed from the stiAks a.jd
painstakingly husked with the fingers, the thrtT
picked out by hand. Seed is sold a v,'l1 us
used. A tablon of seed is enough to grow H'out
an acre of onions.
Yields.-The yield of a standard tablf n of
onions varies considerably according to t:hef ii,
the care, the weather--hence the season--pn, the
health of the plants. Onions may be graiti Ps.
"large," "medium," and "small" ad a tab',i


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL~ ANTHRnOPOLOGY rUIBLICATION NO. 10






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


normally yields onions of different sizes. Actual
counts in a number of tablones show that there
are about 5,000 to a standard all-onion tabldn.
The proportion of onions of different sizes was
carefully worked out with a reliable farmer and
checked against other data. The yields per
onion bed (1/45 acre) result as follows:
Good harvest.------------- 3,333 large onions.
1,6(7 medium onions.
Fair harvest.------------- 2,5)00 large onions.
1,667 medium onions.
833 small onions.
Poor harvest..-------------- 1,667 medium onions.
3,333 small onions.
Since there is no reason to believe that 1936 was
an abnormal year, I am supposing that yields on
Indian onion lands approximated these figures.
We also calculated that about
10 percent of all tablones yield nothing.
20 percent of all tablones yield poor harvests.
30 percent of all tablones yield medium harvests, and
40 percent of all tablones yield good harvests.
Using these figures, which I believe are as good as
could be had except with enormous effort not worth
the possible difference, it may be concluded that
an average acre of onions (containing 45 tablones)
yields:
Large onionns.--- -------------------------. 93, 750
Medium onions..------------------.------- 67, 500
Small onions-------------------------- 41, 250
Total...---....----.----.. ----------- 202, 500
GARLIC
Garlic, the second most important truck crop,
is grown (in this region) almost exclusively at
Panajachel. It takes about 6 months from the
beginning of November to April for garlic to grow.
Since garlic is supposed to thrive better in land
that has been at rest, a greater proportion of
tabloncs than in the case of onions are probably
made in new land. Garlic also requires consider-
ably longer use of the land, for not only is the
growing season longer, but the land is usually
prepared several months in advance to allow the
weeds and other vegetation to rot thoroughly.
Since garlic is planted not with seed butwith
sections of the bulb, neither nurseries nor seed
beds are involved. The growing of garlic thus
corresponds to the growing of onions from onion
seedlings. After the beds have been prepared,
the sections of garlic are inserted at 4-inch intervals
with the fingers, and left uncovered. If the soil


ihas Ibeen properly prepared, only one weeding is TUBERS
required; otherwise two. Watering is done as for Sweet cassava and swcctpotatoes are grown
onions, except that after the plants reach the along the oblique edges of the garden beds (as are
surface they are not watered for 3 weeks; after several varieties of peppers) about a dozen of the
that, every 3 or 4 (lays. Preparing the harvest first and 140 plants of tle second in each of most
for market is a long task, often saved for evenings onion tablones in town. They are planted from
and rainy days, when the greens are carefully shoots, sweetpotatocs some 9 inches apart (usu-
braided into bunches for market." ally in December for August harvesting) and
BEANS sweet cassava about 0 feet apart. Since cassava
Beans are the third important tabldn crop of grows for as long as 2 years, it is planted at any
Panajachel. Both vine (pole) and shrub beam time; the other crops of the field are harvested
are grown. Most often planted in January and and the tablones remade while it grows.
February where a corn crop is harvested, beans PEPINOS
not picked green for market mature in 3 or 4
months. The garden beds are prepared as for Pepinos, with onions, garlic, and beans, are the
onions or garlic, and three or four beans an fourth major truck crop, and a Panajacliel special-
planted at intervals of about 9 inches. Since ty. They are rarely grown in tablones, almost
they grow for the most part in the dry months, always in individual hills in an open field. They
watering must be frequent and regular; they an require, like garlic, relatively fresh land, so are not
weeded once. Shrub beans require considerable usually planted in remade tablones. They grow
less labor than vine beans, both because the grow rom Ju to Jne;the p c the il
ing season is shorter and because poles have to b year, therefore, or sometimes even more, since on
gathered and set for the vines to climb, new land the soil is first prepared in May. After
Sthe soil has been turned with a pickax and pulver-
OTIER VEGETABLES ized, and stones and weeds removed, circles 2 to 3
Other vegetables of relatively minor importance feet in diameter are marked off about 2 yards
that are grown in Panajachel are huskcherries, apart and shoots of pepino bushes inserted in the
cabbages, radishes, peas, lettuce, carrots, beets, center of each. At this point a special soup made
turnips, kohlrabi, metabel (a beetlike plant), and of the hoofs of cattle is put on each plant. The
swiss chard. Occasionally part or even a whole field is usually fenced. When the rains stop, the
tablon is occupied with one of these crops. More plants must be frequently watered because pepinos
often they are grown along the edges of beds of are usually grown in sandy soil. Watering is done
onions, garlic, or beans, or (for their nurseries) by flooding the field between the plants, the hills
interspersed among these other plants, thud of which are carefully ridged and reridged to keep
grown incidentally and involving no easily sepa. the bushes growing inward and to keep the water
rable expenditure of effort. Iuskcherries actually from running off. A monthly weeding adds to
grow like weeds and are allowed to mature during the labor required. Plants bear fruit different in
the rainy season in the garlic beds. The other both size and number, both varying with the
vegetables are planted from seed imported from quality of the yield. Results of calculations made
the United States. Cabbages and beets ar "ith one thorough informant checked so well with
planted in nursery beds and transplanted like other data that I had that I am basing my estimate
onions. Cabbages are planted either 18 inches Ofyields on the conclusions we reached:
apart in a bed, or at 54-inch intervals along the Pepino yield:
edge of a bed of another crop. A cabbage bed i Best.....--.......- ..-....... 52,552 large.
weeded twice, beets only once; swiss chard and 56,591 medium.
metabel are also transplanted, but I have DL 60,637 small.
details on their culture. Radishes, carrots, and Average....-- ..--- ....- .... 33,219 large.
turnips are planted in nurseries, weeded oncS 35,270 smaum.
and thinned only as they are harvested." Worst-...---.-----............. 13,046 large.
s FPor yields, see p. 112. 4,042 medium.
For estmants of yields of tbeseM vetables see lnfa, p. 114. 9,903 small.
950746--63-5


The best harvests come on rented land, for re.i .-rj
look for "new" land. On land that hain r.'l Nt -n
planted with pepinos for 2 years, the h arv-vst is
average. If land is plaited in coieit',l-l: venrs,
the harvest will "surely" be poor lihe seorl. "'c.Tr
(People who do this"know no better.") If pepjrnoi
are planted too late, I was told, a sickness attacks
them and the yield is very poor. These rules hold
for any year, it was said.
The list of garden plants cultivated is by no
means exhausted; there are a nurmlbr of hertbs su-ch
as coriander, rue, mint, and cintula, a fivw alddi-
tional vegetables such as pear, tomatoes, and cu-
cumbers, and some miscellaneous plants such as
strawberries. But those of any considerable
economic importance have been discussed, and for
the rest the data available are too scant for inclu-
sion even if discussion should be warranted.
COFFEE
Coffee grown by Indians is found excl isively in
the delta, virtually all of it on land that might
otherwise be used for truck. The techniques used
are similar to those of local Ladinos, which prob-
ably do not differ much from those practiced by
small producers elsewhere in Guatemala. Groves
are begun with saplings that are either found in
the fields where they have sprouted and grown
wild, or have been planted in nurseries. Even
when nursery-grown, however, they raost Tro-
quently are planted not from seed but from wild
seedlings transplanted to nursery when 2 or 3
inches high. The nurseries are simply gardn
beds less carefully made than for veg,'.,~.
The seeds or seedlings are planted iron to 7
inches apart usually at the beginning of thre ;ainy
season. One weeding is usually required. Dur-
ing the ensuing dry season the 1 i wv-cter-,d
twice weekly. At the beginning of the following
rainy season, the saplings, now a foot or tv'o oiigh
and with four or five branches, are ready for trar.r-
planting. The bed is flooded for an hour or two.'
the young bushes carefully pulled out, suic tlir
roots wrapped in banana "bark" (l3 ':,r of Oth
trunk) and bound with fibers of thle s:ae1 '1i,
bushes are frequently sold to Ladinos.
Meanwhile, in the field destined to rcreiv? ihe
coffee, holes about 2 feet square a d d.,,p art lug
at intervals of from 5 to 7 feet. The, tibuhc r
unwrapped, carefully set into tlh holes, andc the
earth stamped down aro-nd the-n. 0Cth r kr'.e.


54


)i -





INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


including banana and other fruit trees, but es-
pecially silk-oak, are planted from 10 to 15 feet
apart, in holes that are a little larger than those for
coffee. Silk-oak seedlings are sometimes planted
in nurseries, hut most trees are simply transplanted
from their wild state. Bananas, of course, aro
easily planted from shoots.
When tie coffee bushes are still young, corn is
frequently grown on the same land. Occasionally,
vegetables are. But after the second year the
amount of shade makes this impracticable. Sonme
people occasionally water the young bushes. In
the tlird year there are some berries, and thie aun-
nual work of caring for the grove and harvesting
the berries has begun. Twice yearly, once in the
rainy season and once just before the harvest, the
grove is weeded and cleaned; the underbrush is
removed from between the rows so that berries
fallen during the harvest are more easily retrieved.
Men, women, and children alike do the harvesting,
which begins in November and continues through
January. No special tools are used, except a
hooked pole to pull down pliable branches and a
ladder used by children. The berries are picked
one-by-one, carefully, or (when the worker is paid
by the quantity harvested) carelessly by running
the hand down the branch. They are collected
in baskets or bags. The same grove must be
picked over several times as the berries ripen.
To remove the beans from the pulp, women use
the grinding stone; but many families own hand
pulping machines and others rent them by the
day. The beans are then placed in earthenware
pots buried in the ground. Tl: next day water
is added. On the third day the beans are placed
in baskets, washed, and then sunned on mats for
about 3 days. Then they are ready to be sold.
Alternatively, they may be shelled of their outer
parchment on the grinding stone or in a mortar
hollowed out of a tree stump, after which they
may be sold at a higher price or else consumed.
The yield varies from field to field (depending
partly on the,age of the bushes and the care they
receive) and from year to year-usually alternat-
ing between heavier and lighter yields. A good
informant said that in the third year after trans-
planting, a cuerda produces 20 pounds, the next
year 50, the fifth year 75, the sixth, 100, the
seventh, 125, and the eighth, 150 pounds. Then
for 2 or 3 years the yield drops to 125 pounds and
after that to 100 pounds (562 pounds per acre)


for as many as 30 years (with good care). IIis
own yield, in the past few years, ran from 75 to
150 pounds per cuerda (422 to 843 pounds per
acre); but his grove is old. Another owner of an
old grove harvested biut 87 pounds per cuerd t in
1930. Two otier informants said their grovem
produce from 200 to 250 pounds per cuerdt. (1,125
to 1,406 pounds per acre); another, that when the
harvest is good, he gets 125 pounds per cuerda
(703 per acre), and otherwise a little under 100
pouruis (562 per acre). Official statistics sholw
that in 1935-36 the yield in the whole Republic
was at the rate of 45( pounds per acre and ini the
Department of Sololfi, 409,40 and in the next ycar
455 and 443 lpoiunds per acre respectively." It
is hardly conceivable that the Panajachel yield
should be two or three times the general yield;
yet it must be above average. Most probably
the Panajachel yield in 1936 ran to some 100
pounds per cuerda or 562 per acre.
FRUIT


in the same time. Spanish plums, growing much
more thickly, are gathered by the thousand rather
than by the hundred.

VEGETAILE-PEAR
The vegetable-pear viner is qcite o another rn tter.
Planted from seeds or shoots in only a few minutes,
the young plant is frequently fenced in and usually
a trellis is built for it to climb and small pots are
suspended to encourage the growth of large fruit.
After the first harvest, in October or November,
the vine is pruned. Then it must be watered
occasionally until, in March or April, there is
another harvest. After 2 years, fruit is usually
no longer produced until the root, which has grown
large, is harvested. Then for 2 or 3 years fruit
grows again. Roots can be cut twice before the
vine dies. Each year, therefore, there are two
harvests of fruit, and every 2 years one of roots.
Agriculture is what Panajachclefios think of
when they think of the land. For the most part,
when they think of a1rriculture they think nf


Very few fruit trees are actually planted by the business. In The Business of Agriculture (pp.108-
Indians; most of them grow wild. Sometimes the 132) there is extended discussion of costs and re-
seeds of papayas, peaches, oranges, limas, limes, turns in this main Panajachel business.
and Spanish plums are planted in onion nurseries
and the seedlings later transplanted. Occasion- LAND OWNERSHIP AND
ally a seedling of a cross-sapodilla is found and PRACTICES
brought to the house to be planted in the yard.
Bananas and occasionally other fruit trees an COMMON LANDS
planted in the coffee groves, But mostly fruit
just grows. Likewise, the trees receive almost no Four kinds of land are in some sense publicly
attention. Some people occasionally weed and owned:
fertilize the ground around young trees, which (1) The law of Guatemala "l claims for the
three or four times during the dry season are also Government 200 meters of the shore of such navi-
watered by the women or children of the house, gable inland waters as Lake Atitlan, so that legally
It is the custom to smear honey, vinegar, or lard the State could dispossess the private owners of
on appropriate trees during Holy Week. That i land along the lake shore. But the traditional
the main care they receive, owners, at least through the time of this study,
Harvesting of the fruit takes most of what effort were permitted to retain and use this land and
is needed. The most common method is to twist to buy and sell it at will. I have heard, but not
off the stem of a fruit such as an orange with r verified, that foreigners (but never Indians or
long notched pole. Or the tree may be shaken se local Ladinos) who have bought such land on which
that the fruit drops. Or one may climb the tre to build homes have had to make financial arrange-
and pick the fruit by hand and deposit it in a bag ments with the central Government on what
The time involved depends upon the kind of tree appears to be a rental or lease basis. Local people
and the extent to which it is laden. For example have titles to their lake-shore land and appear to
it takes about an hour to gather 100 oranges, but --------
Zi5 Py" Decrru, No. 4S3. 189t, Article 16.whlch provide., that 200 meters from the
if the tree is heavily laden, 300 may be gathered siiesoflnrenhlelakes nrere.rvedutothepublitcdomain. The local Impres.
S r Agr., 19O p. 30 that the figure Is 100 meters; perhaps the l w has been chnnied. but I
*a Memnrta. Dept. Artl.. i p. 330 (fluittmnl i. ISI?). io N4 ubequent law relevoa t to the ponnt In Lurh t Vltttinn, Onuatmala,
t Metmoria Dept. A tlri.. 1W p. 211 (Oustemnnl. 19'3). la..


suffer no interference, although one !al:-.i.;orr-
landowner was denied exclusive ;'tufiT p ri;,,;-t.
and during the period ot study the ( cvt, erNrc-t
set asiide a pice' of sliori hr r,l p.-tih, it i
beach. Neither of thelso o"its ,ht.:vic'l i ,J ii.:
of land, although a roand-lilhlin;g Iprogram ;r. I '
didl.2 In the following discussion, 1 sh 8l vrat
lake-shore land as privately owned, an, rrnictei'y,
it is.
(2) Streets, roads, main paths, ani ra cnt irr' r-
tion ditches are publicly oned. S. also 'ec the
church and cemetery whichh qro t r!ur'h
property), the plaza, and the edifice hhos- f ',1 '
town hall, post office, etc.
(3) The sterile river bed may lb cr:trilecid
public. Anybody may collect firee?.,oi (r cf.to.e
from it, and when stones are collected c.crm-ne,-
cially for building purposes, permission mu;it b.- r,,
from the town authorities. Since in tr.l ri,
generation the river has continunllv crpdle its
banks there are legal titles to land tia at "thefrher '
has taken away." But the 3ow-nes app'.i) o "
consider such land as irrevocably ui elsq 'd do
not raise the question of its ownership, .o',iJy
seems to know if reclaimed 'an. mr; v.'.d he
returned to the original owners. Since nolne ha:
been reclaimed,43 all the river bed is leom Tr' ed
as publicly owned.
(4), There is one piece of truly corrmunal lan 1
on the west hillside. Generations ago tli1 Hillaidu
land, at least, was probably corrmunany ow.ed
and parceled out to different families who obtained
permission to plant their cornfields on it, a in
other towns. If this is true, communal tract on
the west hill is doubtless the last remnant of such
land in Panajachel, not allotted because it : .-ot
utilizable agriculturally. Whatever the history,
this piece of land is universally recognized as
communal property.
This tract of land is divided into two parts,
however. A strip at the foot of the hid is usua:iy
thought of as privately owned, and only the upper
part is legally, practically, and indisputably cMn.-
munal. The private owners of land at the base
of the hill claim as their own from 300 to 600 fet
of adjoining slope, but the town officials havo
established the rights of the municipality over it
a The rlrht to tiak land for rds rws reongnlted In rho then Oluait.nailT
Constitution (Artiletc "); Rathouch corminnsat on t? mentioneio n ?i o o t ry.
for mr re.on none w. eiven in this eaw.
4' Eceure a mlnecule portion on the vory edge of the river bd whleh hat
been reclaimed for truck.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECOINoMY-TAX






58 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


and in the only case where such disputed land is
utilized agriculturally, the "owner" is required
to ask permission of the authorities to plant his
cornfield. In one case a claimant actually in-
cluded about 300 feet of the rocky hill base in
the deed of land that he sold, but since the land
is worthless, the minor dispute that arose was,
and appears to remain, purely academic. Never-
theless, most people seem to think that this dis-
puted strip has individual owners, and for prac-
tical purposes it has. On map 6, and in most of
the following discussion, this land is therefore
treated as if it were privately owned.
Chart 5 separates private from public land, as
classified above. About 23 percent of the land
is publically owned, or 19 percent not counting
that which is privately claimed and used. Almost


( Privately *.' Privately Communal
Owned L. AClaimed Land

f Roads, River Bed 20 Acres
J Buildings, L ive cre
Etc.

CnART 6.-Land ownership.


26 percent of delta land has no private owners;
21 percent of hill land is comnmunally ewned or
claimed, but the undisputed (and agriculttirlly
useless) part constitutes but 15 percent of all hill
lands. Of the public lands of the delta, 87 percent
consists of the sterile river bed. Of the remainder,
most (65 percent) is taken up by streets and
roads and the smaller portions by irrigation
ditches (20 percent) and public buildings, the
plaza, and the cemetery (15 percent).

PRIVATELY OWNED LAND

Chart 6 shows graphically how the pr r tcly
owned and claimed land of the area studied ws dis-
tributed in 1936" among Ladino and India ti lprd-
owners, both resident in Panajachel and absent '..
It shows clearly that the Ladino3 own the iion's
share-so much so that even the absentee Ladiono
landowners own a third more than ail th ,nlOda-s
combined. This is a fact of importance, fCr the
Indians of Panajachel depend upon ti.e hlnd"
almost exclusively for tlhir living, andl Ith' c' l
stitute more than two-thirds of the, -ide,'it
population. Nor is this the whole picture: f c ,i
disparity, for the Ladinos to an extent ro, at. al
approached by the Indians own land o'i:'!in 'lr
area studied. At least eight resident l.cdirno
families have large landholdings not ir.hl cecd i:i
this study; indeed, the nfcric'ige of hi~ui:( 'sidc
owned by local Ladinos is far freateCI tfhi t.lh
entire area of Panajachel studied (Frobabiy '!!
the absentee Ladino owners own mnori, ic.. other places.) On the other hitcd, the rc.id tn!
Indians own relatively few acre-: of i.,Lo )'>.;ie
of Panajachcl. (Again absernteo Inr!ier la .'I
owners no doubt have larger holdings elhcwhc\i o
In the area studied, however, the disp ti h-o
not as great as the gross figure!i Wculd urdit~a.
cc Unlk crop distrihutionn, which can be obhsrrct, own y.lh'p ir.nrmA.
tion rncit c.re frominnflrmants. On the origltal r rki mapi, rr'%1. ;t' p1,.
with a sc cle of 40 inches to a nail land boundaries wef i;1,ttel asv t (t.'- u,
posihble, ll th the help of sevrali ntllve Intrwmen.;. In 11tO iccneiArt. i, t
Infornatmlon on the s e o Indlc:t lot. ws obtained from Infonrcnt'.. t, on.
pare, with crrrT pin'p lng dita t.tkrn frommnap me irurncrnta. .t tr
time, tihe ba se rlp wa- trrectc. Il tc nform to Dr. Mellry.oI't ft illis,
and t 'he b d bihoun'l:tari'\ -nw r te* l l : t some Icst 'nfe, 'n 3 ':n: ," 'o
Infornc int' staterment,--lcoltted r .cIn on the new ho .. Thic nii r.. t'.
cchcckcid on the roindc., ianl il th II, 'no l ct r.:' ,-,f t s( i .' 1 i .
plots. lMot Inecntc i cnec were Ir )?n *I lout o that, fin Mly, thi( lc .' 11, i'
exten, linc of the lrt, of a tiv:en sinall area aeo, tvre h ItIfn'n- r ., abomt
equctl'tl the i ezn-irtl n olf thit :eirf : i moacurcl on, the mcil. Ti,! v:tru car
ocieeld a fnal rhe k tm\ the cnrrtcr' y of the twl,e i ll It 1n. b, t c' ':L ri
aj plotlei on the ni..p. T'lrhe rr of rilcIdent lnd,'n thilli:i i .e ;.'tc c'7
more accurate thIan t hor:r of the other eLrwas, howe, ., ,r c,, ly I ( r 'lrrint
Indl:tas was the Informn\tiln of Infrnmants obta:cti-d e-tlr. ly t irt r. ic t' : Ity
of the orainal and lcorrectedl mraps.


MAP 6.-Land ownership.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN WDIrAN ECON'OUY--TAX 5 9







60 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


WEST
I Delta I


EAST


Absentee Indian Absentee Ladino

E Resident Indian j Resident Ladino

CHART 6.-Distribution of privately owned land.

for Indians own a greater share of the more val-
unble delta lands. They own only 18.7 percent
of all land, but 37.2 percent of delta land. For
resident Indlins the figures are 16.2 and 30.5
percent. The Ladino advantage is far greater in
the least valuable lands than in the most valuable,
and tlhe rule continues to hold as one analyzes
the delta lands alone: the Ladinos have progres-
sively larger proportions of coffee, milpa, and pas-
ture land, and a smaller proportion of the inten-
sively cultivated high-income-producing truck
lands.


Absentee ladino holdings are not nearly as val.
unable as the gross acreage figures would indicate.
Not only are Ihey primarily (89 percent) on the
hillsides as opposed to the delta but three-fifths
of the total (actually one large piece) is located on
the nearly sterile west hill. In the delta as well,
the absentco Ladinos make less productive use ol
their land, agriculturally, than do the resident
Ladinos, or, for that matter, than any other class
(chart 7). Almost one-fourth of their land (na
compared with 12 percent of that of resident
Ladinos) is idle or occupied by buildings, includ-
ing the chapel quarters of the American mission-
aries and the houses and gardens of outsiders who
maintain vacation homes here. On the other
hand, absentee Ladinos devote a larger proportion
of their tilled land to truck and coffee than do the
resident Ladinos, chiefly because they own con-
siderable lake-shore land especially suited to truck
farming, including a large experimental farm and
orchard owned by a foreigner.
With their high proportion of coffee to truck
crops, with their truck land rented to Indians
and the remainder disproportionately planted to
corn, it has been shown that Ladinos cultivate their
land less intensively than do the Indians, probably
because (1) they have more land to cultivate;
(2) they have other sources of income, hence less
need to make the most out of their soil; and (3)
since they require more hired labor than do the
Indians, they find intensive cultivation both more
difficult and less profitable than do the Indians."
Land owned by Indians, as compared with that
of Ladinos, exists in very small parcels. Hill lotb
are much larger than delta lots, but in hill and delta
alike Ladino parcels are fewer and larger than
Indian (chart 8). Likewise delta lots of the
west side are consistently larger than those of the
east. This is so despite the fact that 111 ol
157 Ladino delta lots (71 percent) and 192 od
325 Indian (59 percent) are on the west side-
Nevertheless, one reason is that the east side i
where most resident Indians live and own land
and it has long been cut and recut by inheritance.
The Ladino land of lhe east delta is in relatively
1 Fifteen of the total of nve hundreds and seventeen lots extend from a
delta onto the hill anl for purposes of this chart are c -led two. one a delbs
lot and the other a hill lot. The case of an nhwnt e Larlno hill lot of '!
acres hIt, the l fac st ht mst Ircl f land ownse by resle lent Iatlns
larger than thise of tie anhsnteno owners. The number of 1.rlino hillM
(21) Is too small for satlstlatl treatment. The fact remains despite o
exceptions, however, that LAdlno lots ar much larger than Indian lots
that hll lots are very much larger than dolts lots.


small parcels because munch of it was acquired by
the foreclosure and purchase of Indian plots.
It will be recalled, also, that the land of the cast
delta has been in intensive use for a longer time,
and was thus valuable at a time when (like the
hill lands today) much land of the west side was
not producing or was less intensively cultivated.A
It is seen in chart 9 that the average of 47
resident Ladinos who own Panajachel land owns

* As lato na 1801 (Maumlsly, 1899, photolr:aph) tho river passed through
what is now the west side of the delta. The land of the west side Is still
stony; no doubt much of It has only recently come into production.


8% tines i n mtich lanr lt as the a .'er( 1 I, i '. i 27
resident Indian landowner;, utl tt'h liri:i.y-i i:
only 5 to I if the question concerns 'i.'..r: o! **'e
land alone (45 Ladinos, :27 Induirs). W.rn
only resident owners of coffee anId rulcr! la'd (:3,
Ladinos, 126 Indians) are consider, ced 1, :1i.-
parity is again slightly larger n )t t <( 'r c i.? ,tadiri
own a larger proportion of such t'et. 'r I (. ). ,.'
they are few in number. it general (d iSpirit'
in average landhlolding,, of absent e-,l o\wn vis (to'
all land, 30 Ladinos and 32 Indians;, Jelt sh land, 2-1
and 32; and coffce-truck land, 12 and 32)' folows
-t' ,


Abs.


LADINO


cINDIAN
INDIAN


r**
10 Acres
Truck Coffee Milpa Pasture Bldgs, Nothing
CHART 7.-Delta land use.


PE:NNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN FACONOMY~--TANi






62 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


the same pattern, but resitdepi, who own land in
Panajachel own more each than absentee land-
lords. Neither among Indians nor Ladinos is the
land equally distributed. In each class a few
families tend to own a large proportion of the land,
but this is more true for Indians than for Ladinos.
Chart 10 and table 10 summarize the distribution
of land owned by resident Ladinos and Indians.
(There is no point, of course, in discussing distri-
bution of Panajachel lands among the absentee
owners). It should be noted again that the data
on Indian lands are more reliable than those on
Ladinos. These were independently and com-
pletely checked with informants, while the sizes
of Ladino parcels, determined originally by map-
ping to scale and measuring, were only partially
verified in other ways. It will be noted that with-
in each class the disparities are less in the case of
delta lands than of all lands or of coffee-truck
lands.
LADINO OWNERS

Thirty absentee Ladinos own 40 parcels of
land in the area studied: one of them four pieces,
two others three apiece, and three others two


LADINOS


ResA-bs.
INDIANS


[1=/AC9E W'Esr DoLTA
EAST DoEL rA


CHAR 8.-Average acreage of individual lots.


apiece; the remaining 24 own one lot each. The
average acreage per owner is 12.3 acres, the dis-
tribution as follows:
1 owns 215 acres, all hill land.
1 owns 80 acres, all hill land.
1 owns 22 acres, 12 of which are hill land; 10, delta
1 owns 10 acres, all hill land.
1 owns 8 acres, all delta land.
1 owns 5 acres, 3 of which are hill land; 2, delta.
1 owns 5 acres, all hill land.
1 owns 2 acres, all hill land.
5 own from 1 to 5 acres, all delta land.
17 own less than I acre, all delta land.
TABLE 10.-Comparison of land distributions

Percentage of Pnnaachel land owned
20ths of
population All land Delta land Truck-coffee land
(families)
Ladlno Indian Ladino j Indian Ladlino Indian
5..-.--- 52.3 30.6 32. 21.6 3A. 0 21.1
....-..... 1.2 10.7 20. 13.8 19.5 13.
3 ........ 10. 3 103 1 .3. 10. 13.0 l.
----------- 7.0 7.5 9.5 9. 10.6 .7
---- 3 .------ 84.3 8. 0 1 8.0 8.4
----------- 3.2 .1 .4 6.6 3.8 6.1
7 -----------2.7 4.0 34 5.7 2.7 5.1
----------- 14 3.4 2.6 5.0 1.7 5.1
o ,,
9........ 1.0 1 1 4.2 1.4 4.1
0........... 8 24 13 3. .6 3.1
I----...------- 2. 1.2 3.1 .2 3.0
12........... 4 1.7 .0 2. 0 2.1
13.......... 15 1.2 .2 1.9 0 1.1
14------------1 .9 .2 1. 0 1.4
15....-..... 08 .6 .1 5 1. 0 1.
1 ........... o05 0 .9 0 .1
17........ 0 .15 0 .3 0 .1
18-20-..... ...-......-...... .......... .. .-
Total. 100.48, 100.0105 100.75 09.68 99.7 90.4

Twenty-five persons thus owvn the 42-odd acre
of absentee Ladino land in the delta, an average
of 1.7 acres for each. The largest delta holding
are of 10 and 8 acres; six are from 1 to 5 acres each;
and of the 17 who own less than an acre apiece,
4 have only house sites 0.05 to 0.13 acre each.
Eleven of the absentee Ladino owners live in
Guntemnaa City, nine in Solol:it, three in the Pa-
cific lowlands, two in San Andr6s, and one each in
Quzexllennrlgo, S. Jos6 Clhnlnyai, Aguin 1scondidi
and Ihe Unit(edl Stales. The lIstl is the North
American missionary group operating in Plena-
jichcl, were it owns two pieces of hn rl. In it!
role as a resort Pninjnachel drnws landowners fioin
as far away as -Guatemala City, and in rec'ntl
years even from the 1pnited States. The number
of such owners has increased from 1936, for which
year the figures were prpclred, to 1941 (when the
study ended), and probably since. Because of its
interest to tourists, as the most accessible spot o0
the lake, Ladinos of nearby towns are also invest.


ing in Pannjachel land. But many of the Ladino
owners from such neighboring communities as
Solola~ and San Andr6s have long owned Pana-
jachel land, especially hill land, for reasons other
than the resort potentialities of the place.
A not-too-careful census counted 62 Ladino
. . ...... : .-: :.- :.


056746--53---


families in 1936, besides officials, f.a:hln ri-
sionaries, and others not pcr nnn o IV1 rs-;Jent,
Of these 62 families, 15 ownedl Tino ia j~ iji, linT
at all, while 2 families owired 22 (and 9 il.ii ,, (4
48) of a total of 140 lots. Including the 'aonllhes
families, the average of 13.6 acres par lardvowr.--


II -I 0.9



LADINO INDIAN
LADING INDIAN

4 4.


.1.0


z
w~


:--D = 1/4 Acre


S= All land

D = All delta land

S= Coffee- trck .
(- delta land-
CHART 9.-Average acreage per land-owning family.


S -.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOhn' TAX


\.






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTIllOI'OOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


is reduced to 10.3 per family. Iut ainonig thi
landowners themselves, one family alone owns 230
acres, or 36 percent of all Ladino-owned iandl.
Eight families own 75 percent of the land, while


100


21 own more lha 0195 percent ings in Panijachel. These ligtires include the
less productive hill land as well as delta land; but,
although the order of individual owners changes


ino Indian Ladino Indian Ladino Indian
ALL DELTA LAND TRUCK & COFFEE
LAND ONLY LAND ONLY

CHART 10.-Distribution of land among Ladinos and Indians. (Data from table 10.)


when delta lands nloin arec counted, the general
picture remains pretty much the same, as seen in
chart 10 and the following summary:
6 families own more than 51 percent.
12 families own almost 75 percent.
19 families own almost 00 percent.
25 families own more than 95 percent.
34 families own 99 percent, leaving
11 families owning together only 1 percent of the land,
and 17 families landless.
Put another way, less than 10 percent of the Ladi-
nos of Panajachel own more than 50 percent of
Ladino-owned delta land, while on the other end
of the scale almost half of them own together but a
hundredth of the total. Even less evenly distribu-
ted are the very valuable coffee and truck lands
of the delta, of which
5 families own almost 51 percent.
11 families own more than 76 percent.
17 families own about 01 percent.
21 families own about 95 percent, and
30 families own 99 percent, leaving
4 families owning together 1 percent, and
28 families without any.
Since the Ladinos are usually only partly de-
pendent upon agriculture for their living, this
distribution is only a partial index of the distri-
bution of wealth among them. Moreover, land
owned by Ladinos outside of Panajachel are not
included. Since the large landowners of Pana-
jachel tend also to have other sources of income,
and to own land outside of Panajachel, inclusion
of additional data would probably show even
greater difference in the wealth of the rich and the
poor.
INDIAN OWNERS

It has already been pointed out (charts 6 and 7)
that Indians own only 18.7 percent of all Pana-
jachel land, but twice the proportion in the delta
(37.2 percent), and that the proportion of Indian
land in intensive cultivation is relatively great.
What land they do not own probably passed from
Indian into Ladino hands in the past two or three
generations. This seems likely both because
there were virtually no Ladinos in Pannjachel
before about 1850, and because they would have
had little incentive to exploit such land as is found
in Panajachel until coffee became a commercial
crop. Probably as much as half of what Ladinos
Own came to them in the two decades preceding
this study, which was the period of increasingly


profitable coffee ultur, as well as of (hie r .:val
of city families who foundll oni the slt le i f the ( I.
sites for Iotels and clihlels. ltin"cdtl, a goo, Ipart
of their lannd wa lost by 'the Indians dltriing ;It
depression years of the thirties when tlt v de-
faulted on debts or were forced by soine necessity
to sell. The general rule is that transfer of lind
from Indian to Ladino is a one-wav v r. 'cess
Ladinos obtain Indian land, but the reverse is
rarely true.47 However, at tlie time of stludl,
the peak of such transfers may have pass,*ld, for
there was growing resistance to sll land to
outsiders, and when an Indian needed moev he
seemed to go first to other Indians.
It should not be supposed that with so much
land alienated, the Indians have been reduced
largely to working for Ladinos. Among compen-
sating factors are (1) that the Indians i:re able, ,o
rent a large proportion of Ladino land; (2) the
diminution of Indian holdings was ncrotrlpartic by a decrease of. Indian population (from 2,012 in
1893 to 1,145 in 1921 1) as niuty 1no dolil.lt 'i-
grated to plantations;" and (3) increna ti: ly
greaItr exploitation of and larger retlurno s from the
sale of their fruits and vegetables to the -ro',-':i.
Ladino population.
Nor does the transfer of lands to La'!ino- cr- e-
sarily mean that there are more landless Iniann
now than formerly, since before the iland wes so
monopolized by Ladinos, a few rich Indian s may
have owned as much.
Absentee owners own 13.8 percent of Indiat'
land, and 18 percent of Indian delta land. Their
proportion in intensive cultivation is higher t-har.
that of the resident Indians (the.r pr-pel ticn in
truck a third greater-see chart 7) and thlyi have i
particular preference for onions and ,:e~l.inow
All but four of the absentee Indii.no, ra)'ncf' ivi,
in neighboring San Jorge, the han! t, cf t(le Ow ?uni.
A few caes of sales of land by bedl6n tL Ih:dsvrt wire ) :.. BMh
groups seem to follow the custom o offelng lan l fir i o rt vlol ow .j. :"
one who owns adjoinlng land. Thus I brve a none :,N',-r l ir.'41 r t.-
gernini an Indian who suppoas that the Ltdino ocnner of l... o"..r e 7
his did not offer It to him before others b- cie ie- vw piresretwd .o t
to be able to buy it back. I ha i soun rdi :,Or it r *. 1oN- I"t' ur;il; .
Indian recnIled thit ne of the 9-ny, the flirt .Pllrci 'ir c ei(tr tc eir tdircW
In Pantlachel wrs yr sur pellnn to their Indian nelthbot, "t r -- je ?:
nelfhbors-they should offer land tothemr rst
4 4th Census, Part I, Onuitrm'lm, 1t92 . 16 'rom ItF tm o )t; Ih
number of Indian increased ain tn to ,S4 '5th C'et,'.u W 4. r '.
* In oame senses they probably cIft atn oit tome 'ncv th t ; (i''IT
lands and in ot here they dnubtlers went to planlntlon.s ix ct or rer-ni,' i.tsd
then more readity sold their Fana)nrhel tandsi. Ir4 191' 3 ''-,. Ii ii
families freed from plantation obllratIo ty .tew larx eturr.er '* Pani.
lJcbel; but having no land. and no way of m.nthlg a lIvr!n. tl'op on I. ft
aaIln.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONONIY--TAX






66 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


cipio of Solola that is half way up the road to the
city of Solola. Although Jorgefios and Sololatecos
have almost identical litigunge and costume, and
presumably culture, San Jorge hna been recognized
as a separate community since the earliest recorded
times.0 Panajachelefios say that a Jorgeflo
obtained Panajachel land about a century ago; his
name is known, and so are some of his descendants.
IHe is said to have owned most of the lower west
delta when it was almost uncultivated pasture land
with large patches of cane. lie planted vegetables
on some of the land and sold or rented other parts
to his compatriots for the same purpose. His
descendants, some of whom live now in Panajachel
and are counted as resident Indians, still own some
of the land.
Besides the Jorgefios, three Sololatecos and an
Indian living in the hills above San Andrds own
Panajachel land. The number of Jorgefo land-
owners depends on the exact ownership of two of
the pieces of land said by local people to be owned
by "about three" and "about eight" Jorgeio
families, respectively. If the "about" is dropped,
there are 28 Jorgenlo owners, thus 32 absentee
Indians who own a little over 31 acres of Pana-
jachel land, almost 29 in the delta. The average of
something under an acre compares with 12.3 acres
for absentee Ladinos. In the delta the average
holding of 0.9 acre compares with 1.7 acres for
absentee Ladinos, 4.7 acres for resident Ladinos,
and 0.9 acre for resident Indians. The average
coffee-truck acreage is however relatively high
(chart 9). The land of the r.Lentee Indians in
1936 was the most intensively used in Panajachel,
in most striking contrast to that of absentee
Lasdinos. It may be said that outside Ladinos own
land in Panajachel while outside Indians have
farms in Panajachel.

RESIDENT INDIANS

It is with the land of the resident Indian com-
munity that this study is chiefly concerned.
Data on resident Indian land ownership as well as
population are both more complete and more
accurate than on that of other classes.
0 Diego do O fis wrote, In 162., that the town called "San Ocorge" had
been lo acted at the lake shore until. 20 years before. It had been destroyed by
a river and had been rebuilt half way up the ilope (VAsquez, 1937, vol. I, p.
s19).
*o In table 4 the number is shown as '17. but that Includes the dual bouse
bo'ds of two polygynous men; for purposes of land distribution, eah of
the dual households I better treated asone.


In 1936 the 155 Indian households in Pana.
jachel't owned slightly less than 200 acres of
Panajachel land and about 21 acres outside the
area studied. Only 127 of the 155 families owned
land, however, so that the average of 1.5 acres
per household is increased to almost 1.8 acres per
landowning household, as compared with 10.3
and 13.6 acres, respectively, for resident Ladinos.
Almost two-thirds of the landowning families
own at least two parcels. Indeed, almost two-
fifths of them own at least three. At the other
end, 10 percent own from 5 to 15 pieces each.
The parcels in the delta are usually very small-
90 percent of them under an acre (table 11)-but
by purchase or inheritance the family typically
accumulates several of them.
Of the resident Indian lands, 6 households own
almost 25 percent (chart 10 and table 10); 15
almost 50 percent; 38 about 75 percent; and 105
more than 95 percent. As with the Ladinos, 10
percent of the households own half the land, while
at the other extreme more than a third of the
people own less than 1 percent. Delta lands
exclusively are less unequally distributed:
26 families own about 50 percent,
51 families own about 76 percent,
82 families own about 90 percent,
100 families wn more than 95 percent, and
116 families about 99 percent, leaving
11 families with 1 percent and
28 landless.
TABLE 11.-Size of Indian delta lots

81zo of lot (acres) Number Percent
Under 0.5:
Under 0.1.......................... ......... .. 24 7.1
0.1-0.2....--.............-.,- --... 87 29;
0.20.3.......... ........................ 39 12.1
0.30.4........................................ 5 It.i
0.1-0.5.......................-..... -........... 5
Total.............................. ......... 214 t7
O..-1.0......................... ..... ... 6 11
1.-. .... ......................... ........ ....... ... 24 .
1.5-2.0. ........... ..... ...................... 4 .
2.0- 2........................ .................... ............ .......
2.-3.0............................................ 2 .
Total... .......2........ ...... 303 100.1

Or, to put it another way, a wealthy 17 percent
of the families own ,half the land while a poor
quarter of the people together own a hundredth.
The distribution of coffee-truck lands is similar
to that of all delta land.
This inequality is less if one omits from the
reckoning immigrant families who have come to
Panajachel as laborers or artisans. Of the 20 such


families, only 2 own land in Panajaclhl, and only
one-fifth acre between them. It is also useful to
leave out of account two Jorgefio families resident
in Panajachel; they own land and are farmers as
are the Panajachelecios, but they enter into local
life hardly more than do their relatives who live
in San Jorge. The remaining "Panajachelelios"
(as opposed to "foreigners") number 132 families."5
u Including two dual (polygynous) households here counted as one apiece.


25





20






15


10






5






0
% of
Land


They own about 222 acres, '29 of .i :i are in ': 3
delta; the average per houselhol is -.s f>r
all land, and just undler 1 arn, fo. dl& a ,a5l.
Of the 132 Pannjnclhlcefio liouselin]ls, i! ujt 0
own land. Of these 9, 2 are not ren l0,,file;
their inheritance had simply not hbei tuir; id o;er
to them in 1936, allihoughi they v -o-l.- : 1 n.
There were, then, 7 families of t' s'32 fit. no
land resources. Tic distributtlri 'n t! .lauro 0


25%





25%





25%





25%


1st
(20th of
families


2nd





3rd

S4th
I t


Hill
Only


1st:
(20th of
families )

2nd

3r ( .d


4th

5th

6th
7th
8th
___s. _...
- . _


Delta
Only


5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
Twentieths of Population (Families)
CHArT 11.-Distribution of Panajacheleflo land.


4


t- I- q~fR a W.Mll


........ ......


f


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TrAX






68 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


the Panajachelenos giving equal shares to house-
holds sharing land (chart 11) may be summarized
as follows:
Of all land:
6 families own 25 percent,
16 families own 50 percent,
39 families own 75 percent,
6S families o n 90 percent,
85 families own 95 percent, and
109 families own 99 percent, leaving
7 families landless.
Of delta land alone:
9 families own 25 percent,
26 families own 50 percent,
53 families own 75 percent,.
80 families own 90 percent,
91 families own 95 percent,
116 families own 99 percent, leaving
9 families with 1 percent and
7 families landless.
In other words, an eighth of the families own
half the land, while at the other end a sixth of
them share a hundredth of it. But the distribu-
tion of valuable delta land is much more equitable:
27 percent of the families own half of it while at
the other extreme only a ninth of the households
are left with the last hundredoh. The difference
results because only a fourth of the families own
all Panajacheleflo hill land, including that in other
communities.
Table 12 shows the distribution of Pana-
jachelefio land wealth with areas of different types

TABLE 12.-Distribution of all Panajachelefi land, areas
reduced to value

Percentage of land Percentae of land
owned controlled
l0ths of population
By house- By per- By house. By f r-
holds sons' holds sons
st.. .... ................ 1 17.1 21. 19.
24.....-- ................. 122 12.3 12.4 12.2
3d...................... 10.1 0.9 10.5 10.1
4th.................... 8 0 .0 8. 0 6
8th............... ........ 7.8 7 7.2 7.0
0th ... ............ 0.0 0..1 6.1 6.4
tth ............ .. .... .0 .4 5.4
Sth ...........5... .0 5.0 4.9
9th ............... ........ 4.8 4.7 4. 4
10th...... ...... ...... 3.7 4.0 3.6 3.8
ttth..................... 3.4 3.6 3. 1 3.4
12h .................... 3.1 3.3 2.0 2.9
13th........ ............ 2.7 22. 2.3 2.4
14th .. ............... 2.2 2 3 2.0 2.1
5lth .......... .... ... 1.9 1.9 1.7 1.t
eth... ......... ....... 1.4 1.3 1.3 1.4
17th ... .. .....:........ 1.0 1.1 1.0 1.2
lRth ..................... .92 .M0 .83 .86
19th . ......... .... .46 .64 .39 .65
20th...........--......... ........... .12 .......... .12
Total............... 9.9 100.02 100.02 100 03
I Calculated not on tbhe basts of ndlvldual ownership or control withIn
the bhousebold. but simply by dividing the land owned or controlled by the
houo od by the amber eo peronso t h boubold, exclduding merent&


of land reduced to dollar value (below, pp. 82-84),
the aamilics reduced to the number of individuals
and with pawned land (below, pp. 80-81) counted
as the property of the pawnee rather than of the
nominal owner. This gives a more realistic
picture of the distribution of land wealth which,
in Panajachel, is the basis of virtually all wealth
With delta land worth so much more than hill
land, the distribution by dollar value is not un-
like the distribution of delta acreage. A compare.
ison of the four distributions shown in table 12,
however, demonstrates two further points of some
interest: (1) The land controlled by the various
families is more unevenly distributed than the
land actually owned. This might mean that
in the process of pawning lands, the rich an
becoming richer and the poor poorer. However,
as will be seen, there is no such general rule;
one wealthy family has obtained control of so
much land as to skew the distribution. (2) The
distribution of land owned or controlled is mor
even when the individual is taken as a unit than
when the household is. This is because, il
general, the most land-poor families tend to be
small while the richest households are large. Thi
fact, of some importance in discussion of wealth
mobility, will be referred to again.

TENURE AND TRANSFER

If more of the hill land was communally owned
in past generations, the system of allotment wu
probably similar to that in San Pedro across the
lake, where there is much more (Rosales, 1949).
Individuals who prove need receive the use of
land from the town authorities in exchange for
a small quantity of the harvest per unit of land
(the same rental, actually, that is paid to private
landowners). The authorities use the proceeds
to pay secular and ceremonial expenses. It
Panajachcl there exists no problem of use d
the piece of hill land still commonly held, bccausa
it is useless. For practical purposes all of thb
land of Panajachel is privately owned, and wholly
alienable, and landowners are free to do whatever
they wish with their holdings. Public opinion
to some extent limits the individual's freedoB
to dispose of his land: it is better to sell tc
an Indian than to a Ladino, if possible, and it i
better to sell to one who owns adjoining laI
than to anybody else, especially if he is a forms


owner. More important as a limitation is the
high value placed on ownership of land: to
buy it increases and to sell it decreases not only
wealth but prestige. Finally, the individual's
freedom is restricted by his family: if a man's
children object strongly enough, he may desist
from selling his land, especially since public
opinion supports their argument that he is wrong
to fritter away their inheritance. With these
qualifications, ownership is unrestricted: land
can b)e bought and sold, rented or mortaged,
or given for security for a loan.
There are apparently two kinds of legal title to
lands, and two kinds of corresponding transfer of
title. Deeds prepared by lawyers may be regis-
tered in and transferred through a Government
land office in Sololh, in which case taxes are paid
on the land. Or titles may be privately drawn
up and transfers privately arranged, in which case
an amateur lawyer draws up the papers of transfer
on stamped paper, they are signed by the prin-
cipals and witnessed and kept in the possession
of the purchaser. Such unofficial transfers are
apparently legal but not considered very safe and
watertight. The proportion of Panajachel lands
the ownership of which is registered in the land
office in Sololo is probably small. The three cases
in which I was a principal to a land transaction
were all cases of unregistered documents. (I do
know what happens if an owner of lake-shore land
attempts to transfer title in Solola, since legally
the land there is of the public domain.)
Land can be, and is, owned by individuals re-
gardless of sex; thus part of the land of a family
may be owned by the husband and part by the
wife, each of whom has separately inherited it or
acquired it in some other manner. Mfen in general
own more land than women, both because they
are often willed more and because the husband
rather than the wife takes title to land bought by
the family. Young sons and daughters may under
certain circumstances own land, but if they are
living under the power of their parents or step-
parents tho latter actually use the land for them
until they become independent and come into
their inheritance. In a similar manner, the hus-
band as agriculturalist generally controls the use
of the land of his wife. Neither husband nor
wife is solo master of the home or the family purse,
and neither is likely to buy or sell land without
the other's permission. Certainly neither can sell


what belongs to the other li. iL l M'::,: p--
spective buyer erred seriot;sl whien lie lp(,r,'ch.id
a man about land which his wfow% whfe ow're; oi v'r
thick real reason may Iihvoe been, thim \i i'n .A')se-
quently refused to sell at any price ecvrn th'oughr
her husband seemed to favor doing s:). After
that he refused even to talk h ubf (t :lro InId x'copt
in his wife's presence. In anol h;r- rCse an Ii!ilan
obtained his wife's permlission; to sell a pi, :e of her
inheritance to a Ladino; tir e, so 0vns '9.. o-
mated, but the wife's mothe:ir then .atjccti so
strongly to her duaghter that she inO'tc. d I',r
husband to return the monov.
In general, Indians api nart to be loath ( .0 :ell
their land, and sell only when they dll(.'in it r 90o-
lutely necessary. One class of cx ,'pti;onl ,'tsos
has come about in recent years with rhe .iPlingness
of outsiders to pay high prices for lake-slio'.' Il-ri.
Indians have in such cases s,1'd land, ,ut have
bought other land to replace it. There ait ."jso
cases in which people have sold land to pa for
prolonged drinking, and even (mafte! corn in to a
substantial legacy) to live an easy life. Siuch sci.-
ing of land is not only unusual but frowi cid u pon
in the community. Itis generr lly felt that parents
should keep their land for their chi'.drlcn. In ol.
case where a land-rich Indian s ld all of hi. lartI.
heard nothing but censure for him w inthadi hadi .:o
much and who left nothing tc h;s chiltr.'n I i.:v.
several notes on similar cases: T sia'll 'citt lbri;e
that seem especially significant.
(1) An informant described how a n:aan viw'., a1l'
been left considerable money and! land' by his
father quickly spent the money and then eventoin!-
ly pawned or sold almost all the land. I(h a;ddel,
"Now he is not even able to work well' his p!' vet-
ical weakness is undoubtedly an infirmity sent
him by his father because he has lost all the larin."
(2) I tried to buy a piece of land from an L dian
friend. "What would I have to leave my chil-
dren?" he asked, and added, "You can d.g r. ,d dig
in your land, and the land is still there. Put ir.
fertilizer and the land grows. But money . .9"
Several months later lie was still rciteratintg this
position; he told me that others also wv-, te:d to
buy the land, but that he would not sell. Hle said
that he was considering trading it, lhow e e(r, for a
larger piece in a less favorably sit.litce. piece.
(3) An American in Guatemala City swho was
trying to buy a certain small piece of hltnrlfromn a
local Indian asked me to intervene. The land was


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONONIY TAX'






70 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


the wife's inheritance. For a time I thought slhe
was holding out for more money, but when sihe
refused to sell even for 10 times what the land was
wortl by local standards, I became convinced of
the sincerity of her insistence that she wanted it
for her son.
It is true that there are special objections to
selling to Lalinos and to foreigners, but in too
many cases they proved too weak to interfere
with negotiations to suppose that they were the
major consideration in the last two cited. In
1941 an Indian proved anxious to sell me a piece
at a very moderate price; mistakenly thinking
that I had bought it, an Indian who lived on
adjoining land complained at its having been sold
to a foreigner. But the fact ri mains that had I
wished, I could have made the purchase (nor was
the seller a friend of mine: I did not know him
before negotiations began). In the case of a
Family that did sell to foreigners, some Indians
blamed them for the opening of several new roads
which took away the land of others; but nobody
seemed to take the matter to heart. I tried in
vain to get a serious condemnation of sales to
outsiders from the richest landowner in town (who
himself had never sold land) or from almost any
body else. What feeling there is is both mild and
sporadic. The facts are that for generations land
has been sold to Ladinos and to foreigners, that
Indians if they must sell prefer to sell to other
Indians, but that they almost surely put money
(in this matter) above sentiment.
Until recently when lake-shore land began to
bring high prices from foreigners, so that some
sold it to better themselves by buying larger
areas of agricultural land elsewhere, it could be
said that Indians do not sell land for business
reasons but only because they need or want the
money for consumptive purposes. Cases that I
have, as well as statements of informants, all
indicate that sickness, death, and the assumption
of municipal or religious office are by far the most
important events leading to loss of land. Even if
land is not immediately sold in such circumnst'inces,
debts eventually lead to its sale, or to it, loss by
being pawned and never redeemed. Protracted
drinking, which also often leads to debt, is itself
frequently begun at funerals and during the
performance of duties connected with civil and
religious offices. There are cases in which land
is sold in order to liquidate debts, and these may


in a sense bo called sales for business purposes.
In one case cited below, one of two pieces of land
was sold to enable the owner to redeem the other.
In another, an Indian was anxious to sell a
heavily mortgaged piece of land, having no hope
of redeeming it, to enable him to pay other press.
ing debts. But I have never heard of land's being
sold to furnish capital, probably because land itself
is the only really profitable investment available
to a Panajachelefio.
The last land to be lost, if all is lost, is almost
always the house site. If it is pawned, the family
continues to use the house-the creditor using only
the land; but if it is sold, the family can remain
only by the kindness of the new owner. There
were only five cases in 1936 (besides that of a
man who kept a second wife and family in a
"borrowed house") in which families who owned
land did not live on their own property. In none
of these cases was the house site sold or otherwise
given up before other land, and the evidence is
clear that such would be an extraordinary practice.
On the contrary, landless Panajachelefios buy land
first from a desire for a home site. This means, of
course, that while land is the source of wealth and
economic security, it also makes possible an owned
home site, desire for which may be as important
as desire for wealth. In other words, Indians do
not live on borrowed land in order to make the
most, agriculturally, of their own land.
While it is true that the sale of Indian land to
Ladinos and outsiders is in general a one-way
process, our notes record six cases of the reverse,
four of them in very recent years. It is, obviously,
a matter of relative wealth: Ladinos usually are
not forced to sell land, and when they do sell, it is
apt to be in quantities that Indians cannot afford
to buy, and often for prices higher than they will
pay. Of the six cases, four concerned wealthy
Indians, and the other two poorer Indians who
bought very small lots from relatively poor Ladi-
nos. Molst of the land that Indians buy is pur-
cha' td from other Indians. The number of such
transactions, probably four or five a year, is
difficult to estimate from my incomplete notes,
partly because in all-Indinn transactions the line
1et ween pawned lands and purchased lands is very
hnzy. Discussion of pawning is anticipated in the
following cases inserted to show the confusion
that often surrounds land transactions among the
Indians.


(1) Norberto and Petroii Salanic were brother and
sister, the latter widowed and with one son, Leandro
Rosales. 'ctrona and her son had no land, and lived in
various borrowed houses. Norberto, sorry for them, gave
his sister 2 cucrdas (0.4 acre) of coirce land on which to
build a house; this was half of a certain piece of land he
owned. The whole piece had been pawned to a Ladino
for $50, so Norberto could not give his sister immediate
legal title. Instead, he took her to the town hall, and
there, before witnesses, turned over the land. Shortly
afterward, in 1936, Petrona died. Her son Leandro
inherited the land, which had never come into Petrona's
possession. In order to pay for his mother's funeral,
Lcandro pawned the land for $20 to Agustin Yax6n, the
informant. No document was turned over, but there was
a witness. Norbrto paid to the Ladina $33 to apply on
his debt of $50; he expected to pay the remaining $17 that
year, and thus redeem the land and turn the half of it
over to his nephew, Leandro.
In September 1937 Norberto himself died, leaving as
sole heiress to his property a daughter, grown but unmar-
ried. She recognized that half of the land had been given
to her aunt, Petrona, and now belonged to her cousin,
Leandro, who had meanwhile gone to the lowlands to look
for work. IHowever, she did not have money with which
to bury her father, and she now made an agreement with
Ventura Lopez (her father's father's brother's son): she
would give him her half of the land mentioned and he
would pay the funeral expenses and also repay the $17
still due the Ladina. Ventura accepted, and after the
funeral tried to sell the land. He asked $50 for the 2
cuerdas, and nobody would buy it. Then he went to
Sloll, where lived the Ladina to whom the land was
pawned, and offered to sell it to her. The woman lad
not previously heard of Norberto's death. Now she ar-
ranged to repay Lopez the funeral expenses and to keep
possession of the land herself. A few days later she came
to Panajachcl and in the presence of Norberto's surviving
relatives took possession of the entire 4 cuerdas of land
(to which she had the document), refusing to recognize
Norberto's gift to his sister, hence Leandro's rights to
half the land.
Now Yax6n, worried about the $20 he had given to
Leandro, received a letter from the latter, who had heard
of what had happened, asking if it were true, and if he
should come to Pannajachel to try to reclaim his land.
This letter was answered to the effect that Leandro should
come, and 2 weeks later he didl come and was nisuncerssful
in his suit in tlie lornl court housee. lie then went to Sololh
to complain of the lack of justice, but nothing ever came
of the matter. Meanwhile, Yax6n forgot alout the land
itself and simply obtained recognition by Leandro of his
$20 debt to him.

It would be difficult to conclude from this
account whether any land sales were involved,
and yet there were several land transfers-all but
one in the end illegalized.
(2) Quirino and Viccnta Quichd are two of several grown
lad married children of Santiago Quich6, a rich Indian.


Quirino is married to one Elena lsnIales (.ljrit Et clci'
father's sister). On Novnmteir 12, !,:I, he e%!,.ilAil to
tosales difficulties lie waas having with hi father. :,.itAl;
Eilena's mother long: ago ceded to hier A a,,f rra, ('i .r:,
of truck land with the proviso that th e sio I!d not talt
full possession until after her (the mother's) death. I.fore
she died, however, the mother pawned thi; ;e t'i of land
to Santiago QuichC for $3.33. When i;he dierd, 0sr'i',o
let Quirino use the land "because it really inlo ,e!-'t to his
wife (Elena) anyway." Some yeras later, (,tuiri'.o an4 :
Elena pawned the land to Vicenta, Q iriio' .i,", for
another $1.07. When Santiaigo nie-cd oi tl.i,, hre to;
Quirino that since he and Ileona now ow i-i lrred th' irnl
theirs to pawn, they should repay hiut the nc:r,e he hed
given Elena's mother with the lair I as suas its. Qi, n)
had no money, however, and 8iggPrs' ?f! thlina t .:! laicr
pay Vicenta what she had. g.vc lhi-n iQuirin'o, an'd 'tacn
full possession of the land himself. Tic avoid dliic.ties,
Santiago did so.
Years later, Santiago div;,:-d his lands ainonic h!s c'l-
dren, stipulating that this particular piece sh!r' il go to
Vicenta. Now Quirino .epor'ed t hti head ia f ;i ,ti
possession and wished to redeem the land. Hie suir thal
he had offered the money to his frthcr but that thev ;rod
quarreled when his father refused it, sayirg that ie tac'
now had a new owner, Vicenta, with wLcm :lw Ch :l) l 'hiAl
while he himself insisted that since the n:orn y ha; tcen
borrowed from Santiago, it should be ritur'icd ?c i.lm.
lie added that no written docurrents w, re cnvcl. e,t .,i 'hra
transactions, nor witnesses, and that he was considering
going to the courthouse in the matter.
On January 7, 1937, Santiago Quicht told PeR.cP ne li
side of this story. HIe said that 18 years before FlonI 's
mother had sold him the cuerda of lann. for i;3.t?3, \ei':1
made without documents and only before witnnes-~c. Now
in his old age he had divided his lands, ao,,' hi' ,r;i-, :,
piece to his daughter, Vicenta. But now lenu, :'ie
daughter of the woman who had sold h r. ,.se land., I ato
come to claim it, offering him $3.32, a.rd :l ir ig thi: he
land had not been sold, only pawned. "The -worst 'itr4
is that she who is quarreling witih re is n y :, c:iihirt-ti
law." Santiago went on to say that he. ci'"d ti:-t gia,
her the land, for he has other heirs to consild.:: cr '.t,
he continued, both Quirino and Eic.a hid aoid ,inil
inherited from their parents, because they do pRt acrk.
lie added that if Elena went to cc urt, he would rot, rc ly
prove his ease but would sham(- her by recounting all that
she and her hlis.band had clone to their ipnrents.
Elena won iher case (having ol)tai:'. l '.he o.I itl lot-u-
ments) and on July 20 Vicenta Quichd r'lirieid to Juan
how badly she had ieai wronged by her. Sh eal I' lict
had taken asway the Innd, i-c irihi !Cner, 'i('c't;0. of
personal animosity. She alddel tl ht her lvin, now tr'.r
from the fact that another b-otner (ilt,.r.el) hIh primn sedt
to give her a cuerda of c(.ffe tChat lwas lirt, of his ',ri :,'t
ance; and the purpose of her vi.i, w,, to tik i lc, Il.ja to
draw up a document for this sc she would ha',e no firthe,'
trouble.

There are probably few p'ces of la.'dl wi.,o'0tt
some confusion in their histories, for -nio ar' ati he


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMYY-TAX 71






72 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


objects of transfers of one kind or other-frequent ly
without written evidence-and disagreements as
to the nature of the transfers are easy and common.

INHERITANCE
The rules of inheritance are simple, but too
flexible to be easily stated. Land is usually the
most important property inherited. As a general
rule it is divided equally among all the children,
male and female. But the parent may divide
his land while still living (the division to take
effect either before or after his death) in which
case the division may be unequal and a child may
even be disinherited. Since such divisions are
rarely made with full legal procedure, a disin-
herited son cognizant of his legal rights may still
get a share after his father's death. However,
every child should get some of the land of his
parents; usually only one who has left town perma-
nently, or has fought seriously with the parents,
is deprived of his share. The shares should be
about equal, but sons are often favored over
daughters, and it is sometimes thought proper
that the eldest son get more than the others,
especially if family responsibilities come to him.
It is a rule, frequently broken, that the eldest
son inherits the house and house site of his father,
even though the division in terms of value is
even. The whole matter is complicated by tihe
frequent division of lands before the death of the


parents, and the separation from the family of
one or more sons who are then given all or part ot
their inheritance while their parents still live.
Thus, the eldest son frequently builds his houst
elsewhere; then when the parents die, a younger
son inherits the parents' house; thus if the parents
live long and several sons are set up independently,
there may even he a complete reversal of the ruh
so that in practice the youngest one inherits the
homestead.
What actually happens to land in the cour-e of
two or three generations can be shown by a fer
case histories."

TIHE INHERITANCE OF HOUSEHOLD NO. 49
Juan Yach lhad tree children growing to
maturity: son Santos, daughter Tomasa, and
youngest son Nicolas (chart 12). Santos and
Tomasa received their inheritance when they
married, and when they (lied (before their father)
the land went to their children. Nicolas still lived
and worked with his father when the latter died, at
which time the land remaining came to Nicholas
without question. It consisted of two pieces: the
inherited house site of a little less than a half acre,
on which Nicolas continued to live; and a quarter.
acre piece on the river's edge which Nicolas had
helped his father buy in his later years.
0 utunnnrized frote fuller scmcouts In my microilmed notes, espedals
pp. 109-13:1.


Nicolas married Rosaria Xingo, the daughter of
Lucas Xingo who owned considerable land, long
distinct from the holdings of his brothers, not
divided between his two children. Nicolas and
Rosaria had been long married, and had a family
when Lucas (who had drinking debts) sold to
Nicolas a piece of land (1% acres, mostly hill) at
the foot of the cast hill for 40 silver pesos, a bargain
"because lie did not wish to leave his daughter
without any remembrance of him (i. e., in-
heritance)." Lucas' brothers competed to buy
the land; Lucas refused them because "they were
ahleady rich." Nicolas, though poor, obtained the
money and gave it to his father-in-law in the
presence of the brothers and thus avoided later
quarrels. Nicolas was grateful to his father-in-
law for selling himn land cheaply which might have
come to him later by inheritance, and when he
died, Nicolas showed this gratitude by furnishing
the coffin. Cousin Tom~s later inherited a piece
adjoining the land that Lucas had sold to Nicolas.
Tomas pawned this land for 300 pesos (paper)
(now $5). The boundary between Nicolas' and
Tombs' land was not well marked. A boundary
dispute arose between Nicolas and the pawnee of
Tomis' land. Then "since they were relatives,"
Tomfs permitted Nicolas to redeem the land for
him and take deed to it.
Nicolas thus in his lifetime acquired four pieces
of land: the two parcels of hill land, now con-
sidered one, had come in some measure through his
wife, another was his inherited paternal house
site, and the last had been purchased by his father
with his help. When Jos6, the eldest, married, ihe
and his wife stayed with Nicolas for the few years
until he died. His widow married again, and their
daughter did not live to maturity. Josd had not
owned land; there was no problem of inheritance.
Nicolas died suddenly in the midst of negotiations
for his second son's marriage to Petrona Quichd,
and Rosaria survived him by only a few months.
Santiago, his wife, and his young sister Agustina
were thus left with undivided house and lands.
Pctrona died in a few years; a young son did not
long survive her. Petrona's father lhad not.
divided his land, which went on the death of
Petrona and her son to Petrona's only sibling, a
boy. Santiago gained no Inld by this marriage.
While Petrona still lived, Augustina married
(against Santiago's wish) a drinker who soon sold
all of his own land; the couple lived with Santiago


and Petrona without working until made to moe.
After Petrona died Agustina broilht action ;n
court for a division of the inheritance. Santinao
claims that Agustina virtually bribed the Ladlino
judge; whatever the reason, the swttlemrnt forced
on Santiago was nearly an cquarl division. Agmu-
tina obtained half of the house site (but not the
part where the house stood) and the whale of the
quarter-acre piece near the river; Saitiano kpt
the 1:-acrc piece at the foot of the hill, in'ludiinog
a quarter-acre of delta land."' Agsi!ina i'nrnitli-
ately sold or pawned to an Indian for 6m0) pesos
the river land (since eroded compl'tclyv ivny),
and her half of the house site land for 3150 pes s.
She and her husband then left, and (with their
only child) died.
Not until years after his second marrina! did
Santiago discover that his wife, Anrdrca'Ou;fl6,1,
owned land. Andrea had a brother E,!t '*-an aid
a sister, Petrona. Their father had dividtld a!l
his land among the children otn colndlionr ;ioat
they treated him well for the rest of !i: lirv.
Petrona later quarreled with her m'at, li, an i ic.
sold her portion and left her not'hig. .'Nn!dr,'t'i
share consisted of a piece of coffee lannJ r.n:1\ a piece
of truck land, each about 0.1S i.cro. Wv, he
was ill before he died, the father p.wi.'ld t ff'ftee
land for 600 pesos ($10) and Sant ina) hadn si. ppo', .
that it had been sold. The truck l:i;il had '>r'o,
used for years by Estcban, wlio clni mt' tl', r. t1t
to use it because--h4i said-- le he I aI r t his fi'he-r
200 pesos. After a quarrel with E';tc' .\ tiress
told Santiago about both piece,4 of aInrnl' ,.
then sold the coffee land for 1,00" f )o ,s, intnidi tha
debt on it, paid Esteban the 200 pc-os lhe cl e ir!-.l
and took possession of the piec, of t:'- k .e ei.
Santiago and Andrea thus (owi ih'-. i< i.. - of
land: the house site inheri'cd b'- ?a'-tiag.. \,h ch
is half of the "original" house site left by :
father; the land at the b'as of tie Iill wict hiis
father was able to buy because of its cn,.i, rcn
with his mother's inheritance; anidl ,:) ,;'ce re-
maining of Andrea's inherii l. Tlhcy 1w.;r-
never able to buy land. On the cntiriy, ii .o';
Andrea's land, a coffee-pla.ited piece cf I 1 house
site, and half of the hill laid w;-re ll powr# 1 !n, aI

S FSntiago varied In curt hsth t'il ,ttlem In effect bought the land by point f er. hu e!s of hi facvr, ,ttf'r- s.'a
two brothers., and by a.wtumfnt hfs fieth-r'r ."nnta i '.,. i" "'w,- i ,:,I Wi
died during his term as a religtous of ictr!. i'. Ariltiina h'.Io -' I ,,.: (Le
added) he would gisa her some land. nd tI ad!sn custon -the- itn L. '
ealford law bad rul Santligo might bave woe ,Ii plsit.


CHART 12.-Genealogical reference to the inheritance of household No. 40.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMAL`AN IND)IAN ECONOMY-TAX






74 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


another picco of the house site had just been
rudeemned.
TIF. INHEI:RITANCEI OF IIOUSrEIIOD NO. 68
.Miu nel Culu'nlcn (lchnrt 13) was widowed and
then died himself while son Santingo nnd a fenialo
ward (parentage unknown) were still children.
The orphans took residence with Miguel Quich6
(their mother's brother) who also lad children of
his own. Manuel had about two-thirds of an
acre of truck land (including his house site) on
the west side of the delta. Migucl took the
furnishings and utensils from the abandoned
house, a bull that Manuel had left, and the use of
the land, as if they were his own. However,
nobody questioned that the land belonged to
Santiago and (presumably in smaller share) his
foster sister. When the girl matured, she married
and lived on the coast and both she and her hus-
band eventually died without ever claiming any
of the land left by Manuel.
Santiago stayed with his uncle until the latter
died, then remained with his cousins until they
quarrelled, when he went into the service of the
local priest under whose influence he learned
Ladino ways, continued to work the land left him
by his father, and saved some money. IHe
eventually left the priest, married Francisca
Matzar, and built a site of his father's. For some


reason Ithy later lhft this hoiio and after living Evenitually ioth Jorge andl his family and Micaela
for awhile wih JFrancisca's pailrerl.nt ont the cas with hliIri went ito Ih, coast,, where both Jorge and
side of the river, built another on a qulartr-acnMiMcala died Iefore Sainlian!o did.
(also on lthOm st sid() which Satitigo bought Franiiseca l n sold the lanl that, his father had left him surviving child l onifacio (thn informant) RStill a
partly ,ecaiuso of th difficulty of working it (drirnyoung boy. Santiago married a woman named
the rainy season, and with the money bough Sabuyuc who had a son, Leoncio, who came with
from Loronzo Matzar (who later became hiber, and a married daughter, Margarita. She
wife's step-father) another third-acre a littlowncd some land, part of which she had already
above his house site. There was money left fogiven to Margarita. After a short while they
the burial of his four eldest children who die separated, but when Santiago's third wife died,
within a relatively short period. (All together fivahe returned with Lconcio who, like Bonifacio,
of his six children died without reaching maturity.was now a young man. When she in turn died,
Later Santiago was able to buy another fifth-aceLeoncio continued to live with Santiago and Boni-
near his house site. facio. Leoncio's mother left a small piece of land
Although Francisca's parents owned seven which Santiago pawned for 60 pesos to pay for
eight acres of land, besides two steers, Francisaher funeral. Meanwhile, Margarita had pawned
inherited nothing. Apparently her father did no to Santiago two-thirds of an acre of hill milpa land
divide the land before he died. When Francisafor 30 pesos.
(the youngest of three) married, her brother Jorg Now Bonifacio married Toribia Castro and
and sister Micacla remained at home, both of thou moved to her house, leaving Santiago and Leoncio
married. When the parents died they began t alone in bachelor housekeeping, buying their food
sell land "in order to eat well and to drink.'ready-made, and working Santiago's land. Until
Francisca at first demanded her shareo;but Santing he died, five years later, Santiago refused to give
told her that ho would provide more land if theiBonifacio any land. Bonifacio therefore helped
needed it, and her sister and brother would suffework his father-in-law's land and also worked for
later for the wrongs done her. He did howeveothers.
remove from pasture and sell one of the two steer Santiago left three pieces of land, all bought
to pay for a mass for her deceased parent during his lifetime, totaling four-fifths of an acre;
but two of the pieces were now pawned for 240
pesos ($6) to pay for his burial. He also left con-
trol of the piece of land pawned by Margarita
o Sabayuc for 30 pesos (50 cents). Santiago had
left no indications as to the disposal of his land.
LoWrZo His only living child was Bonifacio; but his step-
MrzA son Leoncio had been living and working with
him.


r7o/6"- 15V/- Ze4 MA9-
/M AC/O C, C GQ -


CarT 13.-Genealogical reference to the Inheritance of household No. 58.


Leoncio came to live with Bonifacio; they
agreed to work the land together and pay off the
debts, whereupon Leoncio would receive the land
left by his mother and also one of the three
pieces left by Santiago, the other two to remain
with Bonifacio. Ilowever, the two men quar-
reled, and after 8 months Leoncio went to
live with M margarita, whereupon Bonifacio worked
alone, redeemed the two pieces of pawned land,
and kept all three pieces of land that his father
had left; while Leoncio alone redeemed his
mother's land and gained possession of it. Since
Leoncio went to live with his sister, Bonifacio
returned to her the land she had pawned to his


father. Aft er some hl i lim iipr wl i ,'t if.- '
parents, Bonifacio built a "ou" -on ln'l d, hti'.rd
to he Toribia's iinhlerilamc' nwier dhe rir i '.
Eventually the river washed thi, laInd na .', Andl
he built, a house where Is fn llIr'. Is 'l l iilld n info
ruin. Thus, he now lives whlr" lie WAe bn.
Bonifacio thus inheritedl the t hre pie ot ,ne d
that his father had owr.-d, amd h!s rni.;, :. h
has not been questioned. lis i-v.if.,, Tortbia
brought him no lLnd tlh t s:.l' ":is''. I.r
parents had owned considerable land, )uit alLc'st-.
all of it had been washed away by thie v ., y nd it
only a small piece remained to her siiow'.
mother at the time this study ut s mat'e inace
she had six living brother~ a nd siste.rs, i;,clil;i-g
a brother living with the mootner, ?)!,)if.aio
thought it most unlikely that she rac.di e'.I
inherit anything. (As it turned nuot, Torib;i, d;d
before her mother; and when tieir grundi,,tl .r
died, Bonifacio's children inherit,,d n lthuri )
Bonifacio has five sons living. 'nl' ote in
married, and now has two children. ir e vi r,,)t
sold any of his inheritsne. :I ad< t, i'- i
1937 when he bought about f:ve aid a );a. a er,.
of cornfield hill land. Beffre inoitin' this par-
chase, Bonifacio thought of dividing h' lard .a
follows (assuming that all of Ih.' snas cVur' : irei to
live and work with him and to respect h;r-': Pa.
one-third acre farthest from thli ho.irc t- 'lh cwo
eldest sons equally; the n earer one-sixthl a.'r r -o
the third son; and the on-ifou:th aCe n.o,'i: r'i.
to the two youngest equally, w;th tle lh.,uAe
themselves going to the youngest.
THE INHERITANCE OF HOUSEHOLD NO. 51
Manuel Rosales was born in San Crisi6bal
Totonicapan. As a young merchant in th, i,,,i's
or 1840's, he came frequently to Penijuchel to
buy produce to sell in markets in tho wil. J~
Panajachel, he stayed with one Franc;scJ- -i' -47',
and eventually with the help cf this fnnmily ."e
bought a piece of Panajachel ilan, m rried
Antonia Quich6, the daughter (rcart '4), and
settled down. He built a large ad.he ind t'.h-
roof house and prospered and cortinu ed 'o 01y
land. The five children (Jos6 Gii, Aiitoc.it,, P'le-
nadino, Tomasa, and Coronada) remained it, the
house working for and supported ty tI- .ir ipa:enl3.
When Manuel became old and infirm, he wviled
that upon his death his property rerman for his
wife to divide when and how she would de:i'e.


__


PENNY CAP)ITATJSM:: A G~UATErMAL.AN INDIAN r,,rONON;'Y-TA:C






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX


the key to a chest, in which he had two or three
thousand silver pesos. lie had not divided any
of his land or c1 tlelsH. li left no will except
directions that lie he buried in Sololth rather than
in the loca( celicletery which was always in some
danger of being washed out.
besides his widow, JoAe was survived by four
sons and two daughters. The sons, in order, were
Jos6 Maria, Jul1ian, Lneandro, and Juan Francisco;
the daughters were Maria and Elena. The first
three sons were married. All were living at home
except Julian, who married against his parents'
wishes and quarreled with them when lie asked
for a share of the land. The widow, Francisca
Call, thus found herself the hea-, of a considerable
establishment with much money which (according
to the disaffected son, Julifn) they were not averse
to using. Several years of neglect of the proper-
ties, and fiestas shared by many Ladino friends,
and the 30-odd laborers attached to the house-
hold, end with the money gone and the family
selling mules and small parcels of land.
Son Julian then stopped the sale of property
and invoked the laws of inheritance by which the
widow received half and each child one-sixth of
the other half. In general the widow and daugh-
ters were given lands closest to town, the sons the
lands farthest away. In general also the larger
pieces were split several ways among the heirs
while the smaller ones remained intact. Tools
and utensils were divided between men and women
according to their use.
The widow survived Jos6 Gil 22 years, and died
in 1928. She continued to sc'! her property, part
to others and part to son Julin (the only child
to increase rather than lose his heritage), and died
owning no land at all. Jos6 Maria, the eldest
son, kept two families-one with a San Pedro
woman. lie gradually sold all his land, and in
1932 he died in poverty, leaving four daughters.
Four of five children by his first wife, meanwhile,
lived on plantations on the coast and the fifth, a
woman, married in Panajachel; none inherited
land.
Leandro did not long survive his father. What
remained of his property went to his wife, Petrona
Salanic, and young children, who continued to
live with Francisca and to sell land. Petrona
married again. Eventually she and her son Lean-
dro lost the rest of their land, and when widowed
again Petrona became one of the poorest women


in town. Young Leandro went to work on the sons (JosA, Lorenzo, Juan) and four daughters
coast. (Cresencia, Francisca, Basilia, Gloria) who could
The two dtuglht.ers, Ilerna anrd Ant,onia, married havo looked forward to a rich inheritance. But of
and eventually lost their inheritance. Antonia a sudden Julini's fortunes turned and in 8 years lie
diel early, childhlews. E'lena married Quirino lost literally all that had tlakeni generations to
Quicli6 and they still live with their surviving accumulate. In 1926 he sold Tz'.ampetcy (No. 14)
clildlren. Quirino as well as Elena inherited land, and invested iin ('.ttli. rThe enterprise failed inl
most of which they sold. Now they own but one some way. In 1928 his wife sickened, and lie spent
small piece of land (No. 10 above) inherited by a lot of money in a vain attempt to cure her, even
Elena. taking her to the hospital in distant Quezal-
Th youngest son, Juan Francisco, was a child tenango. On her death he began to drink. lie
when his father died and remained with his mother opened a tavern and lost interest in his farming.
even for a time after lie married. When she died, lie let his laborers go. lHe entertained his Ladino
he sold what remained of his land and became a friends, took up with a woman, became estranged
day laborer for his brother Julian. At the time from his sons, and began to run up debts. One
of this study he was landless and homeless and piece of land after another was pawned to Ladinos
"not quite right," working for Jos4 Rosales, and eventuallylost. In 1936 son Juan bought the
Julifn's son. last piece (the house site) to keep it in the family;
Juliin was independent of his parents when there Julian lived in 1936, sobered but not em-
his father died. He soon had much of his in- hittered, earning his living as an entrepreneur on a
hcrited land under cultivation and began tU mall scale. He died in 1942, leaving nothing to
augment it and to buy livestock, including cattle, his children. Josd (an industrious worker) bought
His success aggravated the strain of relations land after his marriage, with the aid of his wife's
between him and his mother and sisters who inheritance. Juan (who had gone to school in the
(he claims) employed black magic to destroy him. city as a child) is not a member of the local conm-
Eventually the rest of the family became suffi- munity, though he owns the home site. Lorenzo is
ciently reconciled to sell land to him rather than a professional soldier in the Capital. Cresencia is
to outsiders so that he recovered a large part married to a Ladino and lives on the coast; Basilia
of his father's estate. By 1928, at the apex of was married to a local Indian, but she died re-
his fortunes, Juli&n was probably as rich as hit cently. Antonia is married to a local Indian and
father had been, possessing less land, but more they have become medium-rich. Gloria, the
of it in cultivation, and having more domestic youngest, is a servant in a Ladino household.
animals.
lie owned at least 60 acres of delta land SUMMARY
including the parcels above numbered 1, 8, 9, 11. In spite of the free market in land there is clearly
and 12, (the first was flooded by the river ic a family feeling about it. If it must be pawned or
about 1924 and rendered nearly useless) and sold, it is desirable that it go to a close relative-
seven or eight hundred acres of hill land including especially one who would fall heir to the land if it
the lots numbered 13, 14, and 15. IHe grew were not alienated. One should not leave his chil-
large quantities of corn, beans, anise, chile, dren landless, but conscience in the matter appears
coffee, and vegetables. Some 20 laborers wen to be salved if the heirs are permitted to buy the
in his debt, each as much as 8,000 pesof land. This is a method by which aged parents
(paper, now worth $133.33). IIe had 5 riding obtain support from their children when they are
horses, 2 or 3 pack mules, 20 head of cattle, 5 milt no longer able to work. The parent demands
cows, 6 sheep, and a canoe. The profits from bit money from a son or daughter due to get the land
operations lie put back into the land, for domcstk with the threat to sell it if the money is not paid.
expenses were paid,by his wife from the sale d A bargain price frequently indicates that the trans-
fruit, of the eggs of her 60 chickens, and of th1 action is not purely a commercial one. In one case
ducks and rabbits and of the 10 pigs she fatten4e When an old widow demanded support from a son,
Celestina Garcfa, JuliAn's third wife, was tf arguing that, he was using her land, and the son
mother of all seven of his surviving children, thri pointed out that he had bought the land, she


retorted that she had sold it to hin,' ,ery cha ',i
This practice does not so n;uch indicate urnwill.
inlgnscs to support. fipe n'.,'l (onlv i. ': .-
jacliel Indian would let his pmaren-a strvet) r'- ,L
desire on the part of lipnn'ren t jt i t:v ,! ,ee ,d
less on the ground of filial duty thitn of -' 'Aso '
legal, even comnneriial ohig ot,. ., he s;,,m.
way the heir who has'sui-pplird hiu pw'rentri Pnd
paid for their burial has greater claiirim 'o their l ,
than his brothers and sisters. I.. tis.,,, t S1e s'i
who stays at home ncnd hdep:s ,fi l,'r I ,,rl: *)1
land and hence buy nmer la.d i. ,ntri'.-td to v
greater part of the inheritance than oini 'v hO we "ks
for himself. This is one reason whv d(u L"t s,
who more frequenrily 'than inot.: n r-y pwoay, 'rf
less of the family land than their ir !:,,.. ] i at
of the children, including the daunigh!or.,or* oi wnil
has lived independently, are codsiu'er'd s.~ttted
to some of their parents' land.
The following generalization of rules cr ;'-
heritance is all that the dat.I ,rinit."' lhi '(r-
sonal property is inherited. Ex<,ep o toi rh,
clothing in which the body is dres'ed,l nolh''., is
destroyed at death. All privately owv d 'a ii is
wholly alienable, but it is thought gotd \o k1eep)
it for one's children if possible. I h e ildr,'n aret
all entitled to a share, but sons-becsause they
generally remain with the parents to 'o.: btl
land-to larger shares than dlaghcteis. The
eldest son ideally becomes the head oif th'V IC or.
hold when the parents die, and utL.:ualy x' t. a
larger share. The portions of yo my sib:igs, anid
especially of girls until their marriage, i re i,'::.
to the eldest son to hold in trust for them. lHe
frequently takes advantage of thc'n, but in anry
event he is not expected to turn over to Ih':m the
profits of the land-only their shares of (he orig-
inal land itself-on the theory that le is s'ppert-
ing them meanwhile. Sons and less freque tily
daughters are sometimes given all o- part o' their:
inheritance some time after marrying. 'The
practice is not by any means always acr-cm-pnif,
by quarreling. Thereafter they may also imy hlni.
from their parents (as well as h'oin ot(i,,r).
A surviving widow usually keeps cor, r)l cf all
1' To Iearn more about the nil, s of Inheritance one r ull oh, -in the h.'orj'
of the ownership ofacnrh Ilec, oft l'mnnj:rhel lanid fur se\-ral &,ve .viiuo Ima'k.
Or. short of that dirTi,alt Lask. one roultl ith data ut L:i r, Iret thl di'r.-
bution of lanls ownd hy lthe Indians to their eJwtulhV is. Th? rh -u t c I
such a formidable LusL would tI *bmliet to much error, Finn it c.iemnt be
assumed that two brothers ownIhr adjoilning lots irn ai dltrIct hore other
members of their family also own bad bave both Inherited ruhor thran bought
tbe lad.


INSTITUTE. O~ (F SOCIALr ANTHROPOLOGY PUT IL1IIICA'Tnom xo. io






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 81


not hitherto-divided land, but thle deathh of the
father tends to hasten the further division. A
dependent son who dies without heirs generally
has no real property to leave. If lie has, it
presumably (I have no cases) goes back into the
family pool. If he dies with heirs, and before he
has received his inheritance, his share belongs to
his children; but if they are young, and years
pass before the division is made, they are likely
to get less than a fair share.
The laws of the country are infrequently applied.
LAND AS COLLATERAL
I know of three ways by which money is bor-
rowed with land as collateral. (1) The title
is deposited as informal security; (2) the land is
mortgaged; and (3) most commonly the land is
given in pawn to the creditor.
In the first case, an Indian borrows money,
usually at interest, and leaves with his creditor
the (Iced to a piece of land without making any
agreement concerning the land. The document
is left as an evidence of good faith; for without
it the land cannot be sold or pawned. Thus in a
number of cases where Indians came to borrow
money they brought titles to land to leave with
me. A case outside personal experience demon-
strates that no question of forfeit of the land is
involved. An Indian borrowed $5 from a Ladina,
at 5 percent per month payable monthly," and
left with her the deed to a piece of land. For 5
years interest was paid pretty regularly, and
receipts given. Then the Indian took sick and
stopped paying interest. Two years later, his
creditor (the son of the Ladina, who had died in
the interim) took the matter to the local court-
house where, after the Indian showed he had paid
more in interest than the amount of the original
debt, the remainder of interest was canceled and
he was given 3 months to pay the $5. lie paid,
antd received the deed to his land. In tlie liliga-
tion the Indiinn had assured the Ladino that lie
would pay because lie wanted his documents re-
turned. No question was raised of forfeiture,
and during the years that tie debt rrn, the
Indian continued in possession of the landl.
Mortgaging of land, with a stipulation that the
lanl mnny he forfeit ed, is not common and perhaps
never occurs among Indians. However, I have
SSuch a rste ts now legsl. though nla sfrmal contacts interest is often
bigher than t legal maximum.


record of three cases in which Indians mortgaged in recent years. From 1935 to 1938 the average
land to Ladinos. The Indians continued to use number of pawnings of Indian lands was about
the land, simply paying interest on the money eight per year and the number of redemptions
borrowed. In all three cases, the Indians finally, about four. In 1936 the number of contracts
lost by foreclosure; in one, the Indian lost his generally known to be in force was 38, the oldest
home. of them dating from about 1930. Thus more
LAND PAWNING than 11 per cent" of the 330 Indian-owned lots
By far the most common way of borrowing were wholly or partly in pawn in 1936. Of the
largo sums of money is by giving to the creditor 38, 27 were pawned to other resident Indians,
the use of the land for the loan period or until 5 to Indians of other towns, 5 to resident Ladinos,
the money is repaid. I know of no case in which and 1 to the author. Lands pawned totaled
the land was forfeited by any legal process when about 20.6 acres (table 13) including more truck
the term of the loan expired, although Ladinos land than coffee. Indians own twice as much
are reputed to foreclose in such circumstances. truck as coffee land, but pawn almost 2% times
(However, there are cases in which the land has as much, for two reasons: (1) The lender prefers
been pawned again by the person who has it truck land, which brings him more income than
on pawn.) What happens instead is that after coffee land and his bargaining power is greater
a long time even the owner or his heirs forget than that of the borrower with a sudden need;
that it only has been pawned and not sold, and (2) many Indians sell their coffee crops to Ladinos
the community thinks of the land as having long before the harvest as a way to get money
changed hands. In such cases, with deeds not without borrowing; nobody is likely to take on
registered, the land has in fact changed hands, pawn land which will yield nothing for over a year.
The custom of pawning land was probably
the only way Indians borrowed on land in gener. TABLE 13.-Pawned land
tions past when written documents were not Acres of land pawned, 1930
common. It is convenient. There is no problem Pawned to-
of collection of either interest or principal. Th' Tota Delta Delta Il
creditor simply takes possession of the land unt2i! Cof truc
the money is repaid. The fruit of the soil is a b.s t ndin .-----------------. : 7 '
profitable a return that the investor does not Resdeint Ladino .......... 0 .5 ......
care if the money is never r6paid. Indeed, witf T -----........................ o a.s3 a
land virtually the only profitable investment
in Panajachel, and control of land the way tt In all cases that Indians pawn land to Ladinos
wealth, people with money are anxious to len (I have none of the reverse) a term of years is
it on these terms. The wealthiest Indian o' written into the contract. Among Indians alone
Pannjachel obtained his start this way. Thb the duration of the contract often is "until the
converse is that Indians pawn land only whet money is repaid." Of 24 cases on which there is
they think they must, knowing that loss of thek information to the point, only 13 include a time
land curtails earning power and makes redemptit limit Of these, five are for 4 years, four for
of the land difficult. They are therefore motivantc 4 years, two for 3, and one each for 1 and for 7
to borrow less rather than more money on a pice Sears. Informants have said that tlhe larger the
of land, to redeem it more easily. Borrowed amount, the longer the time; and that when tlhe
nioney is usually spent, for food, medicines, nw paawner is very poor, no Itine limit is set; but the
liquor, at times of sickness, death, or the assumr cases do not clearly support them. It should be
tion of office, when cash is inee!'d at a timoe t repeated Ilat since Indians do not foreclose, time
earning power is Seduced. With the aboliti limits have little significance.
of dellbt peonage in 1930, advance payment fe The pawning of land is not a sign of poverty,
lnbor became illegal. This left borrowing t anly that there are no liquid assets in time of
the only way to get money for emergencies, ao emergency. But Indians who have pawned their
the easiest way to borrow is to pawn land. Pt land are often in process of losing it, and are
sibly the pawning of land has therefore increase *l rmr ofvatlu, about pserent.


meanwhile losing an important source of incone.
They are becoming poorer. Facts about larnd
pawning are therefore significant in discu.,io:, of
wealth mobility in Land and Wealth (pp. 192-1C3/.

LAND RENTING

Of the several ways in which Indians obtain use
of houses or land belonging to others, -entirg is :1
most obvious. Renting of houses, however, n, not
common. There were in 1936, 33 fanrilis oc(,n,' *
ing houses that did not belong to them, r,l' of
these only 6 paid rent, 5 cf thm r jni.igrrnt
artisans who rented houses in town, fo! living
(as they did in other respects) Ladino culs.'rr, ond
the sixth an immigrant woman h3 n worked a -
day servant in Ladino homes and renteo' a house'
for herself and her family. l'lhe r(-n!na' 'as
probably no more than a dollar r nmonh in ann
case." Nine of the remaining 27 n who p'L. -.c run.
lived in houses furnished by their employer'-, the
remainder in "borrowed" houses, I of th i) ritler
permanently, and 9 occasionally chr.ngiog th.ir
residences. In addition 5 hanido,-cing ftimil o
lived not on their own land bhit in d.hii; own
houses built on borrowed lard. Tnc .'o- rnir g
122 families lived on land that they ow.id.
Agricultural land is much more. frtqrlj.1 ty
rented. In 1936 only 5 f]mlni(cs uI.e 'v.1
furnished rent-free by their employerr. )0i tie
other hand, 50 families (inrlrh' 1n: 4 hun',l,:
families and 3 who oned ld land b1t l.i --t 1iv-
on it) regularly rented land. Ir 936, tf IJn i .n
community rented from outsiders ani'ot I1 '..5 rer
of hill milpa to add to their oawn 91 acrfe. A : i nb. o, 4
12 acres of delta truck land to add ,o th<' ".. .
Coffee is never rented, since thec 'un:,'i' ep is
almost pure profit.
Most commonly there is an tanri:ti t(:scd 1 Te:.l
on a specified piece of land, givir g sol l? rigl il. it.
Such agreements are generally v 'rltl. Fre-q e t-
ly tle rental is paid not in advance, lit :trobh'ltcy^
tlie year or when the harvest is st. Ip asl 'n1at ~o.e
1937 case thi rental fee was worl:pT. ,qf ~ Tii
land, used only in the rainy season, l.i ol.;,,lVt i'
the off-season only for lpstur-: since b1th tso
owner antd the renter welcome the fer'ili;:n eft, t
of su rl 1ise, it is an academic qtcestii i *I In 1910 we rented a ood little house from u Inld. t $ m. l t.tSl
certainly overptld. We alio rented a Ladtno' dtouser or $51 :n it:.. ; t..1:
friends thought that we wee paying $2. which they cot. ,ds.r d mut -s~tcitr
high.


so3 INSTITUTTE OF SOCIAL ANTHIROPOLOGY ruBLICATION NO. 16






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY---TAX 83


rental period is a year or only a season. In tihe
case of truck land, on tle other anmdl, the time is
implortalnt. VWhile most frequently tho land is
rented for a whole year, there are cases of rentals
for but 3 or 4 months-the growing season for
onions. One rich Indian habitually rents out
land only for the bean-growing season (4 months)
in exchange for one cornfield stint of labor for each
cuerda rented. Between bean seasons, he plants
corn on the land. Coffee land is never rented be-
cause, of course, the annual crop is almost pure
profit.
Very often a renter keeps the same land year
after year. This is convenient for both parties;
certainly the renter planting onions finds it in-
convenient to break into the annual cycle at any
point. On the other hanl, pcpino growers usually
rent a different piece of land each year in the con-
viction tliat "new" land gives a better crop. The
most common practice among Indian renters is to
seek to rent appropriate land for a particular pur-
pose. The fact that each tends to rotate crops
after a favorite pattern is a motive to keep one
piece of land for several years.
The right to harvest a crop still growing when
the rental period is over, appears to be recognized
by the Indians. In 1936 an Indian pawned a
piece of truck land to a Ladino who then rented it
on an annual basis to another Indian. In 1941
the land was redeemed and the Indian owner took
possession. The renter had harvested a crop of
beans, but still had sweet cassava growing on the
edges of the tablones. HIe worried over what
might become of it, but the owner recognized his
right to the plants; he planted corn and no techni-
cal problem was presented.
In 1936 there were 72 pieces of land rented by
the Indians. Of these, 43 involved cash rental.
Seven cases required the payment to the land-
owner of half the crop. All these involved delta
land, but in one the land was used only for corn.
The other 22 cases required payment in labor-
the planting of coffee or shade trees, or a certain
number of stints in the cornfield or the coffee
grove. In general it may be said that the renter
comes out most favorably by paying cash, and
least favorably by sharing his harvest. Payment
with labor is cheaper than cash when the owner
rents cheaply to assure himself labor when he needs
it. Table 14 summarizes the cost of the rental in
the various arrangements recorded.


' Neither tho very rich (who have more of their
own itla they can mrnaago) nor the very poor
(whoi have neither othe money to rent lind nor the
time to work it) rent much land. Land renting
as it relates to wealth is discussed in the section
on Land and Wealth (pp. 192-193).

LAND VALUES

IIow much Panajachel land is worth depend?
first of all on its kind and location. Hill land
useful only for cornfield is worth less than hil
land lthit is relatively level, or has a water supply,
and can be used for coffee or truck. Delta land
is worth ort ,re than hill land, but delta lhnd good
only for cornfield is worth much less than delti
land sruitahle for vegetable growing. Land on
which coffee is standing is worth more than nny
other kind. In recent years, land along the lake
shore has become especially valuable. Land in
the center of town, where the Ladinos have their
stores and houses, is more valuable than other
land except that on the lake shore. Furthermore,
there is one scale of prices (however vague) for
sales of land to Ladinos and foreigners, especially
by Ladinos, and quite a different scale governing
sales within the Indian community. Finally, the
price of land perhaps more than anything else i
influenced by particular circumstances surround-
ing each sale: Thus, an Indian in sudden need
who can obtain money only.by selling a piece oh
land is not likely to get as much as another who is
approached to sell a piece that he would just as
soon keep.
Although I shall evaluate lands by standards d

TABLE 14.-Rental costs in 1936

Nm Totafl Kind ofland Rental arrangements co
an acres Cost

14 10.5 7 n m llpa............. 25iren pI e r erd ...... I 1.
0 .... .............d ...... ..... I mil sor it ncr etrerda.
2 2.7 ..- .................... IMstintspecrcerds.... 1
1 .2 Drlta mnllpna............. 11a1 t1 e crop.-........... ,'
6 1.6 Delta brnns (4 months). 1 tulips stint perCUcrda.. 2 ,
14 2. 8 Deltl truck .............$ $a Ier cuerda............ St
9 3.9 .. ... .... r>xrfr............5eeda . 2
3 3 2 ..... .............. ... 4 ,r4...........4er i. ..
2 .4 Delta pepinoas.......... IHaI the crop-............ ;
4 1.2 Delta truck.......... ..... ................
4 3.2 Hill millpt.............. Dig holes to pl:ntcoffee *L
a Value of ltohnr and seed Invested In tie half paid a ront.
a Volue rf the crop nf thee hnlf paid as rent.
I Per acre-crop, or or 4 montir' uao.
I Per acre-year.


what Indiacns pay for them, it is interesting to
note first the differential for outsiders. fill
land, as we slaull see, is normally worth from $2.50
to $8.50 an acre. In 1940 a Ladino owner offered
to a foreigner a large piece of such land (extending
to the lake) for a sum that figured to $33.33 an
acre; there were indications that he would come
down as low as $17.05. Another Ladino offered
a large piece of hill land (parts of which were
planted in coffee and vegetables) at the rate
of $126.84 an acre. When the prospective buyer,
a North American, refused, the owner half
regretted not having come down in price; but the
lowest price he would have considered came to
$84.56 an acre, and lie was sure that the land for
its coffee yield would eventually be worth more
than that to him.
Delta truck land is usually sold for from $50
to $150 an acre. When favorably situated it was
sold to foreigners for much more in 1940. One
well-situated piece of land of 1.4 acres sold at
the rate of either $813.75 or $1,968.75, depending
upon which of two countrymen who were involved
in the deal I chose to believe. Another North
American paid a Ladino at the rate of $525.58
an acre for a piece of lake-shore land. He refused
to pay a broker $562.50 an acre for an adjoining
piece, and finally offered the Indian owner at
the rate of $1,135 an acre and was unable to buy
it. Another Ladino was asking a sum that worked
out to $562.50 an acre for a very small piece of
land overlooking the lake. Perhaps the clearest
example of what is happening to land values near
the lake is this: In 1935 a Ladino offered me a
hillock (8 acres) on the lake shore between Santa
Catarina and San Antonio for $90. Eventually a
German in Panajachel bought it for $80. In 1940
he told me that he had turned down a North
American's offer for $500 for a small piece of this
land, and that lie valued the whole at $5,000.
Obviously, Indians cannot begin to buy land at
such prices; and they buy, even from Ladinos
(but not lake-shore land) for much less. The
following evaluations of land according to the
Indian standard are based on both statements of
informants and a ntunber of cases.
HILL LAND
Only ordinary hill land, useful for growing milpa
in season, is owned by Indians. Informants
usually set its value as between about $5.50 and


$9.50 an acre. I have records of tirc: nles,
two of them of Santa Catarinn Inld to rnnajnrcc'.
Indints, well blow tIhe lost figure, (' It aind
$4.30), but none above thre liglihslt .!ur. (mrir
a time the Santa Catarina Indians were iat rn' at
need, and sold cheaply.) I have twa 'wvel!-
authenticated cases of purchases of Santa Cathrina
land at $9.35 an acre, and one at $8.50. I \as
offered by a Ladino a piece of Pannjnclohl hi!l
land at $8.50; a Pannjnchel Indian anna:.di ma to
help him buy it at that price. In ancth-r ',sc 1
assisted an Indian in the purchase, from another
Indian, of 5.4 acres of Pananjachl hill ;nrd tat
$9.35. It seems reasonable to set the itiual
value of hill land, in Pinajechlvl or Santa Cer.t arn,
at about $8 an acre.
There are also records of the pownirr, of '-'ix
pieces of hill land. Two parcels of Sintlr 'Catarini
land were pawned to Pananjiachli! ? I ar 'or
$5.13 and $5.76 an acre, respectively. Three
pieces of Pannjnchel land v.'re p.awnsC(i--indilai
to Indian-for $4.16, $5.15, and $,.6.2 iti at ito
respectively. A fourth andl ;iilar pi,:e- wnas
pawned at $1.87 an acre. Of cmwrse, minitnumn
pawning-prices are of no signiiircancr :; .Is 'dis
cussion; but since people would not usurp.i lcnd
more on a piece of land than it is wortl, it i,4
obvious that hill lands are considered .;orf.h'at
least $5.62 an acre. Pawning values thus .ltectk
fairly well with sale values.
It has been noted that hil! milpa lend tr:'. f, tof
cash, at $1.41 an acre. Using the filrine .S as
the value of such land, the relation of ann"ua
rental to the value of land is to .5.7.
DELTA TRUCK LAND
Irrigated land in the delta not paal.t '":;t
coffee is valued by inform-ri.ns (in 10( c!a;, rcmin
$56 (2 cases) to $235 (1 cane). Th', vp.u- i-i.,
cases was given as $187.50, an another a.1 $110.6,
and in the last as $78.12. 0:ice Intdiran, no bs
been buying land from others, ar;. fr ,n Iandnc.,
told me he usually expects to pay at tEl( rste ,f
$140. One may discount the st.catm.nt ct uil
Indian that long ago lie had bougl c a u ,urla for ,-
($28 an acre); more probably he cb:a,,:d .i.
Innd on pawn. The lowest price ctih.resis.e n ,te,!
figures to $62.50 an acre; this :urd st,.r !).ib'ht
from a Ladino many years ago. Ak o'ber p'ccc
was said to have been boauht ',~tL. I lte ot0
$93.75 an acre. The other prices, il.I ',itl) j

S,.
t~~i.


82 ISTITUTE OF SOCIAL~ ANTHlROPOLOGCY PUBLICATION NO. 10






84


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


in all recent transactions, range between $112.50
and $187.50. Perhaps overinfluenced by the
roundness of the figure, I have set the value of
tnick land at the average of these extremes, or
$150 an acre.
Records of money lent with pawned land as
security indicate that this is at least not too low.
I have 25 cases of the pawning of truck land. The
amounts were at the rate of:
Per acre Per acre
2 cases ...----- $22. 50 1 case----------. $62. 55
4 cases....-------- 2S. 12 1 casec------------- 67. 42
3 cases-..-------- 37. 50 1 case.---------- 79. 68
1 ase.......----------- 43. 00 1 case--------- 93. 63
7 cases.---------- 56. 25 4 cases.--..----. 112. 50
The cash rental price of truck land has been
noted as between $22.50 and $33.75, with the
norm near the higher figure. If we consider the
usual rental price as $30, it is seen that-using tile
valuation of $150 an acre-the proportion of
annual rental to land value is 1 to 5, not far from
that of hill land.
I have only one case by which to judge the value
of delta land that is useful only for milpa. In that
case, the figure given comes to $28 an acre. Com-
paring this with the value of hill milpa land, it
seems about right. The yield on such land is
considerably higher than on the less level hill land,
it lasts much longer (if not indefinitely) without
fertilizer, and, being closer, sun.' land requires less
work time than do hill lands. If this delta land is
thought of as potential coffee land, it should
probably be valued even higher.

COFFEE LAND

Land on which coffee is already growing should
be worth more than truck land, depending on the
condition of the coffee. One informant set the
vnlue of coffee land as double that of vegetable
land, but he also set tho vnlue of vegetable land
unusually low. Other informants estimated coffee
land to )eo orth from $85 to $187.50 an acre. I
have but two cases of sales of coffee land, one at
$215 and the other at $225 an acre. In both cases
sales were to non-Indians, and it would probably


be safer to set the value of delta coffoo land a


' ore


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX

LABOR


about $175 an acre.
Recorded are only 10 cases of money lent or TIE USE OF TIME
pawned coffee land. In one case the sum w
2.12, in tree lases $37.50, in two cases $56.25 Besides the land, nature gives to the Indians of
$28.12, in three cases $37.50, in two cases $50.25
and in one case each, $75, $84.37, $93.75, an Panjchel, as it does to others, 24 hours a day
$112.36. The amounts tend to run, therefore for 365 days a year. How are they used? To
about the same as for truck lands. (From on answer the question would require a complete
point of view they should run higher, since th description of the round of life of the society.
money lender without much labor is able c In a hook on the economy alone it may better be
harvest about $34 worth of coffee each year he hL asked how time is used in relation to production.
the land; but for the same reason the pawae in doing so it may appear that a position is taken
ought not to ask for more, so that he can redeen lhat the more time spent adding to wealth, tbh
the land quickly.) more efficientt" is the use of time. This is
Since the land on which Indian houses are bui; nonsense (since presumably in most contexts
is unproductive, it has no value comparable 4 wealth has ends other than itself) as is the position.
that of coffee and truck lands. But since befon apparently taken in the section on land (pp. 34-47)
it became a house site, and after it ceases to h that land ought to be in production, the more
one (if it does) it was or will be good truck land intensively the better. I do not mean to take
it may be given the same value-$150 an acre, o either. In the case of the land, the site where
inc ding e ie improve ments. te e house stands is not wasted, nor only a necessi-
including the improvements.
The total value of lands recorded as beloring ;ynorare the yard and its flowers luxuries. In the
to resident Indians in 1936 may therefore b 'ase of time, likewise, the hours spent sleeping and
summarized as follows: eating are not wasted, or merely necessary; nor
is the time spent in church or in a drinking bout a
Hill lands (at $8 per acre):
In Panajachel, 68 acres --------- $544. luxury stolen from work. Nevertheless, with
Elsewhere, 26 acres------------ 2085 lthis understood, it is still useful to consider bow
Delta lands: efliciently from the point of view of production the
Coffee (at $175 per acre), 39.38 acres. 6,891.8 community of Panajachelenos utilizes both its
Truck (at $150 per acre), 78.52 acres. 11, 77& ( M in resources-land and labor.
House lots (at $150 per acre), 5.08
acres.------------------------ 762. Table 15 classifies the way the entire community
Other (at $28 per acre), 8.35 acres... 233.8 'pent the year 1936. Whether the percentage
--- or economic or strictly productive activities is
Total ----------------- 20, 41. high or low compared with other people, or the
Of these totals, 0.45 acre of coffee land, 1.8 acre dillerences in this respect between men, women,
truck land, and 1.6 acres hill land-with a totl and children one cannot say without comparative
value of $361.55-were pawned to Ladinos 0 'ata. My suspicion is that Panajachelenos work
others outside the local Indian community. Th mare than is typical either of primitive tribesmen
value of the land owned and controlled by th .r of urbanites. Where they fall within the range
resident Indians in 1936 was, therefore, $20,045.75 peasant and rural peoples-in comparison with
In addition, they lndl on pawn at Ianst $S6.1 ('Chinieso or toumaiinian villngers, or Ilantiu or Iowa
worth of hill landi and about S150 worth of trud earnerss (or for that matter the Indians of neigh-
land in Santa Catrina. They therefore controlld Lring Sololh) remains a question. Pannjnchel is
land with a total value of about $20,282. Thl probably more hard-working tlian its neighbors
figure takes no account of lands borrowed a lio depend chiefly on the growing of corn, in
rented from Ladinos or others. whichh work is seasonal. Iow it compares with
Sril.ighloring communities which have industrial
'pEcialties I do not know. In comparison with
Nortli American farmers, it seems probable that
the difference is that here th1o farmers work
longer (and much hardnler) during some seasons


than in Panajachel, but ,hat in gn.-,r;l mo:o
time is taken with recreation, visit: n, schj.ol, ian
study. The Panajacholefios "wast.-" :'in by
bits, American farmers in large doses. Tfin s..h
a comparison is better made by those \vith "-loe'r
acquaintance with America* fanr tcimmnittirs.
I have no data enabling me to handle ql;A 'it'.-
tively the question of intensity of work; K 'c'.r,
the Indians of this study would u;1el: h, le-
scribed as slow, easy-going workers whose paie is
not comparable to that -f industrious northern
workers.
A description of how Panajachelecios "-j! thmvir.
economically devoted time is the main sul-gJejltf
this section. Full documentation of the thtr.onot .
devoted to economic activity, would require li- "-
scription of the social calpoliiia, and relglomIs panc ,
tices and institutions of tl.n society. What is
given here is less than a brief summary.
The total amount of time aval-aile o the
Panajachel Indians in 1936 was simply thei popu-
lation multiplied by the number of hours ir the
year. In working over the e.nta, however, it
was found expedient to subdivide the popi!ation
by sex and age, and to reduce the hours to un:t? of
9-hour "days." The 9-hour (lay was standard-
ized because the usual work day in Pani.jachel "b
9 hours. The data (e. g., table 15) are rcrorted
in these units. Insofar as in this description th1
quantities are reduced to proportions the unit is
immaterial.
Little more than a third of the total time ;
potentially usable for productive purpose- bI)" -.se,
first, none of that of infants can be inrcld:'d or:m.,
second, everybody must eat and sleep. AtltI )r.h
such information nmay seem to presuppose conl(der-
able private knowledge I am confident t'. little:
error is involved in the estimate of eatilg-sleepinr,
time. Adults and children alike normAnlly atiu
at about tile same time, from 8 to 9 in the o~Jenhirg,
and rise at from 5 to 6 in the mnermigin. Douit't-s4a
everybody sleeps a little less in the season of Athrt
nights, which happens to fall in the dry :n er:
when there is also more agriculltrn:l wi)rk a'ii
more vending in the markets; but the mavras,6
throughout the year is almost* surely clos, to n
hours. The three mnea.ls a day -ke s, omethi:
less than 3 ihourm., lut aldditionnl t iii'.; Isma!ly
taken, especially after the evening meal, with test.


I C
o r







86f INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


F.connmle artlvil
Persona ani' sno
Eatinc-slieting,
Not accounted..
Total '....

I 2M men, sin
100 for tIhe ecrem
S From the ti
sleepilr timr eat
All Infalnt ti
6 Number of


Sleeping, c
and in the
13 hours a
"Commu
all time deN
including r
public wor
sixths of w
formal pol
The distiin
tions is nol
and adinin
the religion
with the lo
Individual
of a single
functions n
at the top
ligious andt
office, mar
positions ir
The men
in a few
ceremonial
is part of
serves for
for 2 or :3,
household
in relation
enters nm
ladder. 1
F.ven a emi
the yetr, Is the
unnetountte fo
the proportiont
not mreFrnititd f
that which Is i
of thi remalnd
ac ent tor thn


TAitL. 1r5.--Trhe use nl tit The class of activities labeled "Personal and
Nuh te.r to9-ourituIr dLny r in yar tPerltne e tct.,rnlty utitte ecial" tablee 18) attempts to catch all other non-
Activ t productive activities. Although each figure is the
Utii IS o a .o1,n Cll ln I.r. 1s1 Mr" a 1 .. o C ,1." I result of close calculation on thebasis both of case
..----- -- -- materials and general impressions, some are
ieschnrt t10 --------------.. .- 240.011 let.fits 0.7 110 30,2W---1- 7 t---tat3 sterr h nt13.l l6.2 :::
iPs (tl I--e 1 -) ... .. iti s 01 S. ....... .) 1 ...1 t ...-..::::: subject to greater error than others.u Tho first
ial activities (table IS).---)........ 25.t3 ., f7 11013 753 ..... ......37 1itemassumesthat a woman spends about 2 hours
c. (13 bu dai ............. 7 20 .133,153 1036 .2 17.5 19 item assumes that a woman spends about 2 hours
......................... 2521 381 9.907 19.19: .. 7... .3 i2.4_ a w week on personal hygiene, a man but an hour,
................................... i 2 ,72 7 13.42 I, ,50 oo. I.O 32 7 34. 18e .s because women wash and dress their hair fre-

ir tha "2 In military asrvice are not ,counted. From tie total A-hour dnys. ae subtracted 200 for less tie spent eating sleeping on market trig quently, and bathe more often in the sweat bath-
oni'd time of ofici.tls that cuts Into their slerpin:, end 300 for le Icss slepilt time at wakes, nieten, etc. time-consuming option In the matter of
ti are uhtrate 50 hur days for e ping time by the wives of ollc and tr helpers for nal cook, etc., and 0 f time-consuming operation. In the matter of
,hSkes. Ient., tlurlng icless, tc. sickness, I was reduced to pretty rough calcula-
ittle Is Included here.
persons (table 3)X36 daysX24/9 bours. tions, assuming that on the average everybody is
.ick at home or in bed 2 days a year; that nursing
eating, and resting incidental to meals they require expenditure of both time and money. (chiefly by women) takes an average of 3 hours a
evening take, on the average, about The system thus distributes economically costly day from other activities; and that in each of the
day." obligations through the community; each yer 00 cases that a shaman is called, a day's time is
nity service" (table 16) accounts for different individuals become devoted to public lost to call for and accompany him.
voted to obligations to church and state, service. That in each of the 74 cases of births the woman
military service, sporadic assistance on TABRL 16.-Community service loses an average of 10 days' time is probably a
ks (60 percent of the total, and five- found statement, for the lying-in period is recog-
hat is done locally), and service in tile Numblner t~t hol.nur nys In ye ized and I have a ntumbel r of cases in my notes.
itiral-religious organization (table 17). Kinl Tol Mn wom C hB That in each case a father-to call the midwife,
action between religious andt civil fune- on drV a ist her, and register thin birth, etc.-loses 2
t clear-cut. The civil duties are police nodl work for control n ov.rr.nnnt.... W i .......... ys' is not nearly as certain. In the matter of
istrativM, centered lboti thee rton ill; wy rn(2 ngen lltne).1.0. 0 ...::::::-:::: baptism, it is assumed on the basis of a few cases
istrative, centered about the town hall; r',ainig o military reservists.-..-........ g0 DO--........
us duties are performed in connection rulic ork, asbitanco hy Irivatodl- 0 i....... that the parents each lose a day and the sponsor
cal clhurchl and the cult of the Saints. offices' chily civil d 4tlL ,081 4,01 .... half day. In the estimated five cases of mar-
s in tleir lifetimes "ascend the ladder" tlhiol' chly religious. 1g.oduties .05 m ge, consequently five askingg" and courtships,
hierarchy of oefices, with more menial Total ............-... ,01-......... ...... .. it is calculated that both sets of parents, and the
at the bottom and more honorific ones --- principals, each lose 24 hours, and that six other
usually alternating between t r- that hall of the men-not counting xoempt omfce holds 1en1 and women each lose 6 hours.
)l usually alternating between the re- worked itn tIO.
the civil offices. Beyond of the time o th men, ncludin that sent oatng, sleeping t The time that funerals cost is based on knowl-
I tile civil offices. Beyond the lowest hero Incltlel. dsie thr are outside the commun..ity.
riage is required, and wives occupy the Re nigaton ditches, controlling the river, Instaling eortl ge of customary differences when adults,
-riatge is required, and wives occupy tile etc. P3 V
1 some sense jointly with their husbands. TABLE 17.-Time of officials children, and infants die. It is supposed that the
are principals in all ritual, the women Nple of the family (on the average a man,
cere monies; but the women prepare nNear oman, and two children) each lose 3 days at the
Food and drink. Every normal person Men wn.m- Ch ath of an adult, 2 at that of a child, and 1 at the
the system; a man of the household o ..cla. Tol tath of an infant; and that (on the average) five
a year after which no service is required o h chin y Cy ce thr men and five other women lose 2, 1, and a
a t c rrChln ei ri -all day, respectively, in such cases.
when again the man (or another in the civil us gou gla
depending on who is ripe for service ----- Only general observation and more scattered
d e i ohriulrn e..... ...... wh7o7 is ri7 se;rv ...2....1 ,0...7 .,....
to the particular. needs at tile timee, v .. .... ......2 ) 1i" are s are the basis of the other figures; yet it
other year of service further up the 4 i | ........... .. es to me wholly unlikely that the totals of
Fhe offices are unpaid; on the contrary 31 1............ 18 ar off more than about 20 percent.
(ohe o s ae ............ I. the cntry .. Chart 15 omits sleeping-eating time, and that
9LAfasordms 2 r..M........ 12.'. 125 100
all error here, multiplied by all the people and every day of Vn ntary lrs ...... 20 ... .. 20 100 -
most likely since sourer of error In the number of days lef 320 'rrincipltris ....... 220 200 20 -- -..
ir In the whole community. Such an error would effect only 4i0 s 1 ,nrt burners .... 4 ...... A2 22- And" sometlnms mre ter error than would have been the esq had I known
s of timo spent eating, Fleeping, and resting relative to that 12 Crucinemrs... ....- 20 20 ... 20 ...... I. nc to use tlle dita tn this niunner. For elanmple, I did not get omcial
for. If the block of time devoted to Ceting. sleeplnti etc., and 12 "Apostles".- .-- 30 .. -O a t-tendincc n school which would have been available, and which
naccounted for, are eft out of consideration, only 123 percent Total............. 5,132 4,831 4,081 780 289 t have been more accurate than my extrapolations.
, o **nnenrnnaemle" (chart 151. and community obllPtlons .. .


ICTfisth at bta V" ---
**-fourths of this litim.


*5746-.ll--T


Activity


liathing. hbair wahlnir hyhle'e,P etc.....
Sickness: patients' and nursing time....
Childbirth: family's time ................
Daptlsms: parents' and sponsor' time...
care of Infants: fecdina, sec..............
School attendanoa ...........
Courtship and marriasge....... .......
unerals..... ....................
Nonconmmerial nfstas-clebration and
Sunday and holiday rest by private
persons........-.............. ......
Informal vitling, gosslping, drinkiln on
no speclil occasion.- .-...---
Formal visits, gift bearing not Included
elsewhere..............................
FIRhtLng, quatrrelln; time In court and
aill and worrylng ......... .........- .
Business errands ........................
Rainy days when no work in bouse;
caught on road., etc-...................
Total.............................


Numtber of 96Iotu wo!. Ir yir


Went


4. 17
2, 3:A;
1. 052
154

100
832

3,305
670
225
20
200
1,050
2.5. 13


ul
1. 4)
814
77




250
100
loo
100
150

7 w
A. 5W7


,100 425
1, l 34 3j
1041- 2.-9

!.......
s..ilt.


1, 2' I'



1 l...
- --- AIM
a I .... ...
4, 01-------
3W to
2MB~ ~ .


unaccounted for, to show that 87.7 percent of all
the time available to the community i cdevotod in
one manner or other to getting a living. De.irip-
tion of how this time is used necessari'y involvou
differences associated with sex and age oe.ause
(for example) the 87.7 percent in chart 15:hihtesn
difference between men (88.2 percent), w)omttcn
(81.8 percent), and children (60.2 percent ') ,hi h
becomes more and more significant as the cate-
gories are broken down. Thus, for iinsFtPn, ;nmen
devote 80 percent of their usable time to ru e.afl
employment and commercial production, but
women only 28.6 percent and children a tr flthe Ji,
The women meanwhile spend their time on cook.
ing, laundering, and the making oi c'otlhir.g.
Chart 16 therefore, confined to the distti',"w'i.n
of time devoted to economic activities, distin
guishes the use of time by sex and age.
Agriculture (the techniques of wh ich ar. 2.r -
cussed on pages 47 to 57 and the business ym;pe,:t
on pages 108 to 132) is obviously the o1]y real
source of livelihood; especially s.rc t3r,.e-fo l;-
of tle labor done for Ladinos s agricults.in: dl .o'-
and most of the marketing involves nmariet.:ig
of home-grown agricultural prodic?. Tlt n 11
shows how the time was divided Letwee:e (:T.e:n
crops and animals grown by Indiians. In cout a i
a miniscule 500 days, including 15ofwc.rr: r tiI c5
of children, is spent on hunting, fishii'g, and Il'o
like.
Women spend 51 percent or their tiin.' ir hivasc-
hold tasks, and an additional 5.b peic-n' in
weaving, sewing, and repairing cloth;;g; ho.tuo


TABLE 18.-Peraonal and soci al aduilies


I ~ ---- I-


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY- AX








INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


53 0%/


100,000 -


90, 000 -




S80,000 -




70, 000 -




60,000 -




50,000 -




4 000 -




3 30,000-


CHART 15.-"Usable" time.


building and maintenance, and cutting and bring-
ing firewood, are equivalents for men, but not of
course in importance. Although payment of rent
is not required, men generally work for money and
use the money-rather than their time-to supply
household needs.
Buying and selling is a major enterprise of both
sexes, for men second only to agriculture and for
women on a par with the making of cloth and
garments. Indeed, in the context of the culture,
marketing is even more significant than the pro-
portion of time devoted to it, for selling the pro-
duce (rather than harvesting it) is the real
culmination of the cycle of agriculture, just as
buying, where the prerogative of choice is most
clearly enjoyed, is the beginning of social living.
Practices in the hiring of labor, and the role of
specialists in the society, follow a description of
the more general division of labor.


TABLE 1.--Time devoted to agriculture and domestic animot 20, 000-
by sex and age


Kind of work mTn-day


Agriculture:
iMillIm.....................
Oipons fronni cccl............
Onlon seedrout seed......
(;Crllc......................
Ile:1lS3........................
Vrretlcsald ......... ........
'etlincs.....................
Crofrflr ....................
Fruit......................


6, 055
83. 1
1, 37
10, 576
4.113
1. 720
6. 10
141
410


Men Women


,758 1100
t5,105 20,
a,137 10O
I, 770 3, I0
3,263 6&%
4,198 1, r0O
1,714 2w
316 t0
1-1


Chlldm
under I1


Ilit iffllffyj ; ;i i' I+ii I filti 1 5 +j :...... ii j Iui1 i 1j i fu
10,00 ooo0- o I
Al l i, +


":, o_ tll!, ,N,;, i il t' Ililrli 1i,[;; w
N o. of 9 hr.- I
days by age 30, 000 60,000 90,000 120,000 150,000 180,000 210,000 240000
and sex categories MEN WOMEN CHILDREN
No. of 9-hr. Days Worked by Total Population

I CIIAI:T 16.-Time spent on economic activities
'dS
I,0


9 woer*


I-


Total..........0.......... 10 .84 82,714 27, 40
Dome-tc animnis:
FoI....................... 352 2..........
Pirs-....-........- ....... 167 ... 137
Ooats and sheep............. 173 73........
Cattloe.................-... 2,13 1,313........
Uorscs-mules -....---...--. 50 40........
Total...................... 3,75 1,78 410
Oranl total ....-.....-.. 124, 60 4 M o 27, C '0

SFrom title 319; the totals are Ianrcr In chart Ia, which ad days annl ,()0 child-days (to take account of the cxtra time put In I
snd children to accoiltllsb their "man-dnys") nnd subtracts the Ii
by outsiders (460 from meu'. 160 women's, and 0 cehildren'l).


88


'El

5 1.4tlr




Let'rwstic
Prorductton



Mi rketir.33



t'Ivabsrfor
n 7~lr, --


Ypu't i7 l
CX~cupatiuiis



Animal
TV_ -- t- y


sC bila le


9 1






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 9J


90 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 18


DIVISION OF LABOR
Chart 17 summarizes the sex division of labor
in Indian Panajachel.

Men Women
1'Prprilng soil
Planting
M*lpa growitn Cultivating
Harvesting
Storing
training
Making bds Plant
Transplanting
Truck gardening Watrrlng
Weeding
Tnarvcslting
preparing crop
Transplanting
Cleaning grove
Coffe grown Ceaning gro rvstin
Preparing bans
I
Fruit IIiarvestln
rasturing I
Animal husbandry Feeding
':nhl1ng
Felling trees I
Firewood Cutting branches
OGathering
Building
Furnishings
Weaving
Clothing Sewing Laundering
-Lmaking C
t Cooking
ousekeepinlnring
IplpnDish washing
Sweeoping
Distant markets
Marketing Nearby markets m
Local market
Large, heavy
Zoad carrying L h ai light
._I_ smInfants

CAnRT 17.- Sex division of labor in ordinary work.
While only women are expected to work in the
kitchen, it is not true in Panajachel that only men
are supposed to work in the fields. Indeed, tlhe
only broad generalization that can be made about
the sex division of labor is that men do not
normally cook, carry water, spin, weave, or wash
dishes and clothing; while oni; men do certain
agricultural tasks considered too difficult for
women-preparing the soil for corn, makinggarden
beds, planting coffee bushes; and only men (using
the tumipline) carry heavy loads.
The ax and the hoc, and to a lesser degree the
machete, are the men's tools. Men cut down
trees and turn over the earth. Women, in agri-
culture, use their hands or sticks and the watering
basins. The work that can be done without heavy
tools is done by either men or women. But it is


the heaviness of the work rather than the tool that
sets the pattern. Women do not lift great
weights, or swing axes, picks, or hoes. They
do not climb trees, or roofs.
Men travel greater distances than women. A
man may carry his load 50 miles to market; a
woman rarely more than 5. Women work the
fields in the delta, men in the hills. But this
is because most of the agricultural work in the
hills is heavy work connected with the milpa
rather than because of their distance. The milpa,
perhaps because most of the work involved is
heavy, is the most typically men's job. But there
may be an element of tradition here too, as well as
of distance.
Domestic tasks-cooking and washing and the
making of clothing-are almost exclusively
women's work. It is typical for the man to be off
in the fields or on a business trip and the woman to
care for the home. But women no less typically
engage in agricultural work and in taking their
wares for sale in the market. In a broad sense, the
women do all the kinds of work that men do, and in
addition care for the house and prepare the food.
They are breadwinners as well as breadmakers.
The degree to which these statements are true,
to which the division of labor along sex lines is
fixed and unalterable, will be discussed (following
the order of chart 17) after considerations of age
differences.
AGE DIFFERENCES

A child of 2 or 3 is carried on the back of mother
or sibling, except in the house, and there is little
sign of sex distinctions. By the age of 4 or 5, he
is carried only on long trips. By this time cos-
tume distinctions have set in: a boy dresses much
like his father, a girl like her mother. Whatever
the sex, however, he stays in and near the house,
helping the women folk with minor errands
"Bring me a piece of firewood" the mother is apt
to say to the boy or to the girl. Now also the
child of citlher sex begins to carry and watch hii
younger sibling. At 6 or 7, the child frequently
accompanies his parents to their delta fields, and
although lie plays more than lie works, lie is asked
to help in little ways. "Let the water flow in the
ditch," the parent might say to a child playing it
the water, and the youngster will direct the water
into the proper channel with his hands. There i
still little sex distinction; either girl or boy ae


companies either parent to the field. A child of
8 or 9 (assuming lie is not iln school) still works
both around the house and in the fields, caring for
youngest r siblings, sweeping and doing other chores
in the house, and helping in the fields. But now
the sex distinctinion is moro important. A boy will
have a small hoe, and when in the fields will help
his father make garden beds, while a girl will have
a small water jar and will be sent for water for the
kitchen. The boy is now home much less fre-
quently than the girl; more and more he accom-
panies his father to his work. The girl may still
go with her father, or her mother, to the fields.
But she is much more closely attached to her
mother and hence to the kitchen. By now she
is frequently setting up toy looms with coarse
fibers.
At the age of from 10 to 12 the sex division of
labor is virtually complete. Now a boy will not
stay home to help in the kitchen. IHe goes as a
helper with his father to the fields; if he goes with
his mother, he goes as a coworker. He does the
kinds of work his father does, even if on a smaller
scale. He uses the tumpline to carry small loads
nearby, but when he accompanies his parents to
a market outside he is more apt to carry the lunch
in his bag. A girl of 10 or 12, on the other hand,
no longer goes with her father to the fields; at
home and in the fields she is under her mother's
direction. She now helps very considerably in
the house. She may make the fire and is expected
to be able to make coffee; of course she carries
water. She also can weave small things of limited
usefulness because the work is defective. She
alone, and not her brother of like age, cares for
the younger children and sweeps out the house.
At 14 or 15 the young man is more a man than
a boy. lie enters his first municipal office and
tends to do a man's work. IHe now smokes and
begins to drink. IHe carries medium loads with
his tumpline and goes to nearby towns. He fre-
quently accompanies his father or an older brother
to more distant markets. He does all kinds of
heavy agricultural work. The girl of similar age
has not quite to the same degree reached woman's
estate. Slie now grinds, and can prepare the nical
of the family if it is small; but her tortillas are far
from perfect. If she has been taught to weave,
she makes only small things, neither very speedily
nor very well. But of course she now dedicates
her time more and more to such tasks, while her


mother is freer to work longer in thre fie:<'s anmi to
sell more frequently in the inim ket. If l.(t* L'
goes to market, as she does, i, is lt;Isudly in t;he
charge of an older woman, i( not. I ir Ii et or!', "o
helps her.
At the ago of 18 e youth ins rinl or a ww, i.
and may be expected to do all of the %work of hi.
sex. The young man may go alone to N lre roost
distant markets, he will work for of.iI.; i, '1 h
day at a man's wage, and r ild co,..try fi h,-ls'a.
The young woman can do every kin.; of k:,u.e.
work well, and can do the wori-'; v "-L. i.'-
fields for tlhe family cr for hire. If rs', dcsa r, t,
go freely to market to sell, i, is only tloral'e ,'u':
women should be protected from escpld .o She
is ready for marriage.
There is normally no age limit or corl-. Fx.
cept that sickness lniils to tike n r::c .':,
greater toll of one's time ,;ith adviincirl atce" the
old work side by side with the y rn:[, marr, g in
living by the same means. In pra.cice, .. rar ly
true that an old man works Ps rmuh rn a y )ung
man. If lie is not enfeebled by s1ckr.e s, '.1t cuA-
tom of prolonged drinking acouirrd d'ri.rse '\ij
public career takes his time and saps his rtreuth
or he has acquired sons enough to mnak hii: 'wr.
hands less necessary, or has b enough to hire hands so that lie iirmsel un.i~rctLaK
more the direction of work than t. worr, a if."
By the time a man is old -say 60- I lai In t iriy
completed all of his civil and religious obls.laio:ts
which were in the past a very significant expe- s-,
and now he requires less and is hirnc,. ri '1:+r. B :
this time, too, he frequently is little inecrestid a
accumulating more land, and is apt io in\( I f hi:
capital. Hard and steady worl; in threfTore fre-
quently not necessary.
The same may be said, in general, fur wvo!ji?,.
Since women outlive men, them are rr. ,e old
women than there are old men. They ,c(,nt imnu te
the end of their days to do the work of worreo, but

a A rich old Indian (now de easd) who was at least 75 at thr tim(.. s dd in
casual conversation, "1 personally no longer do any wore- e.lr l my nr ns
cannot stand it. but my son Ranrel Is the one who fre, every' ii. i 4:.'b ,I),
or I send mots and only direct them. not I still soenitlnem.s ittr ip my ua
or my hoe to do a simple task hbcause I am ashamed to be ul r 3a it.o;n, lI
my house watching my (thlrd) wife work In the fleds. 8o-w'i 'sr Im tell
her to get herself motos to clear the onion patrhe:, ani o :er 'idsd. b. r shi
answers me that she too is ashamed not to do aiythlng bIctats my childr,'
(her step-children) and neighbors might think that she warned tei only 'or
theadvantauMs. And soit s that weareboth ashaeld to donoth,: k 'oo
now, for example, she has gone to the Sololl market to re ~'l a te buy tOi
neeramary thins, and I remain to watch the house; hut ,t a ayse i out to my
fleldL."







92 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTIHR

again they work less long and less lard. An old
woman no longer has children to care for. Her
eyes are frequently too bad to permit much weav-
ing. There is no large family to cook for. Like
men, old women tend to be ill more frequently and
for longer periods, and they, too, sometimes lose
time in prolonged drinking, to which their public
life has habituated them.
SEX DIFFERENCES

Most of the ordinary work of the community is
done, therefore, by men and women between the
ages of about 18 and, say, 50. Older, the quantity
of work diminishes, the kinds and the sex distinc-
tion remain the same; younger, the kinds of work
also change and the distinctions between the sexes
diminish and (with young children) disappear.
Since agricultural work of both women and chil-
dren tends to be "light," children's work resembles
rather women's work than men's. Thus women
rather than men transplant onions; but one may as
well read it, "women and children" even though
more especially girls than boys. Men do less on
light tasks than women because more of their time
is turned to heavy tasks that they alone can do;
thus the practice of youngsters, who are necessarily
cut out of the heavy work, is like that of women.
THE MILPA

I have never heard of a woman's helping to fell
trees, clear and burn brush, hoe the soil, or any-
thing else to prepare the cornfield; nor have I ever
heard of a woman planting or cultivating. Women
only harvest, frequently going alone to cut leaves
or a few green cars, especially if the field is in the
delta, when a woman even goes alone to harvest a
few ripe ears. Most frequently, however, men
take the lead in harvesting and women accompany
them, if at all, only to assist, partly because large
loads must be brought home, mainly because of a
feeling that milpa is men's work. To harvest a
large field laborers are hired to join what members
of the family are available, perhaps including
women; but women are never hired, as men are,
to help.
Stacking corn in the granary is done by all the
a In one case the wife and 10-year-old daughter arrived at the distant corn-
ield at 10 a. m. with lunch and remained the rest of the day to pick beans and
gather together the ears of corn. In another ease wife and daughter did
some arresting. In a nearby field, alone, and later accompanied the man of
the house to do more.


Pr


?OLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10

family under tho leadership of the man of tie
h, u 4 .in th n from thC.0 cob i


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATE.


COFFEE


...IVII........ .. ..Ir .. .L Division of labor in the coffee nurseries follows
primarily women's work. When (infrcquentlly in ,
primarily women's ork. When (infriquenly b in the usual garden pattern. Only men transplant
Panajachel) corn in quantity is grained by beating coffee bushes from the nursery bed, work which
a bagful of ears with sticks, men (10 most of the
work. Generally each lay's grain is taken oh involves digging holes; pulling, binding, and set-
work. Generally each day's grain is taken off tang both coffee and sh0de trees. Again, only
tinfr both coffee and slhadc trees. A,,-ain. only
with the fingers before use, hence is a kitchen
tas of omen. Never ss men often do this men clean the grove. Both sexes harvest coffee,
task of women. Nevertheless men often do this and women as well as men are hired for the pur-
chore in idle moments around the house, and men and women as well as men are hired for the pu
rather than the women grain seed corn before pose. In Indian groves women probably harvest
planting. more than men, for small groves are often picked
Beanare removed from the pod (usually by over by the women and children of the house.
beating) by both men and women. Men exclusively use the depulping machine,
women the grinding stone. Men do more than
women washing and sunning the beans, especially
TRUCK GARDENING if the quantity is large; on the other hand when
the parchment is removed from the beans before
Only men make garden beds, or pepino hills. use or sale, it is done on the grinding stone, by
Boys but not girls or women help the men; it may women,"7 and roasting and grinding coffee is
be said that this is work of males, as grinding is of women's work, done in small quantities for daily
females. The only other gardening tasks excluh use in connection with other kitchen work.
sive to men are planting onion seed (which evi-
dently requires expertness which no women hav FRUIT
developed), and planting pepinos, which involves Planting vegetable pears and harvesting their
carting fertilizer and making holes. Otherwise: root are peculiarly men's tasks, involving some
work in the truck gardens is done by both sexes, ritual. Otherwise the work of the "orchard" is
one or the other predominating in each process.' little differentiated by sex. Fruit harvesting that
Probably women plant more garlic, transplant requires climbing is done by men, but most fruit
more onions, and possibly plant more beans than is collected by other methods, and by both sexes.
do men. They certainly do more weeding as men Quantity is a factor: a man (perhaps helped by
do more watering. Men harvest more onions, his wife) is apt to strip a whole tree of its fruit,
garlic, and beans (which require some strength for but a woman usually brings down the fruit that
the pulling), but women probably cut more she plans to take to market. In this work chil-
pepinos. These differences are not matters of dren are of special assistance.
custom but of circumstance. Thus, men usually
harvest the quantities of pepinos or green beans ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
they take to the wholesale market and women cut The few horses, cattle, sheep in town are cared
those they will sell locally. But husband and wiff for by men and boys who lead them to pasture,
(and others) are apt to go together both to the move them occasionally, and lead them back in
harvest and to the market. Onions, garlic, and the evening. Women may feed such animals at
vegetables are prepared for market by the whole the house, but their care is the responsibility of
family, with little distinction of sex. Wonmet men. Pigs and fowl, on the other hand, are the
doubtless wash vegetables more, since in geners Province of tie women (and children) of the
each vendor prepares his own load for market but house. Though men may and do handle them,
women help their husbands wash the larger women generally do all the chores connected with
quantities. Women go to market more frequently them. "Chicken raising is the woman's work; tihe
than men, but carry considerably less. man has nothing to do with it," is the usual view.
S*Pigs are killed by professional butchers, but the
A man and wife are often found together, perhaps transplanting oni igs are killed by professional butchers but the
Inthe sme gardenbd. Women are frequently en workilngwilth babldb Ousewife usually kills a chicken for the table.
their backs. When the cry, they are given the hrast. hero the Turkeys are killed only for fists, when usually
other children, an older sibling may relieve the mother of her burden ill only fiestas, hen s u
she works, but of course the Infant must remain close by to be fed. A wealtkl 12.yomr.old boy was once observed helpIng his mother at this. but hb
woman may hire a nurscmaid to keep the baby In the ahade nearby. us not grinding.


"ALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 93

men have charge of their ceremonial slaughter
together with that of roosters. Men rlso clean
and dismember the fowl used ceremonially, vomten
those for the house.

FIREWOOD

Firewood in quantity is prepared by mn, ardr
boys. Women never cut down trees, though 1hey
frequently chop branches into kindling .''Wo.e'n
and children perhaps more than men, collect fag-
gots in the river bed and .n the fields. Tha
distinction is between "making" and "'ciUeccng:
firewood.
HOUSING
Building of all kinds is in the province of the
men, assisted by boys. Women do rot help.
Materials which are not purchased are obtmirind
generally in the hills, systematically by th menrn.
Setting up the house is heavy work, but wa)W-n
do not participate even in building nn.11l st -uctures
like chicken coops, or thatching low rocfs; prob-
ably they lack the techniques. Nor do thovey n
mud for mass-adobe walls, which is neither heb,'y
nor skilled labor.

CLOTHING
The little cotton spinning till d-,n ii Pat.r-
jachel is strictly women's work. Mn rather hr.n
women twist magucy fibers for special Ius a (d
when maguey textiles were mado, t'.e nme, d d it
as they still do in other towns. Woc-aen, Pever
men, do weaving. Exceptior s asre t':wo mMn oi
have learned a non-Indian belt-weanring t, unique A few men (no women) have r'so l:. ntd
to make fish nets. But text;]s for cnmu oan o
and by the usual processes are st-i' i) in. tou
female sphere.
Men usually tailor their own c'lotks f:ci, w.. ;r a
cloth that they buy, though women soicetie~ .
do this for their husbands. They 'iso r.'poii thi'r
own clothes, especially if they are un:aTvie1 It
is no shame for a man to ua.e a n-idle. Yr t ,oren
do virtually all rewvng (done in Pnarojachel' tne a
fashion the textiles that they weave (for,toem-
selves, the menfolk, and the cii!dr-.n) ,nJd s:;ocr-
Once a boy of ab-ut 10 learned to were ?)tten hol!. wh,,Pr his f"''nr
was in prison in Solno5 and he took food to h,m and n sta ed t n' At, ot -' d
the prisoners making belts and went home woiA bo ,n D lf.IL th car 1v s al
toLadinos. Since then beha bs earned a few dol'a. sd.%' O o ; he '!v '' t.i> p n41
to make nets.






INwTI'ITIF OF SOCIAL ANTrIROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


times tailor shirts of bought material, they also
sew their own skirts (of bought material), tlhe
largest operation. They also do most of the
mending.
Women do virtually all the Inulndlry, iInl hlavo
regular wash days. Men are ashamed to ble seen
washing clothes (es (peially young men who have
no female relatives they can ask), but they do it.
OIIOUSEK EEPI NO
On the road men do all work necessary to sus-
tain life-building fires, makiiig coffee, cooking
meat and soup, washing dishes, etc. But at home
such tasks are done by the women. Cases of
temporarily womanless households in which men
have (lone their own grinding and even tortilla
making are not only aberrant but provoke mirth.
Women usually rise first and build thle fire; a man
at home might do this if his wife were ill, but
rarely otherwise. Grinding and cooking are (with
weaving) the most definitely women's tasks. Such
others as curing utensils, preparing leaves for
tamales, washing dishes, etc., are included. Men
do virtually nothing in the kitchen.
Except that a eofradia house is swept by the
men officials, all interiors (including Saint's houses)
are cleaned by women and children. But men
and boys-not women-normally sweep the patio.
Marketing is the subject of special discussion
in the following sections. Briefly: Panajachel
men do not patronize the local market; both
women and men buy and sell in nearby markets;
and saiiaj-nlyirrenr-g-to'-distanttmarkets.
LOAD CARRYING
Men and boys never carry loads on the head,
as women and girls carry produce (in baskets) or
water (in earthenware vessels). Men and boys
rarely carry any other way than with the tump-
line." Locally, women sometimes carry as much
as 100 pounds-with the help of two others, to
get the basket onto the head; dlie usual maximum
is 50 or 75 pounds, and women carry as much
as 50 pounds uphill to Sololt or San Andrds (5
miles). The normal load of a man is roughly
double that of a woman.
Women (never men) carry babies on their backs
in a cloth slung over a shoulder. Men do not

There is a Totonlcapels married Into the local community. Following
the custom of her community, she sometimes carries with a tumpline. The
local Indians were beard to remark about this. The Indian women of Pats-
atic (also eorltiatly Totonipefaa) frequently brain firewood to town on
their backs.


ordinarily carry lihaios, but if a child tires on tlhe eX's divide their time about evenly between
road, and the wife is carrying an infant, her hu Kitcinen and field. ThI average work time of
andl may place the child on his load. children as they grow to adulthood uIndoullbtedly
Only men (but not very nuy), and sometime approaches that of f men and of women, respec-
boys, ipadle caiioes. I haivo heard of a womni's tivcely, for lthe iavCer-ng Ilhere given includes the
helping only in one extraordinary case. Women young children who do o mlch less work.
simply do not "Iknow how." Ontce when an If my itiformtion is nearly corret, l.h averag
Indian brought home his corn harvest by canoe, time devoted by men, women, and children to
accompanied by another man and by his mother military training, all religious activity, fiesta
and sister, the north wind blew them off course, celebration and Sunday and holiday rest, and the
"The women wanted to help, but of course they carrying on of social relations is relatively so
didn't know how," the man told me later. little that even adding in the time not accounted

SUMMARY for-whlich includes the idleness of young children
mnd the aged-it amounts to but 45 minutes a day.
Table 20 reduces the total time distribution to their working ti substantially, there-
hours in the day, showing how the "average" man. fore, the community would need to cut the 13
woman, and chiild spend an "average" of those hours used in sleeping, eating, and resting with
which include every day of the year: week days. meals; while on the other hand, to add greatly to
Sunday and holidays; sunny days and rainy days. their leisure time for education, recreation, or
It is seen that on the average a man spends 8) greater participation in national, social, or political
hours working in the fields. With less work o th time devoted to making a living-if
Sunday and during festivals, and in periods of levels were to remain the same-would have to be
sickness and of rain, this means that most dav decreased by (1) improving agricultural techniques,
of the year the average man works well over 9 ) relieving women of kitchen burdens through
hours a day in Indian or Ladino fields; and with technological im ov en n ro
artisans, officials, and the aged in the fields muc technological improvements, and/or (3) improving
artisans, officials, and the aged i the is uc facilities for buying and selling (which might,
less, it is apparent that for this average to mnie however, reduce the recreation afforded by the
tain, most meacalwkn ctull wo e f s he fields market with relatively little gain in time).
10 hours on a normal weekday.
Women, on the other hand, average 5 hours ia SPECIAL OCCUPATIONS
the kitchen and in clothing manufacture and cart Simple societies are usually characterized by
and 2 hours in the fields.. These averages arn economic homogeneity. Each family earns its
less meaningful than corresponding statement lving much like every other. In that respect
for men because relatively few women spend Panajachel is simple; so of course is a community
whole days in the fields while relatively mort of workers in a factory, and for the same reason.
devote themselves more exclusively to domest Panajachel is a unit in a system where regional
tasks. As might be expected, children of bot differentiation and local homogeneity are corre-

TAtBL 20.-Averag day of average Indian ipondingly significant. By and large, every
o _tA 2ndf.. dyo 3Ida-- Indian family in Panajachel earns its living in
AIours nd minutes ibout the same way: by agriculture. This is
Activity omn Chil specially true when one leaves out of account
S'f_____oreign" Indians who tend to have special occu-
r,. mn,. r. Min. ftt.. 'tions, as will be seen below. In 1936 only four
iintlne, fl hlna.etc........................- ..... 2 ..........
Acriitire In Illi:,n cli t.................. 0 I 1 30t i if the 157 households-includdig Panajacheleiio
Atil wthintl aniry0....................... .. ----- .....If
^icl: ll rlm t r........................-. ..... I d foreign--did not derive their chief income
I)rritrl...c tld .itr Indter lar I .nc utldrs ......t-..... 07; ..... 1 4 1m the soil; all four were households of cmi-
IS-ietlie c ic Mit,actinf...2.......f.... .rb... ..e.. only2 4
Mrin ..................1 .... nts. As far as could be determined, only 50
Comniiyanek..... ...........------ 2') -.3 2
nal ail l...................... ... ..... 32 1" other individuals engaged in any pursuit at all
atalte.. l,lnc,i e t. ................-- 12 58 12 55 13 tO
Noat .a...teaid lotoe-f....-.. .... ..... ........ 2 .S.... M 4 3 1 ides farming, farm laboring, the care of domestic
Total................................ -2M 2 00 24 taimals, and the sale of agricultural produce.
And most of these special occupations were of
98L74e-8--8


little economic importance. Th.us only 3 -'n.\r-it
of total time spent on productive Itas'l in '15.r
wa. sEo o'cupid. Thim rptaliv imti tijiL.i-i.t'e a li
of the occupations is shown in lablIe's 21 rl n ?*.
Table, 23 shows what, oclpaiji W, pitu1 ,. '
by the 54 persons (inl 50 hotuse rho) l) wich s.p~cnla.
tic"s. T'l cotliltionfi of l.p'Eutt fOc.,ipul,( Ns p 'o
frequently but not always consisteiiu. 'ius,
while two men are both slhi;an .l< ,"'.,i:.i.
letters, another is a bloodletter, an .inL .i: -.Apor'-
izer and a masseur, a third is a tir, r. j. I
carpenter, and a woman is a midwife .r'id hildi-
curer, there are also such comlinnIi': s s.a (C)

TABLE 21.-Time devoted lo trades, prof .'itfons, and sp-ei'r
occupations

N:!mluot of hou- ay i y it
Occupation ----- .h \iii
Tot l TInn
Mas.n-carpenter '-.........- ..-..-.- O
Adobe maker .................. 25 2 .
arbcr-.....---.................
Butber...--.................... -320 2-0 t "
Baker----.............-.......... 7 7 ...
er. .... ................ ... ....
Canoe hslnets................... 75 5
WMan rs I- -.. ......... .... .... . l,-- ... .,- m I
Restaurateurs.-.--.- ----.-. ---.. & lt ...... 4(X) I)0
?,iec n,,re-e-e-- ...ae .i...... .. 30(1.
Marimba player................. ;O
Flapfvolet-4lrummer--....... ... 151') IMf -
Bhaman a- ------------ i 11 1
Midwife ................... .... 275 2-
Curer........................... 7 4
CaupolEtr.... ..... --- ------ .
Total-..-...-- --... .... 1,7i 24 401

S Masons: 2 fill time, each 2, dly-a,; 2 r art time, r-i- 40 120 days. Ma.srn-cTriolut'r, s0 ilyas.
' Including only the spfcialzerd weavilng of idpil flirces.
3 Calculated on the basil of eIrfiorm:inre of 2M4 r('iii;l. rf vI ichl r ) 0 -r
away from ranajaebel. Time lost by drunkennre- ht-,:in ;'i ."'i'.t i.c
of duty Is not counted.

TABLE 22.-Income from trades, professio-ti, and ?c :cial
occupations


Occupations


nMason-ncrpenter a................
Adobe makers -.............--.-----.-
Barber.............................-
Butcher.................. ........
Baker ................................
Netter................................
C:anc husiness...................
Weaver I..........................
Ristiturateur--......- ...............
MNte nper-earfl -r.....................
'Marimhba player --...................
FlaceiIrt-Alrummer...................
ghaannn m.............................
MIdwIre I ............................
Curr-e...............................
Caponlter........................
Total ............. ...........


1 Minsns: 2 full time each 1150; 2 part time reach $S0. C 'arpener: t~.
Masion-cariwiter. $3.
S Ineludinl only the speciallted wearing of Iulpil figures; the rgare o
a*mlnos inchultr rifts.
I Auuming that the csremonisl food Is worth S1.


Total

$4C. 00
6.25
S. f ln
25. O,
20015
35.00
00 00
30.00
3 00W
135 00
7. 75
4. Wo
1, 476. 75


W i,h!t. ,l
nun.ty t o- ,'>ipy

.S 25.
I z ts a.fx

12 M0
2 I). i
S......... n
--.... ..- 40
13 1 3"
15 L4 t
114 0 it1 00
7. h
c P . r. .s -


94


Plr,NNY CAPITALISlCM: A GUATRIVIALANA INDI1AN IrCCONOMY--TAK






96 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHRO

adobe making and barbering, (b) fish-net making,
baking, running a canoe business, and playing the
marimba, and (c) decorative weaving and cur-
ing children's ailments.

Tanr, 23.-Persons with special occupations

Number of practitioners

Occupetlon Part time
S time No other Combining
specialty specialties
Artlsin.':
MC:rscnncrs-......... 4!j (M) 2 12
Arrteb r . ------- i (\ ..--.----
Bitrcrs, beef. (2) ... 1 ... .....
Butchers, pork-.... ) ......... 2+ ..............
,alers-.. -............ (1) ......... .
1atrs--...........-.. (1)... ..
Netn ------- (1) -.~.-- .------- ---- i--
Weavers............. (8) ...... 49 ++l4+ + 9
Buslness:
'nf nr freuting-...... 1 (1) .. .....-- 1
Prct:ourirs a"... 3 (2) 1... 29 ............
Music:i, :7

Practitioners:
.M idlwIlves.---------.-. 151 (3) -- ------------------ H+Ja+)f
Curr -s .............. (G) .......... 39 + +- 'S-
E ctters--......... 5 ( .... .---..... .. 3 + + i+.+
ast-eurrs............. (1) .......... .- .
Done e.le ..e... 1 I (1) ........ 1 + +-- +. +-
Caponters.......... 1 () .......... (..1
Tote .....- .... 3 4 36 12i
I Tn each frIction, the numerator indlcntes the number f prNerons prnetlelng
the cctipntion. and the denonminator the totol number of special occupations
be rnwtires. The tntul of the column Is the arithmetic sum of the fractions.
SIndian native of some other town.
9 Fcm.lc; all ant marked are males (except in "total" column where sex
Is not L-dicated).

It will be noted that merchants are not included
in this list. It will also be seen that some of the
practitioners (notably curers) are not profes-
sionals in the sense that they are paid; they are
included for completeness and because they are
sometimes given gifts for their favors.

ARTISANS AND MISCELLANEOUS BUSINESS

The two full-time masons, Totonicnpefos who
moved to Panajachel evidently for tho purpose,
work nhnost exclusively on Latlino and municipal
jobs, either by theo day or more usually on contract.
Neitller lina atny.other local source of income and
both work steadily, earning about 50 (cnits a day.
On contract they must take into account idleness
because of weather or shortage of materials or
help.
The carpenter without other specialty in 1936,
a Pcdrano who also rented land for cultivation,
was too poor a craftsman to earn (chiefly from


APOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 18 PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUAT1

SLadinos) the 75 cents a day that a good carpenter- ristan in the church and worked much more at it.)
cabinetmaker does. The local Indian who is a The same man is one of two Indians who own
pa.rt-timo n ason-carpenter devotes most of his canoes, which they use for themselves for carrying
time to his land. ,passengers and for rent. The two canoe owners
Since most Indians nako their own adobe, are brothers-in-law and were close friends and
the part-time adobe maker works almost exclu- rivals in 1030 (but only rivals in later years) and
sively for Ladinos. Like masons and carpenters, competed with only one Ladino in this business.
adobe makers hire laborers out of a contract The first owned a $20 canoe in 1935; the next year
price, generally $1.50 per hundred adobes. When the other bought a larger one for the same amount;
large constructions are undertaken the Ladino not to be outdone, the first in 1937 sold land to
contractors usually import adobe makers. The buy a new and larger one for $35, and in 1941 was
adobe maker learned the barbering trade while i thinking of buying an outboard motor for it.
military service; tourists in later years kept him Canoes are not great money makers (passage
very busy and prosperous, but in 1936 his cus- across the lake costs from 6 to 10 cents, and a
torners were few. Indians come to his house on canoe can be rented for 20 cents or 25 cents a
appointment for a 5-cent haircut; for whatever he day); both men depend largely on their lands for
can get lie goes to the homes of rich foreigners. a living and happen to be well-to-do.
Only one Indian beef butcher (from Atit.lin) Many women know how to weave, but only six
followed the trade in 1936. The following year a know all the processes, and these are called upon
second Atiteco opened shop. However, a local by others at least to weave the figured design
Indian owns to the trade. Before the depres- into their blouses. Six others take in ordinary
sion of the thirties cut down extravagances, he weaving.
was called to butcher steers for private and One woman, from Nahuala, has a permanent
cojradia Indian fiestas. The one Indian butcher restaurant in the market place; most of her clients
competed in 1936 with a local Ladino as well as are passing merchants. In addition, two Pana-
with butchers in Sololai; he usually killed but one jacheleilas regularly bring coffee, tortillas, etc., to
animal a week, which he traveled to the coast to the markets, each a few hours of most days. Other
buy, which he slaughtered and butchered with the Women only occasionally bring cooked food to
aid of a part-time (paid) assistant and of which, market.
with the help of his wife, he processed and sold The one "messenger" is a very poor Indian who
the meat, tallow, and hides. After 1936 the shop lost an arm several years before the time of this
prospered, and the butcher took larger quarters study, and took to carrying freight and messages
and hired a full-time assistant. between Panajachel and Sololi almost every day,
Of the three part-time pork butchers in the: chiefly for the Ladinos. He was our closest
community in 1936, only one-an Indian from neighbor for two seasons, and we came to know
Mixco-practiced his trade. The other two, both him well, but could never learn accurate details
local Indians (one a large landowner), knew hor of his earnings from this business because we were
to butcher, but in 1936 killed no pigs. The customers. The family has a little additional
Mixqucfio only occasionally bought pigs for income from the labor of the wife and daughter,
slaughter, and processed them and sold the meat, tnd the man sometimes profits by transactions in
lard, and cracklings. fruit.
The baker learned his trnde from a Ladino, but The only local nimrina (of the gourd type) was
lh bakes only for Easter week when there ar bought, communally by four young nmen a year or
specini dein(n11 s for 1bre1-d. 'Then he is nat, hi two lbeforoe lie period of study. In 1937 one
oven day antd night, limaking "breadl" (we would dropped out. and the group was reorganized. It
call it coffco cake) of n ateriis includingg firewood) plays locally and in 1936 hla at least o0n outside
furnished by the ,customers. The same mat engagement, playingin the cofradnas and at taverns
learned to make fish nets from a local Ladino. during fiestas. Besides cash fees musicians receive
He probably makes a net every 2 years or so, liquor; they sometimes work by the hour (at 50
chiefly for his own use, of cotton thread and lead- cents for the company), sometimes are paid by the
weights which he buys. (In 1937 he was a sDa customers in the tavern for each piece played, and
I


EMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX

sometimes they contract to play (say for a day and
a night) in a cofradia for a fxed sum, ni.h or
without food.
One Indian who plays the flnaeolet iit not
included il this study; ho is r, l',r jrch,.s;n
without living relatives wlio is a I.riLt'l Pn'rvnt
owns no land or house and is not part' o Indian
society. Of the three listed, one plays the dr iIm,
one the caia (a simple reed instrumntet). an'i the
third both the cana and the flageolet. rTh-y play
only for religious fiestas and are paid c(ashl ees
(usually 20 cents apiece for a dawn to dark, day)
with food and liquor.

PRACTITION ERS
The business affairs of shamans rentai.r l'etity
much a mystery. We came to kunor two qe ii-s
well, but both are very unreliable i-fonr."t,
especially on this topic. One is agreealIeoi but
evasive, the other even more agrcr.i'c ;i I very
talkative but a great braggart. Some slmanin;sti-
activities are illegal; hence there is soene cvsic u.
I could not determine how many cases tiev have or
how much they earn from each. The '.%o.l( of
shamans is of course irregular, and part of hUfi:
compensation is in food. At least one of tin, h;s
a large practice outside the local cominut ity ('vhiil
the local Indians frequently call shatr:'-i; fi-cm'
other towns) so it is difficult to get muh info-oma-
tion by indirect methods.
Although in some other towns heree nr? Sol:-n'
who probably devote all their time to their rro,-
sion, in Panajachel all ars prim-ruil3 agn-idtnr&trs.
Some, however, have more client tlhmi o'1'-i-t.
The 11 shamans fall into four gou);s according wt.
the reputation (and hence amount of p:r c'. irc tVr-t,
have). The two top shamans proabaly di .,1,n'e.-
thing like a ritual a week each (this do ? ot r e'r,
they had new cases each veek) and bhcr r'e (l-e
only ones who were frequently calcd o .t of irn,
The next three probably had prac'icrs hlft r.,
extensive; the follow\ ing for perfotnne, r;en bIt,
once a niont h; and the last two wvr re ,t hb r:i ,!i:,.-,;
in 1936 and probably had no inro t( t'ian At ca.
sions for practice all ye-ar. What the s!h r r
takes him 3 or 4 hours (alno..t al\ at ni! .).
or 7 or 8 for out-of-town cazcs (I I rvce )t-ver
heard of a local shaman going beyond to Iske
and neighboring towns). Additior.'al t:tIe i .t
by drunkenness begun at work, at ler.3t b vcrne
shamans sometimes.






98 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


.JudIging front the few cases of which I have
record, the usual fee is about 50 cents for a visit.
or ritual, plus food that is worth about. 40 cents.
Liquor worth 60 cents is consumed during the
ritual. Calculations on this thais of an average
per man-day of 80 cents is high by local stalndnls,
but considering the nature of the work not
incredibly so."
In addition to the three Indian midwives prac-
ticing in Panajachel in 1936, there was a Ladina
midwife who infrequently served Indian' (who
prefer Indian midwives). The Indian N omnen
treated Ladinas as well as Indians. Some Laminas
are delivered by the Soolfla physician. Of the
103 births recorded for the whole municipal, these
3 Indian midwives probably attended 80 births-
70 Indian and 10 Ladino. One probably attended
some 40, the second, who had passed her prime,
30, and the third (who attended births chiciiy
among her relatives and neighbors) only 10. How
many cases of abortions and other ailments they
served I cannot guess.
The time that a midwife spends at the delivery
is, of course, variable. Sometimes she is not
called until the birth is imminent, but more fre-
quently there is at least one consultation during
pregnancy and often four or five. After the
birth, she comes daily for 4 or 5 days, then two
or three times more, until the 10-day lying-in
period ends. Including time for the trip, and for
gossip, the midwife takes about 2 hours for each
ordinary call. The average at the time of birth
is probably about 6 hours.71 Fees are fairly uni-
form. A midwife is paid either entirely in cash,
with a smaller sum plus food; but the value of the
food roughly makes up the difference. In the
case of Indian patients who follow old customs
there is an added gift of food (and liquor) pre-
pared for a fiesta 20 days after the birth. The
uslal feo is 50 pesos (83 cents) if the child is a

In Pan I'dro aree the ske nosales rportst that the payment for a
rite In town. which takes a maximum of 3 hours Inrludling travel to the
prince of the rite, is 25 ent pins food worth from 40 to .o rnts. That works
out to ntout the amne rate of pay miclulated for i'nn)achel and Is nomne check.
It should he n ,tcd thit in some caes In lanajachel when the patient was
a close friend or relative, the rate was reduced-in one recorded enase from
s0 rents to 25 cent -or no charge was made at all, In which cae the patient
simply sent a gift of food In the single such Incident recorded. In one case
a shaman from Santa Catsrina was paid 25 cents. An Informant reported
that "some shamans charge t$.'O or even 13 and do not even Inve medicines"
bet It to not clear If this feo covers one lislt or ritual or the entire cure.
SI hare records of only 17 ca. s (5 women) of the period of labor, ranging
rom an hour to 29 hours, with the gross average 10.5 hours; but of course
the midwife s frequently not aled until these last few hours of labor.


boy, and 40 pesos (66 cents) if a girl;" in case of a lower public officials perform such tasks as sweep-
stillbirth tile fee is halved. A Ladino is usually ing, carrying loads, and the like as part of their
charged a dollar because no ceremonial food is unpaid duties. But as might be expected in an
involved. My estimate is that the total received agricultural community where there is great dis-
from each case varies between 41 cents (a still- parity in the distribution of hlnd, by far the most
birh) and $1.83 (for a male Indian birth) which significant use of hired labor is in the fields.
would make their rate of pay 50 cents a day, high 'The system of agriculture requires a great deal
for a woman but not as high as that of a shaman. of hand labor, some more and some less skilled,
There are various curanderos, Indian and in differing amount for different crops. Thus
Ladmlo, in Panijachcl. Four old women (one milpa-growing requires from 36 to 57 man-days
also a midwife) know how to cure the evil-eye in of relatively unskilled labor per crop-acre; coffee
children; one of them is also expert in curing worms growing a little over 50 man-days of much less
and a certain kind of indigestion; a fifth woman skilled labor; and truck farming from 197 man-
cures sore eyes. One man at the time of this days (shrub beans) to 1,878 man-days (the
study was becoming known as a bone setter and onion cycle) of relatively highly skilled labor.
healer of bruises. More important were blood. Actually, since in the case of most truck crops
letters; of these there were eight (all men), four the growing season is only 3 or 4 months, so that
of whom were also shamans and another also a there may be three crops a year, the labor re-
masseur and caponizer. This was the only quired in truck farming is usually not less than
masseur in town, and his specialty was to rub about 600 man-days per year-acre, and in most
down persons in the sweat bath to cure them of cases much more. If an acre of land should be
certain ailments. There were also at least eight devoted to onion nursery exclusively for a year,
Ladino women engaged by Indians to cure certain over 7,000 man-days of labor would be devoted
ailments. None of these curers charges a fee. to it This certainly is only a hypothetical
The patient or his relative "asks a favor." After situation, but it is evident that a farmer rich in
the cure, however, the family sends to the curer- delta land requires much more labor then he and
Indian or Ladino-a gift of food. My notes do his family alone can supply.
not tell me how ninny such gifts are received by Both Ladinos and Indians in Panajachel hire
the Indian practitioners, but I hardly doubt that labor, and in both cases the source of this labor is
enough Indian families have a case or two of sick- both the local Indian (and in rare cases Ladino)
ness each year for which a curer is called to make community and neighboring communities of
an average of two or three per curer reasonable. Indians. We shall be interested here only in (1)
The two caponizers in town, one of whom has resident Indians who hire out to either Ladinos or
no other specialty, presumably geld most of the other Indians, and (2) persons, Indian or Ladino,
pigs bought for fattening, and an occasional bull from whatever community, who are hired by re-
as well. Hence they probably worked on forty-: ident Indians.
odd animals. The usual fee is 10 cents, to which Since by definition "resident Indians" do not
is added refreshment, usually alcoholic. include whatever Panajacheleflos may be living
and working on plantations, there are few who
AGRICULTURAL LABOR can bo said to be full-time laborers. Since, also,
Indians living and working in tilhe local hotels-
Ilnlds are indeed hired for such tasks as house who are in virtually all cases Indians from other
building and load carrying, especially by Ladinos; towns-have not been included in this study, there
t1hre are ilso Inti:ias who are domestic servant! re few who will he counted as domestic servants.
antd (women) who hire t hellselves out as corm Actl ally, in 1936(, Indians of 17 of tlio 157 house-
grinders to Indians as well as IAndinos. Coimmon hol(ls of tile Indian community fell into the classi-
labor is also expeniled as a public service for fiction of full-time laborers and domestics (table
repairing roads and irrigation ditches, and the 24). All these households were landless.7
nSonto Indians report other prices, but most of such cases reported They account for all but nine of the landless Indian households. Of the
occurred years ago. One Indian thus reported a fee of 13 pesos (18 cea1' nalning nine (eight foreign and one Panalachelefo) fire were families of
long ago, and eces of 20 pesos (.3 cents) and 40 oesos (67 cents) more rcenrat h-UIne artisans, and one of a carpenter who also rented land. On the r-.
In 141 another Informant sid the usual fee was 1 for a boy, cents ( for a 4do three, iancdlng the Panalachelefto family, Information is lacking.


There are, of course, a grepLt many more fI.lni,, s
members of which work part time forot:ihr lIdiiV'-,
and for Ladinos. Indeed, it, is pro' nal h (sce pi, 95.-
100) that all Indian families ,xserpt tlho of lthe
upper quarter in land wealth somn timjs hI vo!romn
bers working on the land of others. At the sam.
time almost all families of the land-riel'cst alif
of the Indian population hire hands, regpiaurly or
occasionally. The result is that thtre aire a nurn.-
ber of families whose members arc both employ-
ers and employees; these families terd to b il
the second-richest quarter.

TASI.r 24.-FuU-time laborer.

Nultcifr ofl ', c holes
Typ ---- -- -----
Type
Total Foreaigr Pn.Pfi
Lived In house of Lalino employer; man
worked for him as permanent employe..- '
Lived in rented or borrowed house; man
sought work where he could............ 6 3 3
Lived In rented house; no ; man; woman a
domestic in a Ladino household.,... 1 1
Lived nbowdor hou; no man; woman
worked as domestic where she could.... 1 ...... ..
Total....................... 17...
________- -. __ __ _.. _..
I In I cae the man ws also a drummer, part time; Is another, tIe woman
of the household kept a full-time restaurant.

There is a considerable supply of labor frem
neighboring Indian communities, some of it ski' *d
for work in truck farming, the total prohn'ly -'ell
over a hundred from Concepci6n, Santa Ctririnra.
San Jorge, Solola, Tecpdn, and other pla,,s.
Some of these are regular workers .ttacbr:s e
local Indian or Ladino employers; of suc' tlhe best
estimate is that 60 "' are employed by Inivars,
many more by Ladinos. Others ere trao-. cnts,
chiefly from Santa Catarina, who seek work (s:.-
advances on their wages) almost house t c ho'wsr,
although of course they know who is likelv t, b ire
them at a particular season, such as for I.e coffee
harvest. All of the outsiders together ;)?,t if, I
total of some 730 (lays of work in Indian lids
(500 days in coffee groves, chiefly harv smn g. ;85
in milpas, and 45 in truck gardenr),n ,o Ijrge
portion of the total required.

'* Based on a 1941 estimate that 30 Cfatartneos anI 10 or 11( C .nerpcjldne s
rermlarly crme for the coffee arrest: 15 and to 10 respe rfeli, IL semhs
cornfields; and 4 or 8 Catarineew in truck gardens; and on an s tioml,t.
tabulitinn of ones, by households, showitlg that some JS Curt pe, cneits:. 11
Catarinecos. 5 Jorfenos. 4 Folatecos, an .l Tepeneaos wr, khnrw tb rFh
for different Indlias. '
"Calculated with an informant. a toy. loo-t it c ayk :'o .
various process of work In all of the local mci tlh oeitside r, hatwl, and ,
the total required lIn dianllands (tabie 3.-' '
.5 : 'c


PENNY CAPITALISM:I A GUATEMALtAN INDIAN ECONOMY -TAX






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


Conversely, the local Indians hire themselves to
employers outside their own community (i. e.,
Ladinos) for a great deal more time. Besides the
17 landless families, who worked about 4,350 days
for Ladinos,71 other Indians of families without
much land worked occasionally in the fields of
outsiders, to bring the total to about 7,500 days
(table 25) chiefly in truck gardens where the local
Indians have over most others the advantage of
skill. (The truck-gardening Jorgeftos generally
hire other Jorgecfos to help them.)
Rosales writes (and the Indians frequently say)
that "the local Indians do not like to work as
laborers for Ladinos, and few of them do. They
work in the fields for Ladinos only in 'deals'
involving work-for-rent. The poor Indians prefer
to look for work among richer Indians. Other
Indians speak ill of those who have Ladino
patrons." This is a meaningful statement of the
Indian attitude, but the statement of fact is
exaggerated. In 1937 three of the four families
with whom we had closest contact worked more or
less regularly for Ladinos. All three are very
poor, and probably not exceptional among people
of their economic level who work, in general, for
anybody who asks them, Ladino or Indian.
Another poor Indian who in 1941 supplied infor-

TABLE 25.-Local Indian labor in Ladino fields
Approximate number of 9-hour days
Work
Total .Men Women Children

In mnl ras... .... . 1.500 1.500 ... ..
in truck rardens:.. ............. 4.000 2. 5 1,500 -.........
In coffee groves .................. 2.000 500 1,000 00
Total.... .............. 7.5o 4.500 2,00 500
SSinre the l,-vlino almost never work their own feclls, the chlrf problem
Involveri In thi. c-lculltion is how much they actii:lly dcpndl upon Italian
If-,i)rerr(fr-n s ,i:ilei twn.'.nndl how much the local Indains do. On their
151 acr,'s of hill mill-l, 15 acrrc. of coffee, and ', acrs of truck (on which last
they Itrew 14.0 cres of corn. 2 of onln-s, 0.2 of onion seed, 3 of pirlic, I of vine
bc n and l1.6 ,f shlrub ltans), the number of man-days required, according
to eslcnlaoionts bswed on Indian ngrlculture. were:
M1111 mll r ... ....................... ......... 5
)eltsc ln ps ............ ... ......... .................
Tr ek ... ....................................... .... o4. t
ColTe ...r .............. .... ............... .... A rt
Total............................................1.. .F
SInce wItho'tt Ituch dosrht IL-dlnos are )ustlflen'! their frcqettnt 1pl:lntthit
lliit-- work mrrhsre s.oIy pn l poorly for ltl'.:, lse tfta;l wa.q proh.ably
ner'trr to 2".,", in-al-d). U'ilng that flnire. and l arca klown ly crops,
annl knr.vic tif \t a milsnlim of some 4,3C.) rntl.l:ays wrrr dnce ly rcsitr'nt
Inll ii', It lo t too diflolt to cnlcuhlte, with some drecrce of os.rlity, how
ma riv m-r tlr, that mniimum must have been done by local Indlitns.
Ba nfaed on a fanaily-y-famfly annlysls, uslng a-s a basls that "lfll time"
means 300 days a year. '1he Otiret Includes work In the fields, not In lomtstle
tasks, dimcult as the distinction sometimes is with a full-time employee who
runs errands and all kinds of work. It includes the work of one woman,
but not of an Indian "overseer"' e Ladino land, sine the actual labor was
done by others.


nation on the work le had done during the watering on Sunday are watered without any
previous year (which I never got straight!) worked hesitation. Furthermore, Sunday is the big
as much for Ladinos as for other Indians. Never, market day in town, and people often rise early
theless, the Ladinos do tend to hire Indians from to harvest and prepare fruit and green vegetables,
other towns, especially in milpas and coffee groves, for market. The Indian who gave me an account
partly because of a shortage of local labor which of his time indicated clearly that he spent most
comes because Indians do prefer to work for other of his early Sunday mornings cutting firewood and
Indians. that he frequently watered his gardens Sunday
ABOR PRACTICES AND WAGES morning or afternoon. Another Indian, from
whom I took household accounts, stated flatly

Wage-work hours are normally from 7 to 12 that every Sunday morning is devoted to bringing
a. m. and from 1 to 5 p. m., a 9-hour day which firewood from the hills. And of course we had
was the legal day during the period of study." occasion to see that many Indians were watering
The Indians usually take their lunch to the fields their gardens on Sundays. There is a distinction
or have it sent by a child of the house. When between "hard" and "easy" work in the matter
working for an Indian employer the laborers are that may be interpreted as a difference between
generally given food in his house, if close to the "work" and "chores." Getting firewood, water-
fields, or else brought to or cooked in the field ing gardens, preparing produce for the market are
itself. A laborer attached to a Ladino patron "chores" and may be done on Sunday or on
sometimes complains that he is worked more than holidays.
9 hours (in one case from 5 a. m. to 7 p. m., an But even heavy work is occasionally done on
Indian said after he had changed employers). Sunday and holidays. A poor neighbor made
When working in their own fields, hours are garden beds one Sunday morning; I asked him if
more irregular. Sometimes the Indians water that were not sinful and he explained that he had
their gardens by moonlight. They frequently worked for only a short time in the morning and
rise at dawn to do some of their own work before that it was a necessity with him. "Where there's
breakfast and before beginning work for an em- no work to do," he said, "one should rest on Sun-
ployer. They rise very early to begin a journey day because it is a day of rest." Yet later I
to a market, and frequently work late the night noticed that the sons of the richest family in town
before to prepare their loads. On the other hand, spent the whole day making gardens; I chided
when working for themselves they not infre- them but obtained no response. The next day I
quently idle part of the day. But on the average, asked an Indian friend about this, and he was not
they probably work the same 9 hours a day that only not surprised but said, "yes, that is their day;
is customary when working for others. during the week they have to work for their
The work week is 6 days. Laborers are rarely father."
hired for Sunday work. In 1936 we needed labor Some seem to think that it is worse to work in
for the experimental milpa that we were planting, the afternoon of a Sunday or holiday than in the
and tried to hire men for Sunday; we found men morning; but others have the opposite view.
who were willing to come on Monday, but none Holidays especially sacred on which work is for-
accepted for Sunday; as reasons they gave that bidden are Epiphany (January 6), Esquipulas
(1) they needed rest and (2) it is a sin to work on (January 15), Thursday, Friday, and Saturday of
Sunday: thosee who do so are very niggardly and Holy Week, Ascension Thursday, Corpus Cristi,
miserly nnd do not want to set aside even 1 day for and tlhe day of the local patron, San Francisco
their God." Actually, Indians do a lot of work (October 4). One Indian said it is very dangerous
for themselves, if not for others, on Sunday. It is to work on Esquiipulas (1nd1 indeed a boy who cut
tlih day generally devoted to the cutting of fire- firewood on that day in 1911 injured his leg with
wood for the family, and gardens that need the ax) but said it is all riglt in the afternoon.
n It Is s.o.etnime.s ashl that working hours are from sunrise to sunset w1itbI, M ough wO witnessed IdllnnS Wiatering their
rest period of one-half or three-quinrter hour at lunch time. During shot gardens during the mornings of both Holy Thurs-
winter days tlhis may be closo to tto 7.to.5shedule enerall followed. a aand Good Friday, I doubt if any of them would
lunch porlod may be shorter than.l boor, however, depending upon whait
and how it is taken. doother work those days. We were told on


I, N0


Epiphany that it is a hioli lny on whlih noc i"--d
work is permissible; ut, we sow people: it-tr;lg
gardens, and one Indi.an -:ceding, and a L,'lcno
had hired laborers to cut cofTca AA litlr.r- frIir.i"
who was that day harvesting co(Tec for ;'y wa;-.
"Oh, we are only cutting coffee; .ht isn't ha:d
work."
During the period of study, ihe bns'.c 13 cX
payment for an adalt man in aigricifti.t" Iurihfn '
common labor was 10 pesos, the q'riv'afe-t cr .
16, cents. Payment for the f-J.lI-y --'cC O, traui cr' 'la
to an even dollar; for one day, Vl CT r'e-i,-; :or 2
days, 33 cents, and so on. Lamiros pt11 lc,
rates without question, and Indean ae:tccptcd
them." Normally an Indian would not v-wr;, I
less."7 But some employers, to void labor shb--.
ages, paid more. Laborers we:.e lwaid 20 -cnts to-.
day on a bridge being built i. 1940;,wo rona,,.1cor
building houses at the same time also paid t0
cents. When corn was high in 19??7 RosF !c;' ,t
that laborers were talking about a'si:ng wavc-s ir
proportion to the cost of corn (30 ce-: ts a d'.y),
but there is no indication that they obtaicneo arny
such sum.
The corresponding wags for a wornrm : hired in
the fields was 8 or 10 cents; I have ca-eas eot wth,
but cannot explain the diffc,rernc A. boy (C 10
or 12 could usually be hired for 5 cc,.ts, an 1one
of 14 or 15 for 10 cents." Very frcqrortl,, how-
ever, Indians (and rarely Ladir-os) hire .il'or fr
a smaller cash wage and include the dae- a iood -
three meals-as part of tho paymnant .At -i,
then earns from 10 to 13 cents in cash. a Vwoatr n
4 or 5 cents, and a young boy 2 or 3 crnnts. It t;'..
cases Indians who paid 162' without food toid me
they paid 10 cents with food. With one of them
I calculated together the value of the foro:, and it
came to just 7 cents (1 pound of corn, at 1, ccn'Li
a half pound of meat, worth 3 cents, a hInf :,nt
each of coffee and panela). When only lunch is
served the laborer, the cash wage is of courco
higher. Since the Indians know the va 'ui of f)cd,

n Thcre rates prevaned In the Ptnaj:trhel reglt.n. In Chis h1ec-altr'til the
d3ay labor rate In 1935 was i0f prs (or 13 cets) and In 1t10 it hoI drrels?.o to as
low as 10 rents. In 11 a plantatlon on the covmt was crin i c16 on at aoir
ilsi a ration of corn andl hbesn, a'rd It fI:rn.iohd trlnlest t( mrn i t ilbonmt
wiTrsto cok for them.
W It will be noted below thst one Irsian frei erntly way:rcl It If -41 fhr
1. citnt a day for Lnlinos. I le ncr c I the work, an,' hr wa;i uqinill It tof -eI
to hiemnployers.
rTlo little inrormatlon on wages ptll to women hlrreld full 1."- s -Isnta
shows that food Is the most Important element, the citsh v a rn'inr, fr lit
$1 to 53 a month. One Indian glrl when she quitt wor* lI it Ilr.-; .r. home
complained that the food was poor and she was pal notl.inie t at'.


100


PENNY CAPITALISM**f A OU~ATEMALAX INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX





102 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL AN'NTHrOPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. t1


thn. wage usually is little different whether it is
paid all in money or part in food. However, some
employers are known to feed their workers well
andl so either pay less in cash or have a better labor
supply. Thus the biggest Indian employer pays
only 8 cents a (lay and food, but he feeds the men
wNll"because" (according to a an who frequently
works for him) "he wants them to have strength for
the hard work."
Although the local Indians are frequently paid
with food, which appears to be a method preferred
by the laborers, Indians from other towns are often
refused work except for cash. Rosales writes
(September 7, 1937) that "People have been
coming from other towns like Santa Lucia Utatlin
for a long time looking for work here. They want
work with meals because food is what they are
after. People here do not like to give it." Twice
he writes that Sololatecos came looking for work,
payment to be made partly in food, but it was
refused because Sololatecos are notoriously big
eaters. (Rosales adds that he has observed the
same.) Probably no more than 300 of the 730
man-days of outsiders are paid with food.
Workers at the corn harvest usually earn more
than usual in food. A fiesta spirit prevails, and
not only is the work lightened with gaiety (an
employer laughingly described the day's harvest
so:"We had a good time working all day, shouting
back and forth; one laborer stumbled and somer-
saulted twice down the hill with a bag of corn on
his back!"), but the food is better than usual.
Meat is frequently included, as well as beans,
bread, and coffee. Or some employers (including
the richest Indian and one other that I know of)
serve ordinary food; but, after the harvest serve
atole, or send it to the homes of the harvesters.
Even when laborers are paid entirely in cash, they
are served atole of Ihe new-harvested corn at noon.
During one coffee harvest a neighbor family who
had been working in the fields of the richest Indiana
brought home quantities of food and explained
that this entployer does not require that they ent
it there.
The following is a description, by one of his
laborers, of this richest Indian's treatmennt of his
employees. This employer is not only wealthy,
but the first man of the community politically; he
tends to be an old-fashioned Indian, wearing the
most conservative clothing and insisting that his
sons do, too.


Miguel advances money to thosa e e knows comply iat, Unils for miscellaneous work are agreed upon by
they work it off when he needs help. When they do not employer and employee. For example, a price
comply, he just never gives them money against when tly is arranged for tle felling and cutting of a certain
need it. (So I never let him down.) lie warns the mo d cutting of a certain
when he advances the money that they must not disappoint tree; iI one case in my notes an arrangement was
him when hie needs them. lie alternal.es his mozos, calling i made to haul 100 stones by canoe for 30 cents.
some one week and others the next, giving them time to get The area is the amount of work that a man is
their own work (lone, lie calls then only when he ha expected to do in a day (except in such work as
much work: otherwise only he and his sons do the work. gathering stones and cutting firewood where a
iHe gives plenty of food for lunch so that the moszo have gathering stones and cutting firewood where a
strength to work and says it is so they will have strength number of areas make a day's work); and when a
to work. lie tells them to eat slowly and enjoy their food. man is hired by the day he is expected to do that
lie doesn't let them work fast because then it would be amount just as, when he is hired by the area, he
done poorly. Ilis motto is: Do little and do it well. expects to do his tarea in a day. Actually, how-
When they arc picking coffee, he keeps telling the nien tiC ,
do it well anti slowly and without breaking the branches, ever, a worker by the day-unless supervised-
If one does break a branch, Miguel reprimands him a little does not always do his tarea-and that, doubtless,
and in a moment is again pleasant. Often he tells them is why Ladinos more frequently pay by the piece.
funny things, so they are always happy working. He Rosales notes that an Indian hired by the day
himself and his sons work along with the motos-and he made 10 trips with firewood in each of 2 days; on
jokes antd tells them old things that he knows. the third day he was paid 1 cent a trip and by
lls sons don't talk when lie speaks, but laugh at h 4 p. In. had already niade 15. Another tne lihe
jokes; and when they talk he listens and laughs; when thveado Another ti e
finish he can start again. Sometimes the mozos talk too. hired Indians for the corn harvest; they did only two
Migucl has the old way of talking-saying opposites; bags apiece the first day; the next morning lie
if a field is good, he says it is no good and he will lost accompanied them and the four harvesters filled
money, etc.; if an animal is rapidly growing and fattening and transported six bags; then in the afternoon,
he says it is not growing and le will lose the money in- unsupervised, they managed only four. Again
vested in it. So also he tells the mozoes that their work he notes that he hired an Indian to fell a tree and
is very bad and he will never give them more money; so
he talks to me, but always gives me more money. But cut it up; the pay was for the whole job, so the
if a mozo doesn't understand he becomes confused and man started at 5 a. m. by the light of the moon
doesn't come back. On the other hand when the work i and by 8 a. m. had felled and stripped the tree.
bad, he compliments the mozo and tells him he will never An Indian who hauled stones at first worked by
lose him; but when the man asks for money Miguel say the day (20 cents) and then by the area, by which
he has none. arrangement he earned 30 cents a day.
The question of wages is complicated by the Ladinos almost always pay for coffee picking by
fact that piece-work arrangements are frequently the area, paying 10 cents for a full basket. One
made. Except for work in the milpa and occasioe- Indian woman complained that she had to fill a
ally the making of fablnnes Indians pay exclusively 5-cent basket very full; she said she was also paid
by the day; but Ladinos often make other arrange- 8 cents for a coffee sack full. The Indians some-
ments with Indian laborers. The unit of work. times bring the whole family, the women and
called the area, differs with different jobs. A children stripping the lower branches, the men the
area of firewood is a pile 2 varas high and 2 tarvs higher ones. The children, helping to fill the
wide (the pieces of firewood are from a half trua baskets, hence earn money without any special
to a vara in length-but this is immaterial because vWage agreement.
the labor is the saine); a area of stones is a cone There is one other complexity in the wage
with its base 2 raras in diameter r and its height system: lahorers frequently work for less than
the same. In the milpa-and in general with the aonnal wages because either they accept favors
hoo and pickax-the tarea is a cuerda, 32 tvras of an employer (such as living on his land) and
square. The making of a tabl6n 32X3 mvras is roa under obligations and lose part of their bar-
tarea. In coffee picking, a area is 105 pounds gaining power, or they receive money in advance
berries, and there are baskets holding that 1nud for future work. In time of need the Indian asks
and also half that much, so that the basket for, and receives, some money; no interest is
themselves are units. In tihe corn harvest I involved, but it is understood that he will work
bagfuls picked and carried home is the are off the debt when the other needs him. That time


comes, and the employer asks him to work. h,'h.
Indian, conscious of the favor done hiri is kict
apt to be very dc';rntiniug. N-s ''-.--",i of.
course, he does not work for l ss thi ~tm l ,,.
figure in the pIy rrnt ;n. The enpljoy,- ; st
interested more in getting labor when lie ncrls it
than in saving a few pennic-s in Vier C.
Almost all labor is done on some kitid of ca:sh
basis. There are three kinds of commiinr' I.i -r
which are unpaid. First, there is thI time of '.h?
political and religious offici-n's 'iritg tl.eip r t wic
years of service. The only oteic:,!s v. ios, r!i;es
entail occasional manual lahor, suich as ',,ept;g
and running errands, are the alg'valc:s, wh) aRre
young unmarried men. Two shifts of t', -wn virrk
alternate fortnights; while on duty they ,tun n-tr
money occasionally, for private pero;.s i maV rsk
to have them run errands for pay. Second -I',ore
are cooperative enterprises such as l tlh a:r;,onl
cleaning of the irrigation ditches; each Ilndi n
family concerned is expected to furni-sh a min,
and the Ladinos are supposed to hire men for the
purpose. Occasionally there are special tasks
that fall into this category; the river on a ra-np:,ge
may require sudden action, and the people are
called to help;or people maybe asked to contrit.ute
labor as well as money to repair the church. The
religious officials also customarily ask Indiians to
carry the santos in procession, and when the 'vi-es
of the officials prepare food for a fiesta th,'y ask
other women to help. In the last instance hIepers
are given food in return for their services.
The third kind of communal labor is road work.
In accordance with Federal law, 'very man
between the ages 18 and 60 is required to xrrk
on the highway 1 week (6 days) every G months
without pay. If he wishes, however, he may pAy
$1 instead of working a week. Since the rote of
$1 for 6 days happens to coincide, in Paraji.;chel,
with the usual labor rate, the working clasn of
Indians usually work and those who do inot r u
tomarily work for others usually pay in:;terd.
Within a family (the group vith a conmi.'on-
kitchen, that is) work is communally dot.e. The
land is worked in common and one nm ei1,"- of te.
family does not pay another to work, si:. ':n a
piece he happens to be especially int,'rrlstcd in.
But such a communal attitude stops with ihe
simple family, the economic househ-cld ,'utL a
father and son, or siblings, live sCepriAtele I ..hey
may work together, but the o' e hos' ia- n is

,.l-t"


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAX INDIAN ECONOMY--TIAX '11





104 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


being worked will invariably 'According to all
informants, observations, and cases) pay the other
at prevailing cash rates. The impoverished son
of a wealthy man, for example, frequently works
as a farm hand for his father as if they were not
related. Another example is that of a woman
who came to plant onions for her brother at 10
cents a day. However, I do not know if relations-
other things being equal-work for each other
more or less than do nonrelatives.
Only one case of work exchange not on a cash
basis came to my attention. A young Indian
told me that he sometimes works for either of
two friends of his, and instead of being paid for
his clay they work for him the following day. He
told me he had never heard of other people doing
this in Panajachel although he volunteered that
in neighboring Santa Catarina "everybody does
it both in the milpa and in house building." It
may be added that this informant (the poor young
manT of the next paragraphs) also works for cash
for the same friends with whom he exchanges labor.
The following account of work sequences of the
above Indian is illustrative of the variety of work
arrangements and wage differences in Pannjachel.
Felipe in April 1940, had 7 tablones (4 with pole
beans and 3 with pepinos but later planted in
corn) of his own; in addition his young sister had a
miniature tablon which she planted .;nd cared for.
He rented from Ladino M. G. at 50 cents each
8 tablones (2 with pole beans, 4 with garlic, 2 with
onions; when these crops were harvested the rental
term was over), working off the $4 rental by
cleaning 24 cuerdas of coffee land at 10 pesos each
(240 pesos equal S4). IIe rented from Ladino
A. R. for $3, 4 tablones, with pepinos; when they
were harvested he did not re-rent the land. lHe
rented 3 cuerdas (0.54 acre) of hill corn from
Ladino J. F. A. for which he had to grow an equal
amount for the owner. Finally, he hnd on pawn
another 0.54 acre of hill corn in Santa Catnrina.
Until Morch 15, 1940, he was an alguacil in the
town hall. During his alternate fortnights on
duty lie averaged about 10 cents a week carrying
messages, and could work in his fields about 3 hours
each morning. In his fortnights off duty lie
worked for Ladinos M. G. and J. F. A. at 15 cents
a (lay; but lie could not wcrk the first MIonday of
his free fortnight. Therefore, from the first of the
year to March 15 he worked only about 22 days
for pay.


From March 16 through 19 he was in jail, to. own fields (planting vegetables) before the titular
gether with his fellow ex-alguaciles, because a fiesta began on October 2. All he did then until
pickax that had been in their charge was missing. Monday, the 7th, was water his gardens, cut fire-
On the 20th (Wednesday of Holy Week) all he did wood, and so on. That day he went with Indian
was mako a load of firewood, and the rest of the L. S. to spend 2 weeks (but they returned week
week-holiday, of course-he did only a little work ends) in Cerro de Oro, across the lake, to cultivate
in his own fields. 2.67 acres of corn that L. S. had there. It was a
Then for 2 weeks (12 days) he worked on the 12-day job because the land is very stony. He
bridge-construction job at 20 cents a day. This was given 8 cents a day, plus food; but because of
brought him to April 6. Ho quit that job to work his debt, he received in cash only 6 cents a day.
in his own fields for 2 weeks, and they refused to Then for 3 days he worked in his own milpa and
hire him again at the bridge. For the next 2 in the following 6 workdays he made 7 tablones
weeks-until May 4-he therefore worked for for Ladino M. G. (at the rate of 12 cents a tabldn)
J. F. A. at 15 cents a day, 6 days a week. During in part payment of the rented tablones. "
the whole of the following week he prepared and Then, All Saints' Day holiday intervening, he
planted his milpa. celebrated on October 31 and November 1 and
Then lie began to work again for J. F. A., culti. wound up in jail on November 2. Released on
voting his milpa. He did 6 tareas of this, at 15 the 4th, he weeded his own vegetables on what
cents each; but partly because of bad weather and remained of November 4, and on the 5th and 6th.
partly because he also did some of his own work, The rest of that week lie helped thatch Ladino
the job actually took 12 clays, until May 25. J. F. A.'s house, and earned 15 cents cash each of
During the next 2 weeks he cultivated his own 3 days. On the llth, 12th, and 13th he earned
cornfield and made tablones. But on Tuesday of 70 cents carting stones in a canoe. The next day
the first week lhe went to Sololbi to sell, and oni he worked in the garden of his Indian friend L. S.,
Friday of the second week to San Lucas. I and 2 days later the favor was returned; in the
Then, on ,uno 10 he began to work off a $1 debt intervening day he did his own work. Mean-
owed to Indian L. S. He worked 20 (lays (to and while lie began to pick coffee for Ladino J. F. A.
including July 2) for 8 cents a day, plus food. and in 2 weeks picked 30 5-cent baskets. During
Thus he earned $1.60, but he bought from his these same weeks, however, he earned $1.16making
employer one-half pound of onion seed for $1.50, tablones for an Indian (J. J.) who discounted 70
so when lie stopped working lie still owed 90 cents. cents still owed him.
Until Wednesday, Juily 17, he did his own work. Not until November 30 did he get back to his
That day, then, he went to sell his produce in own work, and even then he worked with me in
Tecpafn, and returned on Friday. Each of the the morning; but not until December 3 did he
following 2 weeks he followed the same program, finish picking J. F. A.'s coffee. Most of the next
doing his own work but spending from Wednesday 3 weeks he spent making his own tablones, etc.,
to Friday on selling trips to Tecphn. Ile was back and harvesting his milpa (on December 16-17
early on Fridays, but too tired to work. rith the help of three laborers). The last 12
On August 5 lie began 2 weeks (12 days) of ork-days of the year he spent making tablones
work for Indian E. S. at 8 cents a day, plus food. for Indian V. L. who paid him 6 cents a day plus
For the next 3 weeks he worked for Indian J. J.; food.
paid 12 cents (without food) to make each tabl6n;, Most of the first 3 weeks of 1941 he spent picking
it took him IS lays to make 20 of them. On the coffee for Ladino M. G. who paid him either 13
Monday following (September 9) he hegan 2 weeks cents or 15 cents per hundredweight-I never did
of work for Ladino M. G. to pay for the rented get this straight. In each week there was a 1-day
land. Because of bad weather, in 9 days lie did holiday (January 1, 6, and 15) but he worked
only 6 areas of coffee-grove cleaning, at 16 ent Up to this point I had to depenlupon the memory of the informantand
a area. But when it rained lie braided his garlic, Lfc manny mi -u cps; rdouhtless thear ire incciracis enough in the
and did otr chores at rious ties. t r present, Ibut hey give a'n IdeP of how thin's time Is spent.
and le did other chores at various times. T this point I was n contact with him, and my own diary checks his
next week he spent his required second week 'tmonnt.. I took his tatementn ndendrntly, and I d that he tfnds
working on the highway, then had 2 days in h ble a p y or mm r osuence; butI was able to tralghte out most
working on the highway, then had 2 days in as tat,


right through, except that on 0t si6th ihe slopp":.t
early. He collected 1.200 pgornds ,,f -:ref, in' .! i
period, and received all but 50 cents., 11ickb as
applied on a dollar debt, in cash
The week of the 20th lie devoted to his .own
fields, harvesting corn the first da: s an'i pian I;
onions the last. Then during the las w,;c of
January and the first two of Febr!) (ry e! -wor'ecd
around the house of Ladino M.. G. G. t, :g t ess
for house posts, making and cri- ;g j d,'iircs ridi
planting nursery, cutting firev.wcodt, carrying siton:s
and adobes, fencing, helping to make a duck -pnds
etc. On the days he worked he earned 15 ce~ra
day, but of the tablones he made, three %vei:n ;;)
himself and another three for his employer in lieu t
of rent. In between times he also did orne wl'ii;k+
of his own, spending 3 or 4 days making a hard
tablon. He also took a day off cutting firewood'l
for Ladino J. F. A.
Then he obtained steady work on the consutr,.-
tion of a large house, and he continued t.. -;or,'
there at 20 cents a day to the time I took t) is
information, on April 8th.
During these weeks, wvhn I spoke wit', 'hli
informant almost every evening, I could olbinii a
good idea of how much of his own work hi cl uld
do early mornings and late afternoon. Shrtd.,i
mornings be had to report for military 'r.inierg,
but before that he almost always "madu c' a lead
of firewood. Twic e he watered his gard'i 3 -
stead, and once he prepared firewood in the morn-
ing and watered in the afternoon. Usual!y,
however, he did not work Sunday attlrnco.i.
During each week he watered his gardens .on c or
twice before going to work and sometimes in tht
midweek he prepared firewood in the arterncon.

FREEDOM OF LABOR

Chester Lloyd Jones concludes a discussion of
the labor history of Guatemala, in which hi.
shows that from early Colonial days there was
virtual labor slavery in one form or etl r, c it::
the statement that the more the system chlriincrs,
the more it is the same thin,. (Jones, 1910, p. 1I, j.
lie describes how the abolition of the mandramirnto n
was followed by a system of debt peonnae, wti'Jch
kept the highland Indians still bound to low\l:;nd
plantations, and argues that the 1935 slbhtittl,, t ..
of antivagrancy legislation for debt pednuaeian~J ; :
the same effect. .

r .^ ^ 1 '


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONO~f -TAX





INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


For the whole of Guatemala, I am not prepared
to say more than that Jones was probably unduly
pessimistic; but from the point of view of the
Indians of Panajachel alone, it is evident that
he was mistaken and that (1) the mandamientos
worked far more hardship than did the subsequent
system of debt peonage, and (2) labor became
in effect quite free in Panajachel after the aboli-
tion of debt peonage.
The following is a brief description of the system
of mandamientos from the Panajachel point of
view.
The system existed during the administration of Presi-
dent Manuel Estrada Cabrera, and with greater force a
few years before World War I and the earthquakes of
1918. After these events, the mandamientos gradually
disappeared and, with the fall of Cabrera, ended. Under
the mandamientos, the plantation owners of the coast,
especially those who were beginning or extending opera-
tions, hired Ladino or foreign contractors to find for them
laborers in their own or other towns. The contractor
was paid a specified sum for each laborer he was able
to line up. The contractors then asked the President
of the Republic for an order to obtain laborers from
one or more Indian villages. This order was given the
Jefe Politico of the Department, and then passed on to the
alcaldes of the towns involved. The contractor then
obtained a large sum of money from his employer, and
this money was left at the local juzgado for advance pay-
ment, at a very low rate, to the Indians, who would then
be forced at a later date to work 20 or 30 days on the
plantation. The local authorities then assigned the
Indians to the task.
The Indians had to comply whether they had work or
not; if they objected, they were bound and taken under
guard to the plantation. Sometimes a man would not
yet have returned from one mandamiento, and at home
there would already be an order for him to go back to
a plantation. Upon his homecoming, he would then
have to leave the following day while his family suffered
along on the reduced wage he was earning. It was even
worse when the man had a civil or religious office and still
had to comply with his obligations. The laborers who
came to the plantations on mandamientos were given
the worst jobs, and that is one reason why some Indians
decided to sell their lands in Panajachel and go to the
plantations with their families to live as colonos.
In the autobiography of a middk. aged Indianu
(taken in 1941) there is a description of how the
system worked out in his family.
When I was about 4 years old, my father was sent to
the coast on a mandamiento. I remember that the alcalde
left money on the ground in the patio and told him he
had to do it. My parents were very angry. . The
next day my father went to San Andrds to bring corn for
the journey, and the following day mother began to


make toloposte, I recall how she ground the corn while helped him to keep accounts. The Indians, almost
father went to make a load of firewood. The making always illiterate, were generally suspicious that
of the totoposte took 3 or 4 days. . In about 10 days.
the alcalde returned to tell father that in a few days he they were being cheated, but there was little they
would start with the others. Then father went to buy could do.
corn to make . tortillas and large tamales for the The following account of how the system worked
road. And early one morning he went" to Tzanjuyt from the peon's point of view, appears in Resales'
(where he met the others) to take the launch for Attl diary just after the system was abolished. Six
to begin his journey. Mother cried, becausE the moneT s
that had been left was not enough for all the corn and strangers, who turned out to be Antoieros, slept
things-and where would the money come from for th in the Rosales portico the night of May 18, 1936.
expenses at home? She also worried that father might One of them asked Rosales to read him the balance
get sick on the coast. . of debt in his little book. When told it was 1,633
I do not remember how long father was gone that timpesos ($27.22), he said that his employer was a
(but a good worker usually could return in about 3 weeks) (2 2 h s t h pl w
I do recall that he returned rather soon, and was ver thief, and recounted his story:
happy that he had come so quickly. . Mother had His father, dead 15 years (on the plantation) had once
ready some cash from the sale of father's crops that she been well-off in his village, but he gave up his properties to
had harvested, and she sent (my brother) Jose to buy supportt his family while he went to do mandamientos; he
him a drink. The next day father picked up his welt finally took permanent employment on a plantation which
where he had left off. Of course he had brought no was then better than living in his village. His family,
money, having simply worked off that which had beet together with others from San Andr6s, Panajachel, Sololt,
advanced. and Chichicastenango thus took root in the plantation.
Every few weeks he would have to go. I remember When he died, the contracted debt was on the shoulders of
that at first he was sent, and paid, for 15 or 20 tare his sons, and the one who was telling the story thought his
at a time; but during the time I was in school, they begat Ions too would have to carry the debt when he died. But
to demand 30 or 35 tareas. Then father took Josd witl "how happy we were when we learned," he continued,
him; but Josd was too small to help much, and they wen "that the President actually had ordered our freedom, and
often gone a month or so at a time. Then nobody wa, that we would no longer have to pay off these old, old
left at home to help mother, and little work was done debts!" He went on to say that for every 10 pesos
Mother watered the gardens herself, and weeded and received every month or so, 30 or more were entered in the
transplanted when necessary: sometimes I did a little, account book, and they had to work even on Sundays, the
before school in the morning, or stayed out of school' debt never decreasing, only rising more and more. When
for a day. . Then when father returned he work the peons realized this injustice, they resolved not to take
hard to prepare many tablones so that if he should b iy more money. Afterward they learned that the
called away soon again, there would be something fo: manager received money for them biweekly from the
mother to plant. owner, which he had pocketed and (as Rosales could see)
This went on for the rest of father's life. Toward 0ot credited to the laborers. Now when the peons heard
the end, after Josd died, I used to go with father; ane o the new law, they met with the owner; he told them that
then when he died, I had to go, alone. henceforth they owed nothing, and should continue to work.
A committee of 10 of the laborers instead went to the Jefe
When the mandamientos ended, the authorities' Politico to verify the law and to see if the patron could not
could no longer force an Indian to go to word be made to conceal rather than burn the books, for none of
outside, unless he owed a debt. The abuses of ts h r wanted to stay on the finca; they wished either to
ensuing system of debt peonage are very we i d new employers or to go home."
nsng s On May 7, 1934, the system of debt peonage
known.
Many Indians were virtually bound to plants as abolished by National legislation. -Effec-
(ions by a system of advance payments ot feow idays tfore. Rosales hadhard two Indians di.scusini the freeingl
the la e'or wrs on theI Ilmtatios. One said tht the unfortunate owners of
contracts to work that were practically implossilbk .ncn are losinr their money; the other replied, "No; It Is right that a poor
ever to liquidate. The plantation-owners paid t( kmRn sho,,ld fie freed after working, 20 y.ers only so tht his employers
d h s c li t sit smoking and eating well at the exponso of the sweat of their work.
so-called habilitadores commissions for suppl3in; A".
Indian labor from the highlands. These men Dereto Lisatro No.15. am unable to rreonclle this fact with the
owlng note, dated October 7, 1936, in Resales' diary: "A representative
usually Ladinos or foreigners, advanced money tr ~ hlanitation told me that he is looking for a certain Indian here to go to
Indians on condition that they work off the debt i P tantot to work In acordnce with an agreement made in the town
Before the flesLa (of October 4) when he advanced money on 30 tares.
on their employers' plantations. Many Indian hit the Indian promised to work off. The man said he is authorized to
came to live permanently on the plantations, and I up Indians of Panajachel, San Antonio, San Jorg6, San Andres, Con-
So and Sololf (not Santa Catarlna "because Catarineoos are poor
others worked off their debts seasonally. Ec a xkers and are dishonest.") He will stay in the Highlands two months to
laborer had a little book in which the employ Irlt b . le says he gets a small salary plui a few cents per man
& at he hires."


tive in 2 years, all such debts still outstandir *
were to be canceled and it would henccefor'h be
illegal to advance a laborer more money than
sufficient for his journey to the plantation. Since
such a law might by itself be expected to makes
difficult a regular labor supply, it was immediately
supplemented with the "Law of Vagrancy, "8
which obliged any person not having a trade or
profession or not possessing a certain amournt of
cultivated land to seek employment for 100 ci
150 days of the year, depending upon the amount
of land owned. This law was also to take effect
in 2 years. As interpreted by the Secretary of
Agriculture in June of 1937 8 (a year after the
law of vagrancy went into effect), the land require-
ments were set up as follows:
No laborer shall be considered a vagrant, nor be obligeo
to seek employment with another if he per.or ally u. ti-
vates at least three manzanas of coffee, sugar cane or
tobacco, or three manzanas of maize in the warr ( country
or four in the cold country, or four ,aianzanas of wheat.
potatoes, garden-stuffs, or any other crop in whatever zone.
The laborers who cultivate less than this, )ut r.ot '(3
than ten cuerdas of twenty brazadas, are obliged to do 100
man-days of work on outside plantations.
And the laborers that have no crops of their own nm st,
in order not to be considered vagrants, do 150 man-~.ys
of labor annually in outside plantations.
Three manzanas are equal to about 5.67 acres,
and four manzanas to about 7.56 acres. T'o
cuerdas of 20 brazadas (40 varas) are eoupl to
about 2.78 acres. Since the Indians of Panajachel
rarely possess such extensions of cultivable ldaid,
under the law virtually all of them are obliged to
work for outsiders at least 100 days of the year.
But since an acre of Panajachel delta land, espe-
cially if in truck, requires all of the time at a
man's disposal and also earns him a tidy living on
local standards, a man who owns even 1 acre can
hardly be considered a vagrant.
To facilitate enforcement, the Vagrancy Ltw
was implemented by a law requiring c'cry
laborer to purchase (for 2 cents) a libretto (little
book) in which his employer could note tie n nm-
ber of days of labor done. The local authorities
were to enforce the law through the evidence of
the little books. The law took effect In May cf
1936, and the books were available during tlIe
next months. When the Indians worked for
Ladinos the employers entered their days; wheic
4 Decreto Legtiatleo No. 1996, May 8, 1934.
8 El Imprrclta, Ouatemala, June 16, 1937, p. 1.
8 Aeuerdo of September 24, 193S.


10'7


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN IND)IAN ECONOMY--TAX






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY---TAX 10


they worked for each other, the Intendente did so.
In May of 1937 the Intendento examined the
books. There were immediate difficulties: some
of the Indians had no books at all; those who had
begun to use them in June or July learned that
they should have begun on May 15; and in general
many of the Indians had not worked for others
the required number of days.
The Indians sought to settle matters first with
the local Intendente who however wished (as they
understood him) to enforce the law literally,
even suggesting that only work for Ladinos could
be counted. Threatened with jail, the Indians
then organized a committee to call upon the Jefe
Politico in Solola. Although this official prom-
ised them satisfaction, the Indians were left
without a decision. Since they were subject to
arrest for not having a properly certified booklet
in their possession, they were impatient and
resolved to call upon the President Ubico. After
a series of meetings of the Principales called by the
Indian officials a commission was appointed and


AGRICULTURE

As will be seen, the Indians do not quite measure
every economic activity by its money value. But
they come close. On this measure, the value of
land and of effort devoted to agriculture are
clearly demonstrable. Domestic animals, it will
be seen, are unimportant in Panajachel because
they are uneconomical. The same may be said
of some crops. In this discussion it is taken for
granted that since the community is near a sub-
sistence level, activities which take more time are
preferred to those which take less time and bring
correspondingly less return; and that time not
otherwise usable is economically spent even when
the return is small.

THE MILPA

Table 26 summarizes the money returned by an
acre of cornfield crops in 1936. The labor re-
quired varies not only between hill and delta, but
(in hill fields) between new land and land previ-
ously planted; in small degree with the distance
from the farmer's home, the type of soil, the
weather, and the protection afforded from maraud-


it did see the President. For this visit, the
Indians spent a day together preparing a docu.
ment designed to show how on their small parcels
of land local Indians were both kept busy and
made their living. This document (to prepare
which Rosales acted as secretary) is translated
as Appendix 1; it serves both as a basis for and a
summary of discussion of how the Indians use
their time. The President gave to his callers
from Panajachel an order to the local officials, who
eventually agreed to accept a slightly smaller
land-unit and to admit to their booklets labor of
Indians done for one another.
By 1941 it had worked out that the Indians
who had enough land to keep themselves busy
were not required to work for others; and those
who lacked sufficient land (and in any case would
have to seek work) could work for Ladinos or
other Indians as they wished and when they
pleased. Except for the bookkeeping-since most
of the Indians were required by law to have
certified the labor they did for others-labor was
now essentially free.


ing birds and animals; and (slightly) with different
practices of individual farmers and the quality of
the work they demand. Yet it is relatively uni-
form and knowledge of it is shared very generally
in the community. The labor is reckoned in
terms of tareas, each the unit of work that an
able-bodied worker is expected to do in 1 work day,


TABLE 26.-Cost and gross and net return per acre of
milpa, 1936

Per acre
Item ----
Hll land Deltal~id
Cost of crop:
Labor i......- .... .--....----- ------.. -- '$S.33 0ff
Seed----.---- --- ------- .18 V
Ceremonial ...-------.--------- -.089
Total-------- 8.59
Value of harvest:
C orn .. .. -- -.......... -- - .- --- --. 14.00 24
Bens.......................)-- - -................ 1.20
Chilucay?'es--------................................... 1.50 ........
Ayotes..-- ................-- ...........1.50
Total ....-..-..-.---.--.--. ..----- 18.20 2J0
Net return..------..----.-------.. -.. 9. 61
t In this and subsequent tables, the cost of labor is calculated at 1684 e 0
per man-day.
Assuming that 90 percent grew on old land in 193.


and close enough to enable us to translate it as 1
man-day.
Table 27 sums up the number of man-days of
work that are required, on the average, for three
types of fields.87 Estimating that 9 out of 10
acres of hill land planted are old land-data
directly bearing on the question were not ob-
tained-it may be concluded that the average
number of man-days required for an acre of hill
milpa is about 50, as compared with the 36 re-
quired to grow an acre in the delta. The cost of
this labor may be definitely fixed at 16% cents a
man-day, whether the farmer does his own work
or whether he hires hands. Since in Panajachel
a man can virtually always obtain work himself
at the same rate of pay at which he hires labor,
a farmer's time has a definite cash value. The
cost given in table 26 glosses over a few irregulari-
ties: for example, the rich Indian who, in exchange
for 1 man-day of labor, allows )his regular helpers
to plant a crop of beans on a cuerda (0.178 acre)
of his delta land; 8 or the few Indians and Ladinos

ITABL 27.-Labor required to grow 10 cuerdas of milpa

Number of man-days
Work process
New land Old land Delta land
Cutting trees, etc. (rosar)... -.. ........ 2
Making fire lanes ---..--.............-- 2...
Burning fallen trees, etc-.....-.-- -.- 2 .
Stubbling (rastrojear) ----........................... 10 'i -
Cleaning (cbaporrar)-------- - 10 10 10
Planting--..... .- 5
Replanting where needed...... 1 1
lirst cleaning (and hilling)........... 20 20 20
second cleaning (and hilling)----- 20 20 20
Harvesting.......................... 5 a
Carrying home (it far)....... 10 10 1
stocking corn in granary-............. 3 3
fhreshing beans ------------------- 3 3 --.......
n o g----a
Total per 10 cuerdas.. ......... 101 87 65
S (Total per acre)------- (57) (49) (36)
j"^" ------------------
SThis and similar tables (following) are based on information of at least
ree careful informants and on the Report prepared for the President (Ap-
'r"di 1). Since the Indians were interested In showing how much work is
Nuired, one might expect that they overestimated. Such is not the case,
Lsever, for on checking the figures with others I obtained from several
adians where the purpose was to figure out the profits from agriculture, I
24d that there Is general agreement, and only a few cases in which the "om-
t" fgures are higher than those I obtained. The figures of the tables
5Present what a "good worker" does, and what a paid laborer is expected to
b. There are, of course, variations in practice due both to efficiency and
Idlfferential soils. etc.; but they do not appear to be great. The totals do
1t Include tmnespent In guarding the nilpa (usually done by children), In
taking traps, etc.. and in visiting the fields to see that all goes well.
A mnn-day in those tables is defined as the work done by afull-grown man
I working day of about 9 hours; 10 man-days of labor may be the labor
I lman for 10 days or of 10 men for 1 day.
"Nobody rents bean land for cash, so that it is difficult to calculate the
'l of this "favor" to the workers. since beans are not profitably grown
1 lStated land, and they also probably return something to the soil, thb
fft's labor coasts may not actually rise by this arrangement.


who allow their regular laborers the us'- of land.
rent-free, as a matter of good will and to assure
a regular labor supply. To such the cost of labor
is certainly a little higher than the stipulated day
wage.
Compared with the cost of labor, other agric.dl-
tural production costs are minor and on the whole
unimportant. Most of the cost of send, fertilizer
leaves, poles, etc., really represent blior co:-ts, :nd
from the point of view of the community a a
whole should be treated only as labor. However,
for a comparison of the costs of various crops it is
necessary in some cases to add certain items to the
cost of the labor. In this case, to the cost of labor
must be added the value of the seed used and also
certain ceremonial expenses in connection with
the harvest. The latter consist of candles and
incense, frequently burned in the field during or
after the harvest, and food, given or sent to th!
laborers who help to harvest. Since the amount
of such gifts varies greatly, and since families
doing their own work are free of the expense, the
amounts mentioned are necessarily rough approxi-
mations. The average expense for these ite:ns is
smaller in delta cornfields because, since they ars
small, it is rarely incurred.
Depending upon the distance between plants,
hence partly on the quality and type of the soil,
and upon weather conditions which largely dc~.er-
mine how much replanting must be done, the
amount of seed sown in the cornfield probably
ranges between 5 and 10 pounds per acre. The
average cost of the corn seed therefore is tol)t.
10 cents an acre." Where beans are also grown.
the cost (of 3 pounds per acre) comes to some 5
cents. The value of squash seed, for from 10 t)
25 plants per acre, must average about 3 cents
an acre. In the estimate of the value t) the pro-
duce in table 26, some items of value are not t aeai
into consideration. The green leaves removed
from the plant, the cornstalks, the olizd coin
plant, and the cornhusks all have important uCC.s,
and are occasionally sold. 1 do not know how
much income they produced in 193e
Since costs remain virtually stationary from
year to year, it is apparent that the yiel an,' tlhe
price determine the profit or loss.0 In 1936, v'wi0
Commodity prices are discussed below, and summiarizt d ;P Appei d !r 2.
O In a wide economic sphere, of course, yield and price 'end to he .iierso ly
proportional; but In a community like Pnnarjenel thei" :t'c nhlI, is no ss
close, and it is possible (although not usual) for a poor local yield to colrtid
with a low price in the country as a whole, hence in Pansjichel.


THE BUSINESS OF AGRICULTURE


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL, ANTHROQPOLOGOY ~PUTIMCTION NO. 10







PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX 1]


con at 10 cents a bushel in Panajachel, any hill
con'fieliHtliat yielded as little as 12 bushels of corn,
anila fe beans and squash, paid its cost. In the
deltl, only 9 bushels per acre were needed. Data
on :icidds make it clear that from the point of
view of tie individual farmer, and of the com-
munity as a whole, milpa was in 1936-and is in
general-a paying matter. This does not take
into account the value of the land, however. If
hill Innd is rented at the usual rate of $1.41 the
total cost comes to just $10, and a yield of 14
b usheis of corn is needed to break even. This is a
safe chance, If the contract calls for payment of
half the crop (of which there were no cases in
1936) the share cropper should still do a little
better than break even. If it requires the digging
of holes for the planting of coffee, the farmer must
harvest some 18 bushels of corn to break even;
and this becomes doubtful. In 1937 some Indians
contracted (and others refused) to plant coffee in
the cornfield in exchange for the use of the field
for milpa for the 2 or 3 years while the bushes
were small. The value of the labor paid for rent
wuder such an arrangement comes to about $9.37.
If the farmer can plant corn for but ? years, he
again needs to harvest about 18 bushels a year,
but if he can plant for 3 years, he need harvest but
16 or 17 bushels to break even. Such deals are not
very promising. In the case of rental of delta
cornfield for half the crop, the cost of labor rises
to $9.18. This is not serious, for the share cropper
still breaks even if he harvests 13 bushels-
virtually a certainty in the delta. Thus, even
when rent must be paid, it usually pays to grow
corn in Panajachel.
While there is no doubt that it pays to grow
corn in the delta, it will be seen below that other
crops pay even better, both from the point of
view of furnishing the owner with more employ-
rnent and from the point of view of net profit.
It will become apparent that if all delta truck
lands were occupied with corn from May to De-
celmber, the Indian community as a whole would
be forced into idleness and its income would be
trellendously reduced. The total amount of
land available is too small to permit the use as
cornfield of a large proportion of delta land.
TABLON CROPS

It is necessarily difficult to calculate the profits
from the complicated combinations of truck crops.


ONIONS
Onions are both the most complicated and the
most important. Table 28 summarizes the costs
involved, separately for seedlings, mature onions,
and onion seed, all of which have their prices.
The matter is complicated further because of
differing practices. It is seen that the producer
does best if he produces his own seed for planting,
and next best if he at least grows his own seedlings
for transplanting. This is because there is some
net profit at each stage.
There is probably considerably more variation
in time required in truck farming than in the
milpa; yet even here the work is pretty well
standardized. The figures given in the tables on
truck farming, based largely on the report to the
President (Appendix 1), with corrections, represent
the normal time required with the error in no case
more than 10 percent. In some cases, however,
they do not give a good picture of the kind of
labor involved. For example, the great labor
required to transplant onions is very often done
by women who can do the work as well as men
but whose time is usually considered only half as
valuable. Women also do considerable watering;
and boys and girls help. The labor required for
onions, which accounts for the bulk of the cost, is
summarized in table 29. The total includes the
entire process of growing a cuerda (or acre) of
onions, from seed to seed, including making the

TABLE 28.-Cost of growing onion products (per acre)
Seed-
Method Item eed- Onions Seeds

Grown from home-grown Labor ..-- ..--- -- 1----- 237.71 '$114.00 $304M
seed.
Fertilizer and leaves... 35. 93 4.49 4.
Total...-........ 273.64 119.39 304.
Grown from bought seed Labor .......---- .. 158. -5 i 108.69 *298.
(but onions and seed Seed-.... ..-....... 112.50 14.06 14.s
from home-grown seed- Fertilizerand leaves-.. 35.20 4.40 4.t
lings).
Total............. 305.73 127.15 31&6
Grown from bought seed- Labor. ---..-........-. -... ---- O.- '253 951
lings. Seedlings .-- .. ...... ... 45.00 45.1
Total-.....--- --... -. 135.93 33&B

I Item 1, plus 8 times Item 2 of table ;9, plus 5i of total of table 30, tit
160 cents.
STotal of table 29, leaving out item 4, plus )4. of total of table 30, tIM0
16%0 cents.
3 Total of table 30, plus Ro of that total, times 16% cents.
Item 1 plus 8 times Item 2 (except last part) of table 29, times 10% cents.
,Total of table 29 leaving out item 4, ttnmes 1611 cents.
Total of table 30 times 1062 cents.
'rotal of Itens 1, 3, and the last part of Item 2 of table 29, times 16)i c"1
STotal of Items 3 and the last part of Item 2 of table 29, plus total of t
30 minus first item times 160 cents.


TABLE 29.-Labor required to grow onions from seed

Man-days
item Process
Per Per acre
cerda
1 Making beds. (On land in use, 16 per cuvrda
on new land, 3 days additional for scraping
and soaking. Assuming throughout that i
of all garden beds are made on new land).... 17 96
2 Nursery for 4 of area (enough for item 3):
Fertilizing -...---.-----.. .........-- --. 2
Sowing and covering seed.------.---------- 2
First weeding (cleaning)-i.......-- ...-.....
Second weeding (cleaning) .-..------------ 4
Watering: daily for 45 days, every 3 days
for 15 days. 50 times at ; day each.
(Assuming grows in dry months)------ 7
Harvesting and preparing seedlings...--.- 4
Total .....-...--.-..--.....-......-... 23 129
3 Growing onions from seedlings:
Smoothing soil and transplanting .---.-.-- 16
First weeding (cleaning) .---.--.---. ----.-- 16
Second weeding (cleaning) ---.--.......- 16
Watering: Twice weekly for 4 months; 34
times at 54 day each. (Assuming %
grows In dry months).-------------..--.. 12
Harvesting and bunching onions -.-....... 16
Total.---.-..--...---...- ... 76 427
4 Growing from onions enough seed for item 2
(3s of total of table 30 omitting first item)_ 5 28
Total..--- ...-----... ..------..--- .---- 121 680

122.5 per acre.

garden beds, the necessary nursery bed, and the
preparation of sufficient seed for the nursery
needed for the final crop of onions. This does
not mean that any Indian tries to come out even
with his seeds, seedlings, and onions. Since
onions are bought and sold at all stages, it makes
no difference.
Besides the labor (and tool depreciation) the
only costs entering into the onion-growing com-
plex are for fertilizer and for leaves, frequently
purchased from Ladinos. About 1,200 pounds
of coffee-leaf fertilizer are normally used in a
ruerda, or 6,740 pounds per acre, worth $3.40.
The six loads of large leaves used to cover the
planted seed in a nursery bed cost at the rate of

TABLE 30.-Labor required in growing onion seed

Man-days
Work process
Per Per Per
tabl6n cuerda acre
'r0k that has gone Into growing the
nature onions........................ 12.7 102 574
5wdlng, fertilizing tihe bed to go to
.ed .... 2.0 16 90
ocing (Including gathering materials) 1.5 12 67
roeling when seed come--.... --....... .6 4 22
Niodic weeding and watering (4 day
twice a week, 5 months)......... ..1-.. 11.0 88 495
Iitting and hanging for drying-......... 2.0 16t 00
laing, weighing, packaging seed..... 10.0 80 450
Total....................... .... 39.7 318 1,788
i "-- ---------- ---- --- --


about $1 an acre. Cornstalks used fo ffct'rir;:,
are gathered, not purchased; the value of tle time.
involved is too small to count.
The cash value of onions in Panajache! varies
according to whether they are sold by the tablon,
the buyer harvesting and prepnrir.g, or by t!h
thousand or hundred, the producer prr.pari-g
them for market. About 10 percent of.the onions
produced by resident Indians (chiefly Jorgilm)s)
are regularly sold by the tabldn. Since th( dif-
ference in price reflects the cost of .abor in harvest-
ing and is thus a difference in cost-of-production,
it may for the time being be disregarded. Xci--
cern about the proportion of onion" produced in
different seasons, when the prices are different,
likewise does not seem necessary; for since the
season of plentitude is the season of low prices,
and vice versa, the average is naturally weighted.
Using as a basis the 1936 "normal" prices ai
Panajachel (see Appendix 2), the cash value in
Panajachel or Solol, of the yield of an average
acre of onions may be simply calculated:
Large onions.------------------- $103. 12
Medium onions----------------- 33. 75
Small onions ------------------- 7. 4C

Total_------------------- 144. 30
A comparison of these figures with those of table
28 shows the following net profits:
Onions grown from home-grown
seed------------------------- $24.91
Onions grown from bought seed, but
home-grown seedlings----------- 17. 15
Onions grown from bought seed-
lings----------------------- 8. 37
Thus normally it pays fairly well to grow onions.
If a particular field suffers extraordinary vicis-
situdes, obviously the farmer might lose rather
than profit. On the other hand a farmer's
profits may occasionally soar, if his yield is good
when prices are high. Such circumstances must
be rare; for if in one field in a terrain as small and
homogeneios s thle 1Palijaclhel delta yields very
well or especially poorly, the others are apt to
do tle same, and market prices will be affected.
(But the market price depends on yields in other
areas as well.) It is obvious, however, that the
care given the onion fieldsis of great importance;
for that must definitely be reflected in the yield
of a particular plot.
It is also apparent that it pays to rent land for


110 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 10






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEM


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


the growing of onions. The lowest cash-rental
price is $22.50 an acre (table 14) on which the
farmer gets three crops grown from home-grown
seed, or four crops from bought seedlings. Even
with higher rental prices, it usually pays better
than appears at first sight, for it is the best land
that is usually rented. On the other hand, it
definitely, does not pay to rent land for onions in
exchange for half the crop. Assuming that onions
exclusively are grown, from bought seed to the
finished product, the renter would lose (in the
value of his labor) about $55 every time he grew a
crop! Yet there are well-authenticated cases of
such agreements.
A standard tabl6n of onion nursery should yield
from a pound of seed, aboit 48,000 seedlings for
transplanting, enough for eight tablones of onions.
The seedlings themselves are frequently sold,
when the buyer gathers them for transplanting in
his own fields. The virtually universal price is 25
cents a vara the width of the tabl6n. Since there
are 32 varas to a tabl6n, the yield in money is $8
per tabl6n, or $360 per acre. Since (table 28) the
cost of growing the seedlings is either $305.73 or
$273.64 per acre, the apparent net profit is $54.27
or $86.36. (But nobody grows more than a small
fraction of an acre.) An individual farmer may
realize profits at this rate if the nursery produces
as it should. However, the nurseries are said fre-
quently to fail wholly and in part, and the farmer
may lose instead of gain. Many Indians prefer to
buy their seedlings rather than to grow them
because of the risk involved. It is impossible to get
reliable information on the point, but I judge that
in the community as a whole something like 10
percent of expectable onion nursery production
fails to materialize. Where bought seed is planted,
a 10 percent loss is enough to wipe out the profit.
A standard tabl6n of onions allowed to go to seed
yields as much as 10 pounds of onion seed. On the
other hand sometimes the harvest is entirely lost.
The average yield in seed, all things considered,
seems to be about 6 pounds, or at the rate of 270
pounds per acre. The 1936 value of this yield, per
acre, may be set at $675. A comparison of this
figure with the costs shown in table 28 shows a net
profit per acre of $366.24, $358.48, or $336.75,
depending on from what the onions for the seed
are grown. (But again, onion seed is produced in
quantities much smaller than acres.)


An individual farmer who grows seedling, normal 1936 prices (Appendix 2), the cash value of
onions, and onion seed exclusively for a year profitZ the yield in 1936 was, per acre:
as follows from an acre of land, assuming that he Good harvest------------------- $144.00
grows the same proportions of each that are shown Medium harvest----..........-... 72.00
on chart 4: Poor harvest------------------ 52.50
TABLE 31.-Cost of growing garlic
Seedlings, 0.071 acre at $86.36.------------------$6.11
Onions, 0.512 acre at $25.91 ----------------- 13.27 Cost
Seed, 0.017 acre at $366.24------------------- 6.23 Workprocess da per-
--cuerds Per Per
Total, 1 acre--------... ------------ 25.631 cierds acre


Ie can do better than this if he manages his agfri. V, atm ine that for:
0 Making beds (assuuming that % of garlic Is
culture so that less land is idle between crop, preparing" o he seedlad), rge
while awaiting seedlings to transplant, etc. But ),oitnti c...........n on.ry.onc
Wn-ii,,c (cleanil,,g)-(oly o,,e) ...
it is unlikely that anybody is so efficient that hi W-ter ks S(twtce a week, alter rst 3
weeks, for 6 months, 3 day each
profits rise to beyond about $40. Looking at iti t lee':) .n and carrying_ "
this way, obviously a rental of from $22.50 to cleaning and arranging garlic for stor-
$33.75 for the acre (table 14) leaves a slim margin dditonalfor seed (10 percent of above)....
Subtotal ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
of net profit. raiding for market: 15 bunches per day
(assuming yield is 320 bunches per cuerda).


GARLIC


18
2
8
16
23
8
8
8
91


Total......---------------------...... 112


I~---------
i---------

$15.17
3.50
18.67


085.32
19.68
105 00


Garlic costs (table 31) are all charged to labor An individual would thus lose $32.82 per acre
since the seed is almost invariably home-grown (not counting braiding time) if the harvest on his
In a standard tabl6n are planted 2,400 sections of land is all poor. An acre is much more than any
garlic taken from the best heads of the previon Indian plants, but the loss would still be consid-
harvest, which average 10 sections each (the yield erable for a cuerda. If the harvest is all good, on
in most general terms, being thus 10 for 1). A the other hand, the profit would be tidy, even
few of the best heads have only large sections, I counting the time for braiding. From calculations
suitable for planting; the next best, from whid made with two informants, I judge that in the
most seed comes, have five or six large section community as a whole about 40 percent of the
(for planting) and four or five small ones (con garlic beds deliver good harvests, 40 percent
sumed or sold). So, roughly 10 percent must b medium, and 20 percent, poor. Using these fig-
added to the labor cost to supply the seed. ures, the average net loss, counting the cost of
The work of braiding is usually done by t6 braiding, is $8.10 per acre, or the average net
family during time that would otherwise not k profit, leaving out the cost of braiding, is $11.58.
economically used: evenings and during rain [It must be concluded that Panajachel farmers can
spells, etc. Not counting the time needed 1fr hardly expect to break even on garlic. This does
braiding, the cost comes to about $85.32 an ace ot even count the value of the land. Paradox-
b lly, however, it probably pays to rent land for
All garlic that is planted normally produces. A srlic, because in general the Indians rent for the
good harvest, usually on "new" land rented froc purpose only "new" land which yields large heads
Ladinos, produces uniformly large heads; If garlic. Thus even if $33.75 is paid as rent for
medium harvest produces medium-sized heads to acre (table 14) there will be a net profit for the
and a poor harvest yields very small heads. T prlic crop of $5.25 even counting the braiding
large and medium sizes are bunched for sale, 6 Sst; and of course the renter in addition has the
heads to a bunch; and an acre yields 1,800 bunchb se of the land for the months between garlic
A poor harvest of small heads (sold by the mensc" rops.
sufficiently uniformly so that they may be treat .EANS
as if they were sold by the pound) produces sbo D
2,250 pounds per acre. Calculated from t, Beans grown in irrigated fields (table 32) also
i4ve all costs charged to labor, the seed coming


-ALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX 113

from the previous harvest. With 67Y pounds
sowed to the acre, and the yield 800 pounds of
shrub beans or 1,400 pounds of pole beans ,' the
ratio is Y1 or %4, respectively. iThis assumes of
course that none of the beans are picked green.
The value of the harvest, meanwhile, $12.80 and
$22.40, respectively, leaves a net loss of $22.80 for
shrub beans and $27.26 for pole.
Any way one does the bookkeeping the result is
the same, and there can be no doubt that growing
beans in the delta is a losing business. The reason
it must be is that the price of beans is set on tih
basis of the rainy-season product grown with the
milpa. The labor of making tablones and watering
increases the cost tremendously without any cor-
responding increase in yield.
These figures and this discussion concern the
growing of mature beans. However, an estimated
30 percent of Panajachel farmers sell part of the;r
yield of shrub beans while still green, afrd virtually
every one sells most of his vine-bean crop in that
stage. No labor is saved by cutting the beans
green since none would be required for the ma-
turing beans; on the other hand the cost of cutting
green beans is more than the cost of harvesting
and threshing dry beans. If all delta beans
should be harvested green, the total labor per
cuerda would rise from 38 and 53 man-days to 40
and 56, worth $37.49 and $52.49 per acre, .-.


TABLE 32.-Man-days required an cs of gronLing
beans in garden beds

Man-day per curda
Work process -
Shrub Pole
Making beds (assuming that ;i of beans are
planted in '"new land ...----- 17
Planting clean.......... 2 -2
Weeding (cleaning)--once-........-....... -" 3
Watering (except first 3 weeks; then twice weekly
for 3 and 4 months respectively, day each) --_10 14
Gathering poles (16days every third year)- ........-
Setting up poles -........... -
Harvesting and carryingdry beans............. ---
Sunning and threshing dry beans........ ... 2 1
Labor thathasgone into seed............... .. 3 ..... 3
Total................................... .. 38 53

Cost
,I Per cewrda Perere
Shrub beans-...-- --- ------------. 33 $35.0
Pole....---------------------.----------- 8.83 09. i

*, A good Informant helped me calculate for shrub beans a range of 675 to
0W pounds; in an independent case recorded the rate was 841 pounds. The
range for pole beans was calculated at 1,125 to 1,665 pounds.





INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


spectively. The green beans harvested would be
worth an average of $33.75 for shrub beans and
about $45 for vine beans, for some loss. This
hypothetical case (no Panajachel farmer harvests
all of his beans green) indicates that it does not
pay to grow beans no matter how they are har-
vested.

VEGETABLES GROWN FROM IMPORTED SEED

Vegetables grown from imported seed (4 cents
a package) are planted in such small quantities
(on pieces of garden beds or at the edges) that
calculations are best made per package of seed
(table 33), which occupies some 3 square varas
(1/32 of a tabl6n or 1/1500 of an acre). A package
of beet seed yields 200 beets, transplanted to about
1/750 of an acre; cabbage seed, a hundred heads
transplanted to 1/45 of an acre. The total costs
come to about $93.60 per acre of cabbage; $135,
beets; $165, carrots, radishes, and turnips.
The cabbage yield per package ranges from 100
large and 50 small heads to only 50 small heads;
the normal yield is said to be about 50 large and 50
small heads. Beets are said always to yield well
"because they are fertilized"-100 large and 100
small beets. The best carrot yield per package is
said to be 100 large and 200 small, the usual 80
large and 200 small, and the worst 60 large and 200
small. Radishes are said to yield 100 per package.
When good, they are all large, when poor all small.
Turnips yield 200 per package-all large when the
harvest is good and small when it is poor. It is
apparent from table 33 that only cabbage gives
promise of much profit-and correspondingly it
is risky.
ROOT CROPS AND PEPPERS

The profits from truck farming in general are
greater than indicated because sweet cassava,
sweetpotatoes, and peppers are grown along the
edges of the garden beds and although they take
virtually no extra time to produce, they yield good
income. In an acre grow about 540 cassava plants,
90 percent of which produce after 2 years. Each
plant yields 2 to 3 pounds, so that the annual pro-
duct is about 600 pounds per acre, worth $9.
Simultaneously some 6,300 sweetpotato plants can
grow on the acre. But since most farmers grow
these only on two edges of each tabl6n (onions or
garlic on the others), the average number per acre
is probably only 4,500, 80 percent of which live to


TABLE 33.-Returns from vegetable growing


Item



Cabbagep.....--.--....
Beets-..-.-.........-..
Carrots, radishes, and
turnips..............


Man-days of
labor required



TT 2 I .

91 522 2.9
115 647 .85
109 614 .43


Cost (per pack-
age of seed)



I
0. 48 $0.04 $0.5
.14 .05 .11
.07 .04 .11


Return (per
package of eed'



a Z

$0 17$0.92 1. C

.11 .1!


yield from 1 to 2 pounds per year, for a total of
6,400 pounds, worth $64. The several varieties of
peppers planted like sweet cassava are not a
common crop. Perhaps the added income from
peppers raises the total income from tablon-edge
produce to $80 per acre per year. Probably i
fourth of all Indian tabldn acreage has these crop*
and yields this extra income. However, they take
the place of about 1,500 onion plants, where they


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEh

The average obtained by Panajachel Indians was
probably about $4.50. Even at the lowest figure,

TABLE 34.-Cost of growing pepinoe


Items of cost Man-days Cost per
per cuerda acre

fertilizer....................-- ..........................55
tbor:
Scraping the land....--....................... 1--
Digging and making hills .---------.------------ -
Making the holes for planting..-------------------. 2. ---.
Carrying and placing fertilizer--...-..---.........- 2-.
Planting..................................
Watering (twice weekly during 6 dry months,
day each time) ---------------------------..............................82
Weeding (once monthly, ten times, 2 days each
time... --------------------------------- 20.
Cutting posts for fence ...........--- ........- ..-
Planting posts of fence-..................-----------------
Gathering vines for the fence..----------...... .....----------
Cutting and carrying cornstalks for fence---------.......... ..........
Making the fence. ..... .....------------------ --
Harvesting (little by little), estimate...-------------- 2 --
Cutting shoots for planting .----------......-....
Total.......------......... ..................--- 96o 1 91. 67
Fertilizer and labor..............-------------.....-... .... 92 22

SRarely the farmer buys (instead of using his own) branches of peoina


grow, and thus reduce the onion yield by 30 per- r tla The additional coat (t 10cents per crda) woule 5
ot for the ace.
cent. It may be estimated that 20 percent les
onions are grown in the community than the TABL. 35.-Cost of an acre of coffee
onion acreage would indicate.


PEPINOS


Items o oost Man-daysCost per
per cuerda acre


L Ost eofplanting coffee:
Pepinos are evidently a very profitable cror a. Nursery (Ia sofd):'
lMaking the garden bed --...........
when grown on "new" land, for if the cos Fertilizing and planting.-..-...............
Weeding ........-...,,,........,,...
(table 34) are compared with the estimated yield watering semiweeklyy int dry months, I
hour each time).........................
(see p. 55), it will be seen that an acre at its best Flooding,harvesting, binding sat dlins for
remo val .................................
produced a net of $237.38. An average harvest, it PnPlntitng bushes:oIr ee,. . .
Digging holem for coffee, 2,000 at 25 per day.
1936 prices, grossed $206.70 for a net of $114.48 oDgne holestforshadetrees, 50at 2per...
day-....................................
The poorest yield, grossed $69.76, for a loss od Carryingeco'eeandshadeseedlings(assum
$22.46. Evidently it paid well to rent good land Planting coffee and shade trees .......---


.1
.1

2.8
4.0
1.0
2.5
2.5


Total-..........................--.......- 13.4 -...
COFFEE Total man-daysX5.6 acresX$0.16o per
hour+30 years amortization ---.$0. 42
To the cost of labor in growing coffee (table 35 lonalost In mature grove:
might be added that of the fertilizer used when tbl ate d cberr --;-.... ...------- ,
linking and separating berries .................-- 2 .....-- - -
coffee is transplanted from nursery to grove Wt&1nlgana lnsitbn h e ......e-i ...----.
Amortized over 30 years, it cannot add more than erytgcbans:....-..--...------- ---...---- -------
laig beans--------------.................. 0 ....
few cents. If the owner has no husking machine' Tota l --- .
the rental (for husking a yield of 562 pounds TotaIX5.6acresx$0.o per hour ...----------- ....... -- 8.87
comes to 57 cents, the total cost thus rising t Total .....................................9.
$9.86. Against this cost was an income of $33.7' "'F xept for the last item, this labor is not included in the report to the
for a net of $23.86 per pcre.'2 To this should b ntidt (Alppe dix 1). The information was supplemented by a reliable
added about $1.40, the value of the berry pulp nation chiefly from Appendix 1, which is Inaccurate in saying that
ed a the p rees require thle trn.e labor as the coffee, for only a fourth as many
used as fertilizer. In fact, however, the pooreT n etaS"cn Dainos.
hused as fertilizer. In fact, howevis figure was given bp Ladinost and It checks fairly well with thle little
Indians profited less than this, for they sold thekr tLtlonr One Indn 4 s ol. no ro e n gro
Ilhn was planted when he w:as a child. which indicates that the 30-year
coffee as futures for $3 and $4 a hundred poun Isa minimum.This Inornt sd that ass the maxiu.
4From Appendix 1", ed probably almost perfectly accurate, since work in
SCalculated on the basis of yields discussed above (p. 80) and the W" '5 gesoves is std dardired much like that in cornselds. However it ma
hundred price that Panajaehel coffee brought in Panajachel In 193. td that the timee consumed varies with the method of payment of hired
itr (it is less if piecework is paid).


fALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 1 13

however, the net came to about $7 an acre.
Against this must be accounted the investment
and the value the land might have for other
purposes.

FRUIT

Table 36 is based on a hasty co'mt, with a
reliable informant, of fruit trees owned by each
family in 1941. A census of a sample of a few
households indicated that the count consistently
tended to understate the number. Visible trees
had been noted, but an almost equal number were
apparently hidden. Table 36 therefore includes a
correction, but the calculations may err as much as
25 percent. It is assumed that the fruit situation
did not materially change from 1936 to 1941.
Fruit yields are very variable, depending on the
kind, size, and quality of the tree; the estimates
here given are based on calculations made with one
good informant, checked against other information
more casually obtained. The prices are from
Appendix 2. Ranges in yields of most fruits are
not great; for example, mangos yield from 800 to
1,000, cross-sapodillas from 300 to 400, white
sapodillas from 600 to 700 (half of which rot on the
tree), lime from 100 to 150, limes from 500 to
600, etc. The greatest variation is in papayaf.
peaches, oranges, and sour oranges, the yield vary-

TABL 86t.-Time consumed in and income from fruit rcwirp,
19386


Costs Gross income
Num-
Fruit ber Hours Total iet in-
ot per man- Labor Yield come
trees year days costs per Total
(each per tree*
tree) year

Vegetable pear...... 200 3 67 $11.17 125 $100 ,6 F3
Orange--- ....... 310 2 f,9 11.50 300 232. 50
Sour orange-..... .150 17 2.83 150 21. 18 17
Lima............... 210 I 23 3. 83 125 52. 50 ,. 67
Lime 2........ 2 19 3.17 550 4. 75 4;C 0A
Avocado.... .... 10 3 i 8.33 4N00 109.;50 19. 17
Cross-sapo WChite s:alii a-4.... 1 4 .67 325 246.00 :
Spanish plum:
Petpa.......... 100 3 33 5. 50 2,5001 125.0 .19. ,
Chea.......... 3 20 3.33 2.500 r o. ,7
Corona-.......... 25 2.5 7 1.17 2.000 33.2, 3 40A
Mic ......... 10 2 2 .33 1,50 00 ;
Tamalito........ 45 3 15 2.50 3, 31. 50 2.
Pancsho ......... 10 2 2 .33 2000 1C. o00 (7
Papaya.--.......... 40 1 4 .67 22 .80 1 .
Peach.............. 7 1 7 1.33 75 130 4. -97
ManRo ............. 600 3 20 3.3 1 t00 1,0.8 x Ill.,..7
Banana- ..1....... 00.. 0.- ....... 20 3.33 o5 40. 0 3r1. 15"
8ugarcme -.......-... 25 1 3 .50 '40 7..) 7.0(
Total......... 90 ...... 416 9.32 .----. 12.00 1, 163. 1

I Calculated on the basis of a 9-hour working day.
* Calculated on the basis of prices in Appendix 2.
S125 fruits, 7 roots.
* 40 sections.


.... ....
---- ----
.... ....
.... ....
..........
...........
----------
----------
---------.






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


ing 100 percent. In the case of some varieties of
Spanish plums, the number of fruit is greater than
shown, the remainder eaten by the birds.
Since so little cost is involved, the profit from
fruit is considerable. The Panajachel Indians
devote their energies to agriculture, but a good
part of their living comes from the sale of fruit
which comes near to being a free resource.

SUMMARY: COSTS AND PROFITS
The total cost of the harvests produced by resi-
dent Indians, on land exploited for themselves,
came to a little more than $24,000 (table 37).
About 95 percent of this amount represents the
cost of labor which was almost entirely of the
Indian community itself. Only the small remain-
der was spent in cash outside the community-
for labor, tools, a little fertilizer and a few seeds,
a few dollars worth of candles and incense, and
rent paid to outsiders.
The total value of the produce harvested by the
Indians on the same land was over $26,000 (table
38). From the apparent net profit of $2,146.90
must be subtracted $380, the value of produce
given as rental; about $320 for market taxes, bus
fares, etc.; and about $900 for the value of the
time devoted to selling the produce. Actually, of
course, all this sum need not be subtracted from
the profit, for the value of the produce was fig-
ured on the basis of Panajachel prices, and the
merchandise sold outside presumably brought
enough more to make up the value of the time

TABLE 37.-Total cost of agricultural products
Seed, fer- Cash AnnlOualde
Pro Value of tillzcr, rent tAn:o Outsde otal
Product labor leaves, out- t labor
etc. side

ll .ilpa. $701.67 $25.41 $25 -------.----.-------. --
Delta corn...-.. 195.00 3.90
Onion nursery.. 3,400.05 6et. ...
Onions-..-.. .... 12,430.71 002. 7
Onion s.ed-' ... 1. 0,5.59 1I0 16 -I
Garlic....... 1,1. 00 13.80 360 ...
Polo loan ....... 22'4.73 10. 10
Veetabs s .. 258. 38 100. 7
Pepno....---.... 1,054.17 6.32
Coffe.-. ---. 319. 00.. -- .......
Fruit.-----...- 67.67 .-.- -------
Total .-... 21,982. 1 1,424.70 85 216.77 121.67 $24,131.05
It Its assumed, as in table 38, that the onion acreage Is reduced 20 percent
by the groinpg of tubers and peppers In onion beds. The labor s reduced
by only 5 percent, however (and that reduction has here been made) because
only the transplanting and preparing-for-market Itens are affected.
s Assuming that 0.4 acre of beets were grown In 1930.
Of this total, about $200 is for fertlller and broad covering leaves, $100 for
packaged seed, and $10 for candles incense, and food consumed in connection
with harvests of corn. The total of $310 is spent outside the community.
The remainder, $1,104.70 is really chargeable to local labor, $400 for fertilizer
and leaves locally produced, and the remainder for fencing materials and
Sppcally home-grown seeds.


TABLE 38.-Value of agricultural products ary to distinguish'agricultural work done by the
c on umed-- two sexes and by people of various ages, for the
Product vl inc l dous rtdouo of a woman's or a child's time is less than
aotnl In ___- hat of
Product ________munlty __ tat of a man. If it could be assumed that a
corn.....-..........--......-- ---.... 2,051. 00 2,051.o0 1 -. oman or child, as compared with a man, accom-
Beans..-- ------ '3--- .70 300.70130 7 6 .70
Squash -......------------------- 135.00 80.30 ...54.1 : listedd work in proportion to their wages, the
Onions ed................ .2-------- 2 113,5742 1'815 i distinction from the point of view of costs would
Onion need -------2,430.00 1,174.72 poin
VeOseles ..-.---------------. ,26.7 3.80 1,8a n o t be important. But this is not always true.
Root crops and pppers.... 800.00 .31 1, boy cannot work as fast as a man in the making
Pcpfnoo ------------------------------ 2,377.05 13.5% ,33. uaboycas as a mani making
Coffee ......10.200.4.8..2.... 1,052.b00 418.i32 633.
eit --------------------.----- 1,230.60 417.42 35. )f a tablon or in the various processes of the
Total....... .. ...---. 2,277.05 ,4 00.1 20,f; ailpa; but a boy can probably replace a man in
I- )sther cases. For example, three men usually
f Ct. table 60. Except in tents where there is special reason for not dlint 5,
so, for convenience it is falsely assumed that the oCal loouct is 1cns0a= sake a tablon together; the most skilled, cer-
first, then a,lditiolial supplies bought front outside. lThiis not true il a grown g e the ot e, a
cases. For example, PanaJ'hel producers sell most otheirgreen-bea inly a grown man, guides the others, but if a
anti In other .raosons buy green beans; and throughout the year aolso r buy dr oy of 12 takes the role of one of the others, the
beans.. Ths thepcfr ns ltoude o t a o 1 takes he role of one of the others, the
while In tale 67r, tihe Items il.er bea,,s and gr e beans i"pro dustd ao rork is probably not slowed appreciably. Like-
munity" should corrsninly le. But since the resultprobably appreciably. Like-
in the fnnl ibookkseping, 1 am doing It this way.
rh l l figure a susns that 85 percent of shrub beans and 50 percent of vi rise, a woman can probably transplant as fast
beans are permitted to ripien.
'Assuming that the total onion acreage Is reduced by 20 percent for thl md as well as a man, or do the weeding of an onion
growing of root crops ansd peppers
Astimrng tat 0.4 acre of were grown an that scelaneo e ed with equal efficiency, or braid garlic as fast.
tables besides beets produced 10 cents worth of vegetables per package, Yet, their time is considered worth less than that
ef a man, and their wage is smaller. These dis-
expended. On the basis of the figures presented tinctions have been made in table 19, from which
here the net profit from agriculture was evidently t nmay be concluded that adult males did a total
something like $1,500. That is to say that if the if about 83,000 man-days and women and chil-
Indians owned no ngricuiltural land and worked ken about 38,000; men thus did some 70 percent
exclusively for outsiders (and could always obtain > the work in the fields. Since women and chil-
work at the prevailing rates) they would be about eon work more slowly (in some employment)
$1,500 poorer-or its equivalent in goods pur -ian do men, the 38,000 "man-days" probably
chased-than they actually are at the end of each e ok them 45,000-odd full days of work, and the
year. Their agriculture not only gives them steady total time spent by Indians in their fields was
work, but a little extra as profit. actually 128,000 work days. From this total,
Roughly 80 percent of the $26,000 crop is sold
for cash outside the community, and only the TABLE 39.-Time devoted to agriculture
small remainder is consumed. Almost $13,00 -------
in cash is realized from the sale of onions alone Crop Acre- Man-dys Totaly
and amply explains why the people of Panajachel crops per ac ncrop sn
consider onions the basis of their economy. .mnilpa.....------------------...... ,97.7 5 4,885
:ta corn--....-...................... s 32.5 30 1,170
ions from seed.----.-.....5........ 127.6 652 83,195
SUMMARY: TIME CONSUMPTION seed from seed....... ...3.6 ,7b8 0,437
---l-c ....... 16.8 629 10, 576
-* bean .. .--::::::::"-------"-: 12.7 214 2 717
The total number of man-days devoted to agrn- .-----Ss -.........-- 4.-- 7 207 1, j 3
cultural production on resident Indian lands, bxs etc......-..... ...::::::::::- .5 6 323
.ts, etcg- -1.0 614 614
owned and controlled, and rented, came to some .'----------...-............. 1 .s 3. U 87 21s
120,854 man-days in 1936 (table 39), include t'(103e-0)...-................... 7 i-41o
work done by the men, women, and children of Total .............. .......-.................. 120,s54
the Community as Well as that done by hird hesiT ...nr.io were derived by eslinmnting the number of acres of the crop
laborers-virtually all Indian-living outside thet o theoers iov t og b le ..mer (ofl. eart Ih anti, the growing th
community. It assumes that all work is do ~s where tre Is one crop in the year, the highest monthly figure was
by adult men. The times given are calculated OS 'oo tables 27 2r-30e
i l ndtties hill nilps lands owner-controlled, antd rented (hence used) In
the basis of what an industrious man can do intl r.within and outside the area study, by resident Inldans.
aing that in of the cornfields wcre 'lantedl on old land.
day. Since women and youths of both sexes de '3trckland milpa plus 4.5 o cornfeld In nonirrlgated delta land.
Sgd part total Indian cffeh arege (3.4) less than pawned to outsiders (wee
a good part of the agricultural work, it is neet 1"4


however, must be subtracted 730 days that
Indians from outside the community are calcu-
lated to have worked on resident Indian lands.

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
In comparison with agriculture, animal hus-
bandry is extremely unimportant in Panaj(ch,.l.
As will be shown, it is also uneconomical. Al-
though one or a few families once cciutecd nore
sheep and mules in its possession, pasturtin.d 's
land outside of Panajacbel, the numbers were
never large. A count (table 40) in 1940 ;;',.ov
that the order of numbers is such that no family
depends for its living on the raising of nimals.
Actually (table 41) 38 families kepi, no animia:s
whatsoever; another 36 had only togs or cats;
and of the remaining 81, 4 had only non productive
horses or mules (in addition to dogs). In general,
the wealthier the family (table 80) tIho ore
domestic animals it keeps. "Foreign" Indiaes,
for the most part artisan town-dwellers, ]1,-pt
almost no animals but horses, dogs, and cats. Of
lanajacheleilos, 24 families without m y PniTuin.-
fell into tho groups owning least land. Hal.f of
the households had chickens or other fowl, a little
over a fifth, pigs. In both cases the land-rich
tended to have more than the land-poor. Te title,
horses, goats, mules, and sheep were owned by
relatively few people, and in the higher wcaith
brackets; none lof the poorest quarter had such
animals. Three-fourths of PanajachclTfio f, il'ic4
kept dogs or cats, or both; and again the number
owned varied with the amount of land.

FOWL
Almost any Indian will say that "Every house-
wife has her chickens." Therefore, it is significant
that in fact 95 out of the 155 households do not
keep them and only 24 have flocks of 15 or more
birds, one of them the maximum of 44.
Chickens, kept in small coops fitted with poles
for roosting, often run loose during the day, except
when everybody of the house is busy in the
gardens, or away at market. They are led corn
at least once a day and frequently twice. Laying
hens require special care, and there is considerable
technology (as well as magical practice) in-'ol-cd
in the keeping of chickens. Ducks, and one kind
of pigeon, are also bred; a second pigeon is caught
wild or more frequently bought caged and its


117






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX I


wings clipped when it is accustomed to the house flock increased (by natural growth) by $1.60- Then it was pointed out to Indians that it did
so that it can be given the freedom of the yard. counting the four chicks that died-and produced :ot pay them to raise fowl, their most frequent
These wild pigeons are occasionally allowed to 360 eggs worth $4.50, for a total of $6.10 and a eply was that it is good to have chickens for sale
multiply in the house. Probably the women and net loss of 30 cents. Data from several other chen money is needed.
children who care for the fowl a few minutes at a informants make it clear that at best one breaks
time dribble away only about an hour a week in even on the raising of chickens. Thus a household HOGS
their care. owning 5 roosters, 16 hens, and 18 chicks casually Hogs, not bred in Panajachel, are bought when
reported that the flock consumed 2 pounds of ung and fattened for sale. Of the 29 families
TABLE 40.-Value of domestic animals owned corn daily ($9 worth a year) and increased in hat were fattening hogs in 1936, 11 had 2 head
SAverage Total value by $3.40 in the year while some 400 to 500 ch, and none had more than 2. An 8-month-old
Kind value (each) value eggs (worth $5 to $6.25) were produced; another bought at about a dollar,3 is sold after 7 or
chicken, youn. 3 o10 0 with 6 hens reported that each laid 18 eggs months for from 3 to 6 doars, and a youngone
Hens and roostersn..... 44 .0 s monthly for 6 months for a total of 648 during a ught to replace it. Pigs are rarely allowed
Ducks ------- .....-- .--------------------- 14 1.75 5.25t
PLgeons --..........'....------- .. 2 .5 5 50 year (worth $8.10) and that the flock ate 2 poundsse, since the houses are surrounded by gardens;
Pigs ,--------........ 4 10---- oo--------se, since the houses are surrounded by gardens;
Goots -.------------.. -------------------- 14 1.50 2 00 of corn daily ($9.12 a year).
oShp ats. .......-- 1 i 2 of corn daily ($9.12 a year). heir diet is therefore chiefly kitchen waste and
Bulls or steers.--------...-------.-- 8 7.50 6.00 The Indians appear to know that it does not children
cows..------.--.------........--- 13. 10.0 l irn. An hour a week by the wife and children
v ....--- 8 4.00 32.00 pay to raise chickens, and that perhaps explns bably takes care of them. Hogs are certainly
r a b b it s. ..-- - - --. - - - --. .- - - - - - 6 1 2 0 .
Guinea e plies---..............-- 10 .10 .00 why so many do not. Certainly they do not raise ry poor business. Some of the Indians who
colmena b-s b . . ................... 14 .1.00 14.00
Coexpinn mes-.-...----p-..--.-- 21.00 b4 turkeys for that reason, for they frequently say slize this give it as the reason why they do not
Horses and mules-. -. so-- -12.-------s0----- 1 2 0.0
Dogs ...--- .-------........ -------- 1. 50.00 that a turkey eats as much as a pig while at the rise tem. Others, although they know hogs are
Cats.......-~-------- .5----- 19 .10 80.10 saetmth sthm Otesalhuhhyknwogar
--------- -------- -- .. same time the fowls are delicate and often sicken t profitable, may not realize how much they
Total........................ and die. But, aside from the feeling that a t tually lose, and raise them as a means of invest-

r Per ie. household is not complete without chickens, there g money when corn is more plentiful, for liquida-
Prerive. is a recognized reason why it is desirable to raise on when money is scarce. A wealthy Indian
Because they are important in belief and custom them. During the rainy season when money is ith two pigs estimated that they consumed 1,400
and a "good" housewife is expected to keep them, scarce and corn must be purchased, the sale of tunds of corn (worth $17.50) and 10 pounds of
it is noteworthy that turkeys are absent and chickens is a source of emergency income. On alt (worth 15 cents) in the fattening process. In
chickens sparse, and that this fact coincides with August 15, 1936, Rosales noted in his diary that ildition, lie spent a dollar to make a pen and 26
the fact that it does not pay to raise chickens in many women were selling chickens in order to buy ,ats to castrate and keep the young boars in good
Panajachel. One careful informant estimated corn and sugar because money was scarce; "The : alth. He did not figure the additional cost of
that his flock of 2 roosters and 17 hens ate 480 onions are all gone and only garlic is left, and it w c t a
pounds of corn in 1936, worth $6; during the year price is low." An Indian reported before All Ie time involved. Including the original cost of
he lost 4 chicks, worth 40 cents. Thus, not Souls' Day that he took chickens to Sololf to se e pigs (but not time spent), he had invested
counting the value of the time expended in caring in order to buy things for the fiesta. We fre- 0.15 by the time they were fattened, and the
for the fowls, building the coop, etc., the cost quently noticed that when the need for money s were wQrth but half of that. This man, who
was $6.40. At the same time the value of the arose, a single hen or rooster was offered for sale. his own corn, perhaps did not calculate his
TA.BLE 41.-Combinations of domestic animals cases; certainly the factor of saving money does
... ... mt enter in his case, for he is wealthy and usually
Animals To Number of households owning each combination s cash oiln hand. Juan Rosales recalls that in
As ta-_______ ,. wealthy father's houso when lie was young they
Doegs . 106 .1 33 11 7 6 4 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11 took to raising pigs; w c they had 2 or 3,
Dc,. .................... .. .. 43- 2 2 2 1 3 i 7 l 2 2 1 _l c took to raising ligs; when they liad 2 or 3,
Chickens -... -..-.... .... ..... .. 2 2 .. .. 1 -- i .... 1 I i 1 1 i -- I I 1 1 1
Dck,...........2 ii e amount of corn consumed by the pigs was not
Figc-s.. .. -. - .. -- 2 1 1 ticed particularly; but when the number
'............. 4 -. -- -- I 1 red to about a dozen, they saw that the corn
iiiis-stcrs.. 7... '- -- .. I .. i apply was rapidly dwindling and then did some
licors ............1 .2 2 ... .2. 12. .i i l ulating and thereafter never raised pigs!
Colmn.na bees ............ 4 ... ...... ... .. --
coxspn bees....... 3 -- ere are other similar cases in my notes; certainly
Ouinea pigs.- -------------- '4any Indians know that a pig's consumption of 3
Total.....----... 155 38 33 11 7 6 ft 4 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1l 1 I 1 Il 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 'i'
Total 15 33 4 2 2 2 2 1 1ey are usually bought in SololA, but they are sometimes bought more
S To read this table, begin with the numbers in the "Total" row and follow them up. Thus, 38 households have no animals (for all the other spaces tly elsewhere. In 1940 I was told they sold for 40 cents at the annual fair
blank) 33 household bave only dogs, 11 have only dogs and chickens, etc. The column headed "Total" shows how many households have each spcc '~-lchicastenango, and at least one Panajachelefo went there to buy a pig.
sniald. 956746--53--9


or 4 pounds of corn daily for 8 months make; hog
raising unprofitable. A young Indian of a poor
household learned his lesson in 1941. About
November 1, 1940, he told me proudly that he had
a pig fattening. It cost him $1 and in from 4 to 6
months would be worth $4. He thought it was a
good practice: "It is no good if people eat all of
their corn every day; give some to the pig, and it
grows and you get money out of it. You dot't
notice the daily expense in corn, and later when
you need it, you will get a large sum of money."
He said that the pig ate 3 pounds of corn daily.
When we calculated the cost (as he himself had not
done) he was surprised. In 6 months the pig
would consume $6.50 worth of corn! But he still
thought it was a good way to save money. On
January 11 he complained that (although 3 weeks
before, he had turned down an offer of $2.50 for
his pig, now quite fat) he was offered only
$1.50. On February 5 he told me that the pig
weighed 150 or 175 pounds and he was getting no
offers for it, the butchers apparently all going to
Atitlin to buy hogs. On March 23 he finally sold
the animal to a local butcher for $3; he said he
was tired of feeding it corn while waiting for a
better price. A week later the butcher killed the
pig and found it diseased and the young man had
to return $1.50 of the purchase price. He swore
that he would never buy a pig again.
GOATS AND SHEEP
Goats are bought when young for about a dollar
and sold for twice that when grown. Sheep simi-
larly are worth 75 cents when young, $1.50 whe:.
grown. Like pigs, they are simply fattened, al-
though in times past they were sometimes bred.
The goats are not milked, but the sheep are oc-
casionally shorn and the wool sold or used in the
house in pillows. Since goats and sheep are
pastured in the river bed, along the roadsides, a. i
in the hills, virtually their only expense is the
value of the time taken incidental to other Iufkv,
no more than, say, 3 hours a week. Occisionally
a sheep is fed corn-dough water that is ( ft in the
kitchen, but that has no money value. On thn
whole, there is probably little gaii. or coss in
fattening goats and sheep.
CATTLE
At least four of the six families owning cows
(one of them owning three) also owned a calf of


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NJO. 16






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX


each cow. Cows are kept for milk, sold chiefly
to iLadinos, aind are also bred-for which purpose
all but one dairy must rent a bull, usually from
a Ladino. Bulls or steers are bought as yearlings
to fatten for sale; they are frequently gelded (by
a professional). A calf, bought for 5 dollars,
doubles in value in about 2 years when it is ready
for sale. A female calf costs about $7, and a milk
cow is worth about $20. A calf new-born is val-
ued at about $3, and of course increases in value.
Cattle are pastured during the day and brought
in at night incidental to other work by men, boys,
or old men. As one informant put it, such ani-
mals "are good for a rich old man like Nicolas
Chivalan who cannot work hard and who directs
his mozos and cares for his animals and little
else." Cows, however, receive special care, espe-
cially when they calve. The steer-fattening fam-
ilies spend some 20 hours a week each on their
cattle; the cow-owning households, about 35.
For a few months in the dry season the cattle
owner, if he owns no pasture land, frequently
rents some from Ladinos, at 50 cents a month.
This seems inordinately expensive considering the
rental cost of land for planting corn and taking
into account that pasture land is enriched by use.
In the rainy season there is sufficient free foliage
along the lake shore, in the river bed, and along
the roadsides.
Only the value of the manure produced makes
it possible for the business of fattening steers to
pay. In 2 years a steer consumes 50 cents worth
of salt, 30 cents worth of rope, and 3 or 4 dollars
may be paid for pasture privileges. With these
expenses, the value increases only $5; and mean-
while 200 man-days of time (with a normal value
of $33) may easily be consumed. Although much
of the time has less cash value, it hardly seems
worth while to raise cattle. The explanation is
that most cattle owners own milpa or pasture
land and thus not only pay no rent and enrich
their own soil, but collect and sell (or use) the
manure of the stable or yard. Cows are probably
better business. They are fed the water of corn
dough, which amounts to kitchen waste. Milk
(sold for 5 or 10 centsaliter) and calves should make
worth while the added time consumed in caring for
the cows and their offspring. Recent sanitary
No family keeping cows also keeps pigs, which are also fed this water.


regulations, however, have put something of running to about $10 for a horse and $15 for a
crimp in the business.' 5 ule. Their care is in the hands of the men and
Rabbits (kept for pleasure as well as food) asc boys who average some 5 hours weekly to feed
guinea pigs (also eaten) are to unimportant fee rd occasionally wash them and cure their ail-
extended discussion; they are cared for by tb nents.
children, and eat kitchen waste. DOGS AND CATS
BEES Dogs and cats are primarily companion animals
ad have little commercial value. The former
Coxpin bees (or wasps) are one of several varit help guard the house and cornfield, and the latter
ties of wild bee found nearby, and the only oa till rats and mice. But their utility is limited,
now brought to the house in its hollow log. Tb ad the damage they do may well balance their
hive is valued at 10 cents probably because r usefulness. These animals may be considered
produces wax of that value in a year. T', turies, and are found more commonly among
children sometimes eat the sour honey, but it he he rich than the poor. The maximum number
no commercial value. The only honey-producir4 f logs in any household in 1940 was 4 (5 cases);
bees now kept are the colmena bees of Europer !6 families had 3 each, 45 had 2, and 40 had but
origin, hives of which are bought at about $1 ead I each. Most of the 49 families which had none
The only expense connected with their care is tI rere on the lower wealth levels. Six of the 33
planting of flowers in the yard (which many hl, it-owning families had 3 apiece, 16 had 2 each,
anyway). But the disadvantage of keeping hb md 11 but 1 apiece. All but 2 households with
is that they may leave the hive and house. TbP its also kept dogs.
produce about a dollar's worth of honey and Cats and dogs, sometimes purchased when
cents' worth of wax a year. roung, are most frequently raised in the home;
ORSES AND MULES young are often sold, for about 10 cents. A
brown dog (though less frequently the object of
The beasts of burden (there are no oxen) a transactions) is usually valued at about 50 cents.
referred to simply as "beasts," but mules are pr iittens or cats, not usually found in the market
ferred for burdens, and they usually cost nion iace, are exchanged for chicks or other small
The beasts are used for riding and for carryiri tings. One Indian valued his cat at 15 cents,
loads. Of the 19 households owning them 3 v mother at 20 cents; they were probably high.
foreign Indians who use the animals for ridiri Dogs and cats require little care; but they need
5 others are wealthy families the head of whiritod beyond kitchen waste and that for which
in each case has a saddle horse. The remainima ey forage. One wealthy Indian with three dogs
11 households have pack animals and use thel ad three cats estimated that the former consume
in trade with distant markets. In these cases th Ipound of corn and the latter a quarter of a pound
merchant is able to take a larger quantity d hily. If that estimate is near correct, a dog costs
market, and the animals may be said to hlir.50 a year in corn alone and a cat a quarter of
commercial value. Most Indians doubt that psa tat. A female dog makes up part of that cost
animals repay their keep. Since fodder is 'ith the value of its litter, and some people keep
plentiful in Panajachel, and the animals are fi Ibitch precisely for that purpose, selling the litter
considerable amounts of corn, they are probate I the markets when they go with other produce.
right; but if the manure is taken into consider it on the whole it cannot be said that clogs are
tion (as it does not appear to be) horses and Ine* pt for commercial purposes or that they pay for
may possibly be profitable investments., selves.
'I'hese animals hre never bred in town; they SUMMARY: COSTS AND PROFITS
bought and sold fully grown, for a variable p C
---f a va ia, Table 49, which summarizes the costs and re-
*I The most Important Indian dairyman, who had three cows ble 4, which smmrizes the costs and r
me In 1911 that he had five cows but no nclves, hence no milk, but thst'l$s Of animal husbandry, shows that, in com-
Ir his cows produced milk he would ho' unable to sell it without I Urison with agriculture, the raising of domestic
unobtainable unless be built a two-room stable with a cement floor. tials is of no importance in Panajachel-
"tnomically, at least. The cost of raising animals


is not even 6 percent of tlhe cost of raising crop:;
the income from animal husbandry is le.;s than 5
percent of that from agricultural produce.
TABLE 42.-Estimated costs of and returns fro n domestic
animals, 1940

Expenses II, cmie

Kind Feed Can IOtroth til,
Total ad cure ot a l u egs,
ofvdt c incrrastt o
etc. of tim ) (nt) rent
----I------ I-- 1
Fowl---............. $178.88 $150 $28.88 $142.60 30 $112.
Pigs ............ .- 3.8 3. 13. M 1i 00 1f
Goats and sheep...... -18.07 1 17. f- 7 27.00 25> 202
Cattle ------ 320.50 2 2 95. 50i 8:500 & 8 1
B ees --- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --- -- -- -- -- -- -- 1. 0 W4
Horses and mules.- ." 104.16 120 74. 16 20.00. 00
Dogs and cats........ 270.00 270 2-5.00 251-..-..---
Total........... 1,346.04 916 430. 0 o 1,2 0.0 325 iO
Pastures not considered; the manure left is considered to bala' e it; not
are pen- or coop-building costs included.
'Manure not taken into consideration.
* This figure is based on a guess that the cows Ltverag, o ur te itcr daily.
4 Based on personal experience in 1937.

DISPOSAL OF PRODUCE

Artisans and professionals sell their products cr
services in their homes or shops to those who co.ne
to buy. Laborers are either sought out by em-
ployers, or shop themselves for employment, or
enter into relatively permanent arrangements with
patrons. The discussion to follow is virtuall
confined to the sale of the agricultural produce
which forms the basis of the local economy.
The corn grown by the Indians of Pannaluhc-! is
practically never sold. Only a few families grow
enough corn for their own household uses, and
probably nobody harvests a surplus of any size.
Possibly some Indians, in need of money for
emergencies, sell their corn after the harvest and
subsequently buy piecemeal what they need them-
selves; but no such case came to light. True,
Indians occasionally lend corn to friends and
neighbors when money is scarce or there is none
in the market; but they expect to be repaid in
corn rather than money. The problem in Pana-
jachel is not to find a market for the sale of corn
but to find the means to buy it. The same can be
said, with less assurance, of the other nilpa
products; for beans and squash are rarely if ever
sold. Green beans are an important item of
market produce, especially those grown in irri-
gated land, but mature beans, even those grown
in garden beds, are almost never sold. There is a
woman who raises a special variety of squash in


. 5-
iLIJ


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHIROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16






122 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


her gardens (exceptional because squash are rarely
grown outside the milpa) to sell. Processed corn
and bean foods such as tamales and atol are sold
by local women. But by and large, the products
that are associated with the milpa, with the excep-
tion of green beans separately grown, are not for
sale by the Panajachel Indians who produce them.
Coffee, to the direct contrary, is almost all sold.
Some of the growers of coffee even sell their entire
crops and buy what they need during the year.
One reason for this is that Panajachel coffee, which
is high grade, brings a better price than that
which can be bought in the market. Another is
that very many poor families sell their coffee "on
the bush" long before the harvest. Indian growers
do not market their coffee. Instead, Ladinos come
to their houses to buy it to send to the capital for
export. Some of the wealthier Indians hold out for
better prices, but never attempt to market it
themselves. The middlemen often profit from
these transactions with little risk, since before
they buy they know the price to be had in Guate-
mala City.
It is to the disposal of their vegetables and fruit
that the Indians devote their commercial atten-
tion. The sale of this produce is effected in several
ways:
(1) A large part of the vegetable crop, and to a
lesser extent the fruit, is sold to merchants of other
towns who make a practice of coming to the homes
of the local Indians to bargain for onions, garlic,
pepinos, etc. The most important business of this
kind is in connection with onions (something like
half of which may be sold in this way), bought
usually by Sololateco merchants who take them
to Guatemala City to sell. When onions are in
particular demand in the capital, Sololatecos (less
frequently Atitecos or others) are seen knocking
at doors looking for onions, or harvesting and
preparing them, or fixing their cargoes. They
often buy them by the unharvested tablon, or they
pick up smaller quantities from several growers.
Onion seed (Panajachel seed is supposed to be
especially good) is also bought by outsiders (most
frequently from Mixco) who come to shop for it.
Nursery seedlings are also occasionally bought for
transplanting by Sololatecos, Atitecos, Tepanecos
and perhaps others. Although cases of Atitecos'
buying cabbages are recalled, other vegetables are
less frequently bought in this n inner. Very
frequently and in great quantities during the very


short season, pepinos are purchased by merchant, hased in other towns. The markets that are
from other towns, especially SololA, who take th quented regularly (table 43) are those f P
frcquented regularly (table 43), are those of Pana-
to Guatemala City. Fruit is frequently sold i chel itself; of Solola, an hour by foot to the
this manner also. During the Spanish-plur 1
this manner also. During the Spanish-plua 0orth; of San Andres, an equal distance to the
season Catarinecos, especially, buy the unha. oast; of San Lucas, across the lake; of Tecp and
vested fruit of whole trees, which they then ta ; of San Lucas, across the lake; of Te n and
vested fruit of whole trees, which they then ta f Patzdn, a day's walk to the east; of Patulul and
home to ripen and eventually to sell in other town haca, n t as to the sout; of Quezal-
They also buy ripe and harvested fruit. Cas Chicacao, on the "coast" to the south; of Quezal-
They also buy ripe and harvested fruit. Casa nango far to the west; and of Guatemala Cit
have been noted of Chichicastenango Indianango far to the west; and of Guatemala City.
have been noted of Chichicasten go Idia casionally, for annual fiesta markets, local
buying plums and oranges, of Luqueios buyi Indians visit other towns such as Chichicaste-
green avocados to take to Guatemala City, d' an, San Pedr, n, and so on; but rela-
Andresanos buying limas and oranges at the timn ngo, San Pedro, Atitlin, and so on; but rela-
Andresanos buying lims and oranges at the tim rely few go and not at all regularly. On the other
of the corn harvest, to give to their harvesters, 0e and, altho h are regal m erhants who reg
Antofieros buying limas, of Jorgefios buying stemn'rly breal erch s whor
of green bananas to ripen and sell in the Sololi ndlyebuy in town to sell in others, only 13 (all
t endless) of the 155 households never regularly
market, and so on.
(2) A relatively unimportant means of dispose rll anything. They frequent markets for buying
of the local produce is by house-to-house sales purposes, of course, but take nothing to sell.
Ladino families and to hotels, and to traveling Three of them are "foreign" Indians (2 Totoni-
merchants passing through, either on the road pn, 1 SanPdro) with special trades; the others
at the piers where they embark and disembark efor the most part families whose adults work
Only women engage in such selling, and the~t laborers and domestics for other families,
Only women engage in such selling, and thfadino or Indian. In some cases the women
usually offer small quantities of a variety of frui ld, wre t amiiou a some thers, bu
and vegetables, or eggs and fowl." A few woner produce to sell, but they do not.
(none native Panajachelefias) also sell beef a
pork products," and one local Totonicapefla beggAr RL, 43.-Number of households habitually represented
in 1937 to make a rice-and-milk drink to sd by vendors in various markets
chiefly at the Ladino houses. Most women se ----
the produce from home, but in some cases the Markets households
may buy them from others for resale at a prof:
One may guess that a fourth of the households Isehldshavin no regular vendors-----n ....... 13
vmholds represented by vendors in:
more or less regularly represented by women at. naJac el ar ktsket on-l .....---------- 3
P~anajachel and SanoA m ar kets ............................. 69
girls who sell at the houses, on the roads, and 1an aachel and San AndrOs makets .......-- ---- 6
nJ c i and Tegphn tsarkets .........................
the piers several days of each week. Since the Panaatiel and San Lucas marketske....ts- ---4----.
ran abcel and Guatemala City markets .-.................-
sell the family produce, their "profits" are no achel, Solol, and Tec marks dr----- 3
analachel' SololAd and San Lutcmmarkets-------.. .........
separable from the earnings of agriculture. anajachel TeSocpfl and Satzcn markets- ..- ----- 3
(3) The chief means of disposing of produce Pnaahela, .Sons and Ouau ma Cty markets------- 2
anajahl SoloiA, TecpAn, and Pan Lucas markets ........-
in the market place. Every landed family sells' aInhel SololAS Tro and Patn markets ... .. 1
least part of its produce in formal markets. Loa o ache Rc S a t i ..po. and (a -- -oi City ma-kcts.. 3
i Ron Lucas, Chicanco, un tC Potldt Ct -- ------ I
Indians sell their own produce or that of oth bf .jiache. a. ep tsand Oit .oat. It ........t C -it, -
rnahi, Ciitc-ae:t, llattih, and tin s! enala City-......
families, which they buy in private to take Pan alahel, un l ns- a nd l at.An ,rkls ...n........
Pa ahel, Sololil San Andirts, Tepcpn, and I'Itlrn...
ranaiactcl, SoloiA, San Andrisl TTeptin, Pat, n,d o uen al-
market. Exceptionally, they bring produce pT Pan l-c .olo., s.an AndrEs, Tecp.t., Pti.n, Quc-al
P_ ajachnel San Andrds, Tecpimn, Cicaao'Patulul,"
Quezacltenango-........................................... 1
t Local Indian women never sell fowl in the local market; In oone al -
noted a women sold a hen in the Soloit market. Fowl are evidently Total.. --------...-.......------------.................. 142
only when tho woman is in need of ish, for she prefers the less public mtr-
of going to a customer's house. Total number of households-............................. 155
i, Especially pork products. Most pigs being butchered by Ladlnoot.------.-
business is largely In their hands. Beef products are usually sold in ccsr
tlon with the butcher shops, but one Ladino hutcier hired a local To':
capetfa to sell beef-belly at the houses. Rosales one day (October 27, 10
spoke to her when he had bought some and found that she received asce r
each 5 pounds sold. She carried 30 or 40 pounds In a basket on her head.0
child meanwhile being carried In the usual fashion on her back. Sbe
she sold on credit, too.


THE LOCAL MARKET
The 142 households that dispose of their produce
in markets are all represented by sellers more or
less regularly vending in the local market. Except
for three recent cases of men selling in the market.
(including a young boy, but all equally criticized
these families are represented in the market only
by their womenfolk. Table 44 and the derived
summary of table 45 (the results of a spot check
at stated times over a period of weeks). gi-e a
precise picture of when local women tend to sell
in the local market and what, during one season
at least, they bring." Most women come to
market leateveral titmes- durif,?rTi
an hour- ortwo, morni-g..or-after4 some o
them regularly-on-ertain days at the same time,
others only occasionally. Sunrtayj.it.Irket day"
when as many as-a'-undre local women come,
usually only for the morning but 3ften for the
wholaeday,-goinghomus at noon for a quick lunch."
Sunday is also the day when the women do much
of their purchasing for the week from the mer-
chants of other towns who come. The n ,xt be t
selling days are Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Fridays,
when (en route to or from the Tuesday and Friday '
market days i SololA) merchants stop and buy
local produce. Te nu`m e e -ififienf comi--T
se on tiTese3ays rises from a dozen to as many as
30. Besides those who sell fruit and vegetables,
there are two Panajachelefias vendors of coffee
and prepared foods; this business is not prominent
because a resident Nahualefia keeps a restaidrni.
in a corner of the market place, and a woman
originally of Concepci6n regularly sells "'ood at the
entrance of town and often in the market place.
** Sunday forenoons are not included; count of the large Sunday m..ket
was made but once; the results (table 50) are discussed in section on Consumer
Goods (pp. 13.1-154) because the Sunday market is Important for sipperW;
Ladina women are not Included in the table; "Foreign" Inlian 'women resi
dcent In Panajachel arc included, except for the Nabualefla restatratur arid
the proprietor of the butcher shop.
*' One wealthy woman regularly makes two t-ips to the OSunda. market
with large baskets of fruits and vegetables. She :s notoriously a stewd
woman and is said always to sell out at gord prices. Oit Sunday (Decu mter
6, 1936), Resales noted that she brought large baske ol tomatoes, sweet
cassava, sweetpotatoes, beans, cabbages, onions, orange., limes, peaches, etc.
It happened that no Atitecos came with fruit from the ooct, and tis woman
had a held day: the Ladinas surrounded her and botight her out at ood
prices (peaches, for example, at three for a cent). She hired oth,- wom(n
to go to her house for more fruit to sell.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATE~MALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX 123







124 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 125

TABLE 45.-Summary of Panajachel vendors in weekday shame attached to selling by either sex in other
market (1937)
market (197)towns. Some travel to several markets at regular
Number of women vendor counted intervals, and devote a large proportion of their
Time of day Date time to such merchandising. Others, for the noet
Total Mon. Tes Wednes. Thurs. Fri- t: part those with larger landholdings, shll at whole-
day day day day day day sale to outsiders who come to Panajachel (or to

a. m....... .. 7 9 0 5 other Panajachelefios to take abroad) or in smaller
2m.m- ...... 4/27-23 47 11 1 3 i quantities in nearby markets.
p ......... /2 11 9 12 10 4 2 Of the 155 Indian households, 110 regularly sell
1p.m ..-.-.-.. 3/13-19 85 8 17 6 20 32 1 local produce in markets of other towns. It must'
Ip. m. 3. /20-26 82 6 16 14- 20 22-1p
Ip.m-...... /27-4/2 59 4 7 5 8 30 be emphasized that table 43 lists only regular
Total......... 443 48 89 66 86 122 32 visits (weekly, biweekly, or monthly) recognized
by the community in general. Other markets are
While their husbands or brothers are off to dis- occasionally visited,'00 and many more households
tant markets, or doing the heavy garden work, are occasionally represented in the towns listed.101
good wives (or sisters or daughters) bring to mar- Not only do certain households habitually go to
ket the produce of the fields-onions, garlic, certain markets, but particular members of the
oranges, limas, and avocados, and so on, and thus households are generally known to go (table 46).
do their bit selling where they can. Needless to Thus, the Sololi market is a family market, the
say, selling in the market has its social and pleas- household frequently going en masse on Fridays.
durable aspects. Wives of rich men rather than of Thus, also, the only markets that women generally
the poor are those who come to sell in the market attend at all are those of Sololf and San Andr6s.
during the week-partly because they are not The more distant markets are frequented by indi-
seeded in the fields, partly because they do not vidual men, a man and his son, or two or three
take longer trips to other markets. Although brothers of the household. But also, while certain
men do not sell or even frequent the local market members of the family patronize one series of
place, they often bring to the doorway the mer- markets, others as regularly attend others. Thus,
chandise to be sold by their wives and daughters. while the husband may sell in Tecpin or on the
The number of women who come to the market coast, his wife may go to San Andr6s. It is
varies not only withtie d -ay of-he weikan itls because of this duplication that the 110 households
rith thr--season,-b-t also lith the time of year that sell in outside markets are actually repre-
withrespeaftt l rtlhif us-ncaendar.-During a sented by 149 vending groups.
iesta in Solola, for example, with its accompanying Most produce taken out of town is grown by the
!arg market, few women frequent the local /endor (table 46) but the proportion is much less
market place; they have gone to Sololf, and so- thton in the case of the local market, for many
have most potential buyers ., On October 4, the people make businesses of buying produce from
bcal titular fiesta, they bring to market prepared others here (in rare cases from other towns) 'tc
od and refreshment rather than ordinary prod- sell in distant markets. In general it may be said
Ice. The only time of the year when there is that the rich sell only their own goods, and the
1o market at all is during the last of Holy Week, poor, not having much of their own, have to buy
specially Holy Thursday and Good Friday at least some of what they sell. So also merchan-
dise that is bought tends to go to the more distant
OUTSIDE MARKETS ---
m Especially during their annual fiestas, when even the smallest ol towns
Needless to say, most of the produce of Pana- attract merchants. Thus, for example, the village of San Jorg nas no rerd.ir
market, hut on January 24 many vendors go there. 4r- 1937, wheo that day
Achel eventually reaches markets in other towns. fell on Sunday, the Panajachel market was very small bem use so many of
Much sold at retail in the local market is bought the usual vendors had gone to san Jorgo Instead.
Sot Also generally on fiesta occasions. Thus, on the days ot their aints,
me merchants who resell it elsewhere, and all that such towns as Patzdn are patronized by many more PanalacheleF.os tl: r
Sltsiders buy in wholesale quantities from indi- are indicated in table 49. During Holy Week the whil. m rketUng pro-
gram is altered, for different towns traditionally celebrate days of that week
dual producers is exported. However, most and of Lent by extraordinarily huge markets which attract Drclal nur:err
Panajachel Indians themselves market their prod- of merchants. In 1937, for example, there was a great market L Te pin,
on March 22, and one In Sololt next day. Chlchicusteaango regularly has e
Ice in other towns, close and far. There is no very large market on Palm Sunday.






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


TABLB 46.-Constitution and source of produce of vending
groups in outside markets

Number of vending groups


Vendors and source of produce C



Vendors:
Man alone ................... 42 2 .... 5 2 18 6 8 1
Woman alone.---....-.-----. 6 2 4 .... .... ..- --.- --------
Brothers---......--.-- 5-.----- .. 3 .... I -....
Man and children -...-.-- 8 3 ..-.-- --1 1 1 1 1
Woman and children ...-... 1 ....--- .-- -
Man and wife........--.-.-.. 8 2 2 -......-..------. I ....
Whole family--..-....-.... 82 75 7 ...---------
Total-......--.....----- --- 149 85 13 8 3 20 7 11 2
Source of produce:
Own produce- --............- 93 68 1 5 ... 9 1 6 ....
Partown, part bought........ 24 12 4 1 1 4 1 1
Bought produce---........... 32 5 4 2 2 7 56 1

markets, because men who make long trips tend
to be poor or at least poor in land. Wealthy fami-
lies do not sell in distant places both because they
have much to do at home and because they do not
need to travel for a living.102
The common means of getting to market is
walking, men carrying their loads on their backs,
women in baskets on their heads. When man and
wife (or the whole family) go, the husband carries
the larger part of the load, and sells the more
important things, although where a woman is
known to be a better vendor, she is apt to sell the
large items instead. They also take turns selling
to allow each some time for buying or loafing.
Exceptions to the rule of walking to market are
the cases of San Lucas and the coast towns, where
canoes and public launches are used to cross the
lake, and Guatemala City, to which public truck-
busses are patronized by all except one man and
his son, who still walk. In the cases of 11 house-
holds that own horses or mules, the beast carries
the major burden and the merchant walks beside
him, carrying an additional small load. ---
ThVlilg day linthe i S lamar clt is Frtdiaya)
secondary market day is Tuesday13--I Most
" ranajachel Indians leave early infIhe morning and
spend the better part of almostvery Friday there.
A few go also on Tuesdays. 4Not all go to sell:
m With reference to the "good old days" It is often said that the people
were rich and "didn't have to make long business trips." It is said that
some rich people died without ever having seen even Atitln across the
lake; although there were means of travel, they said that they did not have
to know distant towns.
m For a good description of the Solol% market, ee McBryde, 1933.


they do much of their buying in Sololfi; persons San Lucas market was never patronized by Pana-
with political business in Sololfi usually choose jachelefcos (until recently when the canoes were
Friday to do it; and many go just for a holiday, purchased) except when they passed through on
Still, it cannot be doubted that more Panajache! longer trips to the coast. Therefore it is not
produce is sold in Sololfi than in any other market traditionally a market for other than men. The
Sololfh is an important wholesale center; merchant trip to San Lucas and back is a full day by canoe,
from various towns buy produce there in quanti- from early dawn to afternoon. None of the
ties, for resale, and Panajachel men habitually present-day vendors go on from there to the coast
bring large quantities of fruit and vegetables to markets, even though two of them are full-fledged
Solola in addition to that brought by other mer. middlemen who buy produce both in Panajachel
bers of the family. Furthermore, while to more and San Lucas.
distant markets (such as Guatemala City) some The chief "coast" markets patronized by Pana-
of the Panajachelefios carry produce of other jacheletios are Patulul and Chicacao, in the
towns, practically everything they sell in Sololl plantation country. After crossing the lake in
is Panajachel produce, most of it grown by the canoes or launches early Saturday, the merchants
vendors themselves, stop at towns and plantations along the way and
0ololf is not only a "family market" for Pana- sell in the Sunday market of either Patulul or
jachelefios but a greater number of families (69) Chicacao. They stop at plantations on Saturday
are represented there exclusively than at all other and Sunday evenings when the laborers are at
outside markets together. They include all classes home, and return Monday afternoon to Pana-
of people-rich and poor, Panajachelefios and jachel. On the coast, they travel at night by
"foreigners." Solola in some ways as much as kerosene lamp, candles, or pitch-wood torches.
anajachel is the market center for Panajachel- Panajachel onions, garlic, green beans, cabbages,
e og. beets, etc. are in considerable demand, but in
Although San Andrds is no more difficult of recent years much trade of Panajachel merchants
access than Solola, only 13 Panajachel households has been taken away by the people of Solola,
send vendors there. Its market days, Sunday Concepci6n, Atitlani Santa Catarina Palapo, and
and Tuesdays, conflict with those of Panajachel San Antonio, who either grow vegetables also or
and Solola. Unlike Sololf, which is a market make a business of buying them in Solold and
center, most produce is sold in small quantities selling them on the coast.
for San Andr6s consumption. Since only small To Tecpan also only men regularly go, leaving
amounts of onions and garlic can be consumed by tt noon or early in the afternoon of Wednesday to
those who patronize this market, Panajachelefi Irrive in the evening or more usually early Thurs-
take more fruit than vegetables. As at home, thi day morning and have the whole day Thursday
women tend to do the selling. Men often accom (which is the big market day there) in which to
pany their wives, but rather to buy corn to brinr ell. Then they often return late Thursday (if
home than to sell produce. they leave Tecpfn at noon) or very early Friday
Those who patronize the San Lucas market morning, reaching home in time to go up to the
regularly almost always take the water route.?' olol market. Many went to TecpAn, especially
Both canoe-owning Panajacheleflos are among thb during Lent to sell vegetables, for Holy Week,
regular San Lucas vendors; 10 the others re' before other towns (especially SololA) began to
canoes or occasionally go by launch. Perhaps trow and sell so many of the same vegetables.
therefore, a dislike of travel in canoes kee' I great deal of fruit, especially oranges and limas,
women from San Lucas. But its market day also taken to Tecpin.
also coincide with those in Sololh which is PM Fewer men (and sonic of the same ones) go to
ferried for other reasons. It seems also that thl Patzdn than to Tecpan, taking the same produce.
lere again competition has reduced the numbers.
m The trip by land Is not only more arduous, but It takes longer. Ne, The big market day at Patzfin is on Sunday.
theless, wen a canoe is not avaibl or when the water is rough, the ndors go late on Saturday and return early
chants do occasionally walk. A number of such eases were noted.
'A third canoe-owner is a half-Ladino; culturally Ladino, thte *b onday. Although truck-bus lines pass directly
does not sell produce in the markets (nor is It included in Indian is ~nmPanajachel to Patzin, they are not patronized
study).---1
95674"3-. S--.--10


,27


because (since they do not run o i Siu:!ai :) he'(
merchants would have to leave I'lPanjatel car-lv
Saturday. Furthermore, they often stop in Go I-
ines on the way to sell for awhile, and the trucks
do not pass through at the right time. Womrnn (,o
not go to Patzun, partly because they can sell in
the local market on Sunday while their hu1asi)ands
are away.
The truck-bus service to Guaten.a!L Cicy take
half a day each way." Before it was avs,ill)le,
fully 8 days were often necessary, 6 fcr travel! t.r-d 2
for selling. Now the round trip takes no more
than 3 days, for the merchant can sell even on the
afternoon of the day on which he leaves Panajachct
Yet less people go now than formerly, because
with the quick and easy service, people fronr all
over bring onions and vegetables, and prices ar2e
sometimes very low. Few Panajachelefios tike
even pepinos to the capital despiite the greet
demand in season and the virtual growing rmnop-
oly enjoyed by Panajachel. The reason (or
result) is that Indians of other towns rr a!n
business of buying them in FanajF.cbel to sell in
the city. Although onions, garlic, pspinozf, and
other fruit of less importance tre the principal
Panajachel products taken to the COapitil, ore
local Indian has worked 1]p a seasonal trade
(wholesale) in onion seed. He buys .Le -,ca i-
Panajachel to sell to customers in Guaeenmala City
and Mixco.
In only one case does a man take h;s wife vitL
him regularly on such long trips. A piogressive
young Indian takes his wife to Guatemala City
(on the bus), probably more because she Vants to
go than because it is especially good business.
The best market days in beth Guatemala Ci;y
and Quezaltenango are Monday, Thursday, and
Saturday. To Quezaltenango the Panniachel
vendors go on foot, requiring 4 days for the whole
trip. The usual route passes through Nanliala,
where vendors often stop on Sunday, on the wev
up or back, to sell. The principal products taken
are onions, green beans, avocados, oranges, jcot,'s
and cinfula. Again, competition by others, chiefly
Sololatecos, has reduced the number of Iana-
jachelefios on this route.'07

I* The fare for Indians on the bus was as low as 75 cents one way, with
cargo, during the period of study. Later, competition brought It as low as
40 or 50 cents.
l' Of course both Guatemala City and Quetaltenango have sources of
supply other than the region of Panalachel. McBryde, 1947, discuss
sources and trade routes at length.


126


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN WNDIAN ECONOMY--TAX






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEM


128 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


On all long trips, food is taken from home to
warm and eat on the way. To keep down expenses,
merchants often take food for as long as a week,'O"
young men (who prefer to buy along the way or
eat in restaurants) less than their elders. Gener-
ally even for a day's trip, as to Sololh, at least
some food is taken along, perhaps supplemented
by purchase. Only on a half-day trip no lunch is
taken. Nights on the road are generally spent in
the porticos of public buildings in towns on the
way, or in private houses where lodging (i. e., a
place under a roof to sleep) can be purchased for a
penny or a half-cent or a gift of a fruit or the like.
Traveling Indians do not usually sleep in the
open. To prepare food, they usually build a fire
unless they are in a place where they can use
someone else's fire.
A particular convenience to merchants is the
custom by which they can leave property reco-
mendado in the houses and stores of the towns that
they visit. This means that a merchant who is
unable to sell his goods one day can, without
charge, leave it with some acquaintance and return
for it the next day or, if nonperishable, the next
week. There is generally no charge for such stor-
age. It is also the general custom in the market
place to leave purchases recomendado with another
merchant while shopping for more or doing busi-
ness in other parts of the market, or town.
Panajachelefios take their produce to be sold,
and return either empty-handed or with consumer
purchases. They do not buy products to bring
back for resale. To this rule there were in 1936
and 1937, a half-dozen exceptions. One man
brought fruit from Guatemala City to sell in Pana-
jachel and frequently in other towns; another
(with his wife) brought from the capital a variety
of merchandise to sell in Panajachel and elsewhere
and also fruit from San Lucas to sell elsewhere. A
third bought tomatoes in San Lucas to sell in Pana-
jachel and elsewhere and a fourth (with his son)
cheese in coast markets for local sale. The fifth
was a Panajachel Atiteco whose business I do not
know, and the sixth a woman who bought in the
Solola market, for resale in San Andrds, oranges
and limas originally of Santa Cruz and San Marcos.
These were the only people who may be said to be
"merchants." Their net earnings, probably nei-

I Toasted iortills in the form of totoposte will keep many days; ground
eoflee and a tin pot In which to boiU it are pert of the merchant's equipment.


other far above nor below a hundred dollars a year )nly one season.'" The Indians are not averse
altogether were additions to the income of the :o experiment, even in the milpa; they do try
local Indian community. fertilizers, exchange seed,"0 andl try out seed of
other localities; and occasionally vary other fac-
FARM BUSINESS brs. It is not unreasonable to suppose that in the
course of the many generations they have been
The general question of how well the Indians wing corn they have found how, within their
know their business must take into consideration cultural possibilities, to get the most out of their
not only land resources and technology, but the ilpas.
use of time in families of differing land resources. In choice of crop the Indians are usually, but
It would appear, for example, that the Indians ot invariably, economical-minded. It is clear
would make fuller use of their land if they grew Iat irrigable delta land is too valuable to be
vegetables where they grow coffee; but the fact is wanted with corn; the yield is not sufficiently
that they would not have time to put all their greaterr than on the slopes, where vegetables can-
lands to the intensive cultivation they employ on rot be grown well, to make it pay in comparison
vegetables. Similarly, while a family with very ith other crops. Yet most Indians grow milpa,
little land can most profitably put it all in vegeta- luring the rainy season, in the delta. One explana-
bles, one with a great deal of land would find itself ion is a desire for corn for home use. Another is
limited by the impossibility or inconvenience of hat since floods occur in the rainy season, an
hiring the necessary labor. The following para- avestment in vegetable gardens is risky. A very
graphs examine the question crop by crop. ew have planted small patches of corn even in the
More and better fertilizer and far better-even ry season, with irrigation, which certainly is not
hybrid--seed would increase the yield of corn. rorth the effort on a dollar and cents basis; indeed
But better fertilizer would mean either morn dians say such unseasonal corn does not even
domestic animals for which grazing facilities are ow well. A fair argument may be advanced for
inadequate, or chemical fertilizer, produced out rowing corn instead of vegetables even when it
side the culture. Likewise, the Indians, like most es not pay; Ladinos and Indians alike use it.
farmers, are not capable of making radical improve Corn, so important in the diet, is not only expen-
ments in the seed. It is invalid to suggest that the ie in the dry season, but sometimes not locally
scientific knowledge of the civilized world brought ltainable; therefore it is good to have a supply.
to bear on the local milpas would increase the te region uses no methods of storing grain except
yield of corn. The Indians may well be getting t the ear; it is difficult to buy corn on the ear,
from their soil everything possible with the aids r what is brought to market is always shelled;
that their culture, or reasonable extensions of it, therefore, it is not usually possible to buy a years'
afford. Certainly their knowledge of the tech pply, and it is worth some sacrifice to grow
nology involved is very detailed matter-of-fact. e's own. The Indians do not grow more corn
For example, an Indian realized fully that tbh athe delta despite the shortage of hill milpa land,
reason le could plant his milpa year after ye arcause they cannot in most cases afford the loss
indefinitely is that it is nearly level.
The kinds of questions that seem to me legit Allthough I have notes Indicating that this is common practice, a cultural
mate are whether they might get larger yields i9 r may interfere with the free exchange of seed. When Sr. Rosales in
mtent around trying to buy certain kinds of seed for the experimental
they planted closer together, or in deeper a Ip, and was almost always turned down, the people saying they had none
shallower holes, or if they did not let the land lit when Juan was sure of the contrary. Finally onewoman explained why
PhlInd the others would not selI. She said that if she sold him seed, his
fallow so long, or if they changed the seed everl ~P would prosper and hers would not. She was finally persuaded to sell
yer, or if more bens were planted. Or one might: condition that the harvest would not be distributed more widely than
year, or if more beans were planted. Or one migh: 'iseifand to ter. (Microfilmed notes, p. 1125.)
ask if time could inot be saved by clianges in tecc "As an example of how agricultural emergencies are treated, the following
nique-for example, if the hillocks about the ba may be cited. In 1936 the crows had caren the young, plants In the
x f'rlraental milpa. An old Indian told Resales that the same had happened
of the cornstalks are worth the effort. I lack th e!im, that it was not a new occurrence in the history of Panajachel, that the
special knowledge needed to answer such a series r did not respect even the large plants, that even scarecrows that he had
S0c l did not help. He said that he had replanted with damp seeds that
of questions. The experiment conducted in 190 "d terminate quickly. He approved of Juan'a other plan to put branches
proved little, particularly since it extended o the seeds to hide them from the crows and he advised also sprinkling
proved little, particularly since it extended ovo t P% d.


[ALAN INDIAN ECONOMlY-TAX 129

it entails. They are good enough bookkeepers to
make the necessary clioicce (if the decisionr is
conscious). That they are not perfect Ioolikkecjlrs
will be seen below in the discussion of beans and
of pigs.
I suspect that the practice of growing vegetab,les
on hill land (where water is availahlej) will spread
and that a fair proportion of the hilly slopes, at
least during the rainy season, may get this intcn-
sive use. The Indians might in this manner get
more out of their land; however, the coinnoiply
used coffee-leaves fertilizer is difficult to transport
to the hills. It may also be that with intensive
cultivation the hill lands would quickly lose their
fertility.
The Panajachel Indians believe themselves
expert in the garden culture of the delta afnd find
it hard to get good labor from other towns. Among
themselves, some are known to be especially skilled
at certain jobs. A good deal of pride is involved,
and no doubt good workers keep their gardens
better appearing than is technically necessary.
The Indians seem to know the virtues of differentt
soils and prefer to plant vegetables in blrck htlr:us,
and pepinos, tomatoes, and sweetpotatocs ii. saR -
soils. They also classify the black soil into "hsrd"
and "soft," the first being preferred for garlic and
onions, the second for other vegetables an for
onion nurseries. I came across no recas3cn o doubt
their judgment.
It is apparent that unlike other vegey,.ll,1,
beans cannot be economically grown in irrigated
fields because they must meet the price of bears
raised with little labor in the rainy-seasonr corn-
fields. Yet land is consistently unecoromld,:ally
spent on beans. Possibly all of the Indians are
aware of the facts. When I discvusec i:t with
them, two friends desisted from planting beans
(in 1937), but a third began planting the day afseri
our conversation. It was not pure irratio,,.dlity.
Like corn, beans are an important pa"t of the diet,
but the Indians have very few milpa beans. Just
at the season when their delta bean harvest comes
in, the price of milpa beans is at a peak. Wber.: '
deciding whether to plant beans, the Indians
therefore weigh the choice between harvesting
plentiful supplies of their own or paying high
prices in a short market. An aJternativce is to buy
and store large quantities after the milna harN est;
most Indians do not seem to have enough I'ee
money to do so. Wealthy Indians a1-o grow Deans,






INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


however; it may be argued that they can afford to
take the loss to assure a supply. However, the
Indians also argue that beans enrich the soil, so
that onions or garlic may be planted immediately
with excellent results.
With respect to garden agriculture, at least, the
Indians are always willing to aiy new plants, or
different seeds, or new techniques. Among some
of them experimenting is a constant procedure.
A few examples may be mentioned; in 1936 one
Indian reported that he had planted a cuerda of
each of two different kinds of onion seedlings, and
that if one kind did not work out well, he would
replace them with the other. A woman planted
squash in tablones in the fall so they would be
ready for market in Lent when the price is very
high; other Indians, who had tried to do the same
thing with poor results concluded that her success
came from the seed she used, and they tried in
vain to buy some from her. Indians keep trying
to plant onions closer together to get a larger crop;
but the onions result too small; nobody has suc-
ceeded in bettering the 4-inch distance. I brought
a number of seeds from the United States in 1936,
and there was a great rush for them among the
Indians. Included was broccoli, of which the
Indians had never heard. The recipients not
only grew it but planted some of their own the
next year. An Indian asked me about some kind
of fertilizer that had once been brought to town;
he said it cost several dollars a bag, but that he
wanted to buy some because with only a pinch to
each plant, the vegetables grew enormously.
Perhaps the best example of pure experimentation
is that of the Indian who in 1936 completed an
experiment to get better onion seedlings. After
planting the seed, instead of covering it with black
earth, he brought sand from the river bed and
spread it over the watered seeds. The seeds
sprouted quickly, grew fast, and the onions were
much better than ever before in the same bed.
He reported his success to others.
Crops have changed considerably in the memory
of people still living. Carrots, beets, turnips,
lettuce, and a few others are very recent introduc-
tions. A new radish has partly displaced the older
variety which is called "native." Cabbage grown
from packaged seed is also new; years ago a native
cabbage grown from shoots was a very important
crop, but consumers preferred the new variety
and the other has disappeared. Strawberries were


very recent in 1936, and by 1941 the quantity! business and farming are free, so that what a town
grown by Indians increased so that the pri plants is not a matter for laws, and that one town
dropped to a third or fourth of what it was. A has more of a certain crop than others because it
older variety of sweetpotato is said to have bee produces better there. Some, dissatisfied with
grown in great quantities in rows; now, les his opinion, changed the subject. It may be
valuable, two new varieties are grown only on th added as a sequel that since 1939 a local Indian
edges of tablones. Sweet cassava, now so comnoi has planted anise successfully; and this crop may
in Panajachel, is said to have been brought u eventuallyy pass back from San Antonio to Pana-
from the coast. Chile used to grow much mo iachel. Indian laborers from Santa Caterina,
plentifully than now; it probably went out because there anise is also grown, showed him how to
of the advantages of the dry red chile sold in $ :ultivate the plant.
market. Peas were once a most important crol Coffee is a new crop that has become extremely
grown by the cuerda in garden beds, or like con important. It probably had its greatest boom in
but they produce better elsewhere and haathe twenties. Coffee requires relatively little
practically been abandoned. The Indians ah 'lbor; but it does not return as much from the soil
say that once anise grew in quantity in Pana do vegetables. The rich therefore find it
jachel; but the "spirit" left, and anise now grorw advantageous to grow coffee in part of their lands,
in San Antonio. But pepinos, which were a Srnce labor difficulties would arise if they tried to
Antonio crop now grow only in Panajachel. I V plant all with vegetables, while the poor do better
told the name of the first Panajachelefio to gro' rth vegetables which permit them to work more
pepinos by an informant who claimed to have be time on their own land and earn more for their
the second. When the first pepino grower reaped 'ime. Most Indians see advantages in diversifying
a good harvest and got a good price, he asked hi ops; the ideal is some coffee, some vegetables--a
for but was refused branches to plant; but whaettle of each kind-some pepinos, some milpa,
passing through San Antonio later a farm nd so on; for then if one thing turns out badly,
working in his pepino field willingly sold him ll will not be lost. This is one reason why, they
carrying frame full of branches. Tomatoes wen I not always plant a crop that pays better to the
abundant in Panajachel until Antofieros began exclusion of less profitable things. The Indians
grow them; they seemed to take away the spirit so rotate crops, and let lands rest, knowing they
so Panajachel tomatoes are poor. Now trill then produce more.
Antofieros are beginning to plant onions, and tk One point is clear: that while they do not
Indians are very worried; actually they comply lays succeed, the Indians consciously try to
about a sickness attacking onions and garlic. et as much from the soil as possible, in a definition
Discussing such matters at a wake in 1937, ol iat includes long-term considerations.
of the Indians remarked the curious fact th. On this basis, perhaps, the Indians should
although San Antonio lands are near those chew the raising of domestic animals, especially
Panajachel, and are cultivated in the same aWI! gs and fowl. They do not pay. It could be
thle onion seed that they produce is no good, wb rgued that they permit a more complete utiliza-
tlat which is grown by Jorgefoos is very good (85ion of resources, since they feed partly on kitchen
better than that of Panajachelefios). When l use and wild flora that would otherwise be
second opined that perhaps the Jorgefios now hal rgely wasted (but such food constitutes only a
the spirit of the Panajachel onions, or that oall percentage of their diet, the rest mainly
Francisco (the patron of Panajachel) likes teharm) and they help to fertilize the soil near the
better, or Panajachelefos less, as punishment fbOuse (although it might be cheaper to buy animal
something, the first suggested that they petitia rtilizer from Ladinos than to keep domestic
the Minister of Agriculture to stop Antofieros fro iimnals). Hogs and the few sheep, goats, and
raising onion seed so that Panajachel would Badttle are the only animals kept primarily for
lose its only business. A third man argued agaiO? venue. All meat, milk and cheese, and other
this suggestion, saying that the Antofieros cou0airnal products are purchased; the Indians raise
then do the same and ask that Panajachelefi ese animals for sale. Except for hogs, these
plant no more pepinos; he added his view tbrailnals add considerably to the total land utiliza-


tion, for they are pastured on lfsad lying fallow
that, in the milpa system, would not otherwise be
used, and they increase its fertility. Grazing
animals are not more popular probably because
milpa land (hence pasture) is not plentiful and
because the considerable time expended in caino;
for cattle could earn more money in agriculture.
Hogs, on the other hand, are clearly uneconomical
to raise. The case of barnyard lowl is different.
The corn consumed is returned neither in increase
nor in eggs. But it is not a matter of business.
Fowl are part of the family and necessary: fctr the
prestige of the housewife; they are a food necessity
on certain occasions that are difficult to buy; anc
finally they are a means of insurance-of saving.in
times when corn is cheap for days when it is
scarce and money is needed. One woman said
she keeps chickens because she does not like to
waste garbage. Nevertheless, in 1941 an Indian
with whom we went over accounts in 1937 said
the family no longer keep chickens since we hlnd
proved that they do not pay. Nor will they have
a pig.
Dogs and cats are wanted for their companion-
ship, and dogs to guard the house, and cats to rid
the house of small animals. Except that puppies
and kittens are occasionally sold, these animals
bring no cash returns and they are a considerable
expense; they are a consumer item. Horses and
mules supply manure, hence increase the fertility
of the soil; but they consume more food than they
repay in value; indeed, Indian merchants who use
them as beasts of burden realize that as compared
with human burden-bearers, they eat as much as
their value in transportation. Again, the values
are not to be separated from a variety of satisfac-
tions. The situation in Panajachel is probably not
typical for Guatemala. Where there are wide
stretches of land used chiefly for milpa, or useless
even for that, the pasturing of animals is doubtless
good business; and in communities where barnyard
fowl have more room to forage and there is a
surplus of corn, chickens and turkeys prcbabiy
more than earn their keep.
TIME SPENT MARKETING
Table 47 sums up the amount of time spent in
buying and selling. The time spent selling looal
produce is only partly chargeable to its cost, since
buying is recreation and, other errands are often
combined with visits to markets. This is especially


130


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX


131







INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTIIROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


true of time spent in Sololh and of the time of the not go. The figures for "Hours each time," l)se
women who sell produce in the local market where on reliable statements and observation, are higl:
there is a strong element of recreation. Table 48 accurate. The totals calculated for "regular
details the time of women and children in the local visits are probably accurate to within 10 percent
market, based on the counts made. Those for "irregular" visits on the contrary couk
Table 49, summarizing time spent in outside be off as much as 30 or 40 percent.
markets, comes from two surveys, with different TABLE 48.--Time spent vending in the local market
Indians, and several years apart, plus the innu-
merable observations of years. The Indians talk Number Ho Number of 9-hour d
persons H~ours Weeks in year
about markets, and prices, more than anything Days e each n
Iweei year W ... Chil-
else, and merchandising activities are well known. we year Wom- hi To
However, the primary data are not all as detailed ....-in en
as table 49 would indicate.. Questioning was done Sund y- 74 5 2 %138 867 4,1
n e'440. 170 1 52 2,542 982 1t
in terms of households and general custom. For ots- -- --- ....... 4, 680 1,849
example, an informant's statement that a certain --- -.
"whole family" went regularly to SololM, was true Not including vendors from other towns.
SNumber in table 50 reduced by 10 percent for presumed difference
even though part of the family went one week and rainy season.
even ough calculation; children accompanying their mothers the marb
part another. Thus while it is true that 103 men were not actually counted. (Infants are not included in the table.)
S a en, Assuming that the single Sunday market counted (table 50) was typi'
112 women, and 60 children regularly went to The average of 5 hours spent tn this market is based on the observation A,
the market is busy for that period; it is assumed the women who stay Ior
Solol, the number that went on any one Tuesday or less long balance each other.
SThe total in table 45 is 443. By oversight, no count was made at 2 p.
or Friday is a question. Without a count of In- One may safely interpolate the average of vendors at I p. m. and 3 p. ,.I
bring the total to 489. With a reduction of 10 percent to correct for the i
dians on the road for a sample period of time, or that the counts were made in the dry season (when with more merchins
dians on the road for a sample per me, or and less sickness there is presumably more selling) the result is 440.
some other spot check, the figures in the column TABLE 49.-Time devoted to visiting outside markets
headed "Times per year" are based partly on a0tREGULAR VISITS"
general observations such as that the 82 house- e Number of 9-hou
holds regularly patronizing the Solola market, are groups t in year
regularly represented there 50 times annually ;Market -
(some occasionally going twice weekly), but that g 1 /
the total days are reduced because inclement a i a : u
weather, sickness, and fiesta days keep all of the .. 35 5 2.003 2, 1
solota ---------------1003 0 3 5 2,003 2,178 1,100 &6
families away some days, and in cases of compound San Andrcs.--..------.9 13 9 30 150 217 150
San Lucas....-...-- ...-- 11 ---- ---- 20 8 1968 .... ...... 0
families, all of the members do not usually go to ratuiui-Chicacao-...-- 4 -- 12 '6. 149 ---.--
Tecpn ....22 15 140 733 ----- ...... I
market at once. The figures for other towns are Pata :n --- .0 -- 213 .----- ----
subject to less error because "whole families" do ness-n....-..-.. Q ---- 10 l33 ........3 .
Total ----------------------- 3,981 2,426 1,316 7,1
TABLE 47.-Summary of time devoted to marketing _


Number of 9-hour days in year
Type of marketing
Men wem- hdln Total
en dren

Vending in the local market (table 48)--........ ----- 4,680 1,849 6,529
Regular visits to outside markets (table
49aR-.......-.-..- -----.----------- 3,981 2,426 1,316 7,723
Irregular visits to outside markets (table
49b) ............----- 1. 54- 1,036 677 3,167
Additional for buying in local market,
chiefly Sundays -..--...--------..--------- ---..... 809 347 1, 156
Vending at hotels, piers, and homes ----..--..--- 393 185 578
Buying in stores, etc., during the week
when not incidental to innrket visiting '. 80 436 436 952
Total...----...----------- 5, 605 9,780 4,710 20,095

I Assuming that each of the households not represented in the local Sunday
market sends a woman, who takes 2 hours weekly, to buy there. (70 women,
each 104 hours annually; 30 children, the same.)
Calculating that 17 women and 8 children each spend about 4 hours
weekly in such selling.
SFigured on the basis that the average man-of-the-house spends about 5
hours a year and that women and children spend 25 hours per year per house-
hold, evenly divided between them.


8. IRREGULAR VISITS
Number in Number of 9-hour d
groups in year
Market r a a i
i= 6 ii! i S

_____________________I
Slol' ...----- 151 160 87 10 5 39 8.M9 483 -.
San Andr6s .-----------70 100 60 2 5 78 111 67 p
San Lucas........-- .---.. 40 -.. .-- 2 8 71 -.-.-. --- -
Patelul-Chicacao --.-- 10 .... 2 '56 62 --
Tecphn...------------- 20----.. 2 140 0 89 0 -
Paette ---- 8 6 21 40 3 36 27 t
----- 30- -- 3 ....
q-uualtenango ----- --- 8 ------a
2 -a
Total -....--.------- ..-------- .1,544 1,038 577 -
1 Half of this time is discounted when the calculation is made, si C
represents sleeping-cating time on the road. In the case of Oustesilll m
doubtless some of the remaining time is "wasted" and should perbhp
assigned to recreation; but it Is included here.
I Estimates, especially shaky for Solol0 and San Andres. i
See note on p. 126.


CONSUMER GOODS

Although by far the greater part of goods con-
sumed, especially materials for food and clothing,
and all utensils, are purchased from outside the
community, about a third of all time devoted to
production is devoted directly to consumption
goods. Prices and purchase are thus of para-
mount concern; but the final processing of pur-
chased foodstuffs, textile materials, and the like is
done at home, and a few important items such as
houses and firewood are almost entirely home-
produced. Therefore this section describes both
buying and making.

BUYING FOR USE

In a specialized community like Panajachel,
which does not produce more than a few of the
necessities of life, shopping is a very important part
of daily, or weeldy, life. In general, Panajachele-
ios, like members of other specialized communi-
ties, do not buy from each other, since they all
produce about the same things. For this reason
retail buying and selling tends to be consummated
in markets where Indians of different communities
gather to exchange goods. Nevertheless, the
Panajachel Indians procure their necessities in
several other ways:
Very occasionally Indians buy from each other
at home; and Panajachel merchants sometimes
cell house to house their merchandise from other
towns.11 Much more important, Ladinos and
Indians from other towns very frequently sell
heir wares from house to house. Thus almost
daily Santa Catarina Indians sell fish and crabs
at the houses; "2 many of them regularly spend
early Sunday mornings at this pursuit, before
going to the local market.113 Ladino or Sololateco
pork butchers or their wives frequently sell from

"i For instance, Rosales noted on March 16, 1937, that the merchant who
ys cheese on the coast was selling It house to house, including Ladino houses.
% February 21, 1937, he also noted Indians selling huskchcrries that had
'own where their corn had been harvested.
I1 Rosales noted them frequently In his diary, and they often came to our
01ue. One reason Is that fishing was illegal during the period of study and
1e fish had to be sold surreptitiously. Another is that fish caught at night
ust be sold the next day even if it is not a large market day. Some Catari-
cos also sell house to house in SololA if unsuccessful in Panajachel. Occa-
naslly they bring other things besides fish and crabs-tomatoes and eggs,
example. One Friday Rosales noted one who stopped on the way to the
olat market to sell some corn "because his load was too heavy and would
bP him from reaching SololA until too late."
U The reason for this seems to be a wish to avoid paying the market tax.
lone expressed it, the tax would buy him a pound of corn.


house to house their lard, cracklings, and so on .'
There are other regular vendors like thir wcIflfn
from San Jorge who in 1936 came every 3 days to
sell cooked foods,"1 and many more who cainm
sporadically.116
Lumber is regularly purchased on th3 road into
town from Indian sawyers of Concepci6n, Pata-
natic, and especially Chichicastenango. (Liuinber
and thatch are also frequently orderede" in
advance.) Furniture is also occasionally bought
on the road from the backs of merchants t-.ave ing
through town, particularly by Ladincs. Indiaus
usually wait to buy such items in the large marketot '
that come a few times during the year w hern the
selection is best and the price presumably less. .
More important is buying in the Ladino-owned
stores. There were in 1936 three fairly large
general stores in Panajachel, and a number of
smaller ones (map 3), as well as several a,'ern3,
two pharmacies, and three beef-butcher Aclipr
two of them Indian-owned. They cater to bo+h
Indian and Ladino trade, and to people of other.
towns passing through or coming in to irrv rket.
Sololh has a number of large stores of all klinds

l4 On October 27,1936, a Sololateca offered lard :ronr. pigs but cheered at ier
monte home. She said that on a previous trip he ha, taken ol d-s f-r 1.-d,
but that now some of the people had uo money and she had had to extord
credit. She promised to bring pork the next Saturday for the tt n-l of All
Saints' Day, and to sell it 1 cent a oound under what the ioca' I nichers
charged. On February 20,1937, the womrui ca.ne with po 0, an-I at rosa't,
house asked to heat her breakfast. While shoe at, tie town pai'rol can:e to
take her to the juzgado to show her license. They let her finish her b-epkfast,
and she had told Rosalos that this was the work of a Lodina cor.ie)t,tor
angry because she was being undorsolis. I-hn said she slt s4-tlsaeCS to a
Ladina on the road and she must have told her compttitcr. Or )silblyt,
she thought, her accuser might be aiot.er .. 'alr.teca in tle same b LiVn s
who followed her to Panajachel. She said that she came to Paiuaachel
because in Sololathere are nine vendors, Indian rid a"dirc. She also clain,,d
to have all the necessary papers but to havi left them it h: ne.
Competition sometimes is apparently bitter. iG August 3. !9'6f, Rosales
reported that an Indian woman selling beef belly had tcld him that she vould
quit her business. She explained that a Lajina had sta:'ted ir the same
business, and that when they had met on the rorT that day, this Ladiaa
angrily told her that if she continued selling from house to house, she weuld
have her bewitched. The woman added that she was atredly bewitcoed
since her stomach was growling and would soon hurst open.
If She reported to Rosales that she spends all her time in the b' sineo,:
each day she buys enough corn, and in the afternoon ar.n part of *he evenig
she grinds and cooks. Early in the morning sae solis to the Inlien travelers
at the lake ports; they know ler and awat hr. What Is left o"-r sh-- sell
house to house. She gives credit when she must, and Is pi id little by tltte.
Another day she sold Resales some tamalcsstlith-pork. Breaoling them,
he saw that the meat was spoiled, and he gave them back. S1 ate them,
said they were perfectly good and that It was a sin to give ti-om brick. She
went away angry.
IN Momostenango blanket sellers; Maxeflos with pitch wool or spleos
and panela or dry goods; Indians from Cerro de Oro with corn, reel nats,
or coast fruit; Concepcioncros with baskets or grass for roofs; Nahuolflow with
grinding stones, have all been noted. In addition, Rosales reports that en
various days a poor Ladina neighbor came with a chicken; So:)'ateoi
offered 4 pounds of onion seed; a Ladino brought a stem of bananas; another
tried to sell a gun, and still another a cow; and that a Catarineoo caoe ffetring
his land for sale.


132


133





PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX ~0i


where the people of Panajachel also buy frequently. half litres, quarter litres, and eighth litres. The
The general stores carry a great variety of staples, larger quantities are usually bought in Solola. In
Some necessities, like kerosene and such hardware 1936 and 1937 it was possible to buy liquor by the
as machetes, hoes, etc., can be bought no other glass at the counter. After that only scaled litres,
place. Other items such as dry goods, cotton, silk half, quarter, and eighth litres, could be sold
and wool yarns, straw hats, dishes and cutlery, and legally, to be drunk off the premises. Two kinds
such food staples as coffee, lard, panela, sugar, of liquor are sold: olla (distilled in pottery vessels)
chocolate, bread, maize, beans, chile, spices, and and alambique, a cheaper grade distilled in copper
salt are found both in the stores and in the market kettles; the Indians usually buy the latter. It is
place. Some items such as furniture, pottery, not impossible privately to buy illicit liquor which
baskets, mats, pitch wood, raw cotton, fruit, is not only cheaper but being olla, better. The
,vegetables, and fowl, etc., are not usually stocked stores and taverns also sell beer and soft drinks,
by the stores. which are occasionally bought by the Indians.
Prices in the stores tend to be fixed, but bar- The butcher shops sell only beef. Each is open
gaining is usually possible. They tend also to be 3 or 4 days of the week, or until the current animal
higher than in the market place, often on such is sold. Although the butchers try to alternate,
important items as corn from 25 to 50 percent there are times when for a day or two one would
higher.11 Panajachel Indians never buy large have to go to Solola to buy meat. Pork and
quantities of commodities in the stores. If they -mutton are sold in the market place on market
wish to stock up on corn, panela, or sugar, for days. Several Ladinos and Indians sell the milk
example, they do so when they can buy more of their cows, delivering it to customers; it is
cheaply in the market place. In fact, the stores nowhere regularly for sale. Indians rarely buy
sell such commodities mainly to poor people who milk.
buy from day to day as they get a few cents. Adobe makers, masons, carpenters, etc., work
Typically store purchases amount to a few cents. on order only. Bricks and tiles need to be ordered
Thus an Indian buys a penny's worth of panela at from artisans in other towns, notably San Andr6s.
one store because "there they give a good portion A Ladino blacksmith in Panajachel shoes horses,
for a penny," a penny's worth of kerosene in mends equipment, and makes some articles to
another store because "they give more for the order. Two gasoline filling stations in 1936
money," and a half-pound of meat (2% cents). served mainly the tourists. Indians bought from
It costs more to buy in stores and in such quanti- them gasoline tins, for sale also in stores and from
ties; yet probably most Indian families do it large users of gasoline and kerosene.
some of the time, and a few do it regularly. MARKT
The several Ladino bakers in town sell their /
goods through the stores. Indians who have bread /Most of the purchases of the Indians are made
for breakfast usually patronize them, and con- (i the market places that they frequent, especially
siderable quantities are bought for ceremonial Solola on Friday. Solola has a lively market,
gifts and religious rituals. For Holy Week, when \with merchants coming from many towns in the
everybody consumes much bread, the bakers ilearids and all around the lake. Almost any-
begin long in advance, and others who know the thing is available there, and often at low prices.
trade (including some Indians) also bake. Fre- The Panajachel Sunday market, not more than
qucntly Indians and Ladinos both buy the mate- 10 percent as large as the SololA Friday market,
rials (flour, eggs, lard, etc.) and pay the bakers to witl its smaller selection and frequently higher
make their bread. prices, is patronized mainly by Ladinos and by
Liquor, for sale only at Government-licensed Indian families that do not sell in Solola or other
dispensaries, is sold by the barril, the demijohn markets. Indians wvho go to sell in markets
(a half barril, 11 "bottles"), the "bottle," (which, farther away, meanwhile take advantage of their
I believe, is 24 ounces of liquid), in sealed litres, opportunities to buy the things there that are
cheaper than in Solola or at home. Thus, for
'" There are exceptions, of course. Very often prices on dry goods seem example, lime is bought in Tecphn, corn in Tecpin
higher in the market thas in the store; but of course an experienced native ,
bargainer may do better than an outsier. or PatzUn, and so on.


Only women buy in the local market; Pana- Vegetables-Continued
jachel Indian men do not even walk past the Green beans.
vendors, even if they spend all Sunday morning in Carrots.
Cabbage.
the adjacent church or on the edges of the market Iadishes.
place. Panajachelefcos in markets of other towns Sweetpotatoes.
will buy as well as sell, but if with their wives, the Lettuce.
men usually buy the large things, leaving small Green peppers.
food purchases to the wife. Turnips.
Traveling merchants are often to be found in the Squash (guicoy).
Indigo.
Panajachel market place on days other than Sun- i Swiss chard.
day. When women come to market to sell, they,- Cintula.
therefore have the opportunity almost any day Horsebeans.
of the week to buy some of their needs in the /Fruit:
market as well as the stores and meat markets./ Li nas.
It is thus impossible to separate time spent buying Limes.
from that spent selling, although one may estimate Avocados.
roughly (table 47) time devoted to purchasing Granadillas.
goods when not connected with selling. Bananas.
Pig-bananas.
Most commodities the Indians need can be Plantains.
bought at one time or other in one or another of Vegetable pears.
the nearby markets. Large fiesta markets display Anonas.
the whole variety at once; in ordinary markets, White sapodillas.
many of the less common commodities are likely to Pepinos.
be absent on a particular day, for the variety and Ptaxtes.
quantity change from week to week. Thus for a Coyoles.
while in December of 1936 no Atitecos brought to Melocotones.
the local market their usual tropical fruits, which Spices, etc.:
were therefore simply unavailable; they were back Anotto.
the next month with tomatoes, bananas, plantains, Cacao.
and so on. Similarly, one Sunday no Maxefios Pepper.
came as usual with pitch pine (due to the Chichi- Ginger.
castenango titular fiesta); the next week one Barley.
returned, and there was a panic to buy. Two Anise.
Oregano.
months later an Indian from Cubulco brought a Balsamito seed.
more favored variety and the Maxeflos were Pimienta gorda.
deserted. Some weeks there are no merchants Linseed.
with thread and yarn, or there are no mats in the Jabilla.
market, or no corn, and so on; while at other times Aloves.
there is a surfeit. The following list of commodi- Sesame.
ties noted in one Sunday market of Panajachel Pepitoria.
(April 5, 1936), therefore includes items not Dry goods:
frequently sold and excludes some that are often Yard goods.
iold: Notions.


Staples:
Corn.
Beans.
Dry chile.
Salt.
Panel.
Coffee beans.
Ground coffee.
Bread.


Staples-Continued
Rice.
Sugar.
Vegetables:
Onions.
Garlic.
Tomatoes.
Huskcherries.
Potatoes.


These items are b
tions by the vendor
towns from which t
publication (1947),
ductive specialties,
describes what vendc
region usually carry.
in the Panajachel m


Dry goods-Contiaued
Dishes.
Cutlery.
Trinkets.
Cotton yarns.
Raw cotton.
Fans.
Rush mats.
Reed mats.
Hammocks.
Rope.
Wooden combs.
Hats.
Sandals.
Incense.
Copal.
Cigars.
Cigarettes.
Matches.
Inner-tube bands.
Tin lamps.
Tin pitchers.
Pottery
(small articles).
Pitch wood.
Cornhusks.
Miscellaneous:
Eggs.
Chickens.
Dried fish.
Lake fish.
Dried shrimp.
Pork.
Blood sausage.
Lard.
Lard cracklings.
Coffee (beverage).
Corn gruel.
Teanale:;.
Cookies (rosquitos).
Taffy candy.
Peanuts.
Cold drinks.
Rice-and-milk.
Flowers.
Starch.
Cross--apcdilla seed.
Sugarcane.
Chilaca yotc sw3d.
Pataxte seed,
Ayote sccd.

brought in different coml)ina-
s, patterns varying vith tle
hey come. MIcsBryyd,'s new
an exhaustive stumdty pic-
trade routes, and nart&' 3,
)rs from vari 19 to\ n.r of the
Suffice it to say 1'.re thbat
market there are, ir. g, friil,


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHiROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16






136 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHI

two kinds of vendors: those who bring the produce
of their own towns "' or from some one other
place,"9 and those who have "stores" containing a
limited variety of goods from various places.
'here are two kinds of "stores" that come to the
local market: One run by Maxefios, has salt,
chile, a variety of spices, cigars, cigarettes,
matches; often panela, peanuts, shrimp, and raw
otton; occasionally straw hats, cookies, and other
things. The other is larger, usually set up in a
canvas booth, with yard goods (cheap cotton and
ilk prints); clothing such as shirts, trousers, under-
,rments, socks, handkerchiefs, Indian-woven
Textiles and garments (partly for the tourist trade);
.jns, needles, thread, buttons hooks-and-eyes,
.mbs, mirrors, etc.; cotton, wool, and silk yarns;
c 'iamelware dishes and utensils, china, and occa-
:s-finally glassware; cheap table "silver," trinkets
antid cheap jewelry; often chewing gum, cigarettes
n. Ai matches, flashlights, batteries and bulbs, and
se:oon. Some owners of these larger stores are also
1;, Jixeios; others are somewhat Ladinoized Indians
fmw-en Totonicapan, San Crist6ba' or Quezal-
t~osimngo.

TAsXt 50.-Vendors in the Panajachel market

Total number of merchants noted on
S indicated days

Sunday Weekdays
Origin of seller a


3 e M
E-- W W 40
pfannJii nihel, total-......... 82 ..82 443 48 89 66 86 122 32
o t.sti ls, total..............250 99 151 253 18 2 38 76 26 75
.bh icflttcastcnango.---.-- 30 23 7 34 3 ... 4 11 3 13
qotor l orpn-----r--------.. 9 9 3 .1 I .
n ---................. 4 3 11 79 7 7 20 15 16 14
rp, -------............----........----- 27 21 2 --- 2
patzar. ---------......--....-..----- 19 2 12 3.... 2
t -----------...........---------..... 13 13 95 3 7 ....38 4 43
"ota 'ctarina-- ------ 2 1 1 2 -.-- .... ...-- I
5;ln Lo.i.. ------.-..----.-..--- ----...-- 2 .... .... 1 I .
lvrro cIBeOro-------.-. ---.. .. .. 4 -- ---4-- -
;,nca l-- 11 2 1 .... ...
C4. itit C-'a la Laguna---- 2 2 - - - - - - -
S ............ .. .... .. ................
,.altr '(u l tla Is Lagtuna ......... 4 4 --..........
j-ta{ da J Utatln-......... 1 ".I .... .... .... : :-:---


its Tirnis, MaxfAos with pitch wood; Tcpanecos and Andresanos with corn
aend bes",i; Catarinecoos with rush mats, fish, and crabs; Pableflos with
hnmmrnc11s and rope; Sololatecos with vegetables; Cruzefos with citrus and
e her fruuAi t; Santa Lucia Indians with bread and cookies (rosquitos); and soon.
,1 e c'i^te I cation Is not, of course, perfect, for example, Atitecos who bring
frult fror1zi the coast also bring fish from home.
,o For ceamplc, Maxebos with lime from Santa Apolonia or pottery from
,otonicaFpPtn, and Atitecos with fruit from the coast.


TOPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


Compared with those at SololA, Tccpn, or
Chichicastenango, the Panajachel market never
has a great number of vendors. On weekdays
from two or three to a dozen outside merchants
were counted (table 50), and at the height of the
Sunday market, 168.120 During the period of
market counts, the following items were brought
for sale:
Solola-----.------ Corn, pork products, eggs, panda,
coffee beans, potatoes, vegetables,
fruit, horsebeans, rice-and-milk
wooden toys, "dry-goods store."
Chichicastenango-_ Corn, horsebeans, potatoes, eggs,
bananas, "spice-store," "dry-goods
store," pitch wood.
Totonicapn-----. Corn, horsebeans, potatoes, eggs,
leather goods, pottery, spices.
Santa Lucia U._ Bread.
Tecpn....-------- Corn, rosquitos, pitch wood, "dry.
goods" store.
San Andrs-----.. Corn, beans, horsebeans, vegetable
pears, chickens, eggs, tamales, corn.
husks.
Patanatic--------- Corn, sandals.
Santa Catarina... Corn, eggs, tomatoes, chilacayos
points, pig-bannanas.
San Antonio---.. Corn, tomatoes.
San Lucas-------- Tomatoes.
Cerro de Oreo-----Tomatoes, rush mats, beans, papayam
Atitlin..--------. Tomatoes, coast and citrus fruit,
green peppers, coffee beans, turnips
lake fish, rush mats.
San Pablo-...... Tomatoes, limas, pitch wood, ham-
mocks, rope.
Tsununi.-----.. Tomatoes, citrus fruits, sugarcane.
Santa Crus....... Limas, white sapodillas.

PRICES
Official data on prices during the period of study
include relatively few of the many items that the
Indians of Panajachel produce, buy, and use; and
are reliable only for prices prevailing in Guatemala
City. Where there is a geographical break-down
it goes only to Departamcntos, not municipios
Reports on prices collected in each town cannot
be very accurate, and there is probably justifica-
tion for not publishing them. Nor can local
officials asked to report prices be blamed, since
prices of many items vary considerably from day
to day and from vendor to vendor on the same
day, fixed in particular cases by bargaining. It
is therefore difficult to say what "the price" of
many a commodity is. Frequently the only
tm The Sunday of the count happened to be Palm Sunday, which In sorm
towns calls up an extraordinarily large market; however, the Pansacbd
market that day appeared to be typical of most of the others observed.


satisfactory means of determining the price of an
item is to interview a sample of the purchasers
and to calculate the average of what they paid.
Nobody has done this. Consequently, it is not
possible to report in detail on prices and their
fluctuations. All that I am able to do, from
having lived and purchased in Panajachel over
the course of three seasons, from having observed
and talked to people who are exceedingly price
conscious, and from having taken detailed state-
ments from two excellent informants, is give an
idea of average prices and their approximate
limits.
In the long run it is in the competitive public
market that prices are fixed. The stores receive
higher prices for many items than do the market
vendors, but the premium must of course be
limited and, hence, store prices and fluctuations
are also determined in the public market.
The general market custom is for the seller to
name a price higher than he expects to receive,
and to reduce it if necessary after an interval of
haggling. A travel-book notion that this method
is pursued because the people enjoy it is exagger-
ated. Actually, some things are never bargained
for: such commodities as salt, sugar, lime, bread,
sweets, cold drinks, fresh meats, matches, ciga-
rettes, cigars, etc., have fixed prices, at least over
a long period of time; haggling over them would
probably not amuse anybody. On the other hand,
fruits, vegetables, and chickens are probably
always bargained for, the reason being that no
two comparable items are equivalent in quality
and size. Nor is it true, as one writer has sug-
gested, that the Indian purchaser asks the price
and if not satisfied walks away without more ado
(Bunzel, 1938, ms.).12" What frequently happens
is that the purchaser first examines the quality of
1a Bargaining is not confined to the market. House-to-house vendors,
artisans, even many storekeepers, follow the practice. Rosales noted one
day that it took 2 hours for a local Indian to reach an agreement about the
price with a Catarineco who came to buy the fruit of a jocote tree. He also
reports tint one Sunday morning a local Indian on the way to market met
some Sololntecos who wanted to buy onions by the tabl6. IHe took them
home; at noon they were still bargaining, and finally nothing came of it.
A telling comment of Rosalc' one day, about the question of bargaining,
followed a statement that corn in the Sundlay market was scarce and expen-
sive. He adds that "The merclmnts became angry when the people tried to
bargain with them; that Is how it is when there Isn't much of a needed com-
modity."
More amusing Is an experience of Rosales' that could be matched by many
of our own. He writes, "I met some Totonicapeflos with tables and chairs,
on their way to Guatemala; I asked the price of a table, and the eldest an-
swered $1.25. I said that I did not want to bargain because I was in a hur ry,
and that it also took too much of their time to bargain, and that they won Id
do better to ask fixed prices. IIe then said that e would sell the table (or
40 cents, but when I offered him 50, he readily agreed."


the goods of the various mercl-ants, the bijcter t'
evaluate the reasonableness of the first prnc
asked, and thus may be scen to wabl away foin
vendors without bargaining. But when irrly to
buy, the purchaser does offer less than thi \ic,'l i '
first price, and in anticipation the vendor asks
more to begin with than he is ready to take 1B r-
gaining has a genuine commercial fIrn-.ionn with
respect to commodities that cannot have fixel
values: only by the bargaining experience of the
particular market day can the buyers avn.- sCrllcr
determine how much they ale worth. So values
are fixed for a given time and place.
The long-time tendency is to sell more adi more
things by weight. Years ago, ntc(.rdi:Sg to tie
Indians, many more commodities were sold by
rough measure; even meat, for example. The
units of weight are the quintal, or hnmdrcdwcight,
the arroba of 25 pounds, the almul of 12 or 1204
pounds, the pound, ounce, and half ounce. The
Government apparently succeeds in is effort .o
control merchandising by mc.Ans of fuAl-'veignt
laws; only occasional complaints are heard.
Weighing is done by means of a balance with tn o
baskets and a wooden or metal cross bar, h:1l'- in
the hand by a string from the center. Metas
weights are most frequently used, but stones are
sometimes substituted. Among the articles sold
by weight in the market in 1936 and 1937 wcre:
Corn. Prepared porkribs. Chichipate.
Beans. Alligator. Cintula.
Dry peppers. Dried shrimp. Anise.
Coffee beans. Dried fish. Ar,.oi.
Sugar. Sweet cassava. Pepper.
Rice. Sweetpotatoes. Peanuts.
Lime. Potatoes. Beeswax.
Meat. Tomatoes. Raw cotton.
Lard. Huskcherries. Incense.
Pressed cracklings.
There are no standard dry measures, small
baskets are used, or frequently the cover c' a jar,
which is piled high with an article such as green
beans. The liquid measure (for honey) is the
bottle of about 24 ounces, and for beverages the
glass, gourd, or enamel cup. Among articles sold
by the measure are:
Ground coffee. Mushrooms Atole.
Squash seed. Nanccs. Pinole.
Garlic cloves. Small Spanish Coffee (beverage).
Peas. plums. Cold drinks.
Green beans. Dried Spanish
Lard cracklings. plums.
Tiny lake fish. Honey.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


Most commodities are, however, sold by the piece,
by the dozen, by the bunch, or, so many for a cent.
Among articles sold by the piece (so much each)


are:
Bread (rolls).
Chocolate (tab-
lets).
Soap.
cigars.
Capdles.
Grinding stones.
Tamales-with-
beans.
Tamales-with-
pork.
T toposte.


Sea fish (also
weighed).
Sausages.
Fowl.
Eggs.
Squash.
Cabbages.
Kohlrabi.
Pineapples.
Large mangos.
Watermelons.
Sugarcane.


Cross-sapodillas.
Plantains.
Petaxtes.
Toronjas.
Cidras.
Sapodilla plums.
Melocotones.
Papayas.
Cocoanuts.
Pears.


Produce sold so many for a cent (or half cent) are:
Green peppers. Coyoles. Passion-flower
Tortillas (of all White sapodillas. fruit.
kinds). Rose-apples. Cuchinas.
Oranges. Avocados. Vegetable pears.
Sour oranges. Bananas. Pepinos.
Limas. Maicenas. Cuajilotes.
Limes. Spanish plums. Peaches.
Apples. Mangos. Prickly pears.
Guavas. Membrillos.
Commodities sold by the bunch-so much a
bunch, or so many bunches for a cent, are:
Onions. Radishes. Indigo branches.
Saltwort. Mint. Fodder grass.
Vegetable-pear Coriander. Straw (thatch).
shoots. Rue. Zacatinta (dye
Potato shoots. Chenopodium. plant).
Turnips. Borage. Pitch wood.
Carrots. "Lime tea" herb.
Articles sold by the dozen include carrots, turnips,
cabbages (wholesale), cucumbers, eggs (to bakers),
small lake fish, roses, and other flowers. Crabs are
sold in fours. Panela is sold wholesale by the
mancuerna of two large balls, or by the ball, or
the tapa (lalf ball); retail by the tapa, or in small
pieces by the penny's worth. Outside the market,
firewood and fodder are bought by the load, bees
by the hive (hive and all), rabbits and live pigeons
by the pair.
It may be taken for granted that prices change
over the course of time. It is a tradition among
the Indians that "long ago" times were better
because there was more money and because
buying prices were lower and selling prices higher:
When, in the last century, silver money was used, a man
with a peso felt rich. One could with a peso or two go to a
fiesta and buy enough mesh bags, ropes, small bags, a
length or two of woolen yard goods to make gabanes,


baskets, gourds, pots and dishes, cookies, and various
sweets, and still have enough left to spend a night or two
drinking and dancing (for a large gourdful of chicha cost
but an eighth real, and two or three intoxicated the strong-
est man). Even if one wished to bring home a calf,
which cost at most a peso, the entire fiesta would take only
3 or 4 pesos; the richest needed no more than 10 pesos to
go to the fair. Four rolls (bread) cost a quarter of a real;
a piece of meat 8 inches long and 2 or 3 inches thick cost
an eighth of a real; sausages cost a quarter of a real a yard.
The finest straw hats were a real, or at most 2. A bottle
of liquor cost a real. Corn was sold in measures of 12 or
15 pounds for a half-real or, when it was most expensive,
for one real. [In terms of today's Quetzal currency, the
peso was worth 13 cents; the real was an eighth of a peso.]
At the same time, laborers earned a real or a real and a half
daily, plus food. Large onions sold at 2 or 3 reales a
hundred; oranges and limas were a real and a half a
hundred.
If one should take this information at its face
value, it would be notable that wages were slightly
higher than today, while corn and bread were a
little cheaper, meat and liquor much cheaper,
fruit about the same, and onions much more
expensive. Times for the Indians would have
been, as the Indians say, considerable better. In
any case it is evident that prices in relation to
wages or of one commodity in relation to another
have varied considerably. In more recent times,
it is apparent that world economic conditions have
affected local prices. There were times when
coffee brought $20 and $30 a hundred pounds,
after which, in the lean thirties, the price dropped
to $2 and $3. Although specific information is not
available, such a change must have had its effect
on otlier prices, as well as on wages.
Reliable information on annual price fluctua-
tions in Panajachel over a period of years is non-
existent. However, such fluctuations in Guate-
male City (table 51) were probably reflected-for
important staple commodities, at least-in similar
variations in the country as a whole, and hence in
Panajachel.
Prices of corn, beans, and eggs, and most fruits
and vegetables change seasonally; those of meat,
sugar, salt, and most dry goods do not. In some
cases local prices are affected by the seasons
indirectly; thus when corn is high and work scarce
in the rainy season, women offer chickens at prices
they consider too low. Prices vary also with
personal factors. A family in need of money
(usually because of sickness or a deatli) may offer
commodities at a low price to sell them quickly-
More usually, however, prices are determined by


supply and demand in the market. This is true in
a general way and over a long period of time; but
it is also true in particular markets at particular
times, so that, depending on the number of ven-
dors, the price of a commodity frequently drops
much below, or soars much above, the general
market price. A merchant with a perishable item
like bananas or tomatoes is sometimes forced to
sell below cost simply because many banana or
tomato merchants happen to have come together.
I have no way of estimating the effect that such
"accidental" factors have in determining general
price structures.
Prices of most commodities entering into the
economy of Panajachel are listed in Appendix 2
together with some Guatemala City prices. On
the pages that follow, only those commodities
about whose price there is something to add are
discussed.
CORN

Seasonal variations in supply, hence price, are
most important. After the harvest, January to
July or August, corn is plentiful in the market; at
the same time, since many Indians have harvested
their own, the demand is light. Therefore, it is
sold cheaply, and often it goes a begging. During
the rainy season, however, home-stored supplies
are gradually consumed, and beginning in August
the demand for market corn increases at the same
time that smaller quantities are brought to market.
The price rises rapidly and considerably. The
seasonal change is greater in Panajachel than in
the Capital, which draws from a variety of supply-
ing areas. The average monthly price of highland
corn in the Guatemala City market from 1935 to
1940 was reported as follows: 122

TABLE 51.-Annual average prices in Guatemala City 1

Price per hundredweight in dollars
Commodity
1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940

Co.rn --- - - 1.0 1.00 2.05 1.2. 0.94 1.21
Potatoes (best)........ .2-- -... . 2.- I 2.40 2.82 2.62 2.29 2.53
SuKar (white)...-..-..-- ... ...---.- 3.94 3. 75 3.74 3.73 3.70 3. 70
Low-refined sugar-------...- --. ---- 2.55 1.83 1.91 2.04 2.98 2.77
Lard ....... 17.64 11. 42 15.89 15.86 13.79 11.72
Seans,'black .'...:::::: 1. 8 1.72 2.75 1.82 1.61 2.70
Rt.I ... ... .. 375 4.52 4.85 3.9 2.89
Coffee (shelled)a ::.:.........: : 4.75 469 5.964.86 .17 4.12

'I)ata for years 193--38 from tale 20, pp. 597-59S, .emoria del Ramo de
crienda y Cridito I'ublico, 1931S (Oiatiemila. 1939, a): for 1939-40 from table
7, pp. 728-7:0,. femoria .... 1940 (Ouatnmala. 1911).
1 Memorial of Hacienda y Ctdito Pblieo, 1938. p. 598 (Guatemala. 1939 a);
IaM, p. 729 (Ouatemala, 1940).


January..------ -. 25 July----------- i-1. 24
February ---....-_ 1.24 August .-------. ')
March..---------- 1. 21 September --------. 1. 34
April.----.--..---- 1.26 October--------.-- 1. 39
May --------------1. 43 November--------- 1. 23
June--------------1. 36 December --- ._ - 1. 25
' In August of 1937 no price is given; corn was apparently not available il
the open market. Therefore no average is possible.

The base year of this study, 1936, was a fnily
normal year, as compared with 1937, when the
price went up extraordinarily. The average
annual price in Guatemala City for 6 yearn was
reported as follows:
1935--------- $1.09 1938-- ... l. 26
1936------------ 1. 09 1939 ..---------- 94
1937-------------- 2.05 1940-------------_ 1.21

There are no comparable data for Panajachel and
nearby markets. An idea of how large local
variations sometimes become and what a shortage
means in Panajachel may be had from the follow-
ing excerpts from Rosales' 1936 and 1937 diaries:'"2
July 26, 1936: Corn is selling at 84 cents a hundredweig':t
in the local market. It did not sell well ard tee
merchants had to take back their loaded.
September 12, 1936: Indians came from Agua Escondida
selling corn at 6 reales (0.0125 cent) a pound.
September 13, 1936: Cerro de Oro Indians came %i'h corn
at $1.25 a hundred.
September 20, 1936: Cerro de Oro Indians brought corn
at 6 reales (0.0125 cent) a pound.
December 6, 1936: Corn in the local market is r. cent and
a half a pound; with the harvest in, hi)s is sxtiaordi-
narily high.
December 13, 1936: Corn is at a cen an(: at htlf in iho
market, and quantities are small.
January 3, 1937: Corn still sells for 2 pounds for 2'. celnts.
February 28, 1937: Corn is at 2 cents a pound iwten it
should be 2 pounds for 15 cents at his season o' tLe
year.
June 16, 1937: Corn is very scarce now. An Indian froir
Patanatic brought 400 pounds on mules. Tae local
authorities ordered hiri to sell it for a rr aximLin of 2
cents a pound. The rush to buy, .on the p.ort of hbo.h
Indians and Ladinos, was very great, an!din half ,an
hour he was sold out. The L'.dinos got more than l .e
Indians, for they pushed in ahead, grabbed tl,ec scalsp,
and insisted. Only whtn th< Indians blame 1 ttl(i
rough, too, did they get any. The mner.chat was as ffir
as he could be inl applying ith6,rtule ol first come first
served. The Indians were az least cons'd(lrate a ith one
another about who was first, and then when the corn
was almost gone, an agreement was rcadc-el to allow
a maximum of 2 or 3 pounds to each buyer.
In The 1937 corn harvest was poor and there was a serious zhorthge through
out Ouatemala, relieved only in part by import and sa!es su eirvPsi by the
central authorities.


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16





140 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


July 3, 1937: The Departmental authorities in SololA have
ordered each town to send for its allotment of corn to
sell to the people. Panajachel gets 500 pounds a day,
which mozos are sent to bring down.
July 5, 1937: The corn is sold in the town hall. Indians
are given only 2 pounds apiece, while Ladinos are even
waited on twice. Unfair.
July 27, 1937: Yesterday and today much corn from the
new harvest on the coast was brought here and sold at
3 cents a pound. It is a good thing, because those who
still have supplies from last year were getting 5 cents a
pound for it, and more recently (because of Government
competition) 3% cents.
August 5, 1937: There is much corn in the Sololi market, at
3 cents a pound.
August 24, 1937: There is much corn brought here by
Sololatecos and Atitecos, who bring it from the coast
for sale at 3 cents a pound.
August 27, 1937: There is much corn in the SololA market,
but at 3Y/ cents.
September 17, 1937: Corn is scarce in the Solold market,
and selling at 3) cents. This is a great hardship because
the poor people cannot afford it at that price.
November 7, 1937: Not much corn in the market today;
it still sells for 2 cents a pound, when in other years at
this season it is a cent and a half at its highest. In the
last hard months of this rainy season a Sololateco who
lives here helped the people greatly by bringing corn by
the hundredweight from the Capital to sell here at a
rather reasonable price, with only a small profit for
himself. He is still doing this, and people go to his
house when they do not find him in the plaza.
November 14, 1937: There was no corn for sale in the
market today, but people bought some from the Solola-
teco. They say that last Friday in Solola there was so
much corn that the merchants had to return home with
some. The reason was that at the height of the market
a truck loaded with corn from the Capital drove up.
Most people bought corn from the driver, and the price
went down. Some who bought from the trucker said
that it was to punish the merchants who a short time
ago took advantage of them when corn was very scarce:
they were overcharged and short-weighted.
November 17, 1937: They say that today two trucks
came from Antigua with corn at a reasonable price.
One truck remained here, and the other went on to
Solol3 to sell.
November 18, 1937: I learned that the corn that was
brought yesterday was sold at $1.90 a hundredweight.
Many Ladinos bought several hundred pounds apiece,
and a few Indians bought it by the arroba (25 pounds).
The average price of corn in 1936 in Guatemala
City was $1.09 a hundredweight. In Panajachel
I bought it during the cheapest season in March
and April for 83 cents,12 Rosales' diary indicates
that this low price prevailed through July. It
then rose until in September it was $1.25 and in
I" It sold for a little as 75 cents in December 1995. Informants say It
sometimes sells for as little u 5 eants.


December $1.50. Most likely the average price
was a little lower in Panajachel than in Guatemala
City, and probably about $1.05 per hundred
pounds. However, the Indians for the most part
paid more than this, for they usually buy by the
pound rather than the hundredweight, and they
frequently buy in the stores. I have concluded
that on the average in 1936 corn cost the Pana-
jachel Indians 1% cents a pound. This is the
figure I have used in my various calculations. (It
may be noted that there is sometimes a small
difference in the price of corn depending on its
color and origin. This I have not taken into
account.) Judging from the average price re-
corded for 6 years in Guatemala City ($1.275) the
usual worth of corn to the Indians of Panajachel
during the period of the study was more-about
$1.50 a hundredweight. This is the figure that
informants gave as the long-time average in
Panajachel.
BEANS

The price of beans varies pretty consistently
with that of corn, probably because in the country
as a whole corn and beans are grown together, have
the same seasons, and probably similar fortunes
from year to year. During the 6 years recorded '"
for Guatemala City, the price of beans was about
160 percent that of corn. This proportion varied
from month to month as follows (with the price
of beans in parentheses):
Percent
January----.------ 166------ ($1. 33)
February.---------. 175----... (1. 41)
March ----------- 194----- (1. 60)
April ---------- 198-------. (1.57)
May------------- 207----- -- (1. 45)
June --------- 250-........ (1.84)
July---------------232.-------- (1.87)
August------------1 215------ (1.67)
September..--.----. 219-------- (1. 63)
October------------ 226-----.. (1. 63)
November-----.... 226-----. (1.63)
December---------. 178-----.. (1. 42)
SOmitting 1937.
and from year to year as follows:
1935 .----------------------..-------. 145 (1. 58)
1936 ---------- --- 158 (1.72)
1937----------------------------------134 (2.75)
1938 .------------------------------ 144 (1. 82)
1939---------------------------------- 171 (1. 61)
1940------------------------------ ----223 (2. 70)
'u Memories of Hacienda Y CVtdito Ptbltco, 1938, pp 599-600 (Ouatemail
1939, a); 1939, p. 729 (Guatemala, 1940).


The price of beans in Guatemala City ranged,
during this period, from $1.17 a hundred pounds in
February of 1936 to $3.39 in October of 1937. The
year 1936 again appears to have been a relatively
normal year, and the price of beans below average.
For some reason the price of beans in Panajachel
in 1936 was considerably lower than that in Guate-
mala City. Informants consistently gave the
average price as about 2 cents a pound. However,
I have a note of June 29 (when the price in
Guatemala City was about $1.75 a hundred) of a
sale at 1 cent a pound; this was, however, probably
below the market price, since a woman who needed
money was anxious to sell a few pounds.'12 I have
another note of September 11 (when the price in
Guatemala City was about $2.50) of sales in the
market place at the rate of $1.67. September is
the month of highest bean prices, so I am inclined
to think that the average price was somewhat
under $1.50 a hundredweight. Since again the
Indians bought in small quantities and frequently
in the stores, I have set the value of the beans
they used and bought at $1.60. (There are small
variations in the price of beans depending on
whether they are vine or ground beans, and on
color.) The year 1936 was undoubtedly a cheap
one for beans, too. Informants say that the
general maximum is 4 cents, the minimum 1 cent,
and the usual average 2 cents a pound.
If the figures for corn and bean prices in Pana-
jachel for 1936 are correct, it may be of interest to
note that whereas in Guatemala City beans cost
70 percent more than corn, in Panajachel in the
same year they cost but 28 percent more. Proba-
ble reasons for this are, first, that Panajachel grows
for its own use a larger proportion of beans to corn
than most places, with its irrigated bean gardens,
and thus reduces the market demand for beans
relative to corn; and, second, that Indians con-
sume a smaller proportion of beans to corn than do
Ladinos. In Guatemala City, where the propor-
tion of Ladinos is very great, the demand for
beans must be relatively greater.

OTHER FOOD STAPLES

For other food staples, the prices are little
different in Panajachel from those prevailing in
Guatemala City and the country as a whole.
However, most of the Indians of Panajachel (and
t I also have a note that in December of 1935 It was 1 cent a pound.


some Ladinos as well) pay more; f.,r sc;r.i, comIn-
modities because they buy in smaller qurdtitiies.
For example, by buying panetla, the low-rr vf ,.
sugar, not by the ball or the half -ball but usue'ly l)
the half-cent's worth, they pay al the iraie i.ot of 2
cents a pound, but closer to 3. Likewise, altho:.gh
coffee beans are 5 cents a pound, Planaj cElclefios,
sell their own higher quality coffee for mo:e al
many buy it by the ounce roasted and .rr:c rt
In 1936 they actually paid at the ra n of 24 .tr nts
a pound, when ground coffee in the cuplitsl! sold
for a maximum of 15 cents. Lard, which sold in
1936 for as little as 8 cents a pounds it, P'. tr'j'slhi,
is bought by the ounce for as high ,s 16 cc.ts.
Chocolate by the pound came to about i cents;
by the tablet, to 16 cents. On the other har nd, it
some commodities there is little pretmiumn to be
paid on small quantities; for example, red pep;,er
are a half-cent an ounce, and in Guatemala (City
appear to have averaged the same by the pouid
Eggs tend to vary in price with three factors.
Hens lay little during the rainy season (May to
October); just when corn, which is the corm-
mon feed, is high. So during the rainy rmontht
eggs are high. But in the dry season, before
Easter, the demand is very great and the price
rises. The result is that in Panajachel eggs sell
for as little as three-fourths of a cent in January
and February, double that in March, and as
much as 2 cents in September. The average over
the year, informants agreed, is about 114 cents.
In Guatemala City, as might be expected, they
are slightly higher (El Imparcial, 1937). (See
Appendix 2.)
The prices of bread, honey, and chocolate do not
vary in Panajachel during the year. The kind of
bread that Indians ordinarily use sells at 1 cent a
roll of 1 ounce (before baking), and the larger rolls
and loaves used during Holy Week are corre-
spondingly higher. In Guatemala City the price
appears to have been the same, but it rose in April
of 1937. Honey, which is bought only f-r Holy
Week, was 5 cents a bottle (24 ounces liqid) in
Panajachel in 1936. This was cheap, for it is more
usually 8 cents and in 1937 it sold all year 'or 12
cents in Guatemala City.

MEAT AND FISH
The price of beef is normally staticnary: 5 cents
a pound with bones and 8 cents without, regardless
of the cut. Before the study ended, th.: bOatcher:


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-T~AX






142 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


had begun to charge slightly more for the tender-
loin, in demand by hotels. This did not influence
the cost of meat to the Indians, who always
bought meat with bone, at 5 cents. In 1936 a
third butcher opened shop and for a while a com-
petitor tried to run him out of business by cutting
the price; but the resultant price war was short
and without permanent effect.12 Pork is sold at
8 cents a pound, with bones.
For years before and during the period of study
beef sold at 5 cents and pork at 8. Yet, between
1936 and 1940 in the Department of Solola, the
value of cattle slaughtered varied between 4% cents
and 5Y cents a pound and of hogs (table 52)
between less than 8 cents and almost 9 cents.
Cattle butchered in Panajachel come from the
Pacific lowlands; I know nothing of specific cir-
cumstances influencing their price. But whatever
fluctuations there may be were not reflected in
Panajachel retail prices of meat or of soap or
candles made from the tallow. The price of both
pork and of soup made from hog fat also remained
constant throughout the period. Not so the price
of lard, which appears to have a complicated rela-
tionship with that of corn (table 52). In 1935,
and until the end of 1936, with the price of corn
low, many pigs were well fattened, and lard was
cheap. Corn prices then rose, and remained high
through 1937; hogs, killed smaller, decreased in
number and size and the price of lard soared. In
1938 corn was moderate in price; the number of
hogs rose, but presumably because they repre-
sented new litters, they were very small and lard
continued high. In 1939, with corn cheap, there
were a smaller number of fatter hogs and the price
of lard dropped. Then in 1940, with corn up but
still moderate, hogs were evidently killed leaner

TABLE 52.-Hogs slaughtered in Solold


Year


Nunmer Weiglht
of head a per
head


Value
per
pound


Average price in
Ouantmaia City
Lard I Corn


193 ----................... ,574 58 0. 0 $11.42 $1.09
137--............... 2,762 40 .0 145. 9 2. 05
193--..-................ 3, 29 30 .00 1.. 1.28
la 2 ............. 2.779 46 .08 13.79 .94
190 ....... ....-- ... 10 3 .os 11.72 1.21

SD)ata for yeirs 10936 and 19.7 from Memernas of the Dept. Agri. (193M.
pp. 347-34n; 1:37. p1 7). Dta for years 193-40 from MAemorias of hacienda
r C'reio 0dblieo (19.-, p. 593; 1939, p. 695; 1940, p. 724).
1 Data from table 51.
I When one of two butchers took sick 1 day, the other Immediately raised
his price I cent.


than ever but lard was cheaper. These statistics
may be very unreliable. That pork (and beef)
remain constant in price may indicate an element
of inflexible tradition in some prices. That prices
of hog-fat soap remained unchanged may be
because soap is made of hog fat chiefly when dis-
ease renders the animal unfit, for meat or lard;
otherwise it is made of beef tallow.
The price of fowl, not sold by weight, is variable.
Turkeys on our standards run very small. They
range in price from about 60 cents to $1.10; the
average may be taken as 75 cents for a 6-pound
bird. Chickens for eating run from 15 cents to 25
cents and sometimes 30 cents; informants calcu-
lated the average to be 20 cents for a fowl I judged
to weigh (dressed) about 2 pounds.
Lake fish are not sold by weight. Mojarras,
sold whole, probably averaged about 20 cents a
pound in 1936. The inch-and-a-half-long fish
strung four on a straw sell for four straws for 3
cents. I cannot hazard a standard price for the
smaller fish sold by a "measure" consisting of a
beer-bottle cap on which the fish are piled high
and around. Crabs, sold in bunches of four, were
2 cents a bunch from at least December 1935 to
January 1937.
VEGETABLES

Since Panajachel produces most vegetables and
herbs, it is necessary to fix their prices not only at
home, but in the markets where they are sold, a
complex matter, particularly with the important
onions (table 53). The price is usually low during
the dry months, January to May, and high in the
rainy season and through November; but it also
varies greatly with the number of vendors in the
same market at once. The price of onions sold
by the bed, the buyer agreeing to harvest and
prepare them, depends on the size of the bed, the
size of the onions, and the season. The highest
price recorded is $10, for a bed about 40 varas
(36.7 yards) long, the lowest price, $1.50. For
standard tabldn, the average price in 1936 wV'
probably about $2.50. Since the tabl6n has about
6,000 onions, this works out to 42 cents a thou-
sand-a saving of 14 cents, or about enough to
compensate for thelabor of harvesting, trimming,
and bunching.
Onion seed (which can be kept for a rise in
price) from about $1.50 to $6 a pound. The
differences are both seasonal and annual; and the


seed produced in and near Panajachel sells for a
higher price in Guatemala City than locally. In
the spring of 1937 I bought at $3 and sold at a
profit within the hour to Indians from Mixco who
had come for the purpose. In Guatemala City
it brought 4 or 5 dollars. The average price of
seed in Panajachel in 1936 may be taken as $2.50
a pound.
TABLE 53.-Onion prices

Market price

Onion size Price range pna- Ouate-
Jaches" o0101 Tecphn malt
(per 100) (per1000) (per100) City
(per 1,000)

Lrge........... Maximum.... $0.15 $1.50 $0.20 $4.00
Minimum.... .06 .60 .06 1.00
Normal .-... 11 1.10 .15 2.50
Medium........ Maximum.... 08 .80 .10 1.75
Minimum-... 03 .30 .03 .50
Normal i-.. ... 05 .50 .07 1.30
Small........... Maximum .... 03 .30 .05 1.00
Minimum 01 .10 .01 .15
Normal...... .02 .18 .03 .50
verage-......... Maximum.... 09 .87 .12 .25
Minimum.... .035 .33 .035 .68
Normal ...... 06 .56 .08 1.47
I Not "normal" in the technical sense-Just the most usual.

The price of garlic varies greatly, depending on
the season and year; but it can be stored for a
better price. It is about the same in Panajachel,
Solola, and Tecpan; but only in Sololh are the
small ones sold (by the measure) in quantities,
and to Tecpin whole loads of garlic are not taken.
Guatemala City records (as reported in El Impar-
cial, 1937) give prices of potatoes and sweet
cassava by the piece rather than the pound. In
Panajachel (where they are produced and where
they are doubtless cheaper) they average 1 cent
and 1% cents a pound, respectively. Green beans
are sold by very variable measures. If as they
calculate, producers get from 20 to 30 cents for a
large basketful which I judge weighs some 20
pounds, the price varies from a cent to a cent and
a half a pound, as compared with the 1937 Guate-
mala City price of from 4 to 10 cents. Green
beans are available in Panajachel only in spring,
when garden beans are harvested, and late summer,
when cornfield beans from other towns come in;
hence the variation in price is not great. Toma-
toes in season (February, March) are as low as
Scent a pound and out of season (as in September)
as high as 14 cents a pound. Since the Indians
do not buy such things as tomatoes and potatoes
when they are high, the average prices may be
fixed lower than the mean of the extremes. Husk-


cherries are in season when tomatoes are not;
thus the two (used alternatively in cooking) ate
not in competition, and although tomatoes may
be preferred, the average price of huskchcrries is
actually higher.
FRUIT
Fruit prices vary most with the seasons. In
April and May, oranges, for example, sel for eOs
much as % cent, yet in November 1937, large ones
were 15 for 1 cent in the PanajacLec mlrne-r .
Likewise, Spanish plums are normally high at 10
to 15 for 1 cent and low at 20 to 35, but, inN. cv-p-
ber of 1937, they sold for as little asn 60 for 1 cent.
The seasons of high and low prices differ for
different fruits. Thus peaches, mar:gos, passion.
flower fruit, membrillos, and pitahokyas are most
plentiful in July and August; apples and ,)arm
from August to October; home-grown bananas in
October and November; lim,w fr-.r Ocobe- t,o
January; oranges and Spanish plums from Novem-
ber to January; lowlan) bananas from January
to April; white sapodillas from February to April;
and avocados and cross-sapodilas f.:'o Fcbrunry
to May.
Fruit is frequently bought and sold by the t-es;
although the price is lower, estimates of the
number of fruit are so exact tLat tie labor o0 'lir-
vesting and selling accounts for tLe dilfnern,:e.
Thus, when a Panajachclefio who had failed t) s2ll
the harvest of a Spanish plum tre because ,:h,
buyer would not come near the $3 he rskd f.nel-
picked and sold the fruit in: tiall quantities locally
and in Sololf, he realized jist about the $3 ht
had required.

DOMESTIC PRODUCTION
KINDS OF HOUSES
Each of the 157 households occupies a, least
1 house; a few have compounds of as many 1
or 5 houses and 1 household his 7 and another 8
houses. In all but 35 families, who lived in 1bor-
rowed 1' houses or houses they had luilt cr,
borrowed land, the houses (and land) were o recd,
or destined to be inherited, by their o-ccepants
In 1936, 328 houses were occupied by th" 146
families for which I have data on the point.-'
Fifty-two of the 146 families occupied i house
In The natives us this term or frequently "recomendiao" which is otl.er-
wise used to refer to articles stored or clhecked,
n Based on a careful"personal examination" survey in 1437, bet.n bI 8L:.
Rosale and me, and finished by him alone. Dealing is It dnts with oboerv.
able phenomena, the data are highly reliable.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEAULAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX





144 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ON'Tr111OOL(OY 'PUIIICATON NO. 10


each; 42, 2 houses; and 39, 3 houses; only 13 liad
more than 3. Two-thirdls of the houses classified
(talbe 5,1) have walls of c.lano frametl andt 11ass-
adolbel and grlss-tllatch roofs,130 .the kind of house
typical of the Indians of Panlijachel which I call
simply "mass-adobe." In general the wealthier
people have the one-out-of-five houses with walls
of adobe brick (simply called "adobe" here), but
where there are several houses, not more than one
or two are likely to be adobe. Smaller structures
such as granaries, outhouses, and the like are
never adobe.
The variety of house types is greater than indi-
cated in table 54, for there is considerable vari-
ation in details. Thus, 94 of the 328 houses have
porches (corredores), a characteristic of adobe
houses, 68 percent of which have them (as com-
pared with 20 percent of mass-adobe and 8 percent
of cane houses). Thus also, 32 of the 328 houses
have annexes (called culatas) built onto an outside
wall; since more than half of these are built into
porches, they tend also to be associated with adobe
houses, so that 13 of the 32 annexes are found on
the few adobe houses. There are differences also
with respect to doors and windows. Most houses
have wooden doors, but 99 of the 328 have doors
of canes tied together, associated with cane houses
(43 percent of which have them, as opposed to
34 percent of mass-adobe and only 9 percent of
adobe houses) and in all cases thatched roofs.
Where windows exist, they are unglazed and only
occasionally are more than holes in the wall.
Windows are found in 27 percent of adobe houses,
10 percent of mass-adobe and 5 percent of cane-
walled houses; but the total number is only 43 of
the 328 houses. All houses are rectangular and
almost all consist of only 1 room. The largest
house of which measurements are available is 14
by 6 raras,'31 with a height at the center of 6 varas;
but this is one of the few divided into 2 rooms.
The largest 1-room houses noted are 7 by 6 by 7;
7 varas in fact seems to be their maximum length,
and 6 varas the maximum width. The roof ridge
is only very rarely as high as 7 varas. The walls
do not seem to exceed 3 varas in height. The
smallest independent house measured is 3 by 3 by
3, with the wall height 1% varas. Adobe houses
tend to be larger than other kinds.
iN The terminology used in the discussion of houses conforms to that of
Wauchope, 1938.
is The were Is about 33 English Inches.


With two h m inor exceptiions, all Indian houses of
Paninjnclhel have gablled roofs (two sheds); if
thrl e wee mlore with oLther tylpes, inotitily hip
roofs, they were not lobserve(d.132 The houses, if
not squtaire, are always longer along the roof-ridge
axis than they are wide. The doorway is most
frequently on one side, but in some cases the
front of the house is one of the gable ends. Data
on this difference were not systematically collected.
Annexes, most frequently built onto an end of
the house (when not on the porch) have single
shed roofs. rThey serve as small bedrooms, occa.
sionally kitchens, storerooms, chicken coops, etc.
In one case a sweat bath is annexed to the house
in this manner. All told, 41 such annexes were
counted in 1937. Of these, 24 had mass-adobe
walls, 12 cane walls, and 4 adobe-brick walls.
One annex, used as a saint house, was constructed
- of branches. Except for one roofed with boards,
and another with tiles, all were thatched.
Sixteen wall-less structures (galeras) were
counted in connection with Indian houses. More
important are storehouses for corn. In most cases
corn is stored in part of one of the main houses, in
an annex, or in a walled portion of the porch. But
in 1937 there were 20 cases of separate structures
for this purpose, all of cane and thatch. Chicken
coops are much more frequently separate struc-
tures; of the 70 counted, all were cane and thatch,
except 1 of boards, 2 of rocks and muck, and one
of loose adobes piled up. The 7 chicken houses
that were not separate were built on the porch, or
annexed to the building. Only one dog house was
noted, but there were two pigpens and two rabbit
houses, one of the latter with a wooden floor.
There was also one separate bake oven, besides a
small one evidently a toy.
The sweat bath is a rectangular structure with
rounded corners and roof. Of 113 counted in
1937, 74 were constructed of rubble set in adobe
mud, 37 of adobe, 1 of mass-adobe, and 1 one of
planks. Only 1 was excavated. In addition, 2
sweat baths were annexed to houses. Separate
roofs of thatch (and in one case tiles) are fre-
quently built over the sweat bath for protection

Wauchopo (1938, p. .41) says: "Thle gable roof Is tle most common Iton
In only one Indian region, the Alta Vera Paz of Guatemala . ." It is tr
that in the Lake AtitlM n region many towns have houses with hip roofs, W
Panajachel certainly does not and Sta. Catarlna has both types. I belie"
that most of the houses In Solotl, Chlchlcastenango, and other towns to
north have gabled roofs.


from rain. Half a dozen sweat baths in ruins
were coun ted.
Until 1935 or 1936 there were probably no privy
outlhouses among the Indiiains; on CGovernment
insistence, 89 had been built by 1937, andl a
number of others were under construction. Of the
89, 29 had walls of mass-adobe, 58 of cane, and 2
of wooden planks. With 1 (tile) exception, all
outhouses with roofs were thatched.

TABLE 54.-Kinds of houses

Walls
Roo Adobe Mass- aubed Bare
Total vertical vertical
brick adobe cane cane

Corrugated Iron......- 6 0 4 2 ..... ....... ...
Tile -----............... 2 2 .......... ..........
ThatcWh------ 320 60 223 18 19
Total--........... 2 6o 225 18 19

HOUSE BUILDING

Houses are built at the expense of the owner
with no neighborly help or system of communal
labor. For a house of adobe bricks, the owner
hires an adobe maker, unless lie is one. Men of
the family may help the adobe maker, and later
the masons, as common laborers; or these may be
hired. Roof tile must be ordered and masons
hired by the day or on contract to lay adobes,
tiles, or bricks (for floors). If it is to have a tile
roof, a carpenter is hired to build the roof skeleton,
for which the owner buys sawed lumber.
On the other hand, walls of mass-adobe or cane
and roofs of thatch require no specialists; the
owner himself, assisted by members of his house-
hold or by hired labor, or both, does the building.
The materials used include unsawed tree trunks
and poles, either gathered by the housebuilder or
bought from Indians of other towns; cornstalks or
canes, gathered or bought locally; grass for thatch,
usually bought by the large bunch from Concep-
cioileros and Andresanos who bring it to Pana-
jachel; maguey fiber, usually bought; long vines
(bejucos) which are gathered; earth, water, and
pine needles, never bought; and quicklime, always
bought. Some lumber is bought from Chichi-
castenango Indians of Panimach6 and from the
Totonicapeflos who live in Patanatic (of the
rtunicipio of Panajachel) who bring it to town on
Sunday mornings or on special order.
Wauchope has described the building of the


mass-adolbe and tlhatched-roof houses of I'ania-
jachel in sollme detail.'3 Suffice it to say hier
that after theli nmiteriills have een collected, li;d
the location iiild iilasurtentls of liie lhioiiui
determined, the ground is leveled off and post
holes dug with old machetes. lThe roof posts (or
king rods) are set in first, followed by the corner
and other posts,134 the height of the smaller posts
determining the pitch of the roof, which is decided
by sighting. Posts are of hardwood, preferably
guachipilin. The ridge pole and wall plates, of
pine, cypress, or oak, with tie bark left on, are
then lashed in the forks of the posts with vines
and are allowed to extend about a foot bey( nd
the poles; the posts are permanently wedged and
stamped into the ground. The rafters, usually
of pine, are lashed at intervals of about a foot to
the ridge pole and the wall plates, and extend a
foot or more beyond the wall plates. The base
of the rafter pole is always at the ridge pole. Thi'
roof rods are of cane, placed at intervals of some
8 inches and extending flush with the ridge Ipolh
and wall plates. The roof is covered with handful-
sized bunches of long grass, bought from Indl.anfl
of the colder country, or shorter grass growing
wild in Panajachel. The thatch extends over the
eaves, and is packed in tightly, the bunches over-
lapping in three or four layers. Ther3 "s no fa'se
ridge pole, but extra thatch is laid transversely
over the ridge and tightly fastened down wit.n, a
cane on each side. The thatch is lashed down
with maguey fiber. Several men usually work on
the roof at once.
The canes of the wall frame are lashed onto :i
posts, inside and out, with vines or maguey twine,
in pairs. They are placed evenly from 4 to 8
inches apart. The frame is then killed with nmud,
usually mixed with dry pine needles, and witn
stones, pieces of brick, and so en. Sometimes (he
walls are then daubed over with mud, and white-
washed; others are whitewasi.ed without daajbi- g.
The walls-even those of tho gables-are fr -
quently all built in this mrbnrn r; but oftenn from
the level of the wall plate to the ridge, the gables
3M Unfortunately the house Wauchope saw b-iilt and which lie dis -ibn
in detail (1933, pp. 30-31, 81, 107-8, 124, 0'; Iflt.. 27nt, c, 0, ,e, df, g. h, 43-
pls. 8c, d, llb, 21c, 28c) Is not typical of l'analachie,. A t i.ca'ly resdnc
Pedrano was doing the building for ilmol"'. The house was built wi'.h
A-frame resting on the wallplates and supportifr t,( rli'e pole -ather thtii
with roof posts, as is usual In Panajachel. Also, 1i 3 Lc u s, he b sa to ha l a cl-Ce.
rather than forked posts; but forked posts are certainly mori common.
"ii Besides the roof and corner posts, there a fre fquenldy p, t: we ;i t
roof post and caci corner post on the ends, and one o- two posts iL t(ie side
walls.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN I- NDIAN ECONOM`Y-T-1AX' 1-45






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-f---T/.: 147


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


are completed with vertically set canes, sometimes
daubed with mud.
The doorway is a rectangle of poles, one side
often a post of the house, the door frequently
canes lashed together with crosspieces; a wider
crosspiece in the center serves as a stationary bar
to keep the door in place at night. Wooden doors
are made by carpenters. The smaller structures
such as chicken coops are more simply made, and
with less thatch on the roof; ar.-iexes are often
made of the same materials as the house, but also,
frequently, adobe houses have mass-adobe annexes
and mass-adobe houses cane annexes.
Despite the variety both of kinds of houses and
special features, and of ways of obtaining various
materials, sometimes purchased and sometimes
collected in whole or in part, one may draw fairly
reliable conclusions on their cost in money and
labor (table 55).
Smaller structures are usually made with home-
gathered materials or left-over adobes, and this
cost is small, and almost entirely in the labor of
their owners. A mass-adobe annex to a house
probably costs about $2, a cane-wall annex $1.50,
and a brick-adobe annex $4. Galeras and gran-
aries cannot come to more than about $1 in mate-
rials and labor cost, and chicken coops and other
animal houses probably require an average of 2
days' work. A sweat bath, even if old stones are
re-used, probably costs about a dollar to build.
The various parts of houses have different life
spans. The heavy lumber, if of good hardwood,
may last as long as 50 years; in one case informants
said the lumber was re-used for the houses of three


successive generations of a family and is still in
use. If kept in repair, the walls of a mass-adobe
house last 25 years or more; reliable information
on the point is difficult to obtain, but I have seen
houses reputedly older than that. Thatch, on the
other hand-even if of good quality and well
laid-does not last beyond 18 years; and in one
case recorded, where the thatch was in part of the
local variety, it had to be replaced after 10 years.
Such an item as a cane door has to be replaced
after from 1 to 3 years.
TABLE 55.-Average cost of Indian houses, 1937

Average costs for each house

Kind of house Labor
Materials Total
Materials Building

Bare cane, thatch ........ $2. 74 $1.9 $.73 $5.
Mud and cane, thatch.. .. 2.74 1.49 2.23 '6.48
Mass-adobe, thatch I-...... 4.00 2.42 2.06 9.08
Adobe brick, thatch --...-. 9. 50 .70 17.00 17. 0
Adobe brick, tile I--......- t16.00 ---..-..- 111.00 27.00
Adobe brick, "zinc".-.---- '60.50 -.--. -- "8.00 68.6

I In the 1 case with complete data, a little under $6.
Based on data in table 560.
S Compare with 4 cases where complete data are available:
(1) House 2 by 3 varas, $6.99.
(2) a little larger, $7.51.
(3) 4 by 5 rrars, $10.48.
(4) a little larger. $11.59.
4 Includes $6 for adobe bricks.
Includes $6 for 10 man-days of time of a mason, 20 of common labor.
Based onpersonal experience in ilding, checked with other Informr
tion. One general check: in 1941 an Indian required $15 to build a new tib
roof, including the carpentry.
t Includes $6 for tiles, $1 for additional lime for roof.
Includes both time masonry and carpentry.
SIn the only case for which information is available, the sheet metal rot
$52.50.
S RItequires less sawed lumber and carpentry than a tile roof.

Adobe brick appears to last indefinitely, with
good care; on the other hand, houses with cane
walls have a relatively short life, estimated by one


TABLE 56.-Materials and time used in building a mass-adobe house

Materials Cost of materials bought Time spent collecting materials Time spent building
Main posts .--..... --........... .30-$2.16-................................ 2-6 days: average of 10 cases, 3 day...- 2-3 days; average of cases, 2 days.
Rl1lge poles, wall plates......... Average of9 cases, $1.20.- .............-.- (1 cans: gathered in 1 day for small 3 days. average 0of 4ase. .
house).
Rafters--....................... $0.33-$0.84; average of 9 cases, $So.5 ..... (1 case: gathered in 2 days for small 1-2 days; average of 4 cases, lI1 days.
house).
Cane....-........................ 1.10-$2.08; average of 8 cases,. 1.36 (part ................-...-- .. .. 3-5 days (3 cases).
purchased, part gathered; value of tine
included).
I[ cose: $0.66...........................---- 8 days-.............--.---------. .---
Thatch............. .......... --.... 1 cc: 4 days .... 2------------------. 3 days (3 cases).
SArerage oi 6 cases, $1.08------ --------------....-------------------------------- I
Vines............... ......... No c 6aes -......... .................. 1.... I-2 days (3 cases)..... ...-----..- .... Included elsewhere.
MaRiey fiber-.................. $60.10 (1 case) ...--.- -....-.- ..------.----. No cases ...----...-.. ..----------------- o.
Nails .......................... 2 cases: $0.10 each ......-...--- .-----.-.--. -..-.. --..---- ----.---- ---------- Do.
Lime ----.....................- 8 cases: 0 to $0.10; average $0.013.---...---. ---- -----------(?).---------------- (M)
Mund --- -Includded elseihere.....--.----...-- 2-6 days (2 cases).
Daubing .---------- -----.--- -..-- -- --....-......--- ---.- 1-2 days (2 cases).
Adobes- ........-.--...-...-.... Average of $6.50, 2 houses.... ..-- .---------.........---------- ---------------------
Woodl doors--.. --............... 2 cases: $0.10 and $0.36-----...........--------------- ...---------------------------------...
General and miscellaneous...... ............- ........................-- 2 cases: day eachs..-......--. ...-.. 15-2 days (3 cases).
Total for house........... $M3-$6....................-.... ....- ..- 9-20 days................. ........ 16 days.'

I Wauchope, 1938, says that 14 man-days were needed to build a small kitchen house in Panajachel (p. 186, a.).


good informant at 8 years. Roof tiles frequently
break singly and must be replaced; then when the
roof lumber is replaced, after 30 to 40 years, new
tiles are generally substituted, although some of
the old ones may be used again. Sheet-metal
roofing is said never to wear out. Smaller struc-
tures, less carefully put together, last only a year
or two. On the other hand, sweat baths, if con-
stantly repaired, seem to last a generation.
I do not know how many houses were con-
structed in 1936, 1937, or any other 1 year. But
if one supposes that an adobe house lasts 30 years,
a mass-adobe house 20 years, and a cane house 10
years, and if it is assumed that the ratio of the
various house types has been remaining constant,
then in an average year there must be built 2 or 3
adobe houses, a dozen mass-adobe houses, about
four cane houses; plus 3 annexes, 2 or 3 galeras,
2 maize storehouses, about 50 chicken coops, and
4 or 5 sweat-bath houses. Further, informants
claim that privy pits and houses, which take 8
man-days to make, must be replaced every 1 to 3
years. If such is the case, then the annual ex-
penditure of time on the building of new structures
(including the gathering of materials that are not
bought) must be between 1,000 and 1,200 man-
days in the entire Indian community. Excluding
the time of masons and adobe makers, and leaving
out privies (which did not appear until later), the
total in 1936 was about 700 days. Likewise, the
cost of materials bought from outside the com-
munity must average some $60 to $70; the value
of the other materials is, of course, the value of the
time required to gather and prepare them.
Although t is difficult to estimate the time and
money expended each year in repairing houses,
replacing thatch, and so on, the time can hardly
be less than 200 or more than 600 man-days or
the cash cost less than $5 or more than $25. The
total time consumed in the building and Imainte-
nance of house structures, leaving out artisans,
ras therefore between 900 and 1,300.35 It may
be taken for granted that small structures are
built and periodic repairs are almost always made
by members of the family; on the other hand,
frequently adobe bricks and always adobe brick
U" The total value of labor, excluding that of artisans, may be averaged at
1183.33 a year, of materials, $80. The total of $2M3.33 may be checked by
ultiplying by 60 the sum, $3.62, that the men of households 5S and 49 ralcu-
kted to be their average annual expenditure on houses, leaving out the cost
1aM outhouse. Using this sampling method, the community total comes
O 1$217.20. Or, perhaps more justly in the case of houses, multiplying the
,t52 by 155/2 (there being 155 economic households) the result is $280.55.


walls are made by hired artisans. n1 the cnstltuC-
tion of new houses, the owner .nd Is s,'anil
always do at least some of the comrTr,oni an)or, nd
probably on the average from t'io-lhirds to throe-
fourthls of it. It is likely, therefore, *liat l 936 ""
the householders themselves did from 600 to 900
man-days of work on their own -ouse 3tructrvies:
or the average household devoted frors 4 t) 6
man-days a year to these purpose:;. ir any cn
year, a particular family, of course, may spend no
time at all, or (if a new house is built) perh ips
20 man-days or more; and in each famnly i he.
time differs from year to year.

TABLE 57.-Value of Indian hA vso:. 19 7

To~t! N*ost
Kind Number A eraoe 'erei)(-
cost i men.

Bare cane, thatch---........-........ 19 $5. (113 24
Mud and cane, thatch.-....---.-..--..- 18 6.46 116. 2
Mass-adobe, thatch..................- 223 9.08 2, 0?. 84
Adobe-brick, thatch...........-........ 60 17.31 1,032.
Adobe brick, tile-................. ...-- 2 27. 00 54. 0C
Adobe brick, "zinc".-..--------.--.... 4 6).50 274 (0
Annexes of mass-adobe --..---....... 24 2 00 4. 00
Annexes of cane p...................--- 12 50 13. 0h
Annexes of adobe bricko.......-....., 4 4. 0 16. 0
Galeras ............................. 16 1.00 6 00
Granaries.............................. 2- 1.00 20. 00
Chicken coops ------.......................... 70 .33 23.10
Dog houses, pigpens, rabbit housesHIG, 5 .33 T 1 65
Sweat baths--.................... ....... 113 1.00 :13.00
Total -----............................. .---. 70.- 1

I Based on table e5.
VALUE OF HOUSES
The calculated worth of all Indian-owned houses
and house structures when the survey was madi,
$3,870 (table 57), represents neither the value of
the time, since it takes no account of depreciation,
nor the cost of the construction which had een
incurred years before, but simply the co:t of re-
placement. Of course the Indians do not "set
aside" funds for the purpose.

SUPPLIES, FURNISHINGS, AND TOOLS
Except for chests and a few chairs and tables
and occasional beds, house furnishings are home-
made. Beds, for example, consist of stagings
built out from a wall, the legs implanted in tre
floor, the surface consisting of canes or blougiht
boards laid transversely. eMost houses Iiv", A.t
least one bed, but many individuals sleep oni the
floor. Utensils and clothing are hung from nail
or wooden pegs or branches with evenly srp.crd
twigs which are implanted in the floor or suspended
from the ceiling, or else placed on shelves of bnard^






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY---TAX 149


or canes either suspended from the roof or resting
on the beams of the house. The fireplace consists
of three large stones used as they are found. The
permanent fixtures are usually made when the
house is built, and repaired and replaced as needed,
usually by men. The amount of time consumed
in making them is negligible--probably no more
than fifty or a hundred days a year in the entire
community, or a day or two in an-y household.
Virtually all utensils and tools are purchased
readymade. But some time (also of the men) is
consumed in making traps and deadfalls, hafts for
hoes and axes, staffs, slingshots, etc. The grind-
ing stones that are bought must be prepared for
use by the women; pottery must also be "cured,"
but this is done incidentally to cooking. Some
toys are made by the children, or by their parents,
for their use. However, the time consumed in
the making of tools, utensils, toys and the like, is
again too unimportant to be calculated in detail.
One day per household probably covers it.

FIREWOOD

Women frequently gather faggots, but for the
chief supply of firewood for the kitchen, men are
responsible. In rare cases loads of firewood are
bought by the few landless professional "foreign"
residents from Indians of the higher country who
carry it down to supply the Ladinos. Otherwise
every Indian family "makes" its own firewood
throughout the year.'"
If they do not own trees to fell, they either
cut trees on the communal land (or collect faggots
on anybody's land) "17 or else buy trees from their
neighbors for the purpose. 13 A hired laborer may,
of course, be given the task. The tree is felled
with an ax, the branches cut off with a machete.
The trunk is cut into sections and split section by
section as needed, unless the tree has been pur-
chased or is far from the house, when all is fre-
quently cut into firewood at once and stored.
a' Most frequently on Sundays, according to Information from various
Informnnts.
is One Informant said In 1940 that he usually gets his firewood on the
public land of the west hill or else gathers it where he finds it, on private
lands. lie ia n poor Indian.
ir I have at least two notes indicating that this practice is not uncommon.
The informant of No. 24 told me that he sometimes buys a big old loamo, avo-
cado, or cross-sapodllla tree for about 40 cents to cut up into firewood. From
such a tree he gets 2 tarens, or 16 loads. The work Involved, Including carry.
Ing, comes to 4 days. Rosales bought an old silk-oak tree from a Ladino for
15 cents and agreed not to damage the coffee grove in which it stood. In the
felling he damaged a Spanish-plum tree, and he agreed to nay half the value
of the harvest; this came to another 15 cents.


Six to cight loads of firewood can be prepared in
this way in 1 day by an able-bodied man, unless
long cartage distance adds to the time.
The amount of firewood used in a household is
usually constant. Informants say that one load a
week is standard, but large households and those
which feed laborers of course use more than small
ones. The fire is fed with three pieces of wood
continually pushed closer to the center as they
are used, a method both economical and universal.
The amount of time used in the cutting and carry-
ing of firewood is easily estimated at about 2,700
days by the 90 percent of the households making
their own. This figure neglects the faggots col-
lected by women, for the most part casually while
on other errands. It assumes a per family con-
sumption of 60 loads a year, more than half of the
total of 9,000 loads collected piecemeal and in the
hills.1"' Many of the 2,700 days represent Sunday
time. A few poor and landless households are
said to be too poor to buy firewood, and depend
entirely upon their women to gather faggots along
the roadsides and in the woods; a few others buy
most or all their firewood from their neighbors, or
hire laborers to cut it on their land. But the men
of most families cut their own firewood on their
own land, devoting from 10 to 30 man-days a year
to the purpose.

COOKING AND WASHING

The major share of the work connected with
the kitchen, is done by women. Conclusions drawn
here (table 58) are based largely on reliable infor-
mation concerning a household (No. 49) in the
middle range of wealth, consisting in 1940 of man,
wife, two daughters, 19 and 9 years old, and a
5-year-old son, which is "normal" in household
composition. The family is also typical in its
mode of life, its members wearing traditional
costume and so on. Where there are more than
one woman in the house they have more time for
pursuits such as weaving, garnidning, antd selling in
the market, and the adult time consumed by
kitchen work remains relatively constant.
Water for kitchen uses is carried in pottery jari
from the lake, the river, or from the nearest large
irrigation ditch, whichever is most convenient.
The jars vary in size, the largest of the type used
Mn Two Informants figured that their supplies, one load a week, cost tbe
each a half day weekly. In the three families whose budgets were obtained
the average time spent was 22 man-days a year.


at Panajachel holding about 3 gallons; the smaller
jars are used by the children. A woman or girl
carries the jar on her head and wades into the
lake or river to fill it. At times when the river
water is not clean, water is fetched from the lake
even if it is far. In the west delta practically
nobody uses lake water, for on the one hand the
town's system of public fountains is available,
while the lake shore is for the most part occupied
by Ladino houses; the river and irrigation ditches
and several springs are the main sources of water.
The average family uses two or three jars of water
daily; depending upon the distance, each trip
takes from 5 or 10 minutes to a half hour. In
household 49, 2 jars of water are used; the grown
daughter usually makes 2 trips to the lake, 15
minutes each, in the afternoon before preparing
supper. Young girls, using smaller jars, need to
make more trips, and are usually slower. Since
there are many watering places there is very little
loitering and gossiping incidental to this work.
The few dishes and cooking vessels are washed
in the nearest irrigation ditch in a matter of a
few minutes after each meal. The younger
daughter of household 49 does this; but when
the whole family is to go to the fields, and are in
a hurry, the women do it.

TABLE 58.-Time devoted to kitchen work, 1986
Time devoted (by women and girls)
Average numberof Total number of 9-
Task minutes daily, bour days In corn
aper household muilty

women nr4 Women Gis
under 1 under 14
Carrying wnter-----------------.................. 25 20 2,660 2,128
Washing dishes.. -..---......... 10 15 1,064 1,596
Building fire and cooking...... 420 90 44,688 9,576
Cleaning houseo...---.--.-.-.. 5 25 532 2,660
Landering -...........-... 20 2,128 ..-, .-
Total...................... 480 150 51,072 1,O,60

The fire is kindled in the morning. In this
particular case the family (first the women)
usually rise at 5 a. m. (for years by an alarm clock
that I gave them), and tilho fire is kindled immedi-
ttely. It takes 5 or 10 minutes to get it hot and
put on the pot of coffee. Then the nixtamal Lo
(which was boiled the night before) is washed in a
nearby irrigation ditch to remove the lime in
hichl the corn was boiled. This takes 10 minutes.
5 Corn boiled with lime. It is the basis of most corn foods. A description
4the cooking techniques in Panajacbol will be published later.


At least in househohl 49 noir lftor' are ijel
warmed for breakfast, which is ready at 6:31
In actual work to this time about r.n 1 oui o a
woman's time and, perhaps, a half hVr:i of a yf c r.
girl's are taken.141
Normally the woman and chihlrecn are .rt, left
alone. In the particular case there ii f"equc: it
work in the fields for the wife so thLe Tr-own
daughter is left in charge of the kit-hlien. II ihner
is no work in the fields, the wife stay, at hor., 'pnd
does such additional tasks as sa.wing ar lI:unde:'"
ing.
Immediately after breakfast, at 7 o'cl-k ,the
dishes are done; simultaneously the w-omn~, begin,;
to grind the day's corn which in this p;artic u
case takes 3 hours, during which time other i'fod,
such as beans and meat, are put oa lcjo fire ind
watched, frequently with the help of a cil i'.
Tortillas are baked immediately th: corr. 1s
ground; this takes an hour, after which the coiok-
ing ware is washed. Frequent!y lunch is cirriet
to the fields and all the family gatelers thIii-r, at
noon. Otherwise there is a wait until the .vo -krcr
arrive home at noon. Since breakisftst a ~( o;n
has spent at least 4 hours cooking, asesite:l by a
child who has spent on the average a fifth of theat
time.
Lunch takes Ihalf an hour; if ati hIent, tley
quickly wash the dishes and tie whole f;inily go.-
to the fields, since there is little cooking to bt done
in the afternoon. But a woman (in caae usd,
the daughter) must return home at 4 o'clock '.o
fetch water, get the fire going again, put on coffTe,
and at about 5 o'clock set the supper to heat.
Meanwhile, she has also taken a half heur t;o
remove grain from the ears of corn stored :n tile
house, and she sets the pot of nixtamai on the
fire when she heats the food. Thus by the time
supper is served, at 6 o'clock, she has dcvottd an
hour and a half to cooking, which is probably
near average.
During supper, thick nixtamal reinains on the
fire, which is tended incidentally; ;t is removed
2 hour's after it is set on, by which tI'me thlit ;isles
are washed and the cooking day is over. Scvc;i
1i One informant said that in his house the nlziamna is -ashei n; 'i a. 1m.
and it take,. an hour to grind enough for breakfast tcrtillas a t a n,. rhen
at 11 a. n. iis sister grinds apain for a half hour to coo, tamia!s for linc',
and reealps the proccPss nt 5 p. mr. for supper. In llis east- .iAw iL7r.: ins
set to noll at 8 p. m.; the quantity Is snma ller (sinc,- thrc are ; '( :i ini:t r,
and a child) and it takes only an hour. The whole sclh (tte itppears tc be
later than in the house of Santiago Yach, bu. the ditfc-r-srencs tieor con
summed are relatively small.


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHIROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NiO. 16







150 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


hours have been spent by a woman perhaps an
hour and a half by a young girl. When two
women are present, efficiency may be impaired in
that each spends more than the expected fraction
of the time, but the figures must be near the
average.
The house is swept out in the morning, most
frequently by a boy or girl, otherwise by the
housewife; the patio by a child or man. This
takes longer if a child sweeps; but the average is
about 15 minutes a day.
Launndry is done about once a week, almost
always in the morning and most frequently on
Thursday or Saturday. Monday, Tuesday, and
Wednesday are usually busy days in the fields.
Thursday is a light day because, frequently, only
harvesting for the Friday market, and preparation
of the vegetables and fruit, are done. Friday is
usually busy, either in the fields or in the market,
but Saturday again tends to be lighter in prepa-
ration for the Sunday market which almost all
women visit. If there is but one woman in the
house, on the day that she launders she grinds
only enough nixtamal for lunch, leaving the rest
for an afternoon grinding. Where there are two
women, both (using two stones) hurriedly grind
in the morning and then go to the river to wash
clothing. Or sometimes both go quickly after
breakfast and finish the laundry in an hour to
come home for the grinding. Or, again, sometimes
one of them stays home to cook while the other
washes. There is no ironing among the Indians.
The average time devoted to laundry is about 22
hours a week; if children go along, they just play
(or take care of younger siblings). I have never
seen one seriously washing clothes, which is hard
work.
To these ordinary household tasks, therefore, a
woman devotes just about 8 hours a day. In some
households, less time is spent where man and wife
alike go off to work and receive food as part wages.
A very few women take their nixtamal to be
ground in a power mill in town. In the houses
of the rich the women have laborers to feed, and
two or three women perhaps including a servant
may all work in the kitchen. The total figures
(table 58) take these differences into account;
they do not include time expended in cooking food
for religious ceremonies and public fiestas, al-
though they provide for time to cook for home
festivals, private gifts, and the like.


CLOTHING

Partly because of the diverse origin of some of
the Indians, partly because of continuing changes
in fashion, there is a variety of clothing worn by
the Indians resident in Panajachel. The garments
themselves "' briefly may be described as follows:
Men's: The gabdn, so called, is made of heavy natural.
black wool woven in Chichicastenango and bought by the
3-by-14 vara piece in the Solola market and usually
prepared for use by the man who will wear it. He cuts
and hems a square hole in the center, then doubles the
piece lengthwise and tacks the two ends together on
both sides below what become the armholes. It is then
ready to slip over the head much like the huipil of a
woman.
The rodillera is a small woolen blanket about a meter
long and a half meter wide, usually of fine checks
of white and either blue or black. There are two
kinds: those made in Chichicastenango or Nahuali
are heavy and coarse, and always black; those made
in Momostenango and worn typically by the Indians
of Tecpin (hence called locally the "Tecpin
rodillera") are finer, usually blue in color, and often
with fine fringe at the ends. No preparation of the
rodillera is required; it is simply wrapped around
the waist to hang like a skirt to the knees.
The calz6n is a home-woven cotton garment, usually
white with fine vertical red stripes. It is woven in
two pieces and sewed together by the weaver in the
form of drawers. It is a bulky garment, but worn
so high at the waist (where its width makes many
folds) that it seems very short and, indeed, never
shows below the rodillera worn over it.
The calzoncillo is a white cotton garment that is
either bought readymade or sewed at home of
factory-woven cloth. It is' something between a
pair of drawers and a pair of trousers, tends to be
form fitting over the legs and reaches down to the
middle of the calf.
Trousers of European type are bought in the stores
and markets.
Underdrawers of modern type, factory-made, are also
bought of merchants and in the stores.
The sash is a long strip of red cotton about 8 inches
wide that is wound about the waist and tied in
front, the ends tucked in. There are two kinds
frequently distinguished as faja and banda. The
first is home-woven in Panajachel, the second made
by women in other towns and bought by the local
Indians. The banda is of lighter quality than the
faja.
The belt worn around the waist is made of cowhide
by leatherworkcrs of other towns and bought from
them by the local, Indians. It tends to be an inch
and a half wide, with heavy metal holes and a large
metal buckle.
The shirt (always of cotton) is of one of three general
types. First, there are factory-made shirts that
uie Their combinations into costumes are discussed on pp. 168-165.


are bought in the stores or from market merchants.
Second, there are shirts made by Indians of other
towns, such as Chichica.stenango, of bought cloth
(usually striped) and tailored in poor imitation of
the factory models. Lastly, tlere are the increas-
ingly popular shirts made in San ledro la Laguna
of home-woven cotton cloth, of bright colored with
tic-dyed blue stripes that give them their charac-
teristic design. The "San Pedro" shirts are now
also made in Atitldn, and there is in Atitlan at least
one foot loom that makes shirt cloth of this kind
that is hard to distinguish from the belt-loom cloth
of the Pedranas.
The sules are home-woven square cloths, red with
occasional fine stripes, used as head cloth, or worn
around the neck, or carried as kerchiefs. Some
Indians also buy factory-made kerchiefs. Some
handkerchiefs are also used.
The caite is a simple sandal consisting of a leather sole
and an instep piece, bound to the foot by a leather
thong between the big toe and second toe. A few
caites of tire-casing soles are used. There are also
sandalias built more like shoes, straps over the
instep and around the back of the foot. Usually
both kinds of sandals have a slightly raised heel.
Sandals are bought of leatherworkers from other
towns who set up shops in the markets. Shoes or
boots are worn only as part of the Ladino costume.
Hats are typically of straw. A fine type frequently
with a cord for a band is factory-made and bought
in the stores. A coarser type, made by the Indians
of Chichicastenango, Lemoa, Quichd, and perhaps
other towns, of coiled and sewed strips, is bought
in the market. These hats, of natural straw color
with some black or colored designs, have crowns of
various shapes and variously wide brims but those
bought by Panajacheleflos are usually of one type,
medium in both height and width of the brim.
Occasionally an Indian owns a factory-made felt
hat.
Tailored jackets are worn by a few men.
Tomen's: The core is a wrap-around skirt that gets this
name because it is bought in a length (corte). The
Panajacheletio corte is a heavy solid blue cotton woven
especially for Panajachel women in foot looms run by
Ladinos in Solold. It is only a vara wide, and must be
pieced to give the proper length when worn. It is sewn
with either a silk or a cotton embroidery stitch (forming,
when the skirt is worn, i-inch to %-inch stripes around
the hips and down the back). When sewn it extends
to the lower ankle. It is simply wound tightly about
the body, and held together with a sash. The "Totoni-
capin" corte, worn by a few women in Panajachel, is
lighter cotton of various colors with tie-dyed stripes
made in the Totonicapin-Quczaltenango region on foot
looms. It is worn like the Panajacheleflo corte.
The huipil typical of Panajachel is woven by the
women on the back-strap loom of natural brown
cotton with red vertical stripes. In the area cover-
ing the shoulders and arms, breast and back, small
purple designs are worked in with cotton or silk.
956746--53-11


The huipil is woven in three long pieces, which are
then sewn together, with breast openings iMt for
nursing. In the center a square for the head is ',:u
out and edged with cotton or silk. Then the
garment is doubled and the sides are sewn eyccrt
for tie armholes. This huipil corner a own to the
ankles, but below the waist is entirely covered by
the skirt.
The second kind of huipil is typical of neighboring
San Andres; it is made by some Panajachel women,
also on the back-strap loom, or bought from tndre-
sanas. It is made in the same way, but it is shorter,
has a white background, and bright-colored cotton
designs. The San Lucas huipil, worn by one
woman, is similar.
The third type is called the Totonica.p., eu''pil.
Foot-loom-made in the Totonicapln region, it is
typical of a large area of western Guatm;rrals where
women no longer weave their own huipiles. It is
shorter than the Panajachel huipil, coming down
only to the hips. The Panajachelefiac wao use
them buy them in the market stores
Ready-made white blouses, or the same garments
home-sewn of bought cloth, are occasionally worn.
The sash, red cotton, some with fine colored fiurrs, :s
locally woven. It runs to 158 inches lon.rg aid 8
inches wide. Like that of the man, it is a oind
around the waist and the ends are tucked in. COter
sashes, worn with Totonicapan huiyiles and ., its
are made elsewhere.
Carrying cloths, home-woven of red cttoi, usuanly
have fine colored stripes. Therre are ?, variety of
sizes, all but the smallest woven in two pierce arnd
sewn together with cotton. The largci o0-ie r,,
used to carry babies (slung over the bhoulfders to
the back) and others to set on the head, fr. pa ol:, t
support a basket being carried. When carrying ao
basket, the cloth is folded and placed o1 5 .:, h:. i,
The cinta is a long (256 inches :nt\rtc, (,'-iici) dark
red and navy blue cotton ritbcn bcughn, in the'
market and said to be woven in 'Toto-iea-,r.t,. I; is
wound around bunches of hair, then the wbo:.-
wound about the head.
TEXTILE WORX

Of all the garments used in Ptnajache Oh- .)nly
ones that are woven locally aie muer.'s druw':r
(calzones), sashes of both men and wori-n,
cloths (sutes), women's blouses (hu'dydcs), and
carrying cloths. In addition, men's woo'Ln cinao'.a
(gabanes), some men's trousers (co zoncillon), and
shirts, and women's skirts and Ais-mne Lio.ses aare
tailored or sewed in Panajacliel. Among the
"foreign" Indians in Panajacbel "n :Q'036 ,r:! s
few who wove garments typical of tlieir l:',;na ,of
origin, for the use of their families .
No Panajachelefia spun cotton in 1926;t although
there was an old Sololateca living in tctn wnc'. did


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY---TAX 1151l







152 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


Doubtless in years past cotton spinning was prac-
ticed in Panajachel; I do not know if any women
still know how to do it but certainly none of them
practice the art. They use the whorl, however,
for twisting thread. Factory-spun cotton is
bought in skeins in the stores or markets. The
first task in weaving is to wind the cotton on a
ball, by use of a wooden winding frame that is
bought.12 As it is rewound, it is usually
(?) doubled; and then it is twisted with the aid of
a simple spindle. This is a long and tedious
process. The next stage, warping, is done on a
wooden warping frame that is bought. Then the
loom is set up, and the heald prepared. The
woman weaves kneeling on the ground or on a mat
in the patio or corridor, occasionally in the house,
the near end of the loom fastened around her back
with a strap, and the far end tied to a tree or a
pillar of the house. Since not all women who
know how to weave know how to work in the
designs on the women's huipiles, a weaver at this
point in the process finds a specialist to complete
her huipil. The last step is to cut and sew a
garment that requires it. This in Panajachel
(where the Indians do not use sewing machines)
is a minor task done with a steel needle.
Of the 133 Panajachelefio families, there are 54
in which women engage in textile arts besides
simple sewing and repairing. On 2 others I have
no data, but the remaining 77 apparently have no
women doing this work. On the "foreign" house-
holds my information is poorer. Besides the
Sololateca who spun cotton and wove, there was a
Jorgefia weaver and a Pedrana who wove clothing
for herself and her family. The Totonicapin
women do not weave. An Atiteca, a Sololateca,
and a Nahualefia that we knew did not weave.
On most of the others of :tiis class I have no
specific information; but I believe that few if any
of them practice these arts.
In Panajachelefio households (which include a
few "foreign" women) there are 84 women and
girls who twist thread, sew, and weave. Their
age-distribution (table 59) indicates that while
ordinary weaving does not seem to be disappearing
as an art, women who know how to work figures
into huipiles are not being replaced as they age.
1i The teehnolo y of weaving In Pananji hel need be discussed here only
Lnsofar as It Is necessary to explain the econonice aspects. Textiles of l'ana.
Jachel and other communities of Guatemala were studied In 1036 for the
Carnegie Institution of Washington by Dr. Llla M. O'Neale; sce O'Neale,
1946.


It is likely (as informants agree) that flower wonme A woman's carrying cloth 1% varas (about 1
than formerly practice weaving,13 since change( meter square) takes:
in costume render weaving less necessary in tlh pound of white cotton yarn, which cost in 1936_ $0. 1612,
community as a whole. At the same time, how. 1 pound of red cotton yarn, which cost in 1936-- 66%
ever, women in Santa Catarina, Sololaf, and Con. ounce of green cotton yarn, which cost in 1936.. .02
cepci6n "take in" Panajachel weaving. In thosu %ounce of another color cotton yarn, cost in 1936- .02
towns, where women are far less important ir The twisting of the cotton takes about a day
agriculture than in Panajachel, it is probably for a pound; Toribia did not do this herself, but
easier for Panajachelefias to find weavers; also, it had a woman do it for 8 cents a pound, the usual
may be cheaper, since the value of a woman'! rate in 1936. The warping, which she did herself,
time is almost certainly less than in Panajachel. took her 2 hours.14 The weaving would take her
The following account of costs comes from t 4 days, but she usually had another woman do it
weaver who laboriously worked them out witt and this cost her but 25 cents. The sewing is
me. Although I checked the results against other done with the same thread, and takes but a short
information, I became convinced of her accuracy time. The total cost to her came to about $1.25
through the following (not isolated) instance plus some 2 hours' work, not counting that inci-
quoted from field notes: dental to buying and arranging with a weaver to
With the aid of his wife, who was sitting weaving work. Had she done all the work herself, the cost
huipil, I obtained figures on the cost of making a huipi would have been about 87 cents plus nearly 6
Figuring in the material, and figuring the woman's labk days' work. If purchased, such a cloth would
as worth 15 cents a day-as these informants insisted- cost about $2, so there is some profit even if labor
I came out to some $4.68 for a completed huipil. Without is calculated at the man's rate.
mentioning this sum, I asked how much the huipil wo Other carrying cloths vary in cost according to
sell for if occasion arose (a rarity here) and the women their carrying cloths vary in cost according to
said $10. I tried to get her down, but she refused to corn size; since the cotton is the greater part of the cost,
lower than $9. I said "Wouldn't you sell it for $5?" asc and most of the work involved varies directly with
she blurted out in reply that it cost her 350 pesos to mal the size, there is a close relationship between size
Three hundred and fifty pesos come to $5.86, so I asked be and cost.'" Probably every woman has 1-meter
why she said that when according to our calculations tt i
total was $4.68. Then she called to my attention that square cloth for carrying large things, including
had not figured the job of cutting and sewing the necklim babies; but probably the average size of all such
and sewing the huipil. The former is a job that onli cloths is about 1 vara square. One may conclude,
experts can do, and one must not only pay the woman 5 therefore, that the average Panajachel woman's
cents but must ask a formal favor with a large gift of foo carrying cloth takes 70 cents' worth of cotton
Calculating the value of the food, and adding that threa d and about 4 days of labor.
50 cents to the $4.68, I came out with a total cost forthread and about 4% days of labor.
huipil of $5.83 just 3 cents short of the 350 pesos thattOf Men's sutes are smaller; since the colors are
woman knew all the time usually only red and green (and not white, which
TABLE 59.-Panajachelefio weavers is cheaper) they probably cost some 60 cents in
Number of women In app cash and take only about 3% days of work.4""
So w n groups A man's sash takes 12 ounces of red cotton and
Arts practiced Undr Ihalf ounce each of green, yellow, and purple (at
Total Udr 20-40 0-60 2 cents the half ounce). The material thus costs
Threadtwisg only 1 54 cents. The twisting takes a day, and the warp-
Thread twisting and cwln' Ig 2 3 about 2 hours. The weaving is a matter of
only.....- ....-- .-------. ------ 6 1 4 .........-....
Sewing' and ordilnry weaving
only ..-. .......-- 1 ..".... ..- ------. If the warping is given out to another woman, according to this Inform-
Thred ntwistinc, scwing,' and 3 1 she nmust not only be paid for the time but must he given 2 penny rolls
orliinary wenvinti............ 03 10 31 15
All lroceasses, ncluiing weaving, ad a cup of mcofee. The woman comes to the house to warp, and the food
in designs..-..---- --.. 6 ..---..... 1 3 ilstomary "to keep the woman from talking." It Is a "shame" not to
Total ... 4 -----I 1 39 26 ow how to warp.
T"a- In- hi 1040 an Indin woman tried to sell me an oversize carrying cloth that
i"Sewilin" here refers to thn speialtiztedl sowing required on woni t had "made." She said It had taken 2 pounds of red yarn at $1.10 per
holpiles, shirls, etc., not ordinary rtuliring. 0ound and "much" t ie-dyed yarn, which is expensive. She let out the work
SAn Informant, wo later l the cns wer told profssonl who charged her cns. She refused to sell for less than .
that "only I0 or 12 women weave theired own lo the, nd 3 or 4 went In 19411 I was told that a asue Is worth 60 cents, but this is certainly too
others." He grossly underestimated, of course, but that emphasizes thatt
general Impresslon Is that "weaving Is no longer practiced."


2% days, but it takes an additional o or hours
to fix the fringe. Thus,,if the woman does all her
own work the sash costs her 54 cents andl ai:o t
4 days of time. Such a sash is worth about $1 as
here there is a profit only ifa. womInl's time is
valued at less than 11 cents a'doy.i 'rT!e wRo6:.a''s
sash is larger than the man's, and on ,ther.v 'ragp
probably costs, as in one case that I havre, 70 cents
in cotton and 5 days' iwork. When figir~es ar.,'
woven into the sash, in the cesc of the ferminia :'
garment, the cost of silk adds abo'. 5 cents, and
probably another half day is required.
Calzones take 12 ounces of white cotton and a
pound of red; the cost in cash is thus c2. c-*:,.
The labor amounts to almost 7 days.14 .\n
informant in 1941 told me calzcnes vwere worth $2.
When shirts for young boys are horrm-woven
and tailored, the cost comes to abeut 13 cn'.s 'n
cash (for 4 ounces of cotton yarn), and about 2
days' work. The value of the gardent is thus
about 35 cents.1"
The cost of huipiles has already been :nont;oned.
A huipil takes 4 pounds of cotton, which costs
$2.66.u4 Twisting the yarn takes 4 da: tl~e
warping 1% days. The ordinary weaver can then
weave only the two ends, after which she mnst;
find a specialist for the ccuter portion where the
figures come. To weave the ends takes 6 cays,
and it takes another 4/2 days for the cei. tr. The
sewing and embroidery of the neck, is also'-fre-
quently done by the spccialisi, who tho n :Ispen
another day and a half. The owner o& a uip
pays the specialist 66 cents ir cash, 50ienrd f n'or '
the weaving, and 16 cents for the sewing an- 'ixg ',;"
of the neckline. But in addition she has to give
her 4 pounds of meat (32 cents) snd tort'as and
tamales requiring 4 pounds of corn (5 cinis). I.
silk is woven into the huipil the added cost, in
cash for the silk, is about 50 cents. On, may say,
therefore, that if a woman does all her ow:i wzrk
an ordinary huipil costs $2.66 in cash and J7%
,c The husband ofthis informant, whoseclothesareethivrw ise ,lo.-fshfoned
no longer used home-woven ral:ones in 1937. He bought ts o ,'aru of -bite
cloth for 26 cents, and the tailoring--done by his wife-was a smr tier of hut
half a day. fiP said he liked this kind b)ttc., because t is Ciner .nd "dr' i ( ri':
hurt him." .Althib,ur more enonomleni than the homio-woveno Aid, ih'
diffrclnc Is not as grent as It somrtnls herinuse there dra users iht no r ore than
half as lonp as the others. I have head of this fanlio' Ifror, no oi"- s t iree
and am disr iirdliiRg it.
3' This is about twice what a young child's shirt ivcts woi'n bht rht In
the market, blt it lasts much longer. Thle great nmao.;-ly of shirts- nil? ell
those for yooithIs nnd IIt l-are 1,(tiltht.
w Tblero Is one ca'e of a woman w ho uso the cherpcr whilte cotton lustlad
of the brown for the background of her kuipU.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOM~Y--TAX





PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 15-5


days of work,'1 a silk-figured huipil $3.16 in cash
and about the same labor.
The Panajachel woman's core requires 8 varas
of material, which in 1936 cost about $3. It takes
about 2 days to prepare it for use. Those that
sew with silk use from 50 cent's to a dollar's worth,
depending upon the width of the stitch. Seventy-
five cents may be taken as average. Silk-sewn
huipiles also probably take an extra day's work
to sew.
A man's gabdn takes 3 varas of woolen cloth,
which cost $1 in 1936 (and had come down to 75
cents in 1941). A spool of black thread adds
from 6 to 10 cents."' It takes a man but 2 hours
to half a day to tailor his gabdn depending on
his skill.
Based on this information and that on the
variety of costumes in the community it may be
concluded that all woven or sewed costumes for
the Indian community in 1936 required nearly
9,000 work days. Slightly more than a third of
this time was spent by women hired in other
towns to do it. Probably in 1936 in Panajachel
some 5,760 work days as compared with a little
over $4,000 in cash were spent making and re-
pairing garments, buying materials and garments,
and, in general, clothing the community. One may
conclude that although weaving is a significant
occupation of women, and essential to the culture
as long as the unique costumes of Panajachel are
valued, clothing is primarily an object in the
cash economy.

TABLE 60.-Time consumed in domestic production, 1986
Man-days per year
Domestic production Total
Men Women cndere

House building and maintenance. 1,100 1, 0 ......... 50
House furnishings ..............- *76 ....... s 1, 10
Tools and utensils............... 15 125 25
Firewood--... ............... 2, 000 1,800 .......... 200
Kitchen work (table ia) and
laundry- --..................... 67,032 -......... 61,072 15,00
Spinning, weaving, sewing, re-
pairing clothing----................ 5, 763 10 L &3 W 250
Total...................... 76,125 8050 600 16.475

I The average of 900 and 1,300 man-days (p. 147)-the figures excluding
artisans.
I The average of 50 and 100, the extremes mentioned on p. 148.
a For the boys that gather and make firewood; what the women pick up
along the paths Is not Included, since it takes no extra time.
Girls almost exclusively.
to Yet an Informant in 1941 sid a plain hulpil Ia worth $3. Cf. the case
above (p. 154) referring to a uipifl with silk.
An Informant amid that formerly the sewing was done with homespun
maey fiber.


Table 60 summarizes the time the Indian Conm
muniity spends in all its tasks of domestic pro.
duction.

THE LEVEL AND COST OF LIVING

HOUSEHOLD ESTABLISHMENTS

Chart 18 is a guide to a sample of 10 Indian
establishments chosen to represent economic
differences (the numbers correspond to those in
Appendix 3, the smaller the richer).'" Their
description will indicate, together with the descrip-
tions of costume and, especially, diet that follow,
the level of material well-being.
No. 3. Yard 40 by 25 feet. A and C were thatched until
about 1925 when the roofs were remodeled. Each is 18
by 15 feet, the walls 9 and the roofs 16 feet high. Weall
are whitewashed and each house has a carpenter-built door
A is the kitchen; high on one wall is an 8-inch-squar
opening to let out smoke. There are two large fireplaces
one in the northwest corner, the other a little to the south.
The large cooking pots are on the floor nearby. On north
and west walls, about 5 feet high, boards are suspended
on which small articles of food are kept. Against the west
wall there is a large, low table on which there are dishes.
In the southwest corner, both on the floor and suspended
are large old pots kept as remembrance of the owner's fint
wife. Two beds, of boards resting on large pieces of logs
are in the northwest and southeast corners, heads to east;
in first sleep 3, 6, and 7 (the children are illegitimate),
and in the second 4, who is a deaf mute. A cornstalk fence
separates the second bed from the utensils on the floor.
C is the Saint's house. It has a full ceiling of planed
boards nailed over the rafters. Against the north wall ist
platform of boards on planted posts on which are three
images and some garlic, beans, and coffee of the last
harvest. In the northwest corner are several great old
pots which once served in ceremonial cooking; in the other
corners are wooden boxes of corn, beans, and coffee, and
many agricultural tools.
The annex D is the granary in which corn on the ear i
stacked. It is 9 by 6 feet, its highest wall 9 feet and it ,
lowest 6 feet high; a wooden door faces the yard. B,I
one-pitch-roof structure 6 by 9 feet, is used as a chicken
house, with many poles for perches. It has a door of old
boards.
E is the newest house, 12 by 15 feet, with a roof 15 fee
high, with a carpenter-made door and a ceiling of rougO
boards resting upon (not nailed to) the rafters. This is tbi
bedroom, and so cluttered that there is hardly room tt
move in it. One bed, in the southwest corner, a bought
one, is not used; the oNjner said it was his first wife's bed
and nobody should use it while he lived. In the northwed
corner is a bed of boards set on logs where 1, 2, and 5 sleep
Against the wall near this bed a well-adorned santo is o:
n All 10 families are as "pure Panajacheleflo" as there are. Alll lve ego
the river: it was convenient to confine the survey to that neighborhood.


I Adobe brick wall Thatch roof

I Mass adobe wall Porch with pillars

U Corrugated iron roof E Porch under wide eaves


S Clay tile roof

A Man

a Boy

A Infant boy


SWoman

* Girl

0 Infant girl


CHART 18.-Guide to description of 10 Panajachel establishments.


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBU[CAT'ION NO. 16






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX. 57


156 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


a table. In the southeast corner stands a locked chest,
and under the bed a smaller one, where the money is
supposedly kept. Other chests near the foot of the bed
contain clothing and valuables. In the room also are a
coffee-pulper, riding saddle, new tools, and hanging from
the rafters inside and out are stems of ripening bananas to
feed the caged pigeons outside, and ropes, bags, bridles,
and the life.
Covering the 7-foot 6 by 9 adobe sweat bath (F) is a
thatched roof supported by corner pillars of adobe. Near
the fire (always in a corner next to the door), are the
vessels used in bathing, and along the walls are wooden
benches for the bathers.
Pitchpine torches are used for lighting the houses in the
evening.
No. 5. Yard 30 by 45 feet. All three houses have
carpenter-made doors. A and C, made at the same time,
are each 20 by 18 feet, with 9-foot walls and the roof
ridge 20 feet high.
C is the kitchen. Firewood is stacked on the porch
in the rainy season. The fireplace in the northeast corner
has very large stones and many large pots around it, for
many hired hands join a large family to be fed. There
are two large grinding stones besides the smaller ones for
coffee, etc. In the center is suspended a large shelf for
foodstuffs; to the north, a smaller one for tortillas. On
the walls are more shelves; but the dishes are in two large
baskets on the floor near the fire. Strung on a line are
many cross-sapodilla seeds, drying for later sale. In the
southeast and northeast corners are beds of boards on
implanted posts, shielded from the door and the fire by
large mats. On the walls above clothing hangs on lines;
at the head of each bed is a wooden chest, and under each,
garlic is stacked, waiting to be braided. In the first sleep
2, 3, and 8; in the second, 6, 7, 9, and 10.
A is the Saint's house, where in the center of the north
wall are three santos on a small table on a platform of
canes supported by implanted posts. The whole is
adorned with flowers, and before the tableau stands a
small table with flowers and candles. On the floor of the
house four and five make their bed. In the corners of the
house are agricultural tools, and on the floor the huge
pots used years ago to cook ritual foods. On a wall hang
several large mats used to dry coffee. Along two walls
are benches. On the porch is a cane-walled enclosure in
which cars of corn are stacked.
D is an old house, 18 by 15 feet, with 7- or 8-foot walls
and a roof ridge 18 feet high, which is used both as kitchen
and bedroom by the elderly woman, 1. On the floor near
the fire, in the southeast corner, are her old grinding stone
and a few old pots. The bed, in the northwest corner,
is of cornstalks supported by implanted posts. Clothing
is hung on a line overhead.
The sweat bath (F) is 7 to 8 feet long and 6 feet wide
and high, with a 3 foot opening. Near the fireplace are
large pots, and in the center a large bowl used to mix
hot and cold water and bathe the children. Boards set on
stones along the sides serve as benches.
E is the granary, 9 by 4 feet, with a door of canes, in
which are stacked ears of corn. The chicken house (B)
has a board for a door, and canes which serve as perches.


No. 15. Yard 30 by 30 feet. C is a kitchen (18 by 30 head of cach bed is a wooden chest. Clothes are on lines
across the corners. Along the south wall are large piles of
feet, 7- or 8-foot walls, and roof 18 feet high) with firewood garlic waiting to be braided.
stacked oin the porch to one side of a home-made door of B is for santos and storage. A large table opposite tilhe
wood. A larger fireplace is in the northwest corner (for door has on it a painted wood cross; it and the table are
large vessels of corn, etc.); a smaller one is nearby (for covered with flowers. Along the north wall is a bench




(bottom shelf) foodstuffs used daily. There is at the south The sweat bath (C) is annexed; it is 6 by 7 feet but
wall a small table, and in the wall embedded wooden pegs around it is built a 9 by 9 house 9 feet high. Inside the
on which old cooking pots are hung. On the floor sleeps bath are the pottery vessels used in bathing and there are
the servant ( an receono). benches along three walls. The chicken house (D) is 6 by
E is a bedroom and reception room, 20 by 15 7 feet it fet and 4 or 5 feet high, with a cane door, and poles for
9-foot walls and the roof 18 feet high, with a large bought perches.
door and a ceiling, formed by canes tied to the rafters, Except in heavy rains, firewood in quantity is stacked
which extends to the porch, and on which (outside) corn in the yard and covered with thatch. The house is illumi-
is stored. Unlike other houses which have simple tamped.- ated with kerosene (most of the time) and pitch pine.
down earth floors, this one has a base of stones covered No. 28. Yard 24 by 18 feet; under an orange tree at
with leveled-off clay which, dried, gives a hard smooth one edge there is a bench for occasional dining.
surface. Bought beds are in the corners, northeast (for B, the 8-year-old kitchen house, is 18 by 15 feet with an
2 and 6), northwest (for 3, 7, and 8), and southeast (for 18-foot roof and 5-foot walls; the doorway (fitted with a
4 and 5); mats are suspended over them to form canopies, hinged door) is so low that one must stoop to pass through,
Across the center of the house, north to south, is a ham- The fireplace is in the southeast corner; a second fire is
mock for daytime rest. Between the beds on the north occasionally made nearby. A high table of canes supported
wall is a large chest containing clothing, which is also by implanted posts holds pots, dishes, and the basket of
strung on lines across corners. On the west wall is tortillas. A branch implanted near the fire has drinking
locked cupboard with valuables. There are several chairs and gourds hanging on its twigs. There are som
s saps and gourds hanging on its twigs. There are some
F is a new house (technically an annex), the outside dishes of china. The grinding stone leans against the
walls smoothed off as if plastered, 18 by 13 feet with 7- or call nearby. The north side of the house is used to store
8-foot walls, and a roof 16 feet high. There is a home -rn. Because this kitchen house is dark, food is carried
made door of wood, and a wood-shuttered window-opening to the Saint's house where the family dines.
1% feet square. The floor is like that of E. Not yet ia The annex A is 15 by 9 feet, with 6-foot walls and a 10-
use, this house will be a storeroom for tools, produce, etc !oot roof, and has on the west wall a bed of boards on
D is made of lumber left over when E was finished asts in which sleep the three members of the family. On
This annex is 9 by 6 feet, and 9 feet high, with a crude :he north wall is a chest on a low table, in which documents
wood door, and has tile bed of the deaf-nmute half-brothe r ad valuables are kept. Above the head of the bed hang
(1) along the north wall, a bed of boards resting on wood: Irifle and a machete, and at the south end of the room a
"horses." IIe hangs his clothing on a line across the roso m5e runs the whole width; on it clothing of the whole
and keeps valusables in a chest under his bed. lie u"'asmily hangs. Under the bed is garlic to be braided.
no light at night, though kerosene is burned in the oth e Tools are hung on the porch.
rooms. hg The Saint's house (D), built in 1931, is 12 by 12, the
Tw e chicken l iousa (B) is 6 by 4 feet, and 6 feet hia t salls under 5 feet said the roof 9 or 10 feet high. It has a
with a -foot dor ad cane ces. Te sweat bath winged wooden door. The floor is covered with pine
new, 9 by 7 feet and a little over 5 feet at its greater sedles. The saints are on a table against the north wall,
height, covered with a raised thatched roof, and ai dorned with flowers. On another table before it, the
benches along all the walls.1 m3an performs his rituals. Benches line the walls.
No. 19. Yard 42 by 36 plus a lower garden 30 is te oldt house (12 yers in 136) and dcrpit,
feet. A and B are two rooms of a single house, 40 by tie oldest house (12 years n 1936) and decrepit,
feet with 7- or 8-foot walls and the roof almostgle 18ousfee, 40 bi ith a door of canes, used only to keep adobes and other
The pillars of the porch are ron basesof cutston 18 feeand on materials with which to build a new house. The house
arThe pllaowers inof the porch adobe partition cut stompletely di 15 by 12 feet, walls 6 feet, and roof 15 feet high.
are flowers i tins.The adobe parton complely Kerosene (and candles before the Saints) furnish illumi-
the house, and each room has only its outside boughtt astioene (.nd candles before the Saints) rnis illumi-
door. The house was begun in 1930; in 1936 it sas 11' The house belongs to family X; the two families have
considered finished because a tepanco (boards or cr, sParate kitchens and constitute economically different
over the rafters) was lPlanned. 18seholds. Y therefore simply rooms here. (1 and 5
A is the kitchen, with fireplace in tihe northeast cor., ppen to be cousins.)
a second fire nearby, and all pots and dishes on the 0 NNo. 37. Yard 18 by 18 feet parts planted with flowers.
against the surrounding walls. There are beds of bo) B is both bedroom and reception room. A house 2 years
on planted posts, one in the northwest corner for 2 20 by 15 fee t with -foot walls and room. A house 2 years
and 5; the other (southwest corner) for 1 and 4. At 20 by 15 feet with oot walls and roof 18 feet high,


has porch pillars based on cut-stone, a spa';'ins wvo l-n
door made to slide open, and tOr win1r,'s (frot re..c br.ck
fitted with sliding wood panels. The hoc c'.as orirgi lJy
built when I led the masked dancc:ir rt !,ie tit(i!ar fists
and had to receive his 11up i.)ns. Tl-hc erc e two
bought beds, one in thie nortliwest andc ortn jioi t I sollii.cst
corner, in each of which sleeps one of tihe fan.itiis. Nr:xt
to each bed is a wooden chest for clothes; otLer clothing
hangs over the foot of each bed. On the walls ar. pictures
from magazines and newspapers.
A is a 12- by 9-foot annex of 12-foct valkl or I board and
cane with a wooden hinged do'wr, obilt shortly afr tie
house and used as a storeroom f .r large pota, iools, t:xes,
etc.
E, 9 by 9 feet with 6-foot walls e.ad a l2-foct roof ridge,
is the 8-year old kitchen house used by family X. The
outside frontsall is plastered to present a smooni surface
There is a hinged wood door, and on the porch a bon.h.
The fire is in the center of the west wal), winh po's cn
either side; dishes are in a basket on the floor or hung from
wooden pegs in the wall. Suspended in the center of the
room is a 3- by 14-foot shelf for food. There are several
stools on which members of the family sit while e t ing.
The adobe oven (D) is enclosed in a house wit valls
4f feet high and roof 9 feet high. The part not occupied
by the oven (6 by 6 feet) is used by family Y as a ki chan.
It has a door of canes. The fire is in the southwest corner.
No rent is paid, but when necessary 5 works f r 1 in his
fields. The sweatbath (6 by 6 feet) and privy are used
by both families. Family X uses kerosene exclusl iely for
light at night.
No. 94. Yard, 23 by 23 feet, surrounded by a cane eicer.
B is 15 by 12 feet, walls 6 feet and roof 12 feet high,
with a door of canes. Near the fireplace, in the northwest
corner, are three kinds of shelves: a 2-shelf cupboard of
cornstalks for dishes and small pots, a board shelf su.-
ported by pegs in the wall, and another suspended fro;n
the rafters. The latter two have food on them. Large
pots and grinding stones are on the floor. In a l:cd 7 Ly
4% feet of boards on posts set in the floor in the sou:,heant
corner sleeps 1, 3, 4, 5, and 6. In a small bed of the same
kind in the southwest corner 1 sleeps alone. At the foot
of this bed is a locked wood chest of documents;. On the
south wall hangs a paper carton with clothcei of the older
boys. Tools are in the northeast corner and hung on the
walls. In the northeast corner, canes over the rafters
hold garlic to be braided. The only light used in the house
is that of the fire.
In the 6 by 7 and 4-foot high sweat bath (A) there are
no vessels. Pots from the kitchen are brought for bathing.
No. 95. Yard, 30 by 30 feet, with many flowers an, 2
beehives. A second house (for saints and ritual sctiviC:es)
had collapsed shortly before 1936; materials for a ,ew one
were being collected, and meanwhile the santos were icpt
on the porch of C, and taken in at night. ("IF would be
wrong to keep them in the kitchen in the day or out.id1
at night.")
The house, 18 by 18 feet, with the roof ridge 15 feet
from the floor, and the walls a little over 6 feet high, is 12
years old. It is of whitewashed mass-adobe, with a t( atcl.






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY--TAX


roof. The doorway, center of north wall, is 5% feet high
and 2 feet wide, with a door of canes.
The fireplace is in the southeast corner, with a load of
firewood nearby. At. the lmae of east andl soutlih walls are
cooking pots, grinding stone, and a jar of water. There is
a talle of boards over crosspieces supported by posts
implanted in ground, on which are kept dishes and food,-
stuffs. Nearby are several shelves on pegs in the walls,
with additional ones hung from the rafters with cords, in
the middle of which are strung gourd bowls.
There are no beds in the house: the family sleeps on
mats on the floor; 6 and 7 sleep in the northeast corner, 8
with 5 in the southwest corner, and parents with 3 in the
northwest corner. Blanket and clothing are hung over
each of the three sleeping places on a line. Several old
wooden che-sts are on the floor. There is an ax against the
wall near the fire, and hoes and machetes are kept in
other corners of the house. Several worn-out machetes
hang by a rope, with some ox horns from which containers
to carry water to the fields can be made.
Pitch-wood torches are used as much as kerosene lamps
for lighting the house.
The sweat bath (A) is 6 by 9 feet; the privy (B), a
doorless structure of canes with a one-pitch thatch roof, is
about 2 by 2 feet and 6 feet high.
No. 108. No yard. The house, 8 by 8 feet, with an
8-foot roof and 4-foot walls, is of mass-adobe and thatch.
The porch, about 3 feet wide, has three posts supporting
the eaves. The door is carpenter-made of old wood. The
house is in poor condition, the roof patched with leaves in
several places.
The fireplace is in the northeast corner of the house, and
the pots stand near it. On the walls are a board, hung as
a shelf where foodstuffs can be stored, and a few bats, old
gourds, weaving sticks, and bunches of medicinal plants.
In 1936 there was no bed; the family slept on a mat on the
floor, all together with but one blanket. There are two or
three small stools and a small wooden chest. Clothing
hangs on lines tied to the walls.
On the porch are usually kept firewood, the man's
carrying frame and hoes, axes, and machetes. Sticks used
in planting and weeding truck gardens are stuck into the
thatch of the roof, in the house, and on the porch.
A, a chicken coop of old canes with old boards laid on
for a roof, is about 4 by 4 by 4 feet. The sweat bath (B),
about 6 feet in each dimension, wrs in disrepair in 1936.
Inside, beside the fireplace, are wooden benches.
No. 109. No yard. The mass-adobe house, 16 by 10
feet with 5-foot walls and 16-foot roof ridge, is 8 years
old. The walls are whitewashed according to Public
Health regulations; there is a door of canes. This was the
only house described in which there was a glass window: a
pane about 8 inches square set into the north wall.
Near B, another house of the same type and material,
7 by 13 feet, was being constructed to serve as a bedroom.
A is a chicken coop, 3 by 4 feet, of thatched mass-adobe;
besides a few chickens, it contains accumulated excrement
to be used or sold as fertilizer.
The small fireplace is in the southwest corner of the
house. Above it hangs a twigged branch with enamelware
drinking cups and pottery pitchers. There is also a


wooden shelf on the wall for the gourd in which tortilla
are kept,. Along tihe srouth1 wall are lhl(e grimnlig sto
and earthenware pots used in the kitchen; pots less fre.
quently ums'l are kepl, o(tside..
A bed of three boards resting on four ihmplanted postal
replaced (in 1936) the mats which the family formerly
ilept on. 'Thei be is covered with a mat andl a blanket;
clothing serves for a pillow. Beans, garlic, and onions are
stored under the bed.
The only piece of furniture besides tie bed is a smoke.
blackened wooden chest in which papers and document
arc kept. In tihe northwest corner of the house, two ropel
strung across hold a second blanket, a mesh bag, anda
small bag, some ropes and tumprlimnes. ielow them are
axes, hoes, machetes, and a carrying frame.
Except for the fire and occasional pitch-wood torch
there is no regular means of lighting the house.

COSTUMES


(6) regional costumes of other communities. The
costumes of Solol, Sanr Jorge, andl Concopci6rn,
if not the same, are enough alike to be treated
together. Tlim San 'Pedro, AtillAn, sndl Sana
Catarina costumes are distinct. The local
Indians of TonicapAn and San Andrds wore
trousers in 1!936 and are included under (5)
above. The Ladinos, of course, also wear the
"city" costume, ibut those included in the
Indian population also wear shoes and other
applrtenances and should be treated separately.
Women's and girls':
(7) The "simple" Panajachel costume consists of the
I'anajachel huipil, core without silk, and sash
without figures. One woman wears this cos-
tume but has substituted a huipil of San Lucas
for that of Panajachel. The hairdress is the
bought ribbon. The women use the locally
woven carrying cloth. Rarely, they wear
miles on inournper


The individual garments mae and purchased (8) The "silk" Panajachel costume is the same except
by Panajachel Indians are combined into various that silk figures are woven into the huipil and
costumes: silk is used to sew the huipil and the core.
S a b (9) The "elaborate" Panajachel costume is the same,
Men's and boys': but in addition to the silk in the huipil and
(1) The "old fashioned" costume consists of a calzs core, it has figures (of silk) woven into the
covered by a gabdn and then a Nahuala rodillera, ends of the sash.
all fastened with a home-woven sash and with (10) The "San Andrds" costume worn by women of
a leather belt. An extra rodillera is hung over Panajachel, as well as those from San Andrds
the shoulders by men who have attained & and some of the women in San Andres, consists
certain grade in the politico-religious hierarchy, of the San Andrds huipil, Totonicapcn skirt,
A hat is worn on the head, but a suie is substi, and in most local cases the plain Panajachel
tuted on formal occasions. The feet are ban sash. The local carrying cloths and hairdress
or with cites. are used.
(2) The "newer" costume substitutes a shirt for the (11) The "Totonicapn" costume consists of the
gabdn, but otherwise the costume is the same. "Totonicapin" huipil and core and a bought
(3) The "modern" costume consists of a shirt and sash. It corresponds to the "city" costume of
calzoncillo covered by a Nahuald rodillera and Indian men, and may best be described, in the
bound with a sash, either home-woven or pu. whole region, as a generalized Indian costume.
chased, and a leather belt. The rest of the It is worn in Panajachel not only by the resident
costume is the same. In two cases no belt i Totonicapefias but by some Panajachelefias.
worn. In one case a Chichicastenango rodillers Bought carrying cloths are usually used with
is substituted for that from Nahual. this costume.
(4) The "fashionable" costume is the same except (12) Costumes of other Indian towns: Again Solola,
that the rodillera is of the blue Tecpdn type, San Jorge, and Concepci6n costumes may be
frequently with white borders and open work considered one. The Atitldn, San Pedro, and
at the ends. A bought kerchief is frequently NahualA costumes are distinctive. The San
worn around the neck. San Pedro shirts an Andrds and Totonicapan women wear costumes
especially popular with this costume. In ont included under (10) and (11) above; the San
case the sash is omitted and the belt performs Andrds women wear TotonicapAn shirts and a
more important function, sash the origin of which I am not sure. The
(5) The "city" costume, worn especially by men whe Ladina costume consists, of course, of European-
have been in military service, and some boyt type dresses, shoes, etc., and is worn in Pana-
and which is typical of Indians of communities jachel only by a Ladina married into the
where the regional costume has been lost, col- Indian community, and her daughter, and the
sist of shirt, trousers, belt, and sash. In fiv daughter of a Totonicapeflo and an Antoflera
cases the sash is also discarded and the costume who wears Totonicapan clothes.
is quite European in type (but neckties and
shoes are not worn). The number of wearen The number of various garments used in Pana-
shown in table 61 includes "foreign" Indis chel is calculated on the basis of a census of
resident in Panajachel. tstumes used (table 61). It will be noted that
956746-53- 12


I have no positive information on what ostumnl
190 persons wear. Jn addition six youngsters a're
not included because I do not. know ever. 1h1iir *rx
However, knowledge of general p)ltlte'rs aIL(l S 13
the people are make possible good gut.Iesra o. to)
the costumes of most of tie people passed over
by the survey (usually childrenl. rTaLnle 6?' i ieo
result of careful and conservative, family-Ly-
family analysis. Thie infant coiostmlne lpror rl'ls
special problem. Until about tih age o, 4, .a tdhi,
is dressed in odds and ends, and cn.t -off arl n rend1ir
clothing, probably taking no Iore tlI. r. : ':-jy':
time a year, or more than 20 or 30 cents for omca-
sional diaper cloth and shirts. The aptisr'nal
garments hardly raise that figure and are pre-
sented by the godparents, usually Lauinos.
Probably about 25 of the 54 boys and girls whose
costume cannot be safely guesL at were also
under 4 in 1936 (exact information on ages is hard
to get.)

TABLE 61.-Cosfumes
a. MEN'S AND BOYS' COSTUMES


Costume


(1) "Old fashion".--- ........----
(2) "Newer"- ----......--. ........-.
(3) "Modern":
Normal.....................-
Beltless.......-- .............
Chichicastenango rodlllera...
(4) "Fashionable":
Normal .. ..................
S'ahhle'ss......................
(8) "City":
Normal..................-----
Sashless......-- ..............
(6) SololA and Concepci6n...........
Atititan.........-- ..........-- --
Santa Catarina-......-.........--
San Pedro-.......................
Lasdino.. ...---------------.---.
No information-...........----......
Total...........-- ........-....-


Number of cases lkn,

Total Men Boys

21
23 ........ .
84 4
2 2

78 os '3

33 .11 .3
2 SI ; :


107 103
39a 2)5 135


b. WOMEN'S ANID ORL8' COSTUMES

Number of cases kro va
Costume ------
Total Men 3 ):I

(7) Simple Panajachel:
Normal.........-............. 1 128 13.....
With 8. Lucas huipfl........
(8) Silk PanaJachel..............- 15 13
(9) Elaborate Panajachel............ 34 1
(10) San Andr,'O variation............ 24 21 3
(11) Totonicapn-------------------..................... 25 241
(12) Solols and Concepci6n..-----.- 4 37
Atitln..------...-- ....-.-----.- 3 2
Nahal--------...........-------------
San Pedro,..---.....---------------- -- 3 1
Ladino................-------------------... --- 3 2
No Informatlon..-----...--- ..-------------. 78 1 70
Total ......................-----------------------384 72 112


INSTITUTEli OF SiOCIAL\T ANTHIROPOLOGCY PUBLICATION NO. 16 (





160 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTH]

There remain four men, three women, and thirty-
odd boys and girls whose costume I cannot guess;
lo Ctple.e the picture, I simply add a numerial-ly
pfroprAnrmflete sasun to esstime essIs to iake
account of these nknowas. Then comwbinin
tables 61 and 62 and including 24 of the '"still
unknowns" of table 62 in the infant's costume
classification, it is possible to calculate the number
of garments of different kinds worn by Panajachel
Indians in 1936 and the amount of time and
money that they cost (table 63). Data on the
length of time a garment lasts, or number bought
in a year, come from household budgets (described
below) and miscellaneous information. The prices
of items not made in Panajachel are from the
price list, Appendix 2.

TABLE 62.-Probable costumes of those on whom census
information is lacking


Probable costumes Men Boys Women Girls exun

Infants' costume .---......--- .. 41 -..-.-.- 29 6
(3) "Modern" normal:-: -.- -----... 13 :: .. --
(4) "Fashionable" normal...... 1 10 -......-- ....- --- ..-
(7) Simple Pannjachel normal....... ........- 5 18 -
(9) Elaborate Panajachel-.----- --- --.- -..------- ......
(10) San Andrsa variation....... .. ........ .. ........
11) T toncapn...................... ............ ......
12) Solo and Concepel6n.... ........ ...
Stil unknown.................. 4 .
Total.....---.........-.....-. --- O

Individual garments of "foreign" Indians are
not itemized except for trousers, shirts, belt,
Totonicap&n garments, and the San Andrds huipil
which are also worn by Panajacheleos. Infor-
mation is too incomplete to itemize costs of Sololh,
Concepci6n, Atitlan, Santa Catarina, and Ladino
costumes, and the San Pedro costume except for
tihe woman's (Totonicapfn) shirt, and the San
Andlrs sash. To complete table 63, the cost of
these costumines was roughly caltillntcir from
knowledlre of costs of the ]'nllnjtchel gnrmlenlts
:Ab.'f in the following marner: The Solol-
C c'"ITCciioii nul^ 2tti:_, CAUL -.- 0f .-'^-: b.-
woven calzones and shirt, a Nahunlti or (Chichi-
castenango rodillera and a woolen jacket. In
addition the men carry woolen bags that they make
(and that Panajachel Indians use only rarely).
The cash cost is probably slightly less than that
of the "old-fashioned" Panajachel costume: the
woolen cloth of the jacket is less than that of the
gabdn; the cotton for the shirt costs less than does
the bought shirt of Panajachel (especially since


ROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


PEQWY CAPITAIw r Jo


much more spinning is done in Solola); on the ra -- a INDAN EcoNOMY--TAX
other hand only the Solola calzon takes more TAsLa 63.-Cot of clothing 161
mitnerial ithanktin fIl4, f niipbc. It' is.thpr ore --- ---- MEN'B CLOTInINO
problhwe that the c0ash east of te \s?:- P4e
attire is bott l4. On tl her r )atMs AtW -vl,: ii '""., ----.. .. :...
probAly om oes tow tAtc e Prnrat At : i -1
the Pannjachel labor rate, it would be $0, lDoyiN' ...- O.. .. .. ..i -L .. ...
costumes would then come to about $2.25 plus 12 ;,11 11t Il i ","hi f --............. ...- .. .
9 01tll c o
days' work, or $3.45. p~ V -I" ... - ...............- ..
days ork, o $3.4*.h [,, ,. d,, ," ...... ::::::::::::::::::::::------::........ ...... 'I ::::::::: ........
The Solola-Concepci6n female attire, on tbhe B t eiio0."......-----12:::::::::::::::: "l -. i
plain Ti ...........1......................... .. ...... 1 .. .....
other hand, is certainly cheaper than the plaint ouers------32
a a -----....-----------------..... ---------- 1 1 1 4 .
Panajachel costume. The shirt and sash, are mor sash--- -----"-"'-------------------------- 1. ..
B.ough tsah.."*..--------...----- --- -- -
nearly the same, and the huipit is much like teor be.tt.. 128 '. S5 M 3o
the man's shirt. The woman's costume would Fdro sahrt. :::::::::::::::::::::::
take but $6 in material and about 20 days' tiw s 'me l -i-I S. t A ::::::: ..
ai s. dali ..i h ....
(or if the cotton is spun rather than bought, t o les r hr '1....... .. .................. . ........ t I : ,s m
cash and more time) for a total of $8. The girlih t 0 adI .... .........................:: i ,
Handbag-----"............. ........... ......
costume would cost $3.60 and 12 days' time, or st 'mO* s--'A::::sn :,::::I::. o ...........
$4.80. t ........... 1 1 '1 .
The Ladino costume values are almost pun osl;es 1: I ::-::::
guesses, based only on general knowledge; these ,d nost ms, ,,::::::: .:--............... i:
costumes are assumed to be boughtfor c Subtotal........ . ..................... ... .. ......
C8Sb ubtotl------------------------------ 0(
although there are tailors and dressmakers in tb s oorma on... .................... ............................i -.



by adding 4/255, 20/80, 3/272, an.d 4/. to tb h---- ----.-- ..

infants for the men's, boys', women's, and gir, Kt ............. I
ar en ts espectivly. F o the tot of 8 d ..............................................
Total. I ...... 1. ...........
9-hour e days (tablo 03) of timre rontwnord in l ot ..:::: ..... ...
preparation of clothing in 1036 must be subtric mSeei......-. 0 j 3 ::
sonmei number of days of work that Indians outsi' :: :: iI*i lt} ; 15 ip1 I
the communlnity actually did. First there is ch --;- -- -- 2 12 0
(yninculatcd at, e t2 / a da 2y, since women's t lnocostulnotl.. ..... 2 12 1' .


t n in ln j<.-l-l)-. S-coul, probably 350 rmton- --........ ................ .
the 4Or diayn reported i tuble t s tim, dv' In t-- -"-"--------- ............ ... ' .... ...



p e o p l e o u t s i d e o f P a n t j a ,ch e l S i n c e r e a d yl m s- .. . . . . .. : : / . -
clothing is more expensive tlhan time-plus-mat. ,htl'o, ,; \ i 2:, z.
trials, these 30 to, v o, e subtacted should prn k snw s L ......... ...................


ein each household a total of ......out a day a h.
itht a spool of thread is used by each, for s Subtotl l .
tamen it l'aisjdvotled to Sewin, lnd pa inmootloni 91----- ---'--r ...............2. "''


emhead obOn m .... ... .......- . ..
a aclo oolothhigsing is used1 y 103 h fos0pA t tiO talt cmt c orA e 4.. . ...................... ..
r t'mirncbe hip no..lk.--..----- ---4 1 40 2 .01
asme he trofanslatd' ioto $40 spent outsi tl( ; 8spi with il..- -------1.........33 I 210 .
is ------------u--------L-- -- -- ----- --- 7 1 4 1 '' 4 7 0





11oa1s3,.ip.i- - - - - 21 1 21 1e 25 129 50---020

.cominu.it.li al.. to the cost of clot----ing l---cm- -. ..... . -------------- 1 1 1 1I
l otes..- ------ --------1 7. -
00 tne a Sor 1-------p--f- --------*--;---------- --- 2 ----- 10 1 10

moments, is devoted to sewing and patchingt :. C ....... cor.. lo h----------24.... 10
aubtotpl8.headband----------- 129 1 129-- 16.chW----- 2 iso -
:::1:1) 1 150- ----
) 1 ------ ------- ........


-mm-mm - - I- I r -- -- - - 2 W' mFz wf U oAN





162 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


TABLE 63.-C
c. WOMEN


Item


Sandals, caitres... -.-.--..-- ..-. ...-- ..-- ...--. ...--
Mitms. --...............................---- -------- -.. -.. -...-.....
Earring ,............. ...........................................
Combs-.- .---.---- .------ ....... -------
olnI-Conepcl6n costum ..........................................
A titlan costun-- - --.............................. ...............
Nu btostMe-------- -............................... -- -.
S. Andlr(s ssh sb..s.--.--s.. -.-.. ... ............ .
luiipa and sash of 8. Pedro .....................................
Ladino c -ti----.....................................................
Subtotal ...-... ...............................................

Sbtotal.............. ........ ...................



Plain Pannjachel core--......................... ..............
Panajachel corte with silk ..........................................
Totonlcap&n corte,................................................
Panajachel Iulpil, no silk.---..-.-........--.-.-.-..-.- ...---..-..
Panajochel huipll with silk.-.....................................
8. Andr3s auipil--........................................ ..........
Totonieapfn Auipl..................................................
Bought blouse .......................................... ...........
Plain Panajachel sash.----.--.....-..-.................. ...--- ......
Panajachel sash with figures-........................................
Totonicapan sash.---..------..................- .............. .....
Panajachel carrying cloth-..........................................
Totonicsapfn carrying cloth.......................................
Panajachel head band-..............................................
Totonicapan head band.. -- ......-......- .......-...-....... ....
ServiUletas (cloths)......-.........................................
Fnrrlns-............................................................
Combs.............................................................-
Infants' clothes........................................ ...........
fololA-Concepci6n costume-...-.-.... ----------........------.-.
Atitlln costume.-------- ---.......-....-............-.-.-........
8. Andres sash.--.....-..-.-......................- ............-..
Hufpit and sash of S. Pedro-...-....----........... ..----- ...
Ladino costume.--.----..-..... .------------..
Subtotal. ------...........--------...---
No Information. .........----- ----- ----.-.--.
Total ............-----------------------.--.-


Grand total of a, b, c, d.


TABLE 63.-Continued
SUMMARY

Cost in year

Ite:m Within
S commu- Ba
Total nity
(value of o
labor) I

Men's (table 2ia)..................... $1.455 86 $116.10 $1
Boys' (table (K 0)- ....... .... .. 265 35 14.80
Women's (table 63c)................ 2 2, f17. 4 653.20 1
Girls' (table 63d).-----------......... 393. 11 109. 60
Total........................... 4,72 7 8. 70 3

Calculated at 10 cents a day.


ost of clothing-Continucd of 157 days of work and $12.56 in cash. (Equip-
N'S CLOTIING-Continued ment will be accounted for below.)

Cost per item Total cost Thus, all told, the totals of table 63 should prob-
Number nSr ae'r nlln )rAd
using per year Iten In Cash for Labor In CsI for Namlo6
eacih year materials hours materials oflOhoor Total cost of clothing------------------ $4, 640.02
or items or Items day Value of labor within tie community, 5,763

25 A 125 $.18 --...- $22.50 .. days at 10 cents---- ---.........._.... 574.40
2W0 1 200 .10 ...... 200. (X ...... Materials and items bought outside the coin-
3 1 00 .10... .000 .
2 79 2 1 1 ------2-. 31 .1.1......... munity.--. ----------------------- 4,065. 62
37 ............ -- ..... 6.00 180 222.00
2 --...................-.. 4.75 11. 0.0 1
S I --.....-............ 7.00 270 7.0 (- 1 FOOD
6 -.............. .....-- .70 45 4.20 1
1 ...-................ ..... 1.20 00 1.20
2 ---..........--1........ c .......... 30 ........... Data on the consumption of food in the corn-
------...... --...............---...--....... ..--- 1,038.43 MIa munity is based on three kinds of information:
a ...-----.........------------ ------ .... 20z81st (1) Annual family budgets worked out with four
--------...-........-..............................--. i,w.24 a families, two of them very complete and reliable;

d. GIRLS' CLOTHIIN the third reliable but complete only for food and
utensils; and the fourth (from the wealthiest
13 1 1 $1.0 11 $2.40 family neither complete nor highly reliable,
17 1 17 2.25 16 38.25 1 c
S 1 9 1. 20. I------95 -- 10.80.--"- usef ul only as a check and for some comparisons.
31 1 31 1.0 95 09.0
14 1 14 1.0 9 5 26.60 The data are given in table 65. (2) A very care-
S 4 1 4 .75 72 3.00 1
2 1 .3 .75 .--.-------- 25 ful 7-day account of the actual consumption of a
1 2 32 2.30 ............
36 3 24 .42 27 o 0.08 sample of six Panajachel families in the winter of
1 % 10 .45 32 4.0 '
Sso 2 .2-5 2 33-........ 1944, made as a part of a more general food survey
1 3 .35 ------------ 5..5 --------- "of the Carnegie Institution of Washington (1944,
50 1 50 .08 ........... 4.00 .....
20 1 10 .12 ---- i 4- o .80..--:pp. 176-177), under my direction (Goubaud, 1946).
0 o 10 .15 ------------. 1.50 -----. ......
102 .50o :::::: Juan Rosales collected the data in Panajachel. The
40 2 .02- .02 .52..
45 1- ......1------- .- 3 --.9 11.2. 5 results were turned over in 1945 to the National
8 ......--....... 3.60 108 28.80 1
I 1..--------------------. 2. 85 6 2. Inhdianist Institute of Guatemala directed by the
I -------.......0--- 42 27 .42 I
2 --- .72 36 1.44 late Antonio Goubaud Carrera, who had also been
.. ------------------------ 8.00 ------. . ....-- 8 00 ..........
...........--...........- --..8.31 field director of the survey. In turn the data
........ 2. 0----"gere tabulated by the Food and Agricultural
.. .-------..........--............= ~i---Organization of the United Nations, who made
"3,823.6 -:'.L a available to me the results as shown in table 66.

.S____ince only 1 week is involved, the results are
sTeful only as they supplement and check the
TABLE 64.-Average cot of annual costuming material otherwise collected to permit calculations
Costume Adult Child !or the entire year. The three families supplying
liable data in terms of household budgets are
Male:
"Old fnahoned". .. $4.53+0. days-$5.5o .. ill included in the 7-day study.'53 (3) A variety
"Newer"............ $4.50+9% days-l5.43... s
ouht "Modern" (normal)... $4.72+15 days-$4.83... $2.49+% day- )f general information on seasonal differences, on
itide "Fashlonable" (nor- 86.2720...i..f......e.s. $3.00.
atsle mhionable" (noe.remonial and other uses of food, and the like.
"City" (normal)-...... $1.62...--.......... ..... $2.79.
Average cot (un- $5.33----....... --....$.. $2.81. TIHE SAMPLE FAMILIES


1, aosv. ,0
250. 8
1,959.24
283. 1
3,833.06


weigntea).
Female:
"Simple Panajachel"
(normal).
"Sl1k 'analachel"....
"Elaborate Panaja-
chcl."
"San Andr6s Varia-
tion."
"TotonflapAn"........
Average cost (un-
weighted).


$7.28+27M days-S10.01.
$8.53+28t days-$11.36.
$.56+20 days-$11.46...
$5.87+23)6 days-$8.18..
$5.67....................
$9.34....................


* Calculating the day as worth 10 cents.


$4 25+16days* Family No. 58 consisting in 1936 of father,
$5. + 1days- s$ ^other, five sons, the eldest with wife and infant
$5.02+17Mdays-0 daughter, the others 18, 14, 4, and 2 years of age,
$3.40+1394 days-It IAll of the figures in table 65 are printed as they were calculated from the
$3.04. t1lnal 1936 data. When the 1944 data became available, I compared notes
$5.44. re possible and became convinced that the original figures are highly
ble. Family compositions had changed, so that any exact comparison
impossible; but I am unable to find contradictions In the two sets of evi.
e. Therefore I continued to use the fuller 1936 data as the primary basis
1the calculations for table 65.


163


respectively, was well above average size. The
father, of pure Panajachel stock, as far as can be
determined, has lived in Panajachel all his life.
and is in most respects a typical Indian.'" Who(i
he was a boy he went to school and served the
local priest and learned to read ard wrile. The
mother, daughter of a Panajachelofio and a Con-
ccpcioecra who was in 1936 a widowed mn'idwife,
was born and raised in Panajachel, wore thOe local
costume, partook of the lo,-a] custonis, an.1 witLh
her husband went through public and religious
offices. The eldest son spent a period in military
service in Solola after having learned to a'd a.nd
write in the local school. He1 brought 'ack with
him European-type troLsers and a Totonliapefia
wife raised in Concepci6n, \l ero her father phiId
a trade. She wears Toton:cap n clothing, and
like other Totonicaperos is Ladinoized in ce"tai
respects; for example, she speaks Spaniish quite
well, does not know how to weave, and '.00 icyi: g
techniques in cooking.
Family No. 49 consisted in 1936 of h', father "
and mother and two daughters, aged 15 anr,. 5 of
old Panajachelefio stock, and olH fa.;hnoned amd
"typical" in most respects.
Family No. 37 consisted in 1933 of man .n I
wife and 10-year-old son. (Four children had
died in infancy.) The man comes of a pure iPana-
jachelefio family, as nearly as can b( dGeternin.sd,
the wife, however, is a daughter of family 55, of
mixed ancestry.1' The family in m3st respects
is culturally typical; but Mariano may io said t:-
be a "go-getter," and within the culture, extra:r-
dinarily enterprising and "progressive.' He is
one of two Indians owning canoes, anad iru itioue
to own an outboard motor for his dugout. He is
the only one who has built a bake-oven on.e )f S .
two who make fish nets; the oi ly organizer of a
marimba band. It was he who brought about a
revival of the Conquista dance in Prnajacbei.
But he enters fully into normal In'ian social iiec,
and evidences no desire to go beyond it. Sin. o
Mariano is something of an indivilualiit it is
probable that the diet in his home is not qu'i
typical; and indeed some differences are npparen-,.

'" In 1040 he and his family became the first Panajache'efis converts tr,
Protestantism. Relatives in Guatemala City bad been convert yl etrlier
and may have influenced the family, but at least Bonifaelo and his oldest
son had for a long time been interested in the new faith.
's Santiago became my best informant before this study w as flnl: bed, but
the data referred to in this chapter were for the dost part taken fro n him
by Sr. Rosales, 1937.
"' Supra, pp. 75-79.


............................. ........I









Family No. 1 consisted in 1936 of man and wife,
five sons-11 to 32 years of age-and two daugh-
ters, 27 and 16 years old. The family, pure Pana-
jachelefio, tends to be old-fashioned in most
respects. The man's father was probably well-
to-do and he inherited a fair portion; but he has
since acquired very much more land and was in
1936 by far the largest landholder. He is generally
believed to be the richest Indian in Panajachel,
and no doubt he is.
Families 58 and 49 were interviewed at length
over the course of several weeks each, the time
being devoted almost exclusively to their household
finances. The wife as well as the husband was
present during most of the interviews. In the case
of family 37 only the husband was interviewed,
during days when he guarded the church as
sacristan. Only the head of family 1 was inter-
viewed on this subject, and not at great length.
An elaborate series of schedules had been worked
out, and they were filled in (and revised) with
each of the families. The food schedules included
lists of all commodities, as specifically as possible,
with spaces for the quantities consumed daily,
weekly, or monthly; variations seasonally or for
holiday periods; total annual consumption; the
source of the commodity (home-grown or pur-
chased); the average price; and the total annual
value. Clothing and utensils and other schedules
varied slightly to suit the necessities of the case.
Table 65 summarizes the results for the three
families for which information is most complete.
The values of the quantities consumed are calcu-
lated on the basis of prices listed in Appendix 2,
which are not always the same as those given by
the three families.
Although a fuller sampling would be desirable,
a fair picture of the cost of living in Panajachel
may be had from the information available; first,
because the three informants are unusually con-
scientious and reliable and desired themselves to
discover where their money goes, and second
because the variations in most items of expendi-
ture do not appear to be very great in the Indian
community. It seems likely that the method used
is more reliable in Panajachel than it would be in
an American farm community, for the Indians
tend to buy at regular intervals, and in about the
same quantities, and it is not difficult for them to
keep track of the amounts of various commodities
that they use. Since the Indians are very money-


minded, and price-conscious, and are accustomed TABL 5.-Conmption of food in families
to keeping accounts mentally, they make excellent Family 5s I amily 9 a
y Item Family4 Family 37
informants in these matters. t-m Family ------
Quantity Value Percent Quantity Value Percent Quantty Value Pernt

COMMUNITY TOTALS (1) Coni, pounds..1......900 I0. oI 7 ---- -
Lime for food, pounds- 225B 31.813. 62B 25.3 1
For the figures in table 67, heavy reliance is (2) Lme or60 ood, hounds 203 31 25.3 75 011
(3) Black beans, pounds-------390.1.38...144 3610 .2481
had on the information supplied by the three (4) Whe beans, pounds ------ 3 B 430 144 Bso
(4) White beans pound4.8 4. 0 14 B' 1 3.3 2.10.2
sample families. It would therefore seem useful -so o,____ ________(pu --- .. 3 1 .6
1)ry red pepper, pounds------13
to weight members of the families by sex and age (e) oee p Oers, pounds } 0 -------------- 13 1 04B .41 ---B -- 5- .
(as was done with the 7-day food count). In () coffee beans, pounds --.......... -- --- -- 2 - 3 12 1.
studies in the United States the proportions con- () Low-rnedsur, pound tapas.-"-"-' 15. 4B 15 1 5 50 22 50 I
(9) W hV ,t sugar, .pounds ..........11. ..f 1* B, 50 2.30
sumed by persons of the two sexes and various ages (10) Cocolte,ounce. ablets... -----. .40B 90-" 3 4B
(11) B read, I-ounce rolls .....B146 .489 .

have been worked out on the basis of the value of (2) Honey, 24-ouc bottles--" ------ 816 843 3 358
----84 .25B 5 3. 4.3013 W6

food consumed,1" but the scale cannot be applied (13 Anott S, ounc --------------------- 2 .81 2 1 3 153 76
t4)eAnlso seed, ounces...........d.mil.are....-----------12
to Panajachel because consumption differences ar ( ppe de ia, ounces --- --- ---- 2 .03B .
()rPeppedo..iapat ouncet..-- ---- (1)M -- I
certainly distinct; the use of high-priced milk in ) oinge amount in cants . "--- 1 .0111
19) Cordoncillo, In cents..----- ------ - - ?) (?) .7 --- .011 .3-
the United States, for example, raises the relative (1) Sq2sh 1(0 ) .a. In cnts n---- ( ?) -----'-"'- .01.. .021 1.
(5) Sqlunash a cay ote seed, In ent--. .12- .. 29 .01:1
value of a child's diet far beyond what it must be (1) chickens, 2pud unts .-- .12 -32B -
1.80 9.1 1 .20B 5011
in Panajachel. On the other hand, I know too I2) Eggs, units i ounces -- ..................... -
little of the differences in diet within the Panaja- ( Lnke fish, amount In cents----_ 720B 0 120 .50
chel family to hazard setting up a comparable () b-Sfihs drd,...L o41 --3.6- .7 12413 2.4 2--" 4. 7
C20) Sea ll,, dried., poulnls. ------ .13B L } -
scale. ZB) Alligator m pounds .-- --.. ... --- 2 60B -- .....- 20D -- ----7 i. 4 --
te ) Shrimp, dr2ed, ounc -----s .. .2 .3011.
For the purpose of determining the consumption th,---- --,-,,--,,----- 9 -. i i } 1.6 .. 2 ...--'- -.7
of the community as a whole, the selection of ) Pork-with-bone, p ou3.. ::-- 19 ---- 2.92 21. 05 115 73 1
td) Pork Ladsages, -on uenit--------- 120 s96110
families 37, 49, and 58 is not too fortunate, since 11)Pork-blood oune 17 1. 0 1 1
12) Lard cracklings, cents 18 .4 B 30.77
they are all above the middle of the wealth scale 1) Lard. pound. ..... ----...... .. ------ --- 173
~'~----82 9. 84D -------------.-- 3. ME)P

(66-67). Yet they surely represent something a Tuse atorcs, pounds- ....10 .-- 1. 4MB 2i-- 24 .2-- l1
r o.a 2- .2" .6 48-"

near the norm of families with land. The large Potatoes. pounds ----- 0 .5 .8 16 6
near~------- _.--3.... .66314

size of family 58 makes it poorer than its amount n sweetpotatoes, unds------2 I. 2 369--
s)weet casovs-, pounds .------- 12 .1 24 .24 156
of land would indicate, while the other two, lowe 2. R4uah nole), units -------- .2 10 .10 25 1.
) chilaccayot), units .........................-68 .52
in the scale of land controlled, are under the aver- ') e i on. oe, unis.--------- 2 W .00 -..-B
2) Garlic, 60-head bunches -------------------------. 80 .39 I, 950 .97 .... -,' -- 5
age in size. No. 58 is economically stable (owni ) Cabbages, 2-pound units -2 .10. 6 .24 .
2) Carrots, 6-bozenad bun .b.s- - - 0 . 1.96 1.560

and controlling the same land) while No. 49 wI S Tutrnls, d-o ens--,...4...::::: 1 ....
once richer, since it owns more land than it co g Swils schard, bunches--- 200 .2 4 ---~--- -
? 6) Cucumbers. 3-ounce units --
trols, and No. 37 poorer. All three families ba ) Mulberry herb, 1-pound bunch ... -- 1 4 .502-0 0{." --8s.--. --.2---8..
dogs; No. 58 also has a cat and two sheep; No ) Amg rntl,round bunches 0 ( .2B 8.3 2.4 .123 j -,
11) Chipl~in herto, bunches ....-----------I--------- 9 .8( .4 4 .2
58 and 37, chickens. The three families are p cil unces---- .10 1 .2 .
marily agricultural; the man in No. 58 butcher% f8) c ia e, ounes ----- (71 .0- .
Lime tea," amount In cents,--------- () (?1 .011
pigs, in No. 49 he is a caponizer, and in No. 37 b) Rue, gsmonn cents .----------------------------- ( -- .02-
is an occasional lsaker, lie makes nets, has a caWnot r )c" irts un ts ------- ( 6 .o
1-ucbuc----------:M----------M M----------.036 ---t f -
and plays the marimba. The wife in No. 58 d(s Otllerherbs, Amount In cents n;---......... ---. - -- 24 .2
m rs, units--------- --------- --- ----- ------ .2
ordinary weaving; the women of No. 49 only tei 1 VeRetaible ,In units....-- ).............
thread for the family's clothing, and the wife d .ineIos (olnr units :: ..69 -----
At ocxrtlo% 5-ouince unit-.; ..-. .
Oranges, 4-ou, e units .. .. ...------------ 156-- ---. .. .....
No. 37 does no work in textiles. Among tlhe tbr" .r o n.',ic, 2.....e units.. . ... 3 .. ---' ~i~ ~ .i0'' *"
..in., 3-o.une..tilt,s.----"-- ...........-- - - ----- .21 0 4 ,,3(1 20
families are found all the common types of ho~ )tLIme!, usonce us --------- .3- 2 ,
(one cane and thatch, 4 mass-adobe and tha tti8 Cro sapoolln, ibouncmunit --......- .)--N. 20 .
one adobo brick and thatch) in about the prop pan plum -ounce units -- .................... 3. 4 0 0 )
in--punlsh -une- unIts-------- 4 .-4 20813 5.1 1
proportions, and all of the common types 0 m-24, -0..1....1 s ts 456 2. 14
clothing (2 "old fashioned," 1 "modern," c a m .!ot....u.. .t s - --_6--.015 ::
"elaborate," 1 "city" male costume, and 3 "p7 2 nnse,- o co uns i-- -- ::::.u.:s 0 f-i-
Sean. o example tebelng nd P prd, 193 tabe p.. o up continue on p. it6s)-- - 72---1 --- -- -
(Thi .roup oontlnu.s on p. 1.8.) 21. B
n See, for example, BtlebelIng and Phlpard, 1939, table 2, p.?. 800 .(Ti goupontinueonp.- - -. .


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMy--TAX


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16






166


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16

TABLE 65.-Consumption of food in 3 families-Continued


Family 58 Family 49 Family 37
Item I
Quantity Value Percent Quantity Value Percent Quantity Value Percent


(This group continued from p. 165)
(74) ,nl hanitriail, Io-pouiind stem .-------. ------
(75f) rPntalns, 8-ounce units ---...--.-------------
(76) Prickly pears, units...-------------------------
(77) Ciistar'I-aqpilis, units--...----- -.---.--.-----------
t7Q) Co/oles, 1units... ------.------------------ -----
(79) Manpncs, 4-ounce units...-------.-------------
() Mrnones, units............... ----- -
(81) l'e;inos, 3-ounce units ...............-----.---.--. -
(62) Candy (bocadilosr), amount In cents.-....--.------
(03) Candy (earamelos), amount in cents .-.......--...
(M4) Toasted horserheans, amount In hllndredweight ...
(55) Cookies (ro,*7quitis), amount In cents ...--.....-----
(M6) Fresh-carn tortillas, amount In cents.----------
(87) Ricc-wlth-milk, 8-ounce units..--.-----.--------
Total ----------------------.................----.. ------


30
30
30
16





.36-25- "


.09B

-- --- -
.10B
.02B1


.15B
.2016

-.25B
157.53


Produced ..-.---.....------------------------ ---
Bon..ht .... ...---------- --------- -- 7
TABLE 66.L-Seven-day food intake (194) of 6 families
(in net grams)


Food Intake of families according to wealth as
Indicated by order of numbers
Items
13 15 37 49 8 a 10(a
(3)1 (10.9) (3.0) (6) (5) (6.3)

(1) Corn............. 17,000 34,650 10,492 21,377 26,37 20,200
(3) Bean.s, black ....... 630 6,424 1,00 920 3, 600 767
(8) Dry peppers....... 19 6 156 7
(6) Gren peppers..... 1 28 -- --. 1 1
(9) Poria....---9-82 3, 700 1,335 1,577 780 1,100
(9) White ar....... 2 440 3......... -
(10) Chocolattc-.....--. ---- -- --- 2 4
(11) Bread (sweetrolls). 900 1,4 6 048 ... 4
Brad, whto........-- -. 130 324........ 84---
(13) Aotta ----- --- 91...
(21) rsWi on ................... ....... 720 .. ------
(23) ErRs------------ 233 1,2609 188 329 470 611
(23) Laker nf-h......t...-- ...-- .------ -- 67 10(K ....---
(25) S fisi n.......--..-.... ---- .....--- 20 .....
(2i) A IIa.lor meat..- .-. ------- -- ------- ------- 6-
(M) ie,-.-.---1.......... 4, 77 8 910 (60 1,030 302
(29) Pork-- -................ .---- - ....60... ..
(30) Pork nsauqag ...... 90 ................ I 6570
(32) Lard cracklings .... .10 t 90 12 93
(33) Lard- ----. 14 501 20 .. 0 15NS
(34) Tomato-es ........ 875 2,200 1,200 910 420 425
(35) Afiltomate ----........... ----- 15 ...---.... .
(36) Potatoes, white.... 95 00- .-.. -.- 807 240
(39) Ayoe--------.1,840
(41) Onions .---- 350 9.0 30 0 450 450 400
(42) Garlic--....-- 42 24 .--- ..- .--- 100
(43) Cabbages.---.---- 60 310- .-.-....-- 1,380 100
(46) Green beamns-..-.. ....... ---.- ........ 40 ....... 405
(50) Amaranth 3.. ...... 2, 300 ..---- 920 .m..- 480
(51) Cahipiin--- 11 ........... 180 ........ .
() Cornder---......... 10 30 10 5 10 ..--
(59) Illerhba hilncna...-. -------.--...--- 1,840 ...
Fp:ole ....-----.... 30 24 10 40 1i
1'ntnrf-----............ --. 10 ........ ...... ....--- .------
(60) Ver'tahle pears.....--- 348 25 .... ...- ------
(f1) Arvoados- ........ ...... 4. .)M ....... .721
(02) 8wcet oranges.- 830 9,940 .5) ...........- ----...
(63) Sour oranges--..........--- --...-.. 3) --.-.-- .-.---- ........
(W4) lmas---............. -. 12,740 31X) 140 ...............
(65) Limes.......---.. 20 50 10 .......-------...--- ....----
(06) Cross-snpodilla .--.---. 50 .- 120 ... -.--...- .
(67) Spanish plums .--...... 432 .---.... --..-- .........
(74) nBaiannn s, local..... 550 3.190 440 ..- .. ..--- .----
M ilk.............. ,00 125 ....... .-- .. .... -----
Cheese, fresh.......-.- ..- .-----. ------ -. 30
Garbao .........-- -- --- 7 ----- ------- ------
Ilabas, fresh -.--- -..--------- -------...--.-- -.---. 500
Corn, green--.....-.. -.-- -- 454-----------
Plneapple juice---- --.------ 40 -- ---
Rice..--.... 60 --- 120 -------- --- 75
Melchocha-- --.......... 240 ---.. ----- ...---- -----
I From tabulations supplied by Miss Emmn a".h, of Instituito de Nutricion
de Centre America y Panama.
INumbers In parentheses Indicate the nu:nlb-r of people who partook of
the family food during the week, subtractlng fractions for meals missed and
adding fractlona for guests.


I


100.0
25.1
74.9


8 $0.0M
.. .. .1"" .1)711
27 1(jB
140 .28"
324 .32
----- ---- *.24

----- .2011

.. 2.15 1 .0
.. 1.17 25.
0n 04 74. 2


---------------I
48 $0."121)
72 .211B
250 .ron"



.88 .sn / "0
.-..-..----- 28 29
S. .2815 -
----- -- 1.3015B

.. 67.73 100.8
--- 21.30 31.4
40.43 0(.6


is so large that the people represented in the
sample are more than that. The fraction (roughly
1/49) is that large because in the sample there is a
disproportionate number of children 4 to 15 years
of age; however, these are 4, 5, 10, and 14 years
old, respectively, an apparently normal distribu-
tion, and I see no reason for giving greater or less
weight to the group. Therefore when there seems
no reason not to do so, I propose to multiply by
49 what these three families consume of those
things wherein the number of individuals is the
important fact and use that figure as a basis for
judging the consumption of such items in the
entire community. Each item will be individually
considered, however, and the various factors
weighed. Likewise, when I have data of only


Panajachel," 1 "Panajachel with silk," 1 "San two of the three families, I shall use a similar
Andrds Variation," and 1 "Totonicapnn" female calculation and multiply by 60 if the information
costume). is on the consumption of families 58 and 49, and
Family 49 is most normal or typical socially 111 if it is on families 49 and 37.
and representative of the conservative families of The major difficulty for which I have no solution
the community; family 58 has a foreign and i the application of the Panajachelefio standard
Ladinoized element, representing in that respect of living to the foreign Indian families resident in
many Panajachelefio families; and family 37 is Panajachel; in fact, except for those of the one
representative of the younger, progressive, and foreign family in the 7-day study, I have no good
ambitious family that is still otherwise purely data on their food consumption.
Indian in its way of life. Discounting a bit for (1)'" Corn1.'-Corn occupies by far the most
above-averago wealth, the three together appear important place in the diet. Fresh corn on the
to add up, roughly, to the Panajachel community. ob is roasted and also made into gruel; but the
I propose to add them up, make allowances, use .ipe corn, either toasted and ground and made
what checks are available, and so judge consump- into gruels or, most importantly, boiled with lime
tion in the whole community. )r ash and then ground and made into tortillas,
The population of the three families in 1936 was tamales, and various gruels, and combined with
as follows: lther ingredients, is the basic food. Corn is
Important not only in the kitchen, but it is a
Number of persons Tlestival and gift food, and it is the chief feed of
Family 5Family 49 Famly 37 land pigs.
Since it is the breadstuff, and a cheap food, the
Men....................----.... 3 2 1 oorer families use more corn relative to other
ChWomen....n, 415.-------- --. 2 1 1 S
Chl.nt',4-I.5.--------- ------ 2 oods than do richer families. The figures for
'nfan t..___ ____ ___ __. familyy 58 include corn fed to chickens (there were
Total....... ....-.. 9 3 i lo pigs) so the first adjustment of the figures for
ble 67 subtracts 480 pounds from the No. 58

The total of 16 represents 1/48.75 of the total arn total.
population (table 3); the 5 adult men are 1/51, Families 49 and 58 consumed corn evidently in
the women 1/54.4, the children 1/36.75, and the proportion to family size while No. 37 consumed
infants 1/53 of the totals in their respective classes. little more than half as much; the man is said not
The average of the fractions in the four groups is l be fond of tortillas (and can afford substitutions
1/48.8; virtually the same as that of the total. "tter than the others) and this may be the reason;
The three households represent, of course, but The numbers of the Items correspond to the numbers of table 67.
1 A full diktcslon of the preparation of food appears In my mlcrofilmed
1/52.3 of the 157 in the community, but family 58 as, pp 20-329.


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATMALA N INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


--- --- -- --- I In' ,, I -- -- -- -- --


but it is also possible that he underestimated his
consumption. Family 58 calculated on the basis
of 12 pounds daily (including chickens), No. 49 on
4%t pounds, and No. 37 on only 2 pounds. Another
informant in the middle of the wealth scale, with a
family of two men, one woman, and two y;umng
children, said they used 5 pounds daily, which is
in proportion to that used by Nos. 58 a-.d 43.
Family 1 reported using 25 pounds daily (but they
have many chickens and a pig and, besides, fed
many laborers). It must be concluded that.
family 37 uses abnormally little corn An upward
adjustment of the total figure by about 15,000
pounds for the whole community probably al:f r.s
care both of this peculiarity and the skewness of
the sample; the correction is not so great thatI it
eliminates the possibility that other families nmay
be atypical in the direction of No. 37.
Corn used in fiestas and gfts for the most part
replaces corn used in the home, since custoraari!1r
ceremonial food is sent to the houses of those who
are supposed to receive it. Yet, doubtless '.hcle
such food is available, more than the otrmial
amount is consumed. According to my calcula-
tions, 4,387 pounds of corn are use I in tie calen-
drical fiestas by the officials It does net r em
unreasonable to suppose thA.t ::,000 pounds of this
is extra consumption. Food gifts for lbpti-:np,
favors, etc., are less likely to (ad to to t'l cn-
sumption, and I shall leave them out of uccriult,
In addition, corn fed to paid laborers fro;it oeut.
side the community must be add 'd. It has beer,
calculated that 300 man-days of suc i labor a-e so
employed by the Indians, and he abcr3:sE 'iven
food. Since many of these days are in mra-
harvest work, when festival spirit previ.ils, ccu o-
less something like 400 pounds of co-an ,wct 1d hi ve
to be added to the total consumption. On the
other hand, local Indians who work for Latiinos
are only rarely paid in food, and I imagine that,
although 7,500 man-days are put in for outsiders,
this factor does no more than about bhimnce .he
other. The only additional disturbing factor thin;
I can think of that enters ir.to the consurr.pto)n of
corn is that people on long trips and ir nrrarket
visits, sometimes buy corn foods; usually, howRevr,
they take their food with them, and I doubt if the
total consumption in the community is aTectec'.
(2) Lime.-Lime is used in softening c~?a for
grinding, and the quantities of corn and iire
should be in some proportion. Actually, hcwcrcr,







INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16

TABLE 67.-Food consumption
a. STAPLES


Quantity (total of sample)


Estimated total in community *


Value

Produced Bought
n om- outside
munity31


Item Quantity (total of sample) Estimated total In community s


Total


(1) Corn ..---- --- 8- ... 6,308.5 pounds---...-.-.-- --.............. -- 314.718 pounds-- .-....-------.....$- 2,031.00 81,82.87 $3,033.17
(2) Lime(food). ---...-------- 416 pounds...-......-- ..--------------..... 6,200 pounds.........--- --------..-- -- - 2600 26.
(3) Beans, black..............---------.... 684 pous...s ..----...--------.--- 34,702 pounds' .....---.--- ----------- 301. 95 253.28 055.2
(4) Beans, white...................... 23 poun'---.........................---.... 1,130 pounds.------------.-------..- 8.00 14. 60 22.0
(0) Dry peppers.---......-------- 284 pounds ...----------------..---. 1,640 pounds-.-------------- ----..----.- 123.20 123.2
(6) Green peppers-------- 139 pounds..-- ---.... -- 483 pounds.-----------.-- 7 77.28 77.a
Salt --....9...... ) -------- )- -- 8 9, 645 pounds 1.---..--- --.144.67 144.67
) Coffee -- .- --------- ------------. 310 pounds-..- .--.----- ---.---.---- -- .. 12,780 pounds'.. ..---.--------- -------- 418.32 10.80 1,029. 11
)Iow refined sugar.......--....-...... 753 pounds.-- --.-------- 37,003 pounds----------- -- ---1,013.11 1,013.11
(9) White sugar ..--------- -- 22 pounds-------- ----. 1,227 pounds....---------------------- 0 66.35 56.30
(10) Chocolate.....------------------- 140 ounces.----.---- ------. ----- 526 pounds .---- .-- -------------------- 84.10 84.10
(11) Bread-..-..-- ----------- 1,762 ounces.------------------- 6,646 pounds ------------------ 0 903.38 903.3
(12) Honeoy---------------- It bottles ..-.----------------.------ 6 59 bottles-...-------------------- 1.00 26.05 27.0
(13) Anotta..----...-----.. ---------- 160....---9---------.------------ 800 ounces.-------..-- -------------- --- 72.00 72.00
(14) AniL seed .. ---- ---. 23i ounces...---------.---------- 140 ounces-...-------.------------------------ 2.10 2. 0t
(15) Iepper de eastilla...............-- -. 1 ounce.-------- -------- 111 ounces 1-........---.. -._--- ----- --- 2.22 2.2
(16) Pepper de ciapa---.................. I ounce...........................------- -.. 11 ounces ...------------ -- -------- 2.22 2.2
17) Ginger....-----------------. 4 cents ---------- ---- 4.44 ------------------- 4.44 4.44
(18) CdonciUo...................---- -..... cents' .--------------------0----- 2.22' ----------------.-------------- ----- ---- 2.22 2.21
it8) Ae seed.......................----. cents-"'--------------- ---- ----- $29.09..--------- ------- 19.00 10.00 28.8
(20) Cilacavoteseed.--.--------- 94cents I-*...-------------- $41.46 --------------........................----------- 21.46 20.00 41.46
Total ..........-------------------------------- ----------- 2,898.10 5,4.61 8,12.71

b. POULTRY, EGOS, MEAT, MEAT PRODUCTS, AND FISH

(21) Chickens...------------------- 14.------------72.----..--------- ------- 724---. --------------- --$- $.30.00 $114.80 144. 8
l'urkey s-. ..-------------------- ---- 3 .. . . . ..-- - - - 22- --------------..-- ----------------- -- 13280 13.
(22) EgAlligsatormeat-------------------- 1,316pounds-------- ---------- ----- 61,484-- pounds --------- ------ 112.50 693. 2 6 m 290
(27) hrmpe sh(dry) ... .-------------- $11.50 65ounes..-.- - -----84-- ,038-50 ounces..-........ ..-- - --... .12..00 426.50 438. 1
(24) Crabso----------------------- 204 ------------------------ ----- 6.986 ------- -------------------- 4.00 30.08 34. V
(25) Sea fish -------------------- 16 pounds..- ----884----------------- 884 - - -------176. 0 17669
(28) Alligator meat ----------- 2 pounds,- --------- ----- 118 pounds - - --- -29--- -- 250 29.8
(27) Shrimp (dry) ------------ 165 ounces - ----- ------- 8,005 ounces - ---------- ----- 128 32 12821
(28) Beef ..------.---. -- 922 pounds..-----.----------------- 45,223 pounds.---.------------- ---- 2,261.15 2,261.11
(29) Pork-...-------------------- ---- 65 pounds.-------% ...----------.----- 3,185 pounds.-.-----.------------ ------ 254.80 '254.0
(30) Pork sausage.------------- ---- 624 units-...-----.....----.- ----- 30.576 units-..----------------------- 305. 76 305.
(31) Blood sausage.....------.--- 18 units of 8 ounces each--------..... 822 units..------- ----- ---------.-.---- 24.66 248
Logana. 5-------------$25.00 -.---.---------------.---.--- --- 25.00 25.00
(32) Lard crackling:s--::-"---:------- $3.48 '---. "----:: :::::::::::::::.----- $170.52' --4.-- --------------------------- --170.52 170. 0
Prepared pork rlbso------------------------- (0.00...-------------- ---- ----- 60.00 0.00
(33) Lard ----- 96 poundss------------------------ 2,707 pounds ------------------------ ----------- 324.84 324.84
Wild-game---------------------28.00..30.. 0
Wild game ------------------------ )-------- -------------------------------- ------ ---------------------------------- 30.00300
Total..--------------------------- ------------ ----------- 18.50 I ,038.98 ,227.4A

e. VEGETABLES AND HERBS

(34) Tomatoes....---------------- 192 pounds...--------------------- 8,608 pounds..-------------- --. $1.00 $85. 08 $86.0
(35) lluskcherries-.....-------------- 74 pounds-.--------..--------- -- 3,026 pounds.-.---- ---- ---- 45.39 --- 453
(30) I'otat---------es.---... .--- 102 pounds---- .....-- ------------ 4,998 pounds.. -----------------... 124.95 124.
(37) Sweetpotatoes......---------.-..- 180 pounds-..--.------------.---- 6,714 pounds....-..-.---------- 57.14 --...7--- .1
(38) Sweet cassava .-- ------.---- 0 61 pounds--.-----..----. --.- 2,6S9 pounds-...---- ---- --. 26.89..------ 2.
30) Squash (ayte) ....................----------- 44 unts..---- -------.---- 2.156 pounds....- ---------- 32.34 ..---..-- 32.
40) Squash (chilacayoie)3............... 3 units.....--.----------. 247 tounds------------ 7.41 ----- 7.6
41) Onions.........................--- -... 4,230 pounds...---- ----.-.------- 227,270 pounds-...-------. --- 113.0&,1 113.0
(42) Garlic--.........................-- ... 840 heads....------.....-----------. 44,160 heads.s--. ----- --- 36. 80..---. 36
43) Cabbages..----- 190 heads--.....----.- --.----... 12,000 heads-.-.---- -- ---.. -- 120.00 --- 1204
44) Carros.--.--- ------.------------------------4---1,852. ------ --- ---- .77. ------- .
45) T urn im -.-.-. -. -. .. ..-- - --.-.-- 120 .----...... .. ... .. ...--.-- - --- - 44.. . -, -00.. ..- -- --...- 10.5 -....-... . . 1.0
4 6 ) G re e n b e a nso o - - - - --- - -- - 1 4 0 p o u n d s . . . . . . . ..-- - -- - - 8 ,8 6 0 p o u n d s .- -. -. . . . ..-- .- -. 50 7 6 6 0 0 0 1 10.
47 Swiss chard....................... 20 bunches -.... .-..-....-.......... 7SO bunches--..-..----...-...... ...-- -- 7.80 ............ 7.
481 ucunmbers -..-..-..--.-- 60 .............-------....................... 4.................................... 4.60 ...-...- 4
49) Mulberry.....--.-.. 18 pounds. ....-.. -...-...--..... 10,212 pounds.--...........-----.
'5) Amaranth....-........---.--.--. 82 pounds-........-.-.----.-- ,01 ImuInds .............-......--
51) Chlipiln-........................... 26 pounds---...... .....-- -.... -...- 1,974 .pound..-.......---------...-..-..
(52) Cinlula ..----..---.. 2 ounces...-....-------------- 222 ounces ....--- --.... ------- ..
(M) Chichirpate ...-----..................... 2 ounc .....------ 22ouncs --.......-----------
(54) "Limc tea". --..........--- --.--- 2 cents '-----.------ $2.22 .. .-...- ---..-------- 40.50 211.96 22
(55) Rue........................-- - ....-- 2 cents'.--. -......'--..:.. .- $2.22' ....--- ..----.-.-----..-----.--- .
(56) Cori)lndct......................... 2O plants.--.. -......-- ---..- ---- --. 21,00 plants '.----- ----- --...--- 26.
(57) "7-shirts" herb-....--.-------.-.-- 12 plants.......---.---- -....- 1,332 plants Is ..----.-----.-.. .....-...-- 0
(58) Col.--.....--------. ---.-- ..- 18 pounds-..-.-......---.--.---- ------- 1,994 pounds ----r
(59) Other herbs.-----..- ----- ---- 98 cents ....---.---.---------- $108.786--..-- --------- -0
Total.--------------- .........--------------------- -------------- M6.87 521.99 1,00011

Scee footnotes at end of table.


) Vegetable pear -....------...
1) Avocados---.---. ...--.-.
Sweet oranges.------.---...-...-..
) Sour oranges. ----.---..-.
SLimnas.......-------------..
Limes.--.....- --------.
Cross-sapodilla. -.-------... .....
White sapodilla.----------------..
Spanish plums- --.................
6) Papayas-............ ...........- -
) Oranadilla--------------
71) Covajiote......... .............
Peaches- -..--.-----.----------
Bananas (of the coast)-..........
g4) Bananas (local)-----------.
5) PlantainsB---..... --.....-..-.....
6 P'rickly-pcar.---..--..-.... ...-
Custard-apple-..-. ..............
V Cbyoles-............... .......
SMangoes.--.----.....- .....
Nances.............. ........
(I) felocotone ----.......................
P) eplnos ..........................
) Candy (uocadillo)................
(83) Candy (carados))-................
(M4) Toasted horseheans---.....-- ......
Cookies (roaqudos)...--.........- .
0 Fresh corn tortilao-................
Rice and milk. ------------ -..-
Total.-----....--------------...-









Staples.-----------------------------...
Poultry, eggs, meat products and fish..
Vegetables and herbs.----.-----------.
mruit and refreshment- --....-.........
Total.---------------- ----------.


$1.75 ------------------
300 -.....= .-- ....-- ..---- ............
680 .-...---------------..-
1,232 .....................-------- ----
960 .--.-----------------..............
680.................. . ................
472....................................
180------ --------- ----- --
S90 --. -.- .------------ -.-..........-
2,245 ---------------------------------
113 --..-.---------------... ..-.......
300...................---.. . .........
25 ...............................--- ---



448 -e- ts- --- - -- - ---- -. - - ---
t448 s . ------------------------.. ..-
1,200 cen--....----------.. . ..- ......
18 stems ..-- ........-...--- .-- ..-....
90 -.---....--.-------------.....-- - -
112............. ............
128,,,,,,....... .

28 cents '.----------.....- .... ..........
6 centsI ---..............-- .- ....._- ...
22 .. .
39 cents s'................
18 cents'------...........
20 ounces .............................
$ 1.48 ---------------------------------
20 glasses ............. ................


$85.756.------------.-.----------------
13,200.... ---- ------------------------
29,9880.................... . ........
84,368- ------------ -----------
42,340....-- ...........................
30,0208..----------------.-------------
11,828 ................................
4,010............
99,005 .-- .---- ---- ---- --- "----
2,037- --- ---------------
4,700 -- -------------------
1,100 ..-------------------------------
21,052--.--.............................
28,800 .......--- ....... .--------
352 stem s ..... ... .... ... ....-- --_-
410,488 ---------.........
6,321............-- ------ --_---------
784 -.--................-. -..- ---- -_-
17,110-.
$21.08 ---------------------------
$2.09....................
$9,025 ..-.-----.. --------..-..........
$19.11.......... . ".. . . .
$9.80-..---.---------. --_-_-----------
S.820.................... ..........
08.82 - - - - - - - -
080 onnces.-.-.......................-
$22.509.......--- ....---- ..... ....
1,225 glasses----. -................-


e. SUMMARY


Item


Item


Value

Produced Ia Bought out.- T,
community side o


..------------ ---------..--------........- 2, 898. $6,254.: 61 V,162. 1
--------... ------------- 138.60 0, 038. 8 6, 227. 4
-.------------.----.................-----......... 646.87 521.9 10 0 86
...---------- ..-------...-.4-----------..- 498.78 272.45 771.23
....--------------------....-------... 4,132.25 11.088.03 15.220.28


'Total of previous column, times 49 unlesss otherwise Indicated), the result corrected as Indicated in text.
When a sufficient amount Is grown within the community, all is put In this column, in spite of the fact that an individual may buy what is actually pro-
duced elsewhere, in a market. This may occur even with onions when the individual does not happen to grow them.
'Includes red beans, sometimes substituted but not important.
'Multiplied by 111 Instead of 49.
Quantity not known; Information given in money value, and price not known.


No. 58 reports using corn and lime in a ratio of 15 (3, 4) Beans.-Black beans are commonly
to 1; No. 49, almost 27 to 1; No. 37, a little less cooked, typically without fat, as part of the daily
than 8 to 1; and No. 1, 7 to 1. A difficulty is that diet. Red beans are very occasionally substituted,
lime is used for other tlan cooking purposes, and I and white beans are used almost exclusively for
suspectt that this has caused some confusion. An certain holidays. Beans must be considered a
informant discussing fiesta needs said that for 150 semiluxury food; if corn is the bread, beans are
pounds of corn, a half pound of lime is used-a the butter. A richer family certainly tends o use
ratio of 300 to 1, which seems impossible. Rosales more beans than a poorer family, relative to fanil:.
reports that in general 1 of % pound of lime is size and to corn; but the difference is not :s sabnrp
cooked with 3 pounds of corn-ratio of 90 to 1 as in the cases of more expensive foods. Alth.isgh
(corn to lime). It seems to me most likely, on the it might be expected therefore that the three
basis of these contradictions, that the proportion families are a little high in their use of I eons,
may be something like 60 to 1, and if that is the other data (e. g., that of 1941) induce me to forego
case, 5,200 pounds were used in 1936. a correction, except to add 1,186 pounds ,of lMark


168


Valur

Produced out
In com- I To, A
munity' outside

85. 75 .. .. 5.75
44.00 M ... oo
74.97 /4 01
21. C3 $37.4.0 .0 t3
52.- 50 e M. .6
30. 02 ........... 30 02
39.43 4 3.43
8.02 ... 1.02
49.60 43.50
8.80 1.. j7 23).7
2.20 2 70 4 -0
1.00 3..0 4.40
6.30 11.90 1 1829
----- 72 00 *'7" o
24. 64 ...... ... 24 84
-------..- 3 07 3.07
----------- 13 71 13 72
21.07 -. 07
.--------- 8 .908
4.22 -...... .- 3
1.00 21.08 1. 08
2.09 --..-.......... .
13054 1 13. ,4
-.--..... 1 I. ,O 11
S----------- .SO 9 80
8.S2 8. A
------ 2890 1.50
------ 2.50 22,50
----- 2.25 7 n. 23
498.78 272.45 ~77;.23


PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


TABLE 67.-Food consumption--Continued
d. FRUIT AND REFRESHMENTS


-1 1 1-






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


beans and 187 pounds of white beans which are
served in ceremonies, probably all in addition to
normal consumption.
(5, 6) Peppers.-A number of varieties of dried
red peppers, and, to a much lesser degree, of fresh,
green peppers, are the most important condiment
in the diet. They are ground and eaten with salt
and tortillas, and are used in or with most cooked
foods. Tastes differ considerably and the con-
sumption of peppers probably varies without re-
spect to wealth. I see no reason why the small
sample should not reflect the variety reasonably
well. In ceremonies perhaps 24 of the 40 ounces
of chile used throughout the year represent addi-
tional consumption, since it goes with beans,
meat, and fowl that are not frequently eaten in
quantities. The sample is faulty with respect to
the use of red peppers versus green peppers. All
three families grew green peppers and doubtless
ate them in larger proportion than did many
others, especially the landless Indians. Green
peppers are twice as expensive as red. Therefore,
it is necessary to transfer about a fourth of the
green pepper to red pepper.
Salt.-By an oversight, salt was left out of the
consumption schedule and, curiously, the omission
was never called to my attention while in the field.
I therefore have no direct data on how much is
consumed. The only hint that I have is that for
the ceremonies a pound of salt is bought for every
pound of chile, and I shall simply apply this
ratio to the community.
(7) Coffee.-The consumption of coffee is Pana-
jachel is remarkably high. In many families it is
the only daily beverage, atole not being used, and
it is drunk with each meal by adult and child alike.
Even where atole is still made, coffee is by far the
leading beverage. Family 58 probably drinks
more coffee than is normal, and allowance must be
made for this in using the sample, but the other
two families are probably representative. Many
of the poorer families, unlike those of the sample,
buy their coffee roasted and ground, daily, by the
ounce. This is much more expensive; I am assum-
ing that one-eighth of all coffee consumed is so
purchased. Since poor people are the chief pur-
chasers of coffee bought this way, it is likely that
they use less coffee than the families of the sample.
In the cases of two such families I find, indeed, that
they buy but an ounce (each) daily, which is about
half the consumption of the sample families.


Therefore I am lowering the total of coffee con-
sumed by another one-twelfth. Most Indians
who grow coffee use some of it in their kitchens,
although many producers sell their coffee and buy
cheaper grades for consumption. I am assuming
on the basis of knowledge of the number of coffee
growers and the information in the sample, that
60 percent of the bean coffee used is home grown.
Coffee is not used in the ceremonies.
(8) Low-refined sugar (panela).-Panela is used
in certain desserts, especially those made with
squash, and in the ceremonies to help sweeten
chocolate, but it is consumed chiefly with coffee, so
the two items tend to have a fixed ratio which in
the three families is 1 to 2.25, 1 to 3, and 1 to 2.58,
respectively. The ratio of 1 to 3 is probably most
typical of conservative Indians; family No. 1 also
so reports the use of coffee and panel. I therefore
think that the sample is probably a little low, and
if the total it indicates were raised by a thousand
pounds it would come near to being three times
the total of coffee consumed. The 96 pounds of
panel used in the ceremonies must also be added
as extra.
(9,10) White sugar, chocolate.-White sugar is con-
sumed exclusively, asfar as I know, with chocolate,
and the two may bestbe considered together. They
are normally used only during Holy Week; but they
are also consumed by the officials in ceremonies
and at any time when brought as gifts. The ratio
of chocolate to sugar in the three families are
1 to 2.25, 1 to 2.83, and 1 to 2.74. It may be noted
that family 58 evidently uses less sweetening in
both coffee and chocolate than do the others.
Family No. 1 buys neither chocolate nor sugar,
for it receives at least what it needs in the form of
gifts from others. The only comparison I have '
comes from the sugar and chocolate used in the
rituals; and here the ratio is given as 1 part
chocolate to 2.24 parts sweetening (six-sevenths
panela, one-seventh sugar). If this information is
correct, then probably 49 and 37 are atypical or
mistaken. I have no way of telling, however,
which of the two items, sugar or chocolate, should
be raised or lowered so I give both as shown by the
sample. However, the 13 pounds of sugar and the
800 ounces of chocolate used ceremonially must
be added. Sugar and chocolate (in tablet form)
together with bread, are the most common gifts
M Evidently family F106 a (Totonicapeflos) in the 1944 sample week wva
usin panels with their chocolate, which Panajachelefos do not do.


among the Indians. Gifts are brought when favors
are asked or services (from weaving garments to
baptizing a child) done. This fact interferes with
the calculation of the total, for the informants
of the sample included only what they thought
they had actually purchased and consumed. Some
of the sugar and chocolate received as gifts doubt-
less was passed on to others as gifts, but some (as
in the case of family No. 1) was certainly con-
sumed and must be added to the total. It happens
that family 53 gave away no chocolate or sugar in
1936, however, and that family 49 gave but 2
ounces of chocolate and a half pound of sugar. (I
have no information on the point from 37 so that
the sample gives little guidance.) One can guess,
however, that some 200 gifts were exchanged
among the Indians (Ladinos do not give such
gifts, certainly not to Indians); that on the average
they consisted of 10 ounces of bread, three-fourths
pound of sugar, and 5 ounces of chocolate; and
that half the sugar and chocolate (and all the
bread) changed hands twice before being con-
sumed. The totals are therefore raised by 112
pounds of sugar and 750 ounces of chocolate.
(11) Bread.-Bread, usually in the form of
1-ounce sweet rolls (made with lard, eggs, sugar,
salt, wheat flour, and yeast) is frequently eaten
for breakfast instead of corn food; it is also an
important ceremonial and gift food and is eaten
in large quantities, with honey, during Holy
Week." The Holy Week bread is frequently
richer (especially in eggs) and usually comes in
large loaves or in rolls larger than usual. Some
Indians have their Holy Week bread made to
order. The daily use of bread varies with wealth,
and the sample is consistent in this respect. I
should subtract some bread to correct the sample
for the above-average-wealth consumers; but the
sample families all live east of the river, where
bread is more difficult to buy; and this fact com-
pensates. To the total, however, must be added
some 2,000 of the 2,785 ounces distributed at
ceremonies, and another 2,000 that (according to
the guess above) were distributed as gifts. The
Holy Week bread that is made to order (of pur-
chased materials) probably comes out slightly
cheaper than purchased bread; but since this bread
'A week before Good Friday (1037) the largest local bakery already had
Stock of $400 worth of bread for Holy Week. The owner said it would
rainn fresh because of the quantity of egRs and lard In it. The bakeropined
tbat even the poorest Indians buy three or four dollars' worth of bread for
1oly Week, for themselves and for gifts.


is somewhat more expensive than tlhe ordinary,
it may all be averaged at a cent an ounce, the
usual price.
(12) Honey-IHoney is bought, as far e I know,
only for Holy Week. The little honey produced
locally, however, is probably eaten also at other
times. Since the sample families kept no bees,
local Indian production should be added to the
total indicated by the sample.
(13-20) Spices.-After peppers, the most irl-
portant spice is anotta, used in coloring sa uces
and meats. The difference among the sample
families in the use of anotta is striking, but I do
not know enough to account for it; it do:s not
seem proportional, in the sample including family
1, to the use of meat and fowl. Using the 'nf r-
mation as given, the resulting total appears high;
but since family 1 alone reports usirg 144 cunces
a year, it may not be. The use of anise seed
appears also to be highly irregular. TFa'liil ':-;3
uses none at all (neither does family 1). The
other two of the sample consumed quite different
quantities. Though doubtless others besides No.
58 use no anise, there is no reason to thith thAt
these are all large families, so thye total i:idicatcd
by the sample must be raised. Family 5E reports
nothing on the use of ground pepper, ginger, and
cordoncillo, cintula, chichipate, "lime tea," anO
rice but since I failed to ask about them, dhe.y nmay
actually have been used. The formula factor 49
cannot therefore be used in this ,.se anao, aWcesc',
the total of the 2 families reported is multinlhcd
by 111. Squash seed is used ir sore foods by all
the sample families; but poor families wnc cia rPt
have their own cornfields (in whit squash is pro-
duced) probably use less than the sample families
(despite that No. 37 bought all his ,quash seed
and No. 49 part of his) and a correction should he
made.
(21) Chickens.-Chickens are used as ff or in the
home almost exclusively on very special occasions,
such as an after-birth festival; they are also cooked
for sick persons and lying-in mothers Thr; d;fc.:-
ences in the sample represent in part accidents of
circumstances, but the large number usel Ly
family 37 probably reflects its atypic-li'y and
relative wealth. Family No. 1 also reported uiang
36 chickens in 1936. However, th( simple is
probably representative enough to be used ih cal-
culating the community tota1. In LIdliton,
chickens (as well as turkeys, which ar3 not rse 1


INSTITUTE'I` OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16





. PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX I 3


domestically) are important in the officials' cere-
monies, and the 38 chickens and 23 turkeys used
in a year must be added.
(22) IHens' eggs.-These are part of the normal
diet, but the differences probably depend partly
on taste, partly on wealth. That family 58 uses
so many is probably to be attributed to city-
cultivated taste. Why No. 39 uses so few eggs
I do not know. Family No. 1 reports using 3
dozen a week. Since two of the three families
of the sample kept fowl, it is close enough to being
representative to require no correction.
(23-27) Fish and sea food.-Lake fish and crabs
are eaten during the year. They are usually
bought, but occasionally caught for home use.
The sample in this case is bad because No. 37 is
one of the few local Indians who do considerable
fishing. The result is that his consumption of fish
and crabs is far out of proportion to that of the
others. A correction must be made. Dried sea
fish and alligator meat are bought only for Holy
Week (the prohibition against meat during Lent
or on Friday is not kept, if known). The quantity
bought, to judge from the sample, probably
depends partly on taste, chiefly on wealth. Family
1 reports buying 25 pounds of sea fish and 15
pounds of alligator, 8 times as much as the poor
family 58 of comparable size. The sample is
therefore defective, since it is accident that the
largest family happens to be poor, and the total
quantities must be raised. The use of shrimp,
which is bought at any time of the year, is probably
a matter of taste. Family 58 uses none, 49 a very
small quantity, and 37 much; No. 1 uses none.
It is as probable as not that the sample is repre-
sentative of the distribution of tastes.
(28-82) Beef.-Beef is by far the favorite meat,
and the only one used (although in a minor way
in recent times) in ceremonial cooking. It is
bought in small quantities, bone and meat, and
usually cooked in soup. Pork is more expensive
than beef, and is used most usually in tamales.
Of the three sample families, No. 39 eats the
highest percentage of pork to beef. Family 1
reports using 104 pounds of pork to 468 pounds of
beef, an even higher percentage. At the opposite
extreme is family 49, using 35 times as much beef
as pork. I cannot explain why family 37 uses
relatively so little meat (even its high fish and
sea-food consumption cannot account for it); but,
again, there seems no reason not to accept the


sample. To the total must be added only 41 No. 37 atypical or mistaken, and to make a
pounds of beef used in ceremonies. Sausages d correction in reaching a total for the community.
pork meat seem to be bought by all families mon (36-88) Potatoes.-Potatoes are used chiefly as
than is fresh pork; in the sample, those eating lea one of the ingredients in soup. Sweetpotatocs are
than their share of fresh meat seem to eat mon a dessert, boiled with no added sweetening. How
sausage (so, too, the rich and large No. 1 family sweet cassava is cooked I do not know except that
which consumes only 572 pounds of fresh meat i it is used as a vegetable. Again it appears that
a year, bought almost $15 worth of various pre family 37 is exceptional in its consumption of
served meats). Pork-blood sausages are evidently potatoes and especially sweetpotatoes (even family
much less popular, only 49 and 1 reporting their 1 reported using a little less potatoes, a third the
use. Only the latter reported also the consume sweetpotatoes, and only the same cassava). But
tion of longaniza, another kind of pork sausage probably family 58's consumption of these foods
but on the basis of the $2.40 worth he bought, ou is abnormally low, and I am making a downward
can guess that the Indian community probably! correction for the total only of sweetpotatoes.
consumed it to the value of some $25. Thret However, a further downward correction is re-
kinds of lard cracklings are obtainable, piiia quired for both sweetpotatoes and cassava because
chicharrones, and pressed chicharrones. The last. the sample families all produce them and probably
mentioned have the fat squeezed out in sow eat more than nonproducers do.
special press, and are cheaper and less nourishing (89, 40) Squash.-This vegetable is cooked into
Families 37 and 49 reported consumption of onl! desserts, and seems to be a rarity in the diet despite
piilas and chicharrones, but family No. 1 bought the fact that it is grown in Panajachel. In com-
in addition to $7.80 worth of these, 10 pounds of prison with the others, family 49 consumes a great
pressed chicharrones. Cracklings are bought usEu many ayotes (but family No. 1 reported that it
ally as "snacks" in the market place, and doubt consumed 1,200 ayotes and 200 chilacayotes, all
less the man of family 37 bought so many because that it produced). On the other hand, family 58
he is a frequent merchant, and a person who like could have consumed more of its production while
"snacks." Family No. 1 has sons whose pocket 37 had to buy what it ate. If the information is
probably jingle with loose change. I think that correct it appears that the determinant is indi-
the total derived from the sample is, however, vidual preference. I think that probably the
probably fair. Family 1 is the only reporter d number of chilacayotes should be raised, since the
the use of prepared pork ribs; this family's S three families happened to consume very few, but
worth probably can be translated into $60 in th otherwise I see no reason to believe that the
whole community, sample gives a false picture. I cannot think that
(S3) Lard.-Lard is used much more typically the figures of family 1 are reliable.
by Ladinos than by Indians, both for frying and (41, 42) Condiments.-Although not in propor-
the cooking of beans. Family 58 clearly show tion to their place in the productive economy of
outside influence in its use of lard, and allowance Panajachel, onions and garlic are important con-
is to be made for that in calculating the total lard diments, cooked especially with meats and sauces.
consumption. I do not know why family No. 58 reports such
(34, 35) Tomatoes, huskcherries.-Tomatoes, o small consumption in comparison with the others.
instead the small wild huskcherries, are ver. I doubt if the others have overestimated (family
important in the diet, cooked, and especially witt No. 1 reports consuming a whole tabldn of onions
meats. Why No. 37 reports the consumption d and 75 pounds of garlic) and am inclined to think
so much tomato in comparison with the other that family 58 cither undercalculated or is atypical
two families I cannot explain, although it may b in this respect. Since it has a large weight in the
% t sample, the totals should be raised.
noted that his family's diet is heavily weiglhti smple- the totals should be raised.
on te side of vegetables and fruit. Even t (43-48) Common vegetables.-The common vege-
on the side of vegetables and fruit. Even tables most consumed in Pannjachel appear to be
large, rich No. 1 family, which also feeds labors cabbages and green beans, which like all greens and
consumed a little less (60 pounds of tomatoes, # herbs are cooked together with other ingredients.
pounds of huskcherries). I am inclined to thint All three families, and almost surely every Pana-


jachel family, eat these vegetables. On tl;c other
hand only family 58, with its .ity infll:nce, aljo
cooked other vegetables. Th.t of codirs, cuxpla.i;am
why this family ate less cabbage and gren bean,
than might be expected: its vegetaobe (l't was
more varied. Since family 58 is large, this atypi-
cality (as I think it is) must be corrctced; f9r the
total consumption of cabbage and( green hbeisa is
greater, and that of carrots, turnips, an( sw'vis
chard smaller than the sample would indica' e. 'he
cucumber picture is quite ftdse, for family 58 f a,
one of very few who grew and ate cucu libre.
The total here requires a large (orrection. At Lhe
same time account must be taken of the fac. tiat
the sample families are all vegetable grow 'rs.
Differences in taste are indicated' by t'he No. 49
emphasis on cabbage and the No. 37 empnas:s on
green beans, but such differences are doubtless
representative.
(49-59) Other vegetables.-Of the less 'omnrcn
vegetables, the "mulberry" herb, emar,'.rth, and
chipilin herb are the most consumed. Family 5
eats less of these than one woula expect, p~rhiap
again because of the variety of vegetables rsed in
that house. It used no chipilin at all in 936.
Again corrections must be made. For all of the
remaining herbs I have no information from
family 58, and again must change the multiplica-
tion factor from 49 to 111. I do not know how
col, rue, coriander, and the "7-shirts" herb arc.
used in the kitchen. Rue, at least, is used medic-
inally. Coriander is used especially with meat
and is given away by the beef butchers. Again
it is a mystery why No. 37 reported using so much,
and I think it wise to correct the total on that
account.
(60) Vegetable pears.-This fruit appears to be
consumed in surprisingly small quantities, consid-
ering their general importance in the region.
They are used in cooking in various ways, playing
the part of a vegetable rather than a fruit.
(61-82) Fruit.-Fruit is eaten raw, for the most
part, and not as parts of regular meals. It may be
considered refreshment. In general tle fruit that
is bought is eaten more by the wealthy than the
poor, so that, for example, prickly pears, custard
apples, and peaches (which were bought by tle
sample families) are consumed progressively more
by families 58, 49, and 37. On the other ihnd,
the question of taste and custom enters in tile use
of such fruit as plantains (which are fried) ":clu-


172 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 16






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


sively by family 58, which has more Ladino-like
tastes and iechlniqucls; in this case, a sharp correc-
tion of the total must be made. A correction must
be made for "imported" bananas, too, for Nos.
58 and 37 seem to be wildly extravagant in their
use. There is little to be said of the fruit locally
produced; it is difficult to rely on any figures, since
children, especially, are apt to pick a fruit to eat
whenever they please. Obviously also, what is
consumed depends in part on what an individual
family happens to produce. I could go through
my fruit census and make corrections of the sample
on this basis, but considering the vagueness of the
figures, I think it not worth while; the families of
the sample, at any rate, are fairly representative
of fruit-tree owners. A general correction should
be made for all locally produced fruits, however,
to take account of the 18 percent of the families
who own no land or fruit trees and who doubtless
eat less of these fruits grown by the sample
families. I have taken off roughly 10 percent to
account for this difference, and in special cases
(such as those of the granadilla and papaya),
when I know that the fruit is more rarely grown
than the sample would indicate, I have made
special corrections.
(83-88) Sweets.-Lard cracklings have already
been mentioned as favorite "snacks," and it has
been noted that fruit is eaten outside of meal
hours as a refreshment. In addition, candies are
bought in the stores and toasted horsebeans and
cookies in the market place. Peanuts are also
bought in the market, but were left out of the
original schedule as must have been other mis-
cellaneous sweets, such as candied popcorn that is
occasionally found in the market. Certainly some
Indians also drink the cold beverages to be bought,
but none of the sample families did. The rice-
with-milk beverage is a Ladino favorite, and indi-
cates again that family 58 is not typically Indian.
Correction must be made in this case as in those
of cookies and fresh-corn tortillas wherein again
the No. 37 family shows its liking for snacks and
sweets.
In summary (table 67, e) it is seen that, according
to my calculation, the community as a whole con-
sumed $15,255.35 worth of food in 1936. About
26 percent of this was produced within the com-
munity and 74 percent outside. Clearly, Pana-
jachel does not produce what it consumes, nor
consume what it produces. An examination of


the proportions of different kinds of food con. last 2 years, and one lasts but 1 year. Some of the
slimed makes it equally apparent that if the data differences are not simply variations of opinion.
and calculations are anywhere near correct, the Thus, the reason No. 58's one machete lasts but 2
Indian diet is by no incans confined to, nor the years is that four people use it; No. 37, on the other
dollar spent on, corn, beans, and chile. hand, preserves his for 5 years because not only
does he alone use it, but he has occupations that
EQUIPMENT do not require his machete.
A number of things owned by the Indians have
General information on equipment owned by doubtless escaped my list.1" The carpenters and
the Indians was obtained from many sources, in. butchers, for example, have their kits of tools; and
eluding simple observation. Dependence for the there are always odd objects that people acquire.
quantitative statements of table 68 is had chiefly The last items of table 68, a indicate what one
on the sample of three families referred to above rather abnormal person (in this respect) has col-
Table 68, a estimates the value of all equipment elected. The man of family 37 was once interested
owned by Panajachel Indians at a point in time in learning carpentry, and the mason's trade; he
in 1936. It excludes supplies of a transient nature (with other youths) owned a marimba in 1936; he
such as soap, kerosene, and firewood. The method s one of two Indians with a canoe; and he is the
pursued in arriving at the conclusion of the second nOly Holy Week baker among the Indians. The
last column is essentially that used to determine $3,000-odd worth of goods listed in the table may
quantities of food consumed. With the informs. be said to be a community minimum (if my calcu-
tion of the sample judged in the knowledge of it nationss are near to being correct). Of course no
peculiarities and tempered by common sense and eacount is taken of depreciation, which would be
general knowledge of the community, it is possibkh early impossible to calculate accurately; but the
to reach conclusions that seem sound. umn (as in the case of houses, above) is the replace-
It will be noted that, either because the families ent value of the property.
were not asked about them, or because they did Finally, it may be noted that, as one would
not use them, some items used in Panajachel wen expect, some items such as cooking utensils and
not reported by the sample families. I know that lishes are more numerous in larger families, while
some people have shotguns and flashlights, man! he numbers of others vary with wealth (as in the
use bought brooms (a bunch of branches serva 'se of furniture, blankets, and mats) and still
otherwise), a few have hammocks-to rest, notthers, such as weaving equipment, with the
sleep, in-china and pottery cups, forks and iecial occupations of the householders. In
knives; I am sure that most, if not all, household! neral, however, there is uniformity as one goes
own liquor glasses, and the wooden troughs the rom house to house. A weathy family has little
are placed around the grinding stone. For all sud nore variety, and few more objects of a kind, than
items general knowledge had to take the place d as a poor family; and there is a basic homogeneity
special data, but the results cannot be far off. a the kinds of things owned by the Indians of
It will be noted, also, that the three familiar he community.
differed somewhat in their judgments of how 10o Table 68, b shows how much money the Indians
certain objects are used before they need to k lobably spent in 1936 on the objects listed in
replaced. Thus a table lasts family 49 15 yeans ble 68, a and, in addition, on certain supplies.
family 37 only 10; a kind of chair lasts family le conclusions are drawn on the basis of the
3 years; the others, 5; and so on. This is to Vne data, and by the same method. The reports
expected, anti I have tended to average the est0 E'lpnditurei s for toys, for example, are not Included. The few used are
mates in drawing conclusions (except where inflO'* n always ho e-made. of plant parts. In 1937a 12-year-old girl cme with
mation is apparently wrong, as in the case on hler hack that had theform oa baby. When asked how the"bahy"
nation he replied laughing, that it was a piece of log with a rag around it for
family 37's report that a tump-strap lasts hi 'l :no a por a(stockin rap), that she had made, over the top. A girl of
only a year). Some of the differences reflect difft r rs .t and sld ,h- Rndl .lone thne .ine when young and that her
only a year). Some of the differences reflect r sister also nrred a stick for a aby. However, she added that she
fences in the kind of use the articles get. F "ha'ladollthathterfathlier ldN o ionetlhliier forSocents. Other ndtans
example, there is a nice (if rare) consistency in t 'tkel o0, toys seen at our house annd showed interest in buytin similar
exam debut the amount of money annually spent on such things cannot be
statement that three tin lamps last 3 years, t 'thsa o.few dollars.


of expenditures of the sample families are the
average annual expenditures for the various itbins,
respectively, but of course the sum of the average
annual expenditures of all of the families of the
community tend to be the same as the total com-
munity expenditure in any one year.
TABLE 68.-Household furnishings and supplies, and toolt
a. VALUE

Prorated number in year Niim l- ITotel
_____ ber in vaues of
Item com- property
Family Family Faily miy maun- n .c..r.
58 49 37 ty mItunlty

Flashlights.............. ... ........ ...... .
Brooms.. c- -- --- .
(93) Tin lamps..---..... ......- 3/3 1 "2/2 2.~ 20. CO
(94) Tables....... ....... 1 /10 10 22.'0
(95) Chairs......... 2/3.3/1 2/5 8/ 5 600 t. )
(96) Dish chests........... (1 5.00
(97) Chests................... () 1/4 1/10 1/5,1/15 300 1.5 00)
(98) Beds............ ...... 1/20 30 30.00
(99) Bed boards........ .. () 8/20-- 00
(100) Mats-............. ..3... 2 2 9 500 2r, .0o,
(101) Blankets...... ..... 2/2 2/5 3/10 30 ,1,37.50
Hammocks ... ........ '2.50
(102) Towels ..................
(103) Padlocksa ...1/ .5---- 1.6
(104) Rcligious pictures .. ... (71 100 19. 00
(105) Cooking pots -...... 30 13 ?) 375 10
(106) Water jars........... 1/2 3/4 2/21 .1 30
(107) Pottery pitchers.-..... (9) 2 (?I) 310 15'.)0
(108) Pottery bowls-......-- ( 4. ( 400 12. 0
China cups .............. -.
(109) Enamelware cups...... 12/2 5/1, (7) ?)- t qi. K00
Pottery cups-...-......... . 'G 4.(1
(110) Enamelware plates.... 5/3 4/13 (7, 400 41. 14
Kitchen knives-........ :... -- ... .0 i o.00
Table knives.. -..... .- ........ 2 2 46
(111) Spoons..-..-----. 8/5 2/7 (7) j 30 1.
Forks -........ ...... 1.
Liquor glasses....... (?) (7) (' I ) I d. 00
(112) Bottles .............. () f/16i () 40 4 0
(113) Calaobshes............. (7) 9/3 80/10 10
(114) Orinding stones..... 3/25 /o (1 4M). ,
Orinding troughs...... () (7) :) 200 20. (
(115) Gasoline tins... ..... .--- 1/3 .. 5 b.00
(116) Baskets ... .. .. 3 3 3 13.5.0
(117) Tin boains......... 2 1/4 2 a( 2'7. CO
(118) Tump straps............ 27 1/15 11 ) 26. 00
(119) Ropes.................. 3/1 )1/31 I lJi 10.1i
(120) Measuring cords......... l/fI (7) ....... 7 11.:a8
(110 Mesh bags.......... 2/4 1/5 1,1/2 SKI ST. 8l0
122 Carrying frames ..... 1/5 ( (t) I tll 24 0o)
(123) Machetes....... ..... 1/2 2/6 1/50.")
(124) Axheads.-..... .... :/15 1/6 20 14 161. JO
(125) Hoe blades.--.- 3/2 4/4 .4 4001X, 0v (
(126) Pickax he bads...... 1/4... 4 2
(127) Sicklesu.......2/. 4 1/4--. 125 18.7
(128) Files-.................... ---...- 1 -.- '.
Shotguns...-..-. .- .. (7) 15 11360
(129) Needles----.....-- ...- 15 36 (7) 101) 4.00
(10) Warpers....1/--.. 1/20. ... .80
(131) Spindles........- 6/2 3/3. 5001 7.
(132) Looms............ 1/30..... 7 30.00
(133) Scissors........ ..... 2,5 1/6 1/10 200 40.00
(134) Pencilso.. ...------- ...- 442 .3
1135) Pen points-- .2. 5.. --- .
1136) Tablets of paper -- 4 . ------ 1 25
(137) Bottles of ink....... I a t.. i
1138) Canoes.-....... .. -.... ... h. 2 0C.o
(139) Oars (paddles)-........ -------- (7) -1.00
(140) Sarils-..................... . .......1i- 2 .1
(141) Marimbas-.......... -... ....- /7) I 1 2.
(142) Clotih for marimbas ..- 1. I- ,"? ) -1 5
(143) Cover for marimba -..--- 1() .w5
(144) canvas sacks-..-..........-.-- --- 101 :.O
(145) Bnrber's razors........... .....-- '/10 41 1.30
(146) Hammers-........ ... -- 1/20, ., 2.00
(147) iaws ..... -- -----.- 1/0. 10 1 1 ,
(148) Trowels ............ .. I / 1 2 J00
(149) Mason's plummets.-.. ...----...-. ..... \- ) t 3 Y)
(1011) Pr3,P l pans.......... ......... ... .... (-/ 4 .
(1051) taking shle i- --. . - ) 2 7ci ?) 2
(152) Baker's shovels'......... 17) / .4(
(153) Baker's mixing troughs. ,--- () () 1; )
Tot esalt---I d--- o-- 3,0bte 10

Sec footnotes at end of table.


17f


174







176 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHRO]

TABLE 68.-IIousehold furnishings and supplies, and tools-
Continued
b. CONSUMPTION

Value of quantity used Estl-
mated
Item total in
Family Family Family the con-
58 49 37 munity I

(88) Firewood, produced........ $4.16 $3.84 $3.00 $450.00
Firewood, ought ... ---- --- -- 60.00
(89) Pitch pine--..-..-..------- .26 1.30 .50 1C0.04
(90) Kerosene.------------- 3.605 .36 2.00 29i. 49
(91) Mat hcs-..--.----.. .54 .48 .45 72.03
Flashlight batteries....---- 2. 00
(QW) oa.......................------------------- 5.20 1.44 2.0 447.0f)
(93) Tin lamps -.......---. .08 .08 .021 8.906
(94) Tables...-.--- --.---------. --- .01"'6 .10 2.00
(95) Chairs.--...---..---------- .11 .05 .20 5.00
(i) Dish chest..............-- ()
(97) Chlets ------------------- .07M4 .00 3.00

(t1e) Mats-....-- ........--- .40 .40 2. 1 75.00
(101) Bir.nket.s ---.---- 1.25 .51 .3 100. 00
ammocks--- --- ----1.00
(102) Towels ............--- -- .20 ----- 2.00
(103) Pad!ocks ------ -------------- .30
(104) Religious pictures -- ----------- 02 1.00
(10) Cooking pots..--- --. .90 .38 () 80.00
(106) Water )ars-- ... ...--. .05 14 .21 10.00
(107) Pottery pitchers----..--- (T) .05 (7) 7. 0
(108) Pottery bowls.---.....--- (1) .08 (7) 00
China cups ----------- 0
(109) Enamelware cups-.- -- .3 .05 (?) 00
Pottery cups --- ------- 0
(110) Enamelware plates ---.... .10 .03i (?) 3.00
Kitchen knives- .------------ ------ ------ .0
Table knives------- -- ---- .25
(111) Spoons.- -.........----....- .10 .03 (?) 06.00
FoChks .. ....-- - --------------------- -- .-40
Liquor glasses ----------- ? ?) (7) (?) 1.20
(112) Dottlesnam--- -...------ 7 ) .04 (t) 2. 00
(113) Calabashes-............--- () .01. .04 4.00
(114) Grlnding stones------- .11 .16 (?) 20.00
rinding stone troughs..... (1) (?) (?) 2.00
(115) Oasoline tins--.....-...-- -...----. ..04 .60
(ig) Baskets .........----..- .24 2 .33 3.20
(117) Tin basins--...-. ---. .30 .15 .33 38.22
(11i) Tump straps -.-.. --.-- .04 .01 .10 2.00
(119) Ropesnd----.....------- .08 .06 .30 12.00
(120) Measuring cordst-- --- .02() (?) 1---- 00
(121) Mesh bagsh.------------ .03 ..03 .12 7.00
(122) Carrying frames....----- .03 (7) ...-- 2.50
(123) Machetes ....--.-----.. .204 .18 .06 20.00
(124) Axheads -......----- --.--- .117 .09 15.00



(12i) Worpeors.. ...---- 1.0 : | -------- .70
(131) indles b ----s ..... ---- .00 0 .01 - 2.00
(132) Looms ------ -- .01 .70
(133) Scimssors----------- ---t- .0l .02)4 .02)4 0.00
(134) Pencils---- -- --.16 .08 .10 5.00
(135) PI-n points--......-...-.- .02- .-- -- --.--- .10
(130) Tnhlets of pper----...-.- 1.00 --.- -------. 2i.00
(127) lcktles of Ink ---.............. .10- --- -. --....
(138-153) (swe table 68, ..)-- ---.. -- I .... 14.97 29.00
Total-..........-........ 21.19. 11..F'$ 28.38 2,061.70
Total produced....--- 4.16 3.4 3.00 400. 00
Total s.u.ght..---- 17..0. 7.64 25.38 1,611.70

I As calculated from the sample and corrected to take account of other
information.
A simple dipit Indicates the number reported purchased in a year. Where
there Is a fraction, the numerator Indicates the number poasessed. the de.
nominator, the number of years each one lasts. From the able It is not
possible to tell ho many of an item a family possesses If that item lasts
less than a year; thus, a family buying 30 cooking pots in a year might (as
far as the table shows) havo from 1 to 30 at any one time.
SIThis is the only Item of the table not purchased outside the community.


Firewood has already been discussed; it is now
assumed that the 15 or 16 families buying most of
their firewood spend about $55 a year for it, and


another $5 is paid for trees by other Indians. CEREMONIAL, FESTIVE, AND MISCELLA-
Pitchl pine is used to kindle the fire, but it is used NEOUS EXPENSES
also to light the house and, more rarely, the way-
farer's path; almost all homes also use tin kerosene Table 69 itemizes a variety of miscellaneous ex-
lamps both in the kitchen and on the road. It penses in all of which liquor is an important item.
may be noticed that families 58 and 37 reported rhe table is readable in two ways: to see how much
using kerosene (for illumination) almost exclu- iquor, incense, candles, etc., are used in the com-
sively, and only family 49 lights the kitchen with unity, and how much is spent on religion and on
pitch pine (but uses kerosene for night traveling). ife-crisis occasions, etc. It is notable that the
The use of kerosene raises the cost of living, and in dcoholic-intoxicants budget is far greater than the
the case of family 58 is probably an extravagance housing budget, and the amount of money spent
that accompanies its more citylike ways. As far liquor is about a fourth of thatspenton clothing;
as I know, candles are never used for lighting, t is more than that for any item of food excepting
Together with incense, they are used ritually. rn or meat; and it is almost as much as is spent
The matches included in table 68, b were used to m all tools and household utensils and supplies.
light cigarettes and cigars, and candles and incense, the consumption of incense, candles, and rockets
as well as the kitchen fire; but the consumption s considerable but hardly comparable to that of
of matches for these other purposes is minimal, for iquor. It is also notable that pharmacy-bought
embers of the fire are used more frequently than rugs (including some attention by the pharma-
are matches. ist) represent more important expenditures than
The total community expenditure, including he use of shamans and their curing rituals.
that for firewood, for kitchen and laundry supplies, In calculating the expenditures included in
is seen to be $1,417.32. In comparison, the cost of able 69, the use of the sample had definite limita-
furnishings and utensils comes to $352.61; that of ions, since many of the expenses are special and
tools connected chiefly with agriculture and mar- extraordinary and not routine for particular fami-
keting, $216.77; weaving and sewing equipment i. Other data were available, however, and
cost $28.40 (which might well be added to the cost
of clothing). According to the table, only $7.60 TABLE 69.-Ceremonial, fiesta, ar
was spent on writing equipment. Family 5S
has three literate members who like to write Sample expenditures
letters. There are few others in the community. ult of the saints Li
but letters are occasionally written for illiterate! C -----o- -i
by literate friends, and paper is furnished by the f Fm- Fam- Pr
letter writer. I have no specific information ot rituals val partiil Births ap-
the school expenses of pupils, but I doubt that rituals patn tis
any exist. The few supplies and books are, I -------- .-/ l
any exist. The few supplies nd boos a I d.......................-. 149 80 $3.00 $50 $3.0 oo $30 00
believe, furnished by the central Government. "r ---- $2.00.. 1 i o 10 $.400 30920
-2.6 .40 .8 1.00 0.0- ---- -------- -----
Differences among the three sample families a. -------..---- 218 .72 1442 8..00
not very great, if one leaves out of account. .-.- l1eo ::: ::::::0:::::::: "o .40 .. ....
G-00 ------ ------- -------.-- -------
37's prorated expenses for technical equipinlflt ---;-es 0.00:::::::"
:---------------0--- 0.& 00
Most of the expenses listed do not increase pr %'` 04 ::::: :o -i----1. l- ::- ..... -..
clr clothing -- ------- ------- ------- o a~o
portionally with the increase in the size of tb an fees -- -- --- ::::::::-
Ylle fers------~---l~--~~~--- ~ -""-`"-"".''----.-
family. Soap, firewood, blankets, and dishes, n -,---------0 4.26 ?)"--::::::::::------------: : oo ------00
o..... ,- .......--- -- ......-------------. .0----
the most striking exceptions, and they account ^ fe ......... ..... ?-) ---- 171 --- --------------
large part for differences in the expenditure ow - ----:- ------ 3.00_ .......
the three families., Family 37's higher expert Total--......................... 84.7 70.60 203 Ioo
if his reporting is correct, probably reflect inr' -, o -. -....... ..... .. 3 ,
a higher standard of living with greater per c.r 0N. "--------- .75 ........... r .
wealth, and in part his progressiveness and v Tae 71
ety of busin e interests. "sh given to girl's parents and usually used for her wardrobe.
ty f bfineo terer ringing church bell; ultimate destiny of money unknown.
Aftwarl average.


POLOGY PUB3LICATIION NO. 10


$25.00 .......
M0.00 $270.00
. ..--. 2. 60
. --.... 45. 4 00

.0 - 4.-- -- -0
- - - - -


'25."00-

100.00


61.500
6.G3
83.50

443.73


'.05


S1. 72 ...


$25
75
10





o00
----00
- 0-- -- -


$2 $45. 00-.-- .. --..0..... $364. 80
6 5.00 $150 ---1.. $1 190,92 1, :'G. r9
1 --- ----- 30.46 3143
6 ------....--- 1.12.2 125. 4J
-.------...--- ..------ -.--.--- 52. 7 5.3.
------- ------- .... -------... $15.. 60 ---.. 1.... .. ,,.
----. ----..- 0 ....- .0 (i. 0
-.--.--.------.-.----....------..... W .G3

...................... 40.0 .00 .1500
/.------.-.. .-------3....--- 303.0. 303.00
----- --................ 1 -l. 5 60 .
..................... 0. ....... 3 .31

---.......-----.......-------.....-- 30.50 .50 31.00
--..- ...........-..- .... -. .... ..i : or,
24 80.00 100 ---..2--.-------jZ4412.
.----- ----------
.. ....5 .------- -..


I


PENNY CAPITALISM:: A GUATEBv


IALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 177

the total expenditures calculated are basted cn
considerable variety of (lerm.
Public rituals are those of the cult of t:Ce sain 3,
organized and paid for by the hloljer. o ofli.tc in
the political-religious organization of' the' Pana-
jachclcfio Indian community. Those oflicinhl are
required by custom to perform ceremonies In cor-
nection with their offices, and these ceremonies
require rather fixed expenditures of food, li locr,
candles, incense, rockets. etc., that vary little from
year to year (though in the course of a generation
may change considerably).?"3 Table 70 classiirs
these expenditures by the occasions and by the
officials making them.1" It is seen that in any
one year the expense is frequently entailed both

Ms It is frequently said that the ceremonies are relatively Inexp-nsive
nowadays-that formerly much more food and liquor, etc., were rercuire'.
On the other hand it is recalled that liquor was o much cheaper, and money
so much more plentiful, a generation ago that the hardships of officials arn
now greater than they were.
t64 These expenses are as of 1936. although some of the data were collected
later. In 1938, 1939, and 1940 an additional expense was borne by a g:oup of
families who organized a dance for the titular fiesta. The leader of the dance
itemized Its cost, with me. and we found it came to $85.30 each year, dk-
tributed evenly along 18 dancers. The cost to the community was greater
than this, however, for at each of the 20-odd houses where they danced, the
dancers were given 50 cents (which could be applied to the cost of the dance%
and a bottle of liquor. An informant said, In 1941, that the dance would
probably not be undertaken again because the public objects to the added
expense of the fiesta.

nd miscellaneous expenses, 19S6

Estimated totals in the community

Scycle Total
Mcels-a other
Sick. neous ft (secu- With.
Mar Deth neo Sh-. favors drink in Otside
riag Deaths man ing) com- commu-, Toa l
rituals u nity
nitynity






1 / INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHRO

by the outgoing and tlhe incoming officials, but
since the incoming officials one year are the out-
going officials thi next, lthe cxpslci s are carried
by the same groups of men (or families) over
periods ranging from one year to about 15 months.
A limited number of individuals obviously bear
the burden of the costs of public ritual to the
community,'0 but the individuals change from
year to year so that in the long run the expenses
are distributed among all. It may be noted, too,
that certain officials spend much more than others,
and since these are generally chosen from the
ranks of the more wealthy, the costs tend to be
distributed according to "ability to pay." Table
71, the conclusions of which are included in
table 69, shows how these public-ritual costs are
divided among the various items consumed. The
foodstuffs have already been mentioned and
accounted for, and they, of course, replace in some
degree food that would be consumed anyway.
The liquor, candles, incense, music, priest's fees,
etc., are extra expenses to the community. Tables
70 and 71 are based on special information on the
politico-religious organization and detailed calcu-
lations of a veteran of the system, and are probably
at least 90 percent accurate. At least one item I
know to be lacking. On one occasion the cofradia
has to pay a license fee to have a zarabanda and
sell liquor, and I do not know the amount of the fee.
"Private" rituals consist of harvest rites and
the lighting of candles to saints. A number of the
homes have private altars, and on certain days
candles and incense are burned at them, either by
the owners or by other Indians. Candles and
incense are also burned to saints elsewhere when
the Indians visit out-of-town fiestas and, occa-
sionally, in the local church. The cost of such
ritual is very little, however, and almost $15 of the
$70.60 total shown in table 69 represents expenses
'" It is seen In the table that a relatively small sum comes from general
contributions. An informant (1941) explained that the seeking of contribu-
tions Is illegal (and Resales noted in 1936 that It was illegal but that the
princfpates obtained special permission from the authorities to solicit) and
done among Indians on the quiet-that formerly Ladinos were asked for
money, but now they would complain to the authorities. For the titular
fiesta each married man is expected to give 33 cents If he has not yet reached
the stage of being a cofrade. and 50 cents if he has. Widows who have done
services with their husbands give 16 cents. (In some households more than
one man or woman thu3 contributes.) Office holders are exempt. For the
Holy Week mass each household gives 6 cents and some Lndlnos also con-
tribute. When the image of the Christ Child Is taken from house to house
on Epiphany, from I to cents (rarely more) Is contributed by Indian families
whose members hold no omfcc-and the office holders serve liquor. Masses
other than those of Holy Week, the titular fiesta (San Francisco Caracclola)
on June 4, are paid for by Ladinos who arrange them.


APOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10 PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX 179

incurred by 0one nman who ihas in his house a saint pair from ,lhe night of the first asking through the Infant ChiM ,,,u
whose day (Sa.n Juan Bautista) he celebrates period of courtsllip when gifts of food are delivered Coffin...----------... 0. 75 $1. o $
publicly, spending aLbout $8 oil liquor alone and by (lthe family of thi boy andt when an agreed sum11 (' olliqgr----------. .25 1. 0 3. 00
$3.20 on musicians. When people go to fiestas in of money is turned over-to be used, generally, Candles iquo- --- 50 1. O0 12 00
other towns, even if primarily on business, they for the bride's trousseau. Incense.----------- .5 i o
frequently pay devotion to the saint there, and Of the Indian deaths in 1936 there were 39 .
they also frequently drink. In the harvest rituals registered-14 infants, 12 children, and 13 adults. Total----- 4. 55 9. IC 2. G
(for the corn harvest only) liquor also frequently The cost of the death varies with age something with the cost of having the cl z'.. h bells ri o
plays a small part. like the following: (almost alway s dod e carg
The items included under "private participa. (almost always don for 10 cnt he
tion" in fiestas of the cult of the saints have refer- TABLE 70.-Expenditures of officials for rituals
ence to the celebration of persons not in the organ.Total t .
ization carrying out the rituals. Most of the omcial occasion T torl ex r t .ra
populace buy food and refreshment in the plaza, __ ee pereron!, rc
especially during the titular fiesta, and of course Each of 2 scales ...1-...... e' NY-e-----
a great many men and many women drink in Eachof 2sacristans. .... -----....NewYear's.. .do---- -.......... $a1.- --. 1 60[ -.
...........-.- .... -... 5.0 5. 11.4U
(E iphany . . ..-------------------- 40%
taverns and zarabandas. Women especially join Alcalde............ .a.......... .. lSr. 1.d -----..- 34
Pair Sunday -- ---.... .....4-- .7 9 31
the processions with candles. Eah of 4 regidores ..uenaventua... 3.17
f ch o rcgidorcs .Palm Sunday --------------------------
The calculation of the amount spent on births Eachof4 myores ........ an uaver a.----------------------- 3. 14. 56
is based on the supposition that 70 (42 male, 28 alg-uaclles .. ..... 5.. rday.. .- 14 .40
-~---do 1. 0C --- - -
female) live births and 4 stillbirths occurred in the toting cofrade and each of3ofeaordooosoforade San a os ........ ....
Outgoing ororade and eachof 3 mayordomos ofcofrade San Francisco Caracciola ---- -- 1
S FranFrcisco de Asis ........... . ..... .13 0
Indian community n 1936. The midwife's fee Francsco. FrancaeAisco Car ...... .. 5
has already been discussed. The items for food ctav oSanFranclscodAsi ..-..... .. : .0
San Joaquin..................... .....---- ----------- 4. .5
and liquor are chiefly for that given the midwife booming cofrado of comrade San Francisco ........... San Nicolas
. Octave of San Francisco do-Asals..:---- 22-74
at the time of the birth and in the subsequent eh of incoming m.yord.mo .of .an. rane.sco SFrancsde Asa .. .... .73
hc, of 3 inci i"oming mayordomosoctave of San Francisco d..A s..... s --- -------------------- 3.9
ceremony. The calculation may be checked Al- l Soui ....... o- -e........... .. 7 ...-- o10 70 2.1
First Frilday of Lent ------------- :---- "----:: --------------" 3.P
against an informant's independent estimate that tgong comrade and each of 2 mayordomos of ofrade r d.... 140 .
acramento. oly saturday -- ------------------
a birth usually costs $2.50. rpus Chrisday .. .2 I . '1
Holy Saturday .............. .. 9C
scen ion .... ..... .... ... .. ----.... .... ..... ..-, 2.10
It is assumed that there were about 65 baptisms m I ,o rae of ton...frad.e Samto........----. 2..
eom0ing confrade of cofrad Sacramento.............. Corpus Chr --iti -- --................ ---:: -------- 22.74
of Indian children in 1936, but that Ladinos acted an Fr anciscor d is Asist ...7........ --. 55 81 5.
Fctave on Corpus C--ti.................-- -. 7.4 .
as godparents (hence paid the priest and bough AI S .lls, -S--- "--ls' ......... ,63
Corpus Cbri;a5. 02
the garments) in 40 of those cases. In all cases, tch of 2 incoming mayordomos of Sacramento ..c......... Uct of r.Corps Crst..............
San Francisco de Asia s ..................................... .
Indians supplied food-gifts and liquor. Subse. All ouls' ..... """""".......7 1
quent gifts to the godparents are not here included. ntgoing cofrade of cofrade Santa Cru ................. Mar. 1,5 ...................
Holy Saturday _................................---- .10
(The priest's fee for a baptism is 60 cents.) ay Of -the ro -- :.y 63" -
phany- .40......---.....40
M ar. 15 --------------------------------------------------:
From 1922 to 1937 there were 15 cases of Indian tach of 2 outgoing mayordomos of cofrade Santa oru..... Hly Saturday--------.......... .23 .73
Bo y Saturday --- -- -- -- -- --- -- -- -- -- --- -- -- -- .0
marriages in the legal religious sense. There was Easter Sunday--- 6 73 16..... ..
I ay of the Cross .......................... 24
none in 1936, and I have left out of consideration hkoming cofrade of cofrsde Santa Cruz..----- ----...... .... ay of t Crss 2
the costs additional to those of an ordinary mating. ch of 2 incoming mayordomos of cofrade Santa Cruz.. Day oi the s. s ................................. 15 6 15
According to my records, there were seven cus- Ch ist ,7.124 12 76 2
Second Friday o Lent............................ 5..r"12."0 25- 5.
tomary matings between May 1936 (when the oging cofrade and each of 2 mayordomos of cofrade San jar.15- "---": 5. 1
colas.an NiJoquasn........ . 0.24. 18 72
household census was made) and September 1937. ming comrade of comrade San Nicolas a..Niola -an..-..........-
, u n in g c o fr a d e o f c o fr a d e S a n N ic o la s - - - - - - s a n No a q u i -. . . . . . .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 3- 4
when changes were first recorded. One may there- bch of 2 incoming mayordomos of cofrade San Nicolas. n -----do ..-- --- ....... 10 3 .'4
fore suppose that there were five such unions in m high officials and princlpales.....-- Epiphn ..... 5.S 84 Sf 1. 32
1936. Some of these were first marriages, other principles (r2)r.... s erII...----------- s ........ )--' "- .00
planters (princpales) ..aa-------------- aas Sunday-
..................Good Friday... . .. 7--------- ------------- ----- 12 .. 80
second, and of course the expenses differ. I do 'Negrito" dancers ------------........ .. Co-rpus Chist....... .... ... 0------------ i -----
not have information bn what was spent in these ok bet burners... -----.D.. .Da of the Cross.----------.. ..------------ .----- 61.60.0)
San Francisco Cara)ola-3 20 ---- -- 4. 0
specific cases, and judge the total on the basis of Onral public (no olfcials)................ H ........... hay .. 3. 00
... Holy Week.. ..------. .. _. 5 ..
information on a number of other cases. Liquor San Francisco de Asis...:::::.::3::.::::. .- ----- 35. i-
is consumed by the representatives of the young Total --- ------------------ -------------------------.................-------.---g
---- ---- -- ---- ---- 5114. 87







PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


for using the cemetery and getting the official
registration ($0.17) remaining constant. An in-
fortantt calculated the cost of a funeral at $16.67.
The greatest cost is always that of the liquor con-
sunied by the mourners and those who help open
the grave, etc., and the official in charge.1'" The
few cents buried with the body in at least some
cases are not included. Nor is the cost of pro-
tracted drinking that frequently follows a death;
this cost is attributed to "secular" drinking.
The cost of sickness-not including the value
of the time lost, which will be calculated in the
next chapter-is seen to be considerable. These
figures are less authentic than the foregoing
because I have no independent data on the number
of the sick during a year. However, the number
of cases of local shamans and curers has already
been calculated, and one can judge the cost of
drugs from the data of the sample families, so
that a calculation can be made without knowing

aN In 1941 an informant described a funeral whose participants are usually
sober people. Both men and women drank. By the time the funeral pro-
cession began, 3 rounds of liquor had already been passed among the twenty-
odd relatives and friends; a liter was taken to the cemetery and consumed;
and back at the house another 2 liters were drunk before the visitors left for
the night. The next morning 11 persons did away with 3 liters more, and of
course on the following day there was hangover to be cured with more liquor.
In this case the drinking did not long continue partly because the men are
not "drinkers" and partly because the deceased was a very old widow and
there appeared to be no great grief involved.


the total number of cases of all kinds of sickness
in a year.'07 The liquor, incense, and candles
referred to is chiefly that consumed by the
shamans in their divinations and rituals; but food
and liquor are sometimes brought to the patient
by friends and relatives.
The other shamanistic rituals are those for
finding lost articles, getting luck for a business
venture, and so on. Twenty cases in a year seems
a good guess, though it is not more than a guess.
To ask for a wife for one's son, or a godparent
for one's child; or to ask for a loan of money, even
with land as security, or that a document or a
bargain be witnessed or a letter written-to ask
any "favor" it is customary to accompany the
request with a gift of food, and sometimes liquor.
Most of these gifts have already been included in
such items as marriage, baptism, etc., but the resi-
due is accounted for under "gifts and favors."
Likewise there are here included the periodic gifts
to godparents, usually presented during certain
festivals, and the occasional gifts of food to rela-
tives and friends. The calculation of the value

**' The shaman's fee s calculated at 50 cents a "treatment." I have cas
where it is less (when it Is explained that the shaman was a "friend" and
wouldn't charge much) and one case in which a Ladino "doctor" of another
town charged a woman $15 (and still she died). Nonshaman curers take no
cash fees.


TABLE 71.-Expenditures for public rituals

Expenditures
Occasion
Total Food Liquor Incense Candles Rockets Other
New Year's .. ----- ---.. ...---- $14.60 $3.40 $11.20- --- ... .... -..
Epiphany .. -_-. -- -- -----.--- ----. 32.29 6.30 20.16 $0.33 $0.50 $1.00 '$3.40
First Friday of Lent--....--- ------ -------- -- 21.18 11 1. 24 .33 .60 1.60 .40
Second Friday of Lent-....-------- ---- ------------- 16 65 5.87 8.16 .52 .0 1.60-.
March 15 ---.--------- ..-------- ------ ---. 7.65 1.30 4. () .03 .02 .80 1.40
Lararus Sunday-....-..............................------------ 1.20---........... 1.20 .-....---- --.....---- .-.-.-. ... .--..
Palm Sunday ..........................--.... ..----- 2.35 .--- 1.60 .35 .40 .- -- -
noly Slturty .*.................. .. ........ ....- 97 .7... 4.800 .74 1.20 .52 2.. .
Easter Sunlay ... -------........---.-----...--...--.....-------- .80 -...-------- 80 -------- ------.--- --------
anyo the Cros ..--------- --. M.84 22.31 24.24 .00 1.00 2.40 *4.
tiun IUldlro....l.....-................- ---.........2.03 --.- .......---- .33 .60 1.60 .40
As Renlon ....... ............ .------ . 22.74 87 12.24 .33, .60 .90 3.(00
.Oan Franc!:eo ('racc(iolaft. -.-.. .... ....- -0 2V. 44 8.21 12.24 .90 1.10 3. 20 t3.
Corlu.i Christi ...... ... ..... .......................... 102.70 1. 00 74.49 .0 1.00 4.W0 $.0
Ort:lve of ('orpiai Christl ................................... 22. W 6.00 12.24 .33 .00 2.40 I.
l I avrntlira.. ..... ... ..................... ....... 1. 5 4.13 8.14 .0 .1l 1. f 1.0
1lrn Joln ........ ........................... .................. .22 ....... .) .30 .40 .2 ....
n N ol........ ........................ .... .................. 40. 15.10 20 1. 2.
Sn Franmlco de Al .................................................. R.58 21.81 25.28 1.95 2.20 12.80 '17.,0
Octnve of San lFrancisco de Asia. ..... . ..----- 44.02 16.40 20.40 .66 1.00 4 80 '1I.b
All Souls'............-- ....----- ......-....----- ........ 30.04 5.76 16.32 .66 1.00 4.80 2.40
C b ri s tm ans -. -.-.- --. -.. . ....--- 1 6. 9 2 5 53 8 16 .3 3 0 1 .6 0 k.
Total.... ............-........ ......... ....... 684.87 149.80 300.92 10.86 14.42 49.17 0.

1 $0.40 to drum-flapeolet players; destiny of $3 (public contributions) not known to me.
2 To lruni.faneolct players.
(0 .40 to drum n-ncgolet players; $1 for purchase of drum by new alguacile from old alguacles.
4$2 the Priest's feI; $0.50 for the Priest's breakfast.
S$3 for hire of a marimba band, $1.20 for drum-flageolet players.
I*r ire of a mnrimba band.
$2 the priest's fee; S0.'O for his breakfast; $1.20 for drum-flageolet players.
6$3 (estimated) for purchase and rental of clothing by "Negrito" dancers; $1.60 for drum-flnaRolet players.
$6 the priest's fee; $8 for hire of a band; $1, rental of house; $0.50, hiring of a cook for the band; and $2 for drum-flageolet players.


of the gifts is based partly on the sample and
partly on independent knowledge of the gift-
giving occasions (something like 200 gifts are
probably exchanged annually) and the content of
such gifts (on an average, 10 cents bread, 3% cents
sugar, and 5 cents chocolate; or about 35 cents
worth of corn and meat foods).
When, because of a funeral, a ritual, or a fiesta,
the Indians drink, they frequently keep on drink-
ing for several days."'8 It is difficult to draw a
line between drinking in purely secular contexts
and this "aftermath" drinking, for men who like
to drink seek any occasion and of course take
advantage of times when drinking is socially most
expectable. It is rather rare for Indians to drink
when occasion demands. Nevertheless, ordinary
drinking is common enough to be economically
important. People who like liquor (and of course
some like it better than others) succumb when
they go to markets out of town and especially when
they visit fiestas,1' when there is emotional dis-
turbance,170 or, less frequently, simply when
friends meet and one invites the other to a drink.
It is certain that some men consume, besides that
in rituals, as much as 20 bottles (worth $20 or
more by the glass) a year. Excepting the Protes-
tant converts, there are no teetotalers. Every
man probably drinks three or four times a year
and may drink oftener. An informant listed 19
men as "heavy" drinkers (those who, when they
drink, keep drinking for a week or longer). All
except three of these men were relatively wealthy,
'i The following seems typical: The man who became Indian Alcalde in
1941 is not a "drinker." Yet when he assumed office he of course drank at
the ceremony at his house. When the guests left (he says) "I stayed at home
antil about 5 p. m., then met the other two regidores in the juzgado. We
contributed 8 cents apiece and went to the store to drink a fourth liter. Then
we went to my house and drank half the liquor remaining from the ceremony.
I was pretty drunk, but had a little supper, and the next morning had hang-
over [locally a sickness that must be cured with a drink] and took one drink.
At about 8 o'clock the other regidores arrived and we finished the other half
of tie left-over liquor and went to the Juzgado. One of the regidores then
Invlitd us to drink, and heo bought a half liter; the other then bought a quar.
ter-liter and then, drunk, wo went to our homes. The next morning I had
hnigoivr andl sent for liquor. After breakfast I went t tthe juzgado: It was
aot my week, but the regador suggested that I come and, besides, I had to
.tod my hangover. I returned horne early and went to bed."
u'A very poor Indlan and his wife and 12-year-old daughter reported on
their return from a selling trip to PatzOn that they had spent about $1 on
liquor there, "all because tie husband likes to drink." (11 became drunk,
the wife less so; even the girl drank some.)
"'A Panajachelefio plantation worker had been widowed recently and left
with three children. Ile was lonesome and sought the 16-year-old (laughter
of a fellow worker for a wife. She accepted (he said) but her father refused.
Thinking to win him with liquor, he drew $2 from his employer and went to
8ololl where he bought tour bottles. On Ilts return he "began thinking
about my late wife and also my late mother and took a drink." When we
Ibnd hli n on the road he had only a half bottle left, but he explained that
ooe bottle had been stolen In the night. (The stolen bottle seemed to be his
md his brother's chief concern.)


all except two were old principale, and .our "erce
shamans, and it is evident that men beco-.,e
drinkers partly because of long and habitual
ritual use of liquor. According to the same
informant, there once were women "drinkers as
well, but, "Women nowadays are ashamed to
drink; those who do not drink speak ill of them
when they do. Female mayordomo.s, when thev
receive their year, are forced to drink, and then
they keep on drinking for 2 days."


PERSONAL EXPENSES, TAXES, ETC.

Table 72 concludes the inventory of expendi-
tures supposedly incurred by the Indian com-
munity in 1936 with items of a personal and legcl
nature. The item of secular drinking in table 71
is also a personal expenditure, of course, but, as
has been seen, liquor has many other uses. Most
men smoke in moderation, and women will smoke
occasionally, but rarely if ever buy tobacco. Men
smoke both cigarettes and cigars (and very rarely
pipes made in other towns) but the older men
usually buy cigars, the younger men cigarettes.
The small amount of tobacco used by the Nc. 53
family in 1936 was a reflection of its tendency
towards Protestantism, since the missionaries dis-
courage the use of tobacco as well as liquor, and
in later years none at all was used. In 1936 the
only smoker was the head of the family.
Photographs are occasionally made for lthe
Indians by traveling photographers at festivals.
Only men and boys have their hair cut, andl alimjt
always by barbers. The local Indian barber is icss
patronized than the outside Indiai_ bai'ilers wiir
come on market day and who are foruno in Soooli.
Every man between the ages of 13 aun. 6C' is
required to work on the highway for 2 weeks
(12 days) each year; instead of working hoi n.iy
pay the sum of $2. It could be detcrriin:d froTr
local treasury records how ma.iy men worked ar
how many paid in 1936, but this was in-t do ru.
The fixed rate of $1 for 6 drys happens to be ti-e
prevailing labor rate in P.najnach l, so th;t one
who works for others finds it conor.nicall) as ens,
to pay as to work. The wealthier Indiars t)rofer
to pay, since they are able to and find it mo:'-
profitable to spend the time on their ovw>n lids,
the poorer people more frequent v world iia (tl
because a dollar in cash (the~wo:k is aiii'ei it I'.o
semesters) is often more than the biqlid osses


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLItCATION NO. 16


1 1)






PENNY CAPITALISM: A GUATEMALAN INDIAN ECONOMY-TAX


INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 10


available at one time. Many Indians sometimes
work and sometimes pay, depending upon circum-
stances at the time. No. 49, who frequently does
his road work, borrowed the money from me in
1941 because I was paying him more for his time
than the standard rate. Frequently laborers will
work rather than pay when they work for an
employer paying substandard wages. In table 72
I suppose that half of the people work, but take
into account the fact that men serving in public
ollice are exempt. This exemption holds also for
the ornate tax for public works; this tax must be
paid in cash by every man in the given age group.

TaSRL 72.-Personal expenses, taxes, etc.

Sample expenditures Estimatedommunity
lb m Out-
utA M within Ot
No58 No. 49 No. 37 Wi- side Tot
family family family muntyom Total
mlty munty


Cigars-...-- -----..-
Cigarettes..---------......
olotographs.---------
Haircuts................
Road tax...-..........
Ornato tax.---.......-
Real-estate tax---......
Revenue stamps,
stamped paper.......
Fines.. ..... .........
Interest..-....-..-....-
Total .........
I Value of time.


I -


$0.52
250
4.00
1.50

(?)

8.77


$1.04 90.15 ....--- 0 o00
..--- 2.40 ....--. 130 130
(?) ... 15 15
.36 (?) $2 73 75
2. 0 2.00 I100 160 320
.60 .50 .-.-. 80 80
.60 () ........ 75 75
(?) (?) 3 3
'100 0 150
4.1............ 5 15 20
4. 0 5. 05 207 601 958


The real estate tax is popularly called the three-
per-thousand. I am not sure, but I believe the
rate is actually higher. Most landholders do not
pay this tax because their land titles are not legally
registered with the higher authorities.
Most documents must be written on Govern-
ment-stamped paper; in addition, every person
over 18 is supposed to buy the 10-cent stamp for
his or her cedula, or identification paper. Many
people do not possess this document.1" The
figure here is little more than a guess. A license
for canoe owners was also required in 1936; it is
not included in the table because I do not recall
how much it was. An item for fees paid lawyers
(in Solola) would also be in order, for in land
matters the services of the lawyers in Solola are
sometimes bought; but I cannot estimate what
the item might have amounted to in 1936.
"t A poor woman said In 1937 that she bad obtained her cldula 2 years before,
trinding corn to earn the 10 cents for the stamp. When she had the money
her husband suggested that she rather buy corn with It; what good would a
e~dula do her anyway


Again in the matter of fines, perusal of official been calculated at a little less than $4,000. Thus
records might be of assistance in determining the real property amounts to a little less than $25,-
amount. Offenders (usually intoxicated persons) 00-about $158 per family and about $31 per
are sentenced to a certain number of days in jail, capita. There is little profit in trying to calculate
the sentence commutable at so much per day in the value of community (public) property such as
money. Such fines and jail sentences are levied the church and public buildings and grounds, the
even in cases of disputes of a "civil" nature, and oads, etc. These assets, not only solidly frozen
when Indians quarrel and bring a case into the but also not potentially usable by individuals,
Indencia, the result most frequently is the fining have only academic interest. Eight hundred
of one or both parties. Indians stay in jail if dollars has been calculated to be the value of
they cannot pay the fine or if the money required domestic animals owned, and $3,000 that of
is much more than their time is worth;172 fre- household goods and tools. The annual cost of
quently they serve several days and then pay for nothing is $3,900, but the value of the clothing in
the remainder. The amount of money included he )ossession of the Indians at any point in time
in table 72 is a rough guess, based on a number b probably closer to $3,500. To the resulting
of cases noted. umn of $32,300 might be added, as part of the
The payment of interest on money borrowed is health of the community:
not as common as the pawning of land without (1) The value at a point in time, or the average
set interest. The matter has been discussed luring the year, of crops standing in Indian fields
above (pp. 80-81) and, again, the figure in table md stored ready for sale. The value of standing
72 is little more than a guess. coffee has already been partly included. Other
Summary.-Table 73 summarizes the expendi-roduce on hand varies greatly with the season.
tures for all purposes, both within and outside the except in the cases of garlic and onion seed, they
community, of the Indians of Panajachel in 1936. re very quickly turned into money. It seems
aore useful to treat this wealth as income balanced
TABLE 73.--Summary of expenditures in 1936 )y expenditures rather than as a capital asset.
Exditres- (2) The value of food and supplies on hand in
Expenditures he various kitchens of the community. Except
Item Within Bot a the case of corn in the months after the harvest,
Total tre- ouTtsd he Indians normally have only a few days' supply
Housin- buldint and repn.... food, and of many items even less. In both
Rousing: bulldInlg and repairing..... $23.3 913 33 5,3 5.m
Clothing (including repairing)........ 4, M. 02 i 74.40 4, 1. cases, the turnover in the course of a year is com-
Food ................... ...... 15. 220.28 4,132.2 6 11,S068 at
supplies, furnishings ete, and too 1.70 again such assets are treated only as
Ceremonies, fiestas, lifo arises, ate:.. 92,080. 40 178. 60 1, 901.10
Personal, legal, etc..... .... 958.00 267. S0 0 1. ems of expenditure.
Total.........................2... 222.7 1783 .68 (3) The amount of cash on hand. It differs
__ -- nth the season, but not as much as it would in a
SSee footnote 135, p. 147. Doubtless some of the labor on Panajachel Indli
homes Is done by Indians of other towns, but it is a negligible amount and 1 community where a cash crop is harvested at once.
not subtracted from the total here.
Leaving out the Item "Food" of table 9, included with Food here. TI 07N garlic, onion seed, and pepinos are harvested
as purchased outside, s here considered as spent outside the community. particular times; but the much more important
lions are harvested throughout the year, and
COMMUNITY EALTH ious fruits ripen at different times. Most
Most of the wealth of the Indian community is dians balance expenditures against receipts with
in the land that it owns. Including standing short interval of time, and cash on hand is both
coffee and fruit trees, the value of real estate ia small and a temporary item. Sizable surpluses
private hands amounts to over $20,000. The re cash can exist only in the case of very few
placement value of houses owned by Indians has lilies. A few wealthy families are known to
1I An Indian reported (1940) that a friend was In all for having an unre Wre considerable cash on hand, kept in chests at
tered rifle-fined $20 commutable to 20 days In jail. "Maybe It wills 11 me (banks are not used); in two or three cases
reduced to $10, but he will certainly serve time rather than pay. Who w0u ;might amount, at times, to hundreds of dollars.
ever pay a dollar a day when one can earn only 10 pesos or 20 cents a dsfar
In another case two young men were sentenced to 5 days in Jail commutbbt the rich seem generally to invest their funds
at 20 cents daily (disorderly conduct while drunk); they stayed in jall2 dal I land, and are rich rather in the value of property
then borrowed money to pay for the remaining 3. 96746-53-13
99674e-53-13


owned than in cash. I would! be slurprised to frinl
more than $5,000 in loose cash iLi tih clnnmulity
at any one time, including that which rosrers.n.t3l
a lag between selling and buying, or nmore than
about $2,000 in real savings.
Unless one includes the si.ecial knowledge cf
artisans and professionals, there are a'nm st no
intangible economic assets. The shaman c.ca-
sionally teach others for a considneraion: lite-c ,
is a recognized economic advantage- at !efst i n
the negative sense of making flgrano, ,,1if ; ;:. 1:y
means of false receipts less likely--and person:
who can write receive gifts when they assist .ofhers.
'The labor of persons wi!,h repuitatiols f:r in.llusliy
and skill in agriculture is in deolanil and perhaps
commands better prices; byu there is no'::iiig.
formalized about this. Finally, there i. r manu-
script of the "conquest" dance owned by a local
Indian, and he was at least once asked to teac.L
the dance (for a consideration) in another t.own.

THE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
The wealth and well-being of tie community is
better measured in its annual receipts and e:xpend.-
tures. Transactions within the community I shall
not attempt to estimate. Most suc t:anraciions
represent labor (for cash) which Indians do fo-
one another. In contrast, there is very httie
commerce within the community, principally
because most of the people produce about the
same things. Merchants buy produce less f'-oa)
their neighbors than in the public market, where
it is pooled and where its source in relation to its
destination is difficult to analyze.
Table 74 summarizes the transactions between
the Panajachel Indian community and the outside,
comparing expenditures and receipts to strike
what might be called the balance of payment.i.
The total community expenditures outside Lhs
community ($19,544.18) come to $127 per family
or $25 per person, receipts ($21,530.91) to $139
per family or $27.60 per person. The difference of
over $2,000 between the two totals is such that
each family, on the average, gains $12 a year in
money or in what money will buy. Since there
seems to be no possibility that this is either a paper
balance, or represented by increased gold stocks,
or anything of the sort, the wealth of the com-
munity and its standard of living would seem to be
rising. The calculated balance of $2,000, although
the result of countless smaller calculations of




University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs