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Title: Three years later
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00086892/00001
 Material Information
Title: Three years later the adaptation process of 1980 (Mariel) Cuban and Haitian refugees in South Florida
Physical Description: Archival
Language: English
Creator: Portes, Alejandro
Stepick, Alex
Truelove, Cynthia
Affiliation: The Johns Hopkins University -- Department of Sociology
Florida International University -- Miami, Fla. -- Department of Sociology
The Johns Hopkins University -- Department of Sociology
Publisher: Sociology Program, National Science Foundation
Publication Date: 1986
 Subjects
Subject: Caribbean   ( lcsh )
Spatial Coverage: Haiti -- Caribbean
Cuba -- Caribbean
North America -- United States of America -- Florida
Caribbean
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Bibliographic ID: UF00086892
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Title Page
    Abstract
        Abstract
    Introduction
        Page 1
    Methodology and comparative findings
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
    What are the key problems facing the 1980 refugees?
        Page 5
        Page 6
    What accounts for the differences?
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
    What can be done?
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
    Tables
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
    Notes
        Page 18
        Page 19
    Bibliography
        Page 20
        Page 21
Full Text
A,


To appear in Population and
Policy Review, Summer 1986








Three Years Later:

The Adaptation Process of 1980
(Mariel) Cuban and Haitian Refugees
in South Florida*









Alejandro Portes
Department of Sociology
The Johns Hopkins University
Baltimore, Maryland 21218



Alex Stepick
Department of Sociology
Florida International University
Miami, Florida 33199



Cynthia Truelove
Department of Sociology
The Johns Hopkins University
Baltimore, Maryland 21218







*This study was conducted with the support of the Sociology Program, National Science
Foundation.


Grant tSES-8215567












ABSTRACT

In recent years, southern Florida has experienced rapid new inflows of immigrants

from Central America and the Caribbean. Since the arrival in 1980 of Mariel (Cuban) and

Haitian immigrants to this area, a great deal of speculation has emerged as to the

adaptation of these two groups to south Florida and the impact which their presence has

wielded on the social and economic arenas in that region. In this paper, we present

selected background characteristics of representative samples of both groups and discuss

our empirical findings on the labor market experiences, social networks, and educational

experiences of the immigrants included in our sample. While the two groups minimally

differ from earlier cohorts of their compatriots entering south Florida, their experiences

since arriving to Florida have been quite different. Both the Cuban and Haitian

immigrants arriving in 1980 demonstrate higher levels of unemployment than their

counterparts who arrived earlier; however, the existence of the Cuban economic enclave in

Miami did facilitate the entry of a greater number of Cubans than Haitians into the

formal labor market. Initial evidence indicates that significant numbers of individuals from

both groups participate in the informal labor market, often receiving less than the

minimum wage.








--1--


The exodus of 1980 from Mariel, Cuba and the simultaneous arrival of

large numbers of Haitian boat people represented one of the most significant

episodes in modern American immigration history. The image of thousands of

ragged refugees arriving in overloaded boats from Mariel, and of desperately poor

Haitians coming aboard barely seaworthy crafts, had a profound impact on the

American public mind (Clark et.al., 1981; Bach et.al., 1981). The two new inflows

settled for the most part in South Florida where numerous voices were raised

against their presence and its consequences for the local population. A study

conducted jointly by Johns Hopkins University and two Miami-area universities

sought to clarify the socio-economic origins of these new refugees and the

principal features of their adaptation process after three years in the United

States.

Statistically-representative samples of Mariel refugees and Haitian boat

people were interviewed in Dade County and two contiguous counties during late

1983 and early 1984. Most respondents had lived in the United States for

approximately three years at the time of the survey. In this report we present

selected characteristics of both samples and compare them with those of earlier

Cuban and Haitian arrivals. The study was supported by a grant of the National

Science Foundation to Johns Hopkins University. In Miami, the project was based

at the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies of Florida International

University. Miami-Dade Community College also provided personnel and logistical

support.








--2--


Methodology and Comparative Findings



Table I presents the distribution of both samples by locality and sex' of

respondents. The project drew statistically-representative samples from the areas

of principal Cuban and Haitian concentrations in South Florida. The Cuban

survey encompassed the cities of Miami, Miami Beach, Hialeah, and unincorporated

Dade County. The Haitian survey comprised the "Little Haiti" sections of Miami

and Ft. Lauderdale and the town of Belle Glade. Within each locality, areas of

high refugee concentration were delimited and blocks within them were selected

at random. Within selected blocks, all households containing at least one Mariel

refugee or recent Haitian arrival were included in the sample. A total of 514

Cubans and 499 Haitians were interviewed. Results of the study are

representative of the two refugee populations in South Florida: they also shed

light on both their social origins and their early adaptation process.



Table 1 about here



As a point of reference, the tables below include comparable data from

the 1980 Census as well as from an earlier study of Cuban refugees arriving in

1973 and re-interviewed in 1976, that was conducted by Portes and his

associates.[1]



Who Are the Refugees from the Mariel and Haitian Boatlifts?



Table II presents several background characteristics of both samples. On

the average, Mariel refugees are much older than Haitian boat arrivals, but within








--3--


the Cuban population, the Mariel group is much younger. The median age of our

Haitian respondents, 29 years, closely matches that reported by the Census for

Haitians nation-wide. Close to half of both samples were single at arrival and, as

with age, there was no significant difference between males and females. By

contrast, only 17 percent of 1973 Cuban refugees were single. The significance

of these findings is that married immigrants tend to have more extensive social

networks in places of arrival and encounter less difficulty in finding employment

(Portes and Stepick, 1984).



Table II about here



Despite the widely publicized image of these immigrants as human

"rift-raft" rejected by their own societies, results of the study indicate that they

do not differ significantly from earlier refugees in important respects and that

they have positive characteristics in comparison with the respective national

populations. Mariel Cubans come overwhelmingly from urban origins, primarily the

city of Havana; they even display a slight advantage with respect to past urban

experience relative to earlier Cuban refugees. Immigrants whose origins are in

large cities, as opposed to small towns or rural areas, tend to have greater

information about the receiving society and a greater propensity to accept its

values and life-styles, as demonstrated by their generally higher rates of

naturalization after several years (Portes and Curtis, 1985). Haitians come more

frequently from rural origins than Cubans, but the proportion who resided in cities

over 50,000, primarily Port-au-Prince, is significantly higher than in the Haitian

population as a whole (Miller, 1984; Stepick, 1982).













A similar pattern is found for education. The average education of Mariel

refugees in our sample is 9.1 years and the proportion having completed high

school is 25 percent; both figures compare favorably with those for Cubans

arriving during the early seventies. Haitian refugees come from more modest

educational backgrounds. -Their proportion of high school graduates is much lower

than among the pre-1980 Haitian population of the United States. Even then,

however, the 5 average years of education in our sample represent a considerable

gain over the Haitian population as a whole, 75 percent of which is illiterate

(Lundahl, 1979; Miller, 1984).

In addition, both groups of refugees have acquired considerable education

in the United States, particularly in English. Between 1980 and 1983, Mariel

Cubans attended an average of five months of formal courses, a figure higher

than among 1973 arrivals after a similar period (three years of U.S. residence).

Haitian refugees received even more formal education, doubling the 1973 Cuban

average.

Results reported in table II concerning knowledge of English are based on

an objective test and not on subjective self-reports. Mariel Cubans performed

more poorly on this test than either 1973 Cuban refugees or Haitians.

Fifty-seven percent of our 1980 Cuban respondents spoke no English after three

years in the United States, a figure 13 points higher than among the other two

groups. On the other hand, however, roughly one in five 1980 Cuban and Haitian

refugees spoke English at least passably after three years of residence, a figure

similar to that among earlier Cuban arrivals. Finally. 14 percent of Mariel

refugees had professional and managerial occupations in Cuba and an additional 24

percent were skilled blue-collar workers. The figures are actually more favorable

than among their 1973 predecessors. Among Haitians, the combined total of








--5--


individuals with professional and skilled backgrounds reaches 31 percent, a figure

which again indicates much positive selection relative to the source Haitian

population (Perushek, 1984; Miller, 1984).

In summary, the point of these findings is that the "human capital" brought

aboard the Mariel and Haitian flotillas was neither insignificant nor inferior to

that among earlier refugee cohorts. In terms of education, work experience, and

pursuit of additional education, Mariel Cubans are quite comparable to earlier

refugee arrivals. Haitians come from more modest origins which are, however,

considerably above average for their country of origin; they have also

demonstrated greater willingness to acquire an education in the United States

than Cubans and seem somewhat more proficient in English than their Cuban

counterparts.



What are the Key Problems Facing the 1980 Refugees?



Although the individual characteristics of the Cubans and Haitians arriving

in 1980 do not indicate massive disadvantages, our study indicates that their

problems of adaptation have been far more dramatic. Table III presents the

relevant information. The number of Mariel Cubans unemployed and looking for

work at the time of the survey represented 27 percent of the sample, a figure
thrice as large as among the U.S. Cuban population in 1979 and at least twice as

large as among Cuban refugees arriving in the seventies. The corresponding

figure among Haitians is 59 percent, decreasing among males to 39 percent.

These percentages are more than three times the corresponding unemployment

rates among the pre-1980 Haitian population.








--6--


Table III about here



These overwhelming unemployment levels are not, however, the whole story.

Among those gainfully employed, median earnings in 1979 constant dollars were

slightly over $500 per month for Cubans and $400 for Haitians. For comparison,

Cuban refugees arriving during the early seventies earned the equivalent of (1979)

$765 on the average after three years in the country. Median household incomes

among Mariel Cubans at the time of the survey was $786 in 1979 dollars, a

figure $83 lower than among the 1973 refugees after the same period in the U.S.

and almost $500 less than for the U.S. Cuban population as a whole.

Haitian households in our survey received a median of S461 in 1979

dollars, less than half that reported by the Census for the Haitian population

nationwide. These abysmal income levels are reflected in the poverty status of

our samples. Twenty-six percent of Mariel Cuban households and fully 61 percent

of Haitian boat people lived in poverty after three years in the United States.

By comparison only 8 percent of 1973 Cuban refugee households experienced

poverty after three years in the United States and the Census figure for the two

pre-1980 immigrant populations hovered between 20 and 25 percent.

Recent Cuban and Haitian refugees are thus severely disadvantaged

economically not only in comparison with the American population as a whole, but

also relative to their own communities. At the same time, however, Mariel

Cubans seem to fare consistently bitter than Haitioin boritpeople within an

otherwise dismal situation. This trend is confirmed by the bottom figures of

Table III. Haitians are not only unemployed more frequently, but they stay

unemployed longer than Cubans. Moreover, among 1980 refugees who have found







--7--


employment, the occupational status differences are considerable. Thirteen

percent of Mariel Cubans in this situation are self-employed, a figure which is

actually higher than among 1973 arrivals after three years in the United States;

among Haitians, only one respondent was found to own his own business.

Approximately 10 percent of employed Mariel refugees have attained professional

or managerial positions, a level which compares favorably with the 1973 cohort;

the corresponding figure among Haitian refugees is one percent. Employed

Haitians concentrate overwhelmingly in domestic service, farm labor, and unskilled

blue-collar occupations.



What Accounts for the Differences?



The dismal economic situation portrayed by the .above results is

subjectively perceived: Thirty-one percent of Cubans and fully 52 percent of

Haitians declared that economic difficulties were the principal problem that- they

had confronted since arrival. This response was more frequent than language

barriers, family separation, cultural adaptation, or any other. These results

suggest a two-fold question: First, what accounts for the singularly unsuccessful

performance of these groups in the South Florida economy, despite the "human

capital" and motivations brought from their home countries? Second. what
accounts for the consistent differences observed between Cubans and Haitians

with regard to both employment and income?

Concerning the first question, Mariel Cubans in particular were not at a

significant disadvantage in terms of education or other skills with respect to

earlier Cuban refugee cohorts. Three things were different. however: 1) the 1980

arrivals were refused political asylum in the United States, being assigned instead










a temporary status as "entrants, status pending." They thus became ineligible for

assistance under the 1980 Refugee Act or earlier programs; subsequent aid,

including job-training and employment assistance, was either late or more limited

than that available to earlier refugees. 2) Many Mariel Cubans lacked kin and

friends living in the United States who could provide assistance during the early

resettlement period. Absence of such networks also made it harder to find

suitable employment, particularly in Cuban-owned enterprises. 3) The negative

image which the estimated 5 percent of mental health patients and social deviants

aboard the Mariel flotilla gave to the entire exodus generated an unfavorable

reception within the Cuban community itself.

Evidence of the last two points is presented in Table IV. Mariel entrants

had an average of only three relatives awaiting them in the United States as

opposed to ten for Cubans arriving in the early seventies. The amount of help

received from these kin networks was also reported to be considerably lower in

1980 than what it had been in 1973. Discrimination by Anglos is not perceived

as a problem among Mariel Cubans. Only 2 percent of our respondents reported

frequent experiences of discrimination by white Americans. This result stands in

stark contrast with the 75 percent of the sample who indicated that "older"

(pre-1980) Cubans discriminated against them and the 21 percent who reported

frequent experiences of anti-Mariel discrimination in the Cuban community.

Yet, despite these massive disadvantages, 1980 Cuban refugees fared

significantly better than their Haitian counterparts. Part of the reason is the

lower educational levels of the latter, although English skills are actually more

extensive among Haitians than Cubans. A second factor is the great feebleness

of social networks among Haitian refugees. The average number of kin awaiting

them on arrival was 1.5, which means that many had no one. No matter how










much support the few existing relatives or friends were willing to provide, it

would not have gone far given their number and their own frequently difficult

situation.

A final reason for the gap has to do with the presence of a fairly

well-developed Cuban enclave economy in Miami. Mariel refugees with the

necessary networks and contacts could find suitable employment in Cuban-owned

enterprises. Knowledge of English is less necessary for such jobs, while

Cuban-acquired education counts for more within the enclave than in the "outside"

labor market (Wilson and Portes, 1980; Portes and Bach, 1985). Thus, immigrant

economic advancement in South Florida is not only a matter of having extensive

family networks and obtaining their support, but of the kind of help this support

can yield. Immigrants who come into a setting where a significant segment of

the local economy is in the hands of their co-nationals can put their work skills

and social contacts to greater advantage than those who must fend for

themselves in the open labor market.



Table IV about here



Evidence of this process is presented in the bottom rows of Table IV.

Forty-two percent of employed Mariel refugees worked in 1983 in firms owned by

other Cubans. Added to the self-employed whose businesses catered unanimously

to a mostly Cuban clientele, this figure means that over half (55%) of employed

1980 arrivals had been absorbed in the Cuban enclave economy after three years.

In contrast, only 1 percent of the Haitian refugees worked for a co-national.

Instead, their employers were Anglos, Blacks, and Latins.






--10--


Contrary to common belief, employment in the immigrant enclave economy

is not necessarily more advantageous than outside of it. As seen in Table IV,

Mariel refugees working in Cuban-owned firms earned about the same on the

average as those employed in Anglo-owned enterprises or elsewhere.



What Can be Done?



Widespread unemployment and poverty among these refugee groups indicate

that their adaptation process has been most problematic. Clearly, the principal

responsibility for this situation lies not with their own abilities and motivations

but with the social context that received them. These have been unwelcome

immigrants, wanted apparently by no one and even lacking at times a friend or

relative to ease the first steps of adaptation. Should this situation continue

indefinitely, it could easily result in the rise of a group of "unmeltable ethnics"

and their mass entry into criminal or underground activities. Although there is

little evidence of crime in our samples, we have estimated that approximately

one-third of employed Cubans and Haitians worked in 1983 for "informal"

enterprises in garment, construction, commerce, and the like which violated tax,

minimum wage, and labor standards laws. This.estimate is based on a

discriminant analysis of responses to employment and income items in our 1985

survey; results suggest that many of these refugees have been compelled to

accept highly exploitative jobs as the only alternative to unemployment (Portes

and Stepick, 1984).

Of the two groups, Cubans are the less problematic. The relatively

successful process of incorporation of pre-1980 Cuban refugees to American

society was based, to a large extent, on independent entrepreneurship and the







--11--


construction of an ethnic enclave economy in Miami (Boswell and Curtis, 1984;

Wilson and Martin, 1982). Our data on self-employment and occupational

aspirations of 1980 arrivals indicate that they are poised to follow the same path,

although they have been seriously hampered by lack of governmental support and

by the rejection experienced in their own community. In their case, subsidized

credit programs to help development of small businesses would be especially

appropriate. This assistance should be complemented by special ESL instruction

programs to help counteract the tendency of first-generation Cubans to remain

monolingual, especially when confined into ethnic neighborhoods (Boswell and

Curtis. 1984; Portes and Bach, 1985).

Changing existing negative stereotypes about Mariel refugees within the

Cuban community is principally the responsibility of the existing Cuban-American

organizations. Although the Cuban-American National Foundation, the Cuban

National Planning Council, and the Spanish-American League against Discrimination

have all declared their support for Mariel immigrants, more work needs to be

done. This will require the active commitment and participation of

Cuban-American leaders, including those newly-elected to office in the city of

Miami and its environs. The presence of a diversified and influential

Spanish-language media in the area represents probably the most effective

instrument to reach recalcitrant elements in the Cuban community (Boswell and

Curtis, 1984). Public events, such as the Mariel Cultural Festival, held in Miami

in 1983. are also effective means of highlighting the common interests of members

of this minority.

Haitians face a much more difficult situation. In this case, it is not a

matter of incorporating the new refugees into a well-established immigrant

community since the latter did not exist for all practical purposes at the time of







--12--


their arrival. Signs of independent entrepreneurship among Haitians are still

feeble, although some efforts are being made in this direction.[2] Nevertheless,

the overwhelming majority of Haitians aim at receiving paid work and it is this

need which must be addressed first. ESL programs and vocational training

targeted on the development or upgrading of occupational skills brought from Haiti

are the major priorities.

Along with them, it is important to strengthen the existing organizations

representing this minority. Given their recent arrival, few Haitians have become

citizens or are eligible to vote. They are thus collectively unable to counteract

widespread discrimination, from white and black Americans alike, through

established political channels (Miller, 1984; Stepick, 1984). Ethnic organizations

such as the Haitian Refugee Center, the Haitian Task Force, and the

Haitian-American Community Association of Dade (HACAD) are at present the only

voice of this group and, in the short-term at least, appear as the only viable

channels for easing a most difficult process of adaptation.

The most important measure, however, is regularizing the status of these

refugees in the United States. A majority of them have started to develop roots

in the local community and, despite the many difficulties confronted so far, intend

to stay. In our sample, fully 81 percent indicated that, were they free to make

the decision again, they would come to the United States. Although the present

Administration has vigorously pursued the program of high-seas interdiction against

new Haitian arrivals, it is not likely to press the case for deportation against

those who have been in the country for several years. Since this refugee group

is thus in the country to stay, it makes little sense to maintain it in a tenuous

legal status. Doing so compounds the serious adaptation problems of these

refugees and reinforces their vulnerability. A bill to regularize the status of







--13--


1980-81 entrants, both Cubans and Haitians, has been introduced by congressman

Peter Rodino and similar provisions are part of the Simpson-Rodino-Mazzoli

immigration reform bill. At the time of this writing, however, neither initiative

has been enacted.

Despite the drama surrounding their arrival and the many difficulties

confronted during their early years in the United States, we believe that the

process of adaptation of Mariel refugees and Haitian boatpeople can be successful

if aided by modest but well-designed public policies and by community support.

Since the context of reception of each group is so different, policies should be

tailored to meet their separate needs. Those outlined above will go a long way

toward smoothing the process of transition and moving these groups out of their

present pariah status and into full-fledged membership into our society.












Table I


Distributions of 1983-84 Cuban and Haitian Samples

by Area and Sex*


Miami
!each
.


Hialeah Unincoporated
Dade
1 .


Cubans Females


Males 70.3 57.7


otals 12.5 18.9
(64) (97)


64,4


7.6
(39)


Haitians Females


Males


Totals


Miami Ft.
Lauderdale
7. 7.


33.8


66.2


61.1
(314)


66.0


34.0


60.1
(300)


Bel le
Glade
1.


Totals


35.6
(183)

64.4
(331)

100.0
(514)


53.7 44.2 59.1
(295)

46.3 55.8 40.9
(204)

19.0 20.8 100.0
(95) (104) (199)


*Actual numbers in parentheses.













Table II


Background Characteristics


1979 U.S.
Cuban
Population[5]


40.3


Haitian
Refugees,
1983-84[31


1979 U.S.
Haitian
Population53]


28.9


Place of Last
Residence
Before Emigra-
tion

Education in
Cuba/Haiti


Education in
U.S.



Knowledge of
English



Occupation in
Cuba/Haiti


% Living
in Cities over
50,000


Years Completed
% High School
Graduates

Average Months
Completed
% English
Courses Only


None
Some
Moderate/
Fluent


% Professional/
& Managerial
. Skilled Blue
Collar
% Clerical and
Services


83.9


9.1
25.4


8.6
22.0


57.4
20.0

22.6


14.0

23.7


11.5 44.0


Variable


Agee6]

Marital
Status


Categories


Median

% Single


Mariel
Refugees)
1983-84C3]


34.0

42.6


1973-76
Cuban
RefugeesC4)


40.2


34.3


40.2














Table III


Employment, Income and Poverty


Variable


Categories


Mariel
Refugees,
1983-84[33


Employment % Unemployed-Total
% Unemployed-Males


1973-76
Cuban
RefugeesC7


14.0C8]
14.0


1979 U.S.
Cuban
Population5C]


8.4
6.8


Haitian
Refugees,
1983-84C31


58.5
38.8


1979 U.S.
Haitian
PopulationC5]


13.3
12.3


Income-
Individuals


Income-
Households


Poverty



Unemployment


Median 1979
Dollars per
month[9]

Median 1979
Dollars per
month

% of Households
below Poverty
Levell[10

Average Months
Unemployed during
Past Three Years


Occupation % Self-employed[93
Professional &
Managerial
Specialty Occupa-
tions


1263



20.5


461



61.0


1104



25.6


17.8


10.0 8.9 10.7


1., 7.5














Table IV


Social Networks, Perceptions of Discrimination,

and Participation in the Ethnic Economy


Mariel Refugees
1983-84[5]


1973-76
Cuban RefugeesC7]


Haitian Refugees
1983-84[5]


Number of Relatives
at Arrival

Help Received from
Relatives


Has Suffered Dis-
crimination by
Angles

Older Cubans Dis-
criminate Against
1980 Refugees

Has Suffered Dis-
crimination by
Older Cubans

Ethnicity of
Employers




Median Monthly
Earnings by Ethnicit)
of Employers
(1983 Dollars)


% Great Deal/
Fair Amount
Little or None

Frequently
X Occasionally
% Never

% Yes



% Frequently
1 Occasionally
% Never

% Self
% Cuban
% Anglo/Other White
Black
% Haitian

Cuban Firms
SAnglo Firms
Others


Variable


Category


61.0

39.0

2.4
20.2
77.4


10.2


75.6

24.4

0.9
39.5
59.6


77.3

22.7

5.8E11]
14.2
80.0


0.1
10.0[12]
68.0
20.8
1.1


21.0
30.7
48.3

13.2
42.0
44.8
0.0
0.0


8.0
31.2
60.8
0.0
0.0












Notes


[1] Results of this earlier research are summarized in Alejandro Portes and

Robert L. Bach, Latin Journ'ey, Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in the United

States, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. Results pertaining to

1973 Cuban refugees are presented in Alejandro Portes, Juan Clark, and Manuel

Lopez; "Six Years Later, a Profile of the Process of Incorporation of Cuban

Exiles. in the United States," Cuban Studies 11 (July 1981): 1-24.

[2] In particular by groups such as the Haitian-American Community

Association of Dade (HACAD) and the Haitian Task Force with support from the

local Chamber of Commerce and outside agencies such as the Ford Foundation.

See Stepick. 1984.

[3] Source: Authors' research.

[4] Source: A. Portes and R.L. Bach. Latin Journey, Cuban and Mexican

Immigrants in the United States, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985.

Chs. 3-5

[5] Foreign-born persons who arrived between 1970 and 1980. Source: U.S.

Bureau of the Census. Detailed Population Characteristics, United States Summary.

Washington, D.C., March 1984, Table 255.

[6] The 1973-76 and 1983-84 samples were limited to adults aged 18 to 65.

The Census figures include the entire population; exclusion of the under-18 and

over-65 categories does not alter them significantly.

[7] Source: A. Portes, J.M. Clark, and M.M. Lopez, "Six Years Later, a

Profile of the Process of Incorporation of Cuban Exiles in the United States,"

Cuban Studies 11 (July 1981): 1-24.











[8] Includes all those out of the labor market and is thus an overestimate

of the unemployment rate (involuntary) in this sample.

[9] Employed individuals only.

[10] For a household of three in the respective years: 1976, 1979, and

1983.

[11] In the Haitian survey, the question referred to discrimination by Black

Americans.

[12] Includes other Latin employers.





A 1


Bach, R., J. Bach, and T. Triplett (1981). "The flotilla 'entrants': latest and

most controversial," Cuban Studies 11: 29-48.

Boswell, T. and J. Curtis (1984). The Cuban-American Experience. Totowa,

New Jersey: Rowman and Allanheld.

Clark, J., J. Lasaga, and R. Reque (1981). The 1980 Mariel Exodus: An

Assessment and Prospect. Washington, D.C.: Council for Inter-American

Security.

Lundahl, M. (1979). Peasants and Poverty: A Study of Haiti. London:

Croom-Helm.

Miller. J. (1984). The Plight of Haitian Refugees. New York: Praeger.

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