EXPERT CONSULTATION ON WOMEN IN FOOD PRODUCTION
Rome, Italy, 7-14 December 1983
THE EFFECTS ON WOMEN OF LAND TENURE CHANGES AND AGRARIAN REFORM
A __ __ # A_ A_
F FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION ESH:WIFP/83/12
OF THE UNITED NATIONS
ORGANISATION DES NATIONS UNIES POUR
47 V L'ALIMENTATION. ET L'AGRICULTURE
ORGANIZATION DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS September 1983
PARA LA AGRICULTURE Y LA ALIMENTACION
The position of women before and after
agrarian reforms is examined, with
respect to legal structures, social
.and institutional changes, technology
and culture. It is'ar'ued that unless
sympathetic and unambiguous efforts to
safeguard the interest of women are made
when agrarian reforms are drafted and
implemented, women can often be harmed
rather than helped when the reforms are
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I. INTRODUCTION 3
II. GENERAL ISSUES 3
(i) Agrarian Reform Definition 3
(ii) Women in Traditional Food Production, before Agrarian Reform 4
General introduction 4
Legal structures 4
Economic and social institutions 5
(iii) Women in Food Production after Land Tenure Changes
and Agrarian Reform
Legal structures colonial changes 5
Economic and social institutions 7
Legal structures post-colonial agrarian reform 7
Cui ture 9
III. CASE STUDIES 9
IV. CC1CLUSIONS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL 19
The designations employed and the presentation
of material in this paper do not imply the
expression of any opinion whatsoever on the
part of the Food and Agriculture Organization
of the United Nations concerning the legal
status of any country, territory, city or
area or of its authorities, or concerning the
delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.
1. Women in developing countries play a crucial role in food production. By and large,
they spend more time on it than men do; they produce more food, both for home and outside
consumption; and they also process, distribute and serve the food they produce.
2. On the other hand, they typically do not own, or control, the land they work to pro-
duce the food. The work they do is generally not assigned a value in statistics, nor is
it systematically studied by governments instituting agrarian reforms.
3. Yet if governments wish to use agrarian reform to boost food production and promote
equity, comprehensive data on women's present status and activities in rural areas would
be useful for them, along with information on ways in which previous agrarian reforms
have affected women's food production activities.
4. This paper has been written in an attempt to help fill this gap. It examines the
general position of women before and after agrarian reforms have been instituted, and
studies how these reforms have affected women's role in food production. It also provides
brief case studies from Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America, draws conclusions
from the data and makes concrete recommendations for action by national and international
II. GENERAL ISSUES
5. In this section (Part II), few references will be found to specific countries or
situations. Although, clearly, every context where women work in food production is
different, an attempt has been made in Part II to extrapolate general trends and discuss
common issues. Particular case studies can be found, in Part III.
(i) Agrarian Reform Definition
6. Agrarian reform is not land reform. The term'land reform"refers to the set of legal
changes applying to land ownership and tenancy. Agrarian reform includes land reform but
goes beyond it, to embrace, as well, changes in credit, banking, technology, extension,
marketing, provision of inputs and, more generally, farmers' organizations like coopera-
tives. Thus the term "agrarian reform" covers a complex of socio-economic changes which
are not included in simple land reform (1).
7. By and large, agrarian reforms are introduced in pursuit of equity. Governments
wish to ensure fairer access to, and rewards from, agricultural resources. In this sense,
the term generally refers to actions taken by governments of the post-independence period.
However, colonial governments in the pre-independence period also introduced land tenure
and other institutional changes, which, as regards women's interests, often strongly
influenced those of the post-independence period. Because of this influence, both
colonial and post-colonial changes will be discussed in this report, bearing in mind
that the standard use of the term "agrarian reform" refers to the post-independence era
8. Although colonial and post-colonial governments had fundamentally different aims in
land reform (post-colonial reforms generally being introduced to promote equity, those of
colonial governments basically to consolidate the colonial order), they were nevertheless
united in one respect their comparative neglect of women in food production (2).
Colonial powers typically imposed laws providing for family ownership of farms; but in
practice this meant ownership by the male "head" of the family. Modern governments have
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frequently done exactly the same. For instance, in one African country, post-colonial
land reform legislation specifically denies land ownership rights to women both in re-
settlement and non-resettlement villages. Only men can hold title or leases to land (3).
9. Since they cannot own land and have no other security, women often have minimal
access to credit, and governments tend not to pass special measures making it available
to them. Technology begins to be distributed unequally in the post-agrarian reform
period, with low productivity methods remaining the province of women while the more com-
plex and productive ones are taken up by men. The relative impoverishment of women's
position is then often paralleled by a decline in their social and cultural status,
although it should be pointed out that even in the beginning in most traditional societies
that status is often one of subservience.
10. An attempt has been made in this paper to bring out the effects of agrarian reforms
on women's role in food production by contrasting the situation of women in legal struc-
tures, socio-economic affairs, technology and culture, both before and after the reforms
were introduced. Clear trends are thus highlighted throughout each of these sections,.
and the main conclusions to be drawn from the data can be found in Part IV of the paper.
(ii) Women in Traditional Food Production, before Agrarian Reform
11. Typically, across a wide spectrum of developing countries, women in traditional
agriculture perform most of the labour-intensive tasks in food production. They hoe,
they plant, they water, they weed, they help harvest, they process, they distribute, they
serve, they sell. They also play a large role in rearing livestock. Frequently, especial-
ly in Africa, they decide which crops to plant and when. With notable exceptions, it is
women who spend time on subsistence crops for family and outside consumption, men on the
more capital-intensive cash crops, that is, if they are active on the land at all. In
fact, in many areas women often form 60-80 percent of the rural labour force (4). When
men do work in subsistence agriculture, they tend to plough, clear if necessary, help
harvest and very little else.
12. Basically, therefore, in most traditional societies, women do nearly all the day-to-
day work in food production.
13. This women have-to accomplish in tandem with their other duties, like cleaning, child
care, gathering of fuelwood and water, and some home-based industrial production. Despite
the multiple demands on their time and energy, however, it has been established that,- in
sub-Saharan Africa at least, women provide up to 70 percent of the entire region's food (5I.
In many developing areas, the percentage is unlikely to be very different. Thus the role
of women in food production cannot be ignored, from the point of view of both the time
they spend on it, or the results they obtain.
14. Mostly, in traditional societies, women like men worked to produce this food on land
that did not belong to them. A woman generally had usufruct, not ownership, rights to
the land she farmed. That is, depending on. where she lived, it belonged to her tribe
(whose male head would allocate it to her as he saw fit), or to a male member of her own
family (for whom she would work as unpaid labour), but almost never to her. On the
death of her husband it would often not pass to her but to her sons, or to another family
deemed suitable by the tribal chief. Nevertheless, when women were allocated land
directly, or when they farmed it in partnership with their families, they were entitled
to access to all of its "fruits", such as fish, saltlicks, water, herbs, vegetables, clay
and, of course, crops. The only condition was they should actively work the land (6).
15. The effect of this system on women's role in food production was twofold. On the
one hand, lack of basic ownership rights led to a certain insecurity of tenure, which did
not encourage women to make improvements to the land. On the other, however, and far more
importantly, the fact that women often did have the legal or customary power to farm
independently had a beneficial effect on food production, especially in contexts where
they did most of the everyday work. Their relative independence enabled women to decide
on time of planting, types of crops, amount of weeding and so on. It encouraged women
to devote time and energy to food production, rather than providing the disincentives
that are commonly the result of dependence and powerlessness (7).
16. All of this changed when colonial powers introduced new land tenure laws, and when
independent governments began agrarian reform programmes, as will be seen in the following
Economic and social institutions
17. In the pre-colonial period, before the advent of the individually-owned farm, whose
title was almost always held by a man, the status of women in food production was compara-
tively high, and their burdens comparatively low. They typically took an active part in
decision making, they had roughly equal access to the prevailing technologies, they did
not receive less credit, less education or fewer cash rewards than men did. Their role
was much more a true partnership than it later became. Since men did not migrate to
towns, there to make an independent income, they depended, not only for their existence
and survival, but also for their wealth and welfare, on the work of women. For example,
in swidden agriculture, it has been established that women enjoyed a high social status
because they participated so actively in the entire range of work on the farm (8).
18. Correspondingly, women's burdens were fewer. Men were present on the farm and were
able to participate more fully in its work. Children were not taken away to school and
could therefore perform numerous tasks. The better land was still available for food
-crops and women's productivity was correspondingly higher than it later became. Differ-
ences between the earnings of men and women were far smaller in this pre-agrarian reform
period than afterwards: men did not work on cash crops, did not earn independent incomes
in towns, and worked in the same village as the women. Furthermore, since there was no
government-organized extension and credit structure to discriminate between men and women,
the relative handicaps of women in this sphere, so significant later on, were unimportant.
19. Since technology in the pre-colonial era was so simple no plough (at least in
Africa), no tractors, no fertilizers, and so on both men's and women's tasks in food
production were labour-intensive. From this point of view, the gap that later developed
between men and women concerning the kind of technology each used was relatively unim-
20. However, the relative economic independence of rural women in many traditional
societies was not always fully reflected in their cultural status. In most societies,
this. was essentially characterized by subservience. Typically, informal and institutional-
ized sexism was widespread. Rural women, for instance, commonly ate after men and boys
(with serious nutritional implications where food was scarce); daughters in many countries
received less food, health care and education than sons; in some cultures women were
barred from leaving their household compounds, from speaking to men who were not members
of their family, or even from working in the fields. At the time of marriage, they were
considered essentially as commodities, to be bought and sold by husband and father. Ten-
ure and other agrarian changes did little in most countries to improve women's cultural
status, as will be seen in subsequent sections of this report.
(iii) Women in Food Production after Land Tenure Changes and Agrarian Reform
21. Women's traditional tasks in food production were not always reduced with the intro-
duction of agrarian reforms. Far from having their burdens alleviated, vnen were often driven
on to poorer land, where they were obliged to grow low-productivity subsistence crops to
support the family. In fact, in many ways, some of which are detailed below, the posi-
tion of women after most agrarian reforms was significantly worse than it had been in
Legal structures Colonial Changes
22. Into a context where, as briefly described above, women tended to be more or less
independent partners of men in food production, colonial administrators frequently intro-
duced laws imposing private ownership of land by the male head of the household. A good
deal of land that women had previously farmed to produce food was either expropriated
forcibly by the colonial power and given over to foreign plantations of cash crops, or
allocated to male heads of local families. Women's usufruct rights were exercised only
through their relationship to a man. After a divorce, for instance, the position of a
woman in food production was precarious and had to be salvaged, if at all, by a male
member of her own family (9).
23. With these colonial laws, therefore, women, especially in Africa, tended to lose the
status they had enjoyed as independent farm operators and food producers, and to be reduced
to farming-poor arid lands far from home. In Latin America, the establishment of large
plantations effectively reduced most indigenous access to land, and women were left with
tiny garden plots and no possibility of wage labour on plantations.
24. Post-independence governments often paid no more attention to women's rights than
did their pre-independence counterparts. When they introduced land settlement projects,
for instance, they imposed private ownership of the land and patrilineal transfer rights
(10). This development occurred even in traditional societies where matrilineal rights
had been customary. Women's responsibilities and burdens in food production did not
diminish: if anything, as will be seen later, they increased; but their customary right
to independent farm operation was taken away and has, in nearly all developing countries,
never been effectively restored.
Economic and social institutions
25. Changes in not only legal, but economic and social institutions tended to worsen the
position of rural women after the advent of colonialism.
26. One of the main trends which contributed to the decline in the position of women was
the introduction of the cash economy, with all its ramifications. As far as the role of
women in food production was concerned, the cash economy meant, first and foremost, the
introduction of cash crops. Ester Boserup, whose seminal work "Women's Role in Economic
Development" pointed out many of the trends discussed here, has highlighted the effects
on women of the introduction of cash crops by the colonial administration. The colonial
"in many parts of Africa tried to induce the under-employed male villagers to
cultivate commercial crops for export to Europe, and the system of colonial
taxation by poll tax on the households was used as a means to force the
Africans to produce cash crops. These were at least partly cultivated by
the'men, and the sex distribution of agricultural work was thus to some
extent modified on the lines encouraged by the Europeans" (11).
27. Boserup points out that colonial administrators made the basic but unexamined
assumption that men in agriculture were more productive than women. As a result, it was
men who were taken away to work on the European-owned plantations, while women were left
behind in the village. Men could thus earn cash for growing cash'crops on their own farms
or through wage labour on European cash crop farms. Outside the cash crop economy, they
could also earn, money by going to towns to work in industry, mines or as servants.
28. When men started participating in it less and less, women's burdens in subsistence
food production were significantly increased. In addition, as we have seen, the best
land was often taken away from subsistence food production and put to cash crops, so
women were forced to assume these already heavier food production burdens on remote and
much less productive land.
29. The colonial administration thus enabled a man to earn cash, which signified inde-
pendence from the drudgery of subsistence agriculture if he wanted to escape it, or the
possibility of buying himself labour-saving technologies if he did not. By contrast,
relegated to and trapped in subsistence food production, a woman had very little chance
to earn cash and thus free herself from the toil of low-productivity work on the land.
30. Because colonial administrations were mainly interested in cash crops, they directed
nearly all their investment, in both human and capital resources, to that sector. This
meant, essentially, that it was men who profited from agricultural research and education,
while women tended to stagnate ignored and unrecognized in the village, simply growing
staples on poor land with unimproved methods.
31. If men were unable to earn cash, either in cash crop production or in wage labour,
it was women's work in food production that subsidized the family and kept it fed.
Legal Structures Post-Colonial Agrarian Reform
32. The agrarian reforms of post-colonial governments have done little to reverse these
socio-economic trends. Compared to the requirements, few efforts have been made to help
women earn cash, to mitigate the effects of the commercialization of agriculture, or in
general to reduce women's burdens or increase their self-sufficiency. Post-independence
governments frequently plan large-scale development projects without considering women's
role and interests, and then tend to be nonplussed when the schemes fail precisely
because of this neglect. In fact, not only were colonial trends not reversed under many
post-colonial governments, they were often actually intensified. A principal aim of many
post-independence agrarian reform programmes, for instance, was also the introduction of
cash crops, and all the previous effects of these on women's comparative position were
perpetuated. In these programmes, the men worked the land, growing cash crops, making an
income and receiving agricultural education, while the women grew staples on tiny plots
and did domestic chores.
33. Women had little access to credit after agrarian reforms. With no title to land,
they found, as they still commonly do, that they were not even considered for loans by
credit agencies. It was, as a result, much harder for them to buy inputs like fertilizer
or pay for improvements to the land than it was for men. Their economic position there-
fore worsened both absolutely and by comparison to men for whom sex was not a problem
when seeking and obtaining a loan.
34. Furthermore, when it comes to earning an extra income through marketing of surplus
produce or of hcme-made, non-agricultural items, governments typically provide almost no
assistance at all. Little market research is done for women, little help is given them
in establishing running market places, little training is conducted for them in market-
ing methods. But frequently this is the only way women can break out of the low-produc-
-ivity, non-earning treadmill of subsistence crop production.
35. Another of the more harmful effects of the comparative neglect of women has been felt
on nutrition. Because women tend to grow the family's food, and because they do so with
unproductive methods on the poor land which they typically farm, it is unquestionable
that the family's nutrition suffers. For example, in one African country, yams, which
are rich in vi-amins and proteins but which require a high labour input, were progressive-
ly displaced by cocoa, which took up land and labour previously devoted to yams. As a
staple, instead, women grew cassava, which -equired less labour and land per unit of
starch produced than yams had done, but which were far inferior in nutritional value (12).
'Jcmen did not tend to receive the benefits from the sale of cocoa, either.
36. Many of these harmful effects could have been avoided if women's activities had been
included and valued in agricultural censuses. Very often, however, they are not. Women
tend to remain as invisible food producers (13), and to be classified as unproductive
family members, simply because they go unremunerated for their productive efforts.
37.. Colonial and modern governments introduced significant technological changes into
food production. From the point of view of women, however, few of these technologies
served to lessen the drudgery of subsistence food production. As one research puts it,
the principle appears to be that "if a traditionally women's task remains labour-intensive,
it continues as women's work, irrespective of the effort required to perform it with a
new crop mix and overall technology. If a women's task, however, is dramatically trans-
formed by mechanization, however, it passes over to the domain of men" (14).
38. This trend was intensified in that it was men who.tended to work on cash crops, where
governments, both modern and colonial, have concentrated their development efforts. Com-
paratively little work has been carried out to improve the technologies available to
subsistence agriculture, by contrast, and since this was most often the domain of women,
their comparative productivity suffered considerably.
39. Commensurate with these trends have been governments' activities in extension. Far
more detailed and up-to-date technological advice tends to reach men than women. This is
due to several factors first, that men more often work in the modern sector of agricul-
ture anyway; second, that extension agents are nearly always men and for numerous cultural
reasons prefer talking to men; third, that even in subsistence agriculture the men on
the land tend to be better off than the women and can thus afford to obtain the necessary
inputs, thereby enhancing the extension agent's own productivity.
40. Thus in brief, technological change has not tended to benefit women in food produc-
tion nearly as much as it has men.
41. Land tenure and other agrarian reforms have necessarily been carried out in social and
cultural contexts where the position of women was clearly subservient. It is evident that
such reforms are not the only factor contributing to the comparatively low social and cul-
tural status of women, and that there are deeply-ingrained attitudes and structures which
already militate against improvements in women's position. Nevertheless, when they deny
women fundamental ownership and other economic rights, agrarian reforms have not contrib-
uted towards improving women's cultural status.
42. There are, of course, several cases where the above does not necessarily apoly. In
some countries women's right to own land independently was specified in initial'
land reforms, and in subsequent reforms equal rights of men and women to the produce of
the land was assumed. Independent women's cooperatives have sometimes been set up by
new.agrarian laws, notably that of Mexico in 1971', which encourages (15) women to set up
their own rural industries.
III. CASE STUDIES
43. In Kenya, during the traditional pre-colonial period, the agricultural system con-
sisted of a rudimentary wooden-hoe technology, shifting cultivation, and the rotation of
crops. Women were occupied not only with husbandry, and the production of such main croos
as sorghum, the historical staple finger millet, barley, sesams, yanis, pumpkin, beans,
vegetables, etc., but also trade. This trade, however, was primarily restricted to the
barter of surplus food with sheep, goats, and other livestock (16).
44. Traditionally the primary orientation to land has been in terms of subsistence, the
right to use the land for cultivation, grazing, and ceremonial activities belonging to
the patrilineage (17). Until the initiation of the recent land reform programmes, and
throughout the entire colonial period, women, neither individually, nor in groups, were
allotted land, or legal rights.of disposition. A traditional practice, "user's rights",
however, was preserved. Women, by virtue of their position as lineage wives and daughters,
possessed the right to use land for agricultural purposes.
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45. In patrilineal and patrilocal societies, such as those mentioned above, land was the
most easily acquired factor of production. In pre-colonial times, where labour was not
quite so abundant as land, marriage and female labour were of vital importance. Marriages
based on exogamy and polygamy generated positive effects on agricultural production and
productivity. Newly acquired wives, arriving from other districts and regions, brought
with them new agricultural techniques and a diffusion of new seeds. Furthermore, compe-
tition between spouses for the attention of their husbands, provided an interesting
stimulus to productivity and output (17).
46. Colonial rule changed all this. With the beginning of labour migration, and the
emergence of labour-intensive plantations, the entire burden and responsibility of agri-
cultural work fell on the shoulders of women. Towards the mid-1940s, rural areas had
distinctly become a women's, children's, and old men's society. Women were forced to
work intensively just to meet the subsistence requirements of their immediate families.
In the meantime, the sexual division of labour was directly affected by the long-term
absences of the male members of the tribe. The most striking result of this state of
affairs, however, was a sharp drop in productivity, on the one hand, and severe shortages
and hunger, on the other (18).
47. Despite the fact that women .carried the agricultural workload, colonial administra-
tions paid special attention to registering land ownership rights in men's names. Conse-
quently, Kenyan women frequently found themselves relying upon their men, who were
habitually absent from the land which was essential to women for supporting themselves
and their children (19).
48. The land reforms laws in Kenya took over where colonial rule had left off, and new
arrangements in land tenure left women in an even more disadvantageous position. In 1968
land tenure legislation was more or less established. With this legislation, land rights
were passed on to lineage members, particularly those who were male. Even if women, as
lineage wives, continued to exercise cultivation rights, their husbands, and even sons,
.continued to possess the right to alienate land.
49. The direct result of the land reform programme in Kenya has been to lower the status
enjoyed by women, even if they still enjoy the de facto privilege of being the head of
the household. This new scheme diminished the proprietary function of the wife's house
and thereby reduced the underpinnings of female autonomy (20). Yet another result of the
land reform programme in Kenya, where customary law and communal land tenure systems used
to prevail, was the emergence of private ownership over land and land resources. The
ultimate right to dispose of land passed from communal or lineage basis to an individual
and private one. According to the reform laws, land is being transferred to an almost
exclusively male-individualized tenure system leaving no provision as to how women's
access rights are to be defined when the reform is completed, and the new land tenure
system becomes operational (21). The benefits accrued by men, through land reform legis-
lation, were actually two-fold. Not only did they acquire individual titles to land, as
the male heads of their households, but, also, were relieved of their responsibilities to
the heads and other members of their clans. Women, in turn, were relegated to the
inferior position of landless agricultural labourers, and became dependent for their
subsistence on men (22).
50. The present procedure of registration and adjudication of reform lands in Kenya is
regulated according to statutory law. A constitutional provision, for example, states
"women have the same rights as men with respect to property that they have lawfully
acquired". The same constitution, however, has introduced no sanctions to this effect
51. In addition to certain rights granted by statutory law, Kenyan women are also
afforded certain rights and privileges by way of customary law. Under the existing
system, for example, the basic rule is that everybody shall have enough land to meet
subsistence requirements. Customary law in Kenya does not allow women to own or inherit
land,l/ but their rights of full possession over all the crops they cultivate have been
recognized. Similarly, it is provided that, upon marriage, every husband shall allot a
plot of land to their newlywed. If the marriage is terminated, for one reason or another,
women lose all their land rights. As ownership rights rest with the husband and despite
the existence of certain protective provisions for widows and daughters, single, sepa-
rated, and divorced women in Kenya are usually landless (24). Upon the death of the male
head of the household, landholdings are divided among the male offspring, while daughters
have only a right to maintenance. As far as personal property is concerned, customary
law varies; women usually get to keep personal property acquired before, and brought into
marriage. Everything acquired after marriage is considered part of the husband's estate.
52. According to customary law, Kenyan women work on the land given them by their hus-
bands, tend the livestock, and exercise control (while still married) over the fruits of
her individual labour. The concept of "joint property" within marriage does not exist in
the Kenyan customary law setup (25).
53. The Judicature Act of 1967 introduced a new element into the existing structure.
According to this piece of legislation, married women have the right to retain and con-
trol their own property, irrespective of whether they acquire it before, or during, their
marriage. Statutory civil law, on the other hand. prohibits a childless widow from in-
heriting real property from their deceased husband's estate.
54. Customary laws and practices in Kenya continue to govern disposal and succession.
In cases of dispute, even though the basic provisions of the Judicature Act still contin-
ue to apply, courts have to take local customary law into account. Courts usually rule
that women are expected to take possession of the lands only as trustees or guardians,
retaining use rights only during their lifetimes, or until male children demand their
inheritance claims (26).
55. Aside from land, the other major productive resource of the Kenyan economy is live-
stock. Women's customary legal rights to such livestock as cattle and camels are very
limited. As in land, women's rights over more valuable livestock are operational only
through their relationship to men, and particularly their husbands. Men retain control
over larger and valuable livestock (27). Despite the fact, however, that all rights over
land and livestock are vested in men, women have the right to participate in the decision-
making process for land use or deployment of agricultural resources (28).
56. Land settlement schemes in Kenya, as elsewhere, were of direct benefit to the male
heads of the rural households, since only men could become members of the cooperatives
(29). Consequently, only husbands, as landholders, received the proceeds of agricultural
1/ Four systems of family law actually exist in Kenya. They are customary, Islamic, Hindu,
and statutory. Rural women come under the domain of customary law. Certain discrimina-
tory aspects, as related to inheritance rights, also prevail in Islamic law. Hindu family
law also does not allow for women to inherit from their husbands.
57. Although until 1970 women were passive as regards their roles in Kenyan cooperatives,
since then they have become much more active particularly in handicrafts and vegetable
production. This is due partly to the efforts of the Cooperative Union and partly to
the government, who redrafted cooperative regulations with an eye to encouraging women's
participation in cooperative activities.
58. Women's clubs, on the other hand, have been highly active and effective in Kenya.
Aimed at reaching and teaching rural women, these clubs organized women's participation
both in the planning and execution stages of the education programmes. The selection and
training of local leaders were also taken seriously, and performed accordingly. As a
result, Kenya appears to be one of the countries where women's clubs are most successful.
59. Landownership in Sierra Leone is regulated by traditional law. Usually freely owned,
in accordance with customary law, titles to land are owned on behalf of the community
either by the chief or by large family groups. The most widely practised form of owner-
ship is communal ownership, in general, and chiefdom ownership, in particular. Private
ownership exists to a very limited extent over lands which hold some form of title or
deed. These lands can be given on pledge loan, lease, or rent by the head of the chief-
60. It is obvious, under these circumstances, that women encounter serious difficulties
in coming into possession of land. Only in very rare instances are agricultural lands
leased or lent to women, simply because the prevailing custom is that land be allotted
to the male heads of households. Consequently, women either work on the lands of their
fathers, husbands, and other male relatives, or hire themselves out, in cash or kind,
as wage labourers.
61. Within the past decade of Sierra Leone's development, women have increasingly started
coming together, grouping, and forming their own cooperatives. The cooperatives thus
formed are usually engaged in arts and crafts, savings, and credit-extension. All female
cooperatives are reputed to be fairly well organized, and are noted for paying back bank
loans within the specified periods. In addition to certain "secret societies" and these
"cooperatives", there exist in the rural areas a number of women's organizations. These
bodies encourage the active-participation of rural women in economic, social, religious,
and political activities and function as pressure groups lobbying for the rights and
dignity of women (31).
62. In other countries of Africa the primary receivers of credit are the men. The same
case holds true for Ghana, with the solitary exception of the female cocoa farmers of
southern Ghana. These women have direct access to credit, simply because they own their
own cash-crop farms (32). In addition to credit cooperatives, Ghana also has a host of
women's organizations. The National Council of Women in Development, for example,
organizes vocational training programmes for young rural women so that they may indepen-
dently earn a living by performing a craft.
- 13 -
63.. In certain regions of Malaysia (32), where matrilineal practices prevailed, tradition
had it that landed property passed. from mother to daughter. Under British reform rule,
and during the original period of land registration, the traditional code was applied to
those lands under clan control. The subsequent development of cash crops production, how-
ever, was carried out in rubber plantations and fruit orchards, privately owned, with
the exclusion of rural women. In time, the rapid commercialization of agriculture in-
creased the cash value of land, which, in turn, brought about the further and eventually
absolute exclusion of women's land rights within the Malayan land tenure system.
64. In contrast to the role of their counterparts in other Islamic societies, rural women
in Malaysia are effectively and:actively involved in agricultural production. This also
includes marketing activities. The most significant adversity facing Malaysian women
today is a lack of organization.
65. Viewed at village level, Malaysian women's organizations can be divided into five
categories: (1) women's institutes; (2) women's branches of political parties; (3) women's
farmer committees under the farmers' organizations (FOs); (4) women's cooperatives under.
the FOA; and (5) women's units in FELDA schemes (33).
66. With the exception of the women's institutes, the remaining four forms of organiza-
tion are informal. The women's institute is a voluntary organization, open to all females
over the age of fifteen. Women's cooperatives have the same legal status and organiza-
tional structure as the cooperatives coming under the Cooperative Societies Ordinance of
67. Cooperative societies in Malaysia are registered under the above-mentioned Coopera-
tive Societies Ordinance (34). The basic guidelines provided by this ordinance are
voluntary membership, democratic management, limited interests on capital, equitable
distribution of profits, promotion of cooperative education, and active cooperation among
68. Agro-based cooperative societies are legally defined as "any cooperative society
whose principal function concerns agricultural credit, marketing, etc.". Three types of
cooperatives can be identified in the rural areas of Malaysia: (1) credit cooperatives;
(2) marketing cooperatives; (3) multi-purpose cooperatives (35).
69. These cooperatives neglect women and youth as potential members. In some instances,
women's membership has been significant, but generally speaking, membership has been open
only to the male heads of the rural household (36). This does not come as a surprise
to those who are acquainted with the fact that agro-based cooperatives in rural Malaysia
are characterized by marginal membership figures. In some cases, membership is open to
farmers only. This immediately excludes the landless labourers, most of whom can be
counted among the rural poor. Leaders, also, come from relatively better-off households
in which they are mostly owner/operators, and always male heads of household (37).
- 14 -
70. The reasons for disorganization among Malaysian rural women, to list a few, are
the following: (1) Malaysia, like other developing Asian countries, is a male-dominated
society in which there still exists social and cultural obstacles to the emergence of
effective women's organizations; (2) women's organizations, at national level, such as
the National Council of Women's Organizations, are too preoccupied with the activities
of urban-based women's clubs; (3) government policy in encouraging the growth and pro-
liferation of women's organizations in rural areas has been ineffective (38).
71. In Bangladesh, while women do not work in the fields, they are traditionally responsi-
ble for processing food grains, preserving seed, growing family food, rearing livestock,
and raising poultry. Despite these significant contributions to agricultural activity,
women are considered to be non-productive family members, simply because they are not
paid for their work (39).
72. Due to the sexual division of labour, women's work is concentrated, by and large,
in the household. This confinement to the family homestead is further accentuated by
the religious institution known as "purdah". *Bari- or village-based activities consist
mainly of rice processing, animal care, and the knitting and repair of fishing nets (40).
73. The rights of women to own and inherit property are subject to Islamic law and custom
in Bangladesh. Consequently, agricultural reform programmes and agrarian development
projects in Bangladesh have failed to take into consideration the rights of women to
land use and ownership. Changes in former land tenure systems have contributed very
little to women's rights in this field.
74. The Tenancy Act of 1950, first amended in 1962, and then in 1972, includes no direct
measures related to land use. From the strictly factual situation, if not the legal one,
it can be argued that no land laws exist in Bangladesh (41). All proprietors have
permanent rights of inheritance and transfer over their lands and are legally entitled
to use them as they please. Even within this expansive framework, the rights of rural
women to land have been left out of account. The projected 1975 legal reforms, which
would have protected the legal rights of landowners, but would also have transformed land
cultivation into a joint effort, introducing cooperatives into the traditional land tenure
system, were aborted following the collapse of the Baksal regime (42).
75. Bangladesh has experimented with several rural development programmes, and is still
continuing to do so (43).
76. The cooperative movement approach, for example, is represented among rural women by
the Women's Programme of the Academy for Rural Development, and, more recently, by the
women's chapter of the IRDP, i.e., the Integrated Rural Development Programme. IRDP
encourages the organization of separate women's cooperatives, and an increase in the
economic activities of female cooperative members. Village women, however, lack both the
One of the most characteristic aspects of the life of Muslim women is purdah. In the
strictest sense, purdah involves keeping women confined between the four walls of their
homes, and placing them under veil when going out (FAO, 1979, p. 31).
skill and the experience required of them to participate equally with men. In other
instances, certain legal arrangements exclude women from participation. The Thana Central
Cooperative Association, for example, was founded for the sole purpose of providing loans
to the landless peasants and the smallholders, and did not impose explicit restrictions
on its membership. Yet, only the male heads of households were made members a practice
which excluded the majority of rural women (44). This form of discrimination was
particularly detrimental to the best interests of rural women, since male cooperative
members often defaulted on their loans, and female members, lost their savings which had
been put up as the cooperative society's collateral.
77. Discrimination against rural women, however, is restricted to the poor. A striking
situation, observed in several rural societies, is the assumption of cooperative society
leadership by the wives of wealthy farmers and landlords (45).
78. In other approaches to rural development, similar discrimination constraints are
imposed upon women. The Village Aid Approach, for example, makes a basic distinction
between male and female work, defining the former as "agriculture*, and the latter as
"home economics" (46).
79. The All-Woman's Pakistan Association (before secession), whose activities continue
today in the form of mothers' club programmes, is a typical example of the social welfare
approach. Within the content of this programme, women, in return for their labours, are
either given supplies or a small amount of cash. Their economic participation, however,
is restricted to weaving, sewing, and the handicrafts. Although they put in work, women
do not participate in programme administration. Even worse, they do not receive the
total, but a small share of the proceeds of their sales (47). Finally; within the context
of these social welfare projects, women are dependent for much-needed goods and services
on either the government or the sponsoring agency (48).
80. We now propose to deal with the land tenure structures of the Middle East, Near
East, and North African countries which show significant differences from the hitherto
mentioned. We further intend to place particular emphasis on women's rights to land
within the specific framework of their prevailing land tenure systems. Before commencing,
however, we consider it proper to remark briefly on the Islamic religious and legal out-
look towards women's access to land, insofar as Islam is the predominant religion of this
81. Although land policies were'radically altered in this region over the past quarter
century, not much difference occurred in women's rights to use and own land. With the
exception of a very few instances such measures as land settlement or resettlement,
tenancy regulations, agrarian reform policies and practices, etc., aimed at transforming
the traditionally defective land tenure systems were ineffective as far as rural women
are concerned in bringing about a land tenure system which would also favour the rural
female population. Since attitude towards the issue is moulded largely by Islamic
religious and legal thought, brief reference should be made to how Islam .formulates
women's right to land.
82. Above all, Islam is a religion which grants equal rights and responsibilities to
both men and women in all fields except two (49). A secondary status has been ascribed
to women in (1) marriage, divorce, and polygamy, and (2) in inheritance. With the
exception of these two very specific areas, Islam precludes constitutional, commercial
and penal discrimination against the socio-economic activities of women. This does not
- 16 -
necessarily mean full equality, since laws related to personal status, social security,
family and child welfare, etc., are in favour of men (50). In short, what actually
imposes restrictions upon, and discriminates against, women in Islamic society is not
the religious and legal principles of Islam itself, but the socio-economic structure of
those societies and the values system and ideological institutions prevailing therein (51).
83. Islamic women have always enjoyed very special legal rights to property. Viewed
strictly from a legal pinpoint, it can be stated categorically that their right to owner-
ship is absolute. They can administer their property independently of their husbands'
control. Muslim women also have inheritance rights, but, certain discrimination in favour
of Muslim men appear in Islamic law. A daughter, for example, inherits only one half of
what is inherited by the son. A widow, on the other hand, receive-s only one eighth of
the estate of her deceased husband, if she has children, and one fourth if she does not.
On the contrary, if the wife dies he receives one fourth and one half of his wife's
84. The situation, in practice, is somewhat different. Originating either from different
interpretations of Islamic law, or from the replacement of Islamic customary law by
modern civil law institution (e.g., Turkey and Algeria), the economic role and access to
land of women differ from one country to the other. Furthermore, despite relative female
seclusion, Muslim women spend a considerable amount of time working in agriculture. In
addition to storing and preparing food, caring for the children, and performing a wide
assortment of domestic chores, Muslim women actively participate in such arduous agricul-
tural efforts as sowing, irrigation, and harvesting (52).
Arab Republic of Egypt
85. In the Arab Republic of Egypt, where landownership and land-use rights are regulated
in accordance with Islamic rules and traditions, women have the right to own and admin-
ister land. Similar rules also apply to other forms of property, moveable and immoveable.
Yet, in the rural areas of the country, women are first dependent on their fathers, and
upon their deaths, to their brothers. In other words, a woman's main source of security
is not her husband, but her natal family, and it is to them she must turn for the pro-
tection of her rights after marriage. A simple solution has been found. Protection is
provided by the women's family when she relinquishes, upon marriage, all her legal
rights of inheritance in favour of her brother (53).
86. The Egyptian Agrarian Reform Law of 1952 introduced provisions for the equitable
distribution of land, irrespective of sex (54). Land distribution priorities were to be
granted to those who, at the time of promulgation, were tilling the lands as tenants
or sharecroppers. The law did not explicitly exclude rural women from the scheme of land
distribution, but considering the actual situation at the time of promulgation, and the
values inherent in Egyptian culture, it was natural that the law should favour Egyptian
men to the detriment of rural women as it eventually did. Men, as heads of the house-
hold, benefited from the ensuing scheme of land distribution,.and lands were registered
under their names. Furthermore, as the new law aimed at preventing -the fragmentation of
land, landholdings passed by way of inheritance to the oldest sons. Amendments for the
purpose of bettering the lot of rural women apparently have yet to yield concrete results.
- 17 -
87. In Egypt, women, as well as men, may become members of the agrarian reform coopera-
tives on the condition that they meet certain qualifications. The three prerequisites
for membership are: (1) the practice of agriculture as either a landowner, or a tenant;
(2) active engagement in agricultural production or husbandry; (3) active engagement in
an enterprise related to agriculture.
88. Due to these conditions, very few Egyptian rural women have been allowed member-
ship in their local agricultural cooperative societies. Of those enjoying the privilege
of membership, none is elected to the governing bodies of their organizations. Until
recently, their only relation with the local cooperatives was to supply certain agricul-
tural products, and, in return, meet some of their production requirements. This function
has now been transferred to the village bank.
89. The Chilean land tenure system is characterized by the monopolization of productive
resources by the latifundia, extensive patterns of cultivation, low agricultural produc-
tivity, and limited employment opportunities. Surveys on the agricultural structure of
Chile usually focus on the relations between land tenure systems, on the one hand, and
agricultural productivity and rural poverty, on the other (55).
90. Traditionally, Chilean women in rural areas are preoccupied with raising barnyard
animals, cultivating, and processing the food necessary for home consumption. Under
Chilean laws, with marriage a woman's property passes over to her husband's control.
Even the Allende government, who attached a great deal of significance to land reform,
failed to tackle the established system. In Chile today it is practically impossible
for a woman to sustain herself and her children, if she has no adult male in the rural
91. In the process of drafting and implementing agrarian reform, the situation of 'vcmen
was not considered as a separate issue. The first reform movement, 1965-1970, for example,
was very slow in gaining momentum, and ultimately imposed negligible effects on traditions'
agricultural structure of the country. As for the 1970-75reform movement under the Allende
government it should bemade clear that the soirit and content of reform was somewhat differ-
ent. Above all, it was considered as only one component in the overall programme of
initiating a transition to socialism (57). Furthermore, it was a political movement
aimed at weakening the economic and political power of the big landowners, while strengtn-
ening that of the landless peasants and smallholders. Both movements were controlled and
guided by the same law.
92. Up until 1965, changes in the size and composition of the permanent-resident labour
force had a direct bearing on Chilean agrarian reform (58). Agrarian reform legislation,
for one thing, gave priority to this permanent-resident labour force in the farm unit and,
hence, in practice discriminated against rural women as unpaid family labour.
93. Just as in other similar reform and rural development projects the world over, so
in Chile the direct beneficiaries of the reform movement were the male heads of the house-
holds. This was not intentional insofar as no legal constraints were imposed on women's
participation in the reform process. Since 1935, however, women had been dispropor't-on-
ately displaced-from their jobs as permanent resident workers in the large farm sector and,
- 18 -
consequently, when land reform was instigated, only a very limited number of women could
qualify as agricultural workers in their own right (59). Under these circumstances, it
was quite natural that they be excluded from participating in the processes of land reform.
Furthermore, this practice was consistent with Chilean civil law. Agrarian reform legis-
lation did not discontinue traditional law.
94. Since Chilean land reform legislation did not explicitly define rural women as
direct beneficiaries of the reform movement, they were deprived of independence and
guaranteed access to farm resources. By tradition, they had access to barnyard animals
and the household garden, but they had neither legal nor traditional claims to the re-
sources of the collective or central enterprise (60). In other Latin American countries
like Colombia, land reform legislation is far more discriminatory against women than in
95. The organization of women in Chile evolved around the traditional female role as a
homemaker. Women never were primary targets for unionization or cooperative membership
campaigns. Consequently, women had no mandate to participate in the wider issues of
agricultural policy or planning which, in any case, were effectively monopolized by the
bureaucracy. Legislation was paternalistic. Women residing on the farm but not working
in the central enterprises were regularly excluded from participation. Similarly, men
and women not residing and working on the farm were also discriminated against. The
specific exclusion of these two groups from participation in the decision-making processes
of the "reformed" unit appears as a consequence of a broader.political issue (61).
96, The membership composition of the peasants' organizations (unions), the principal
voluntary organization in the Chilean countryside, was also disporportionately male (62).
Preferential treatment in membership to the peasant unions was offered to the full-time
resident workers, especially those employed on the larger farms. These, too, were pre-
97. The two principal organizations for women were the Centros de Madres (exclusively
female) and the Centros de Padres (mixed). These organizations are analogous to the
Parent -Teachers Associations in the United States. In both cases women's particiaticn
is dominated over by their domestic roles.
98. With heated debates raging over intended agricultural policy during the Allende
era, former organizational structures flourished, while new ones emerged. The newly
formed Centres of Agrarian Reform (CERA), for example, were to be "fundamentally demo-
cratic organizations without distinctions in sex or civil status" (63). Open to every-
body over the age of 18, CERAs were an attempt to give a new organizational expression
to the rights and concerns of rural women. Women had a voice and vote in the CERA
General Assembly, and the right to elect and be elected to the various committees. One
such committee was the Social Welfare Committee, through which women might well have been
organized to participate in the newly-instigated reform process (64). Surprising as it
may seem, not only men, but also women, came out in strong opposition to women's partici-
pation in the reform process. Ideological in nature, opposition was first sparked in the
Centros.de Madres (Mothers' Centres). Had this opposition not been ideological, but re-
lated to content, it could have been justified. This first attempt at "socialization" was
no more than a home economics programme with women's economic contributions being con-
sidered secondary and remaining organized around the domestic roles of rural women (65).
- 19 -
99. Agrarian reform, the most crucial movement within the rural structure, despite the
strong backing of the cooperatives, reformed farms, small agriculturalist committees, and
unions had no specific and concrete plan for realizing and perpetuating the economic
independence of rural women. Women's role in the traditional plan for the division of
labour was taken for granted and, accordingly, women's participation in organizing for
reform remained unrealized. In various forms of rural organization male members consti-
tuted over 90 percent of the total membership. Similarly, there were differences both in
quality and quantity between male and female organizations. Male organizations, for
example, were class based, while female organizations were not (66).
IV. CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL
100. Post-colonial land reforms were, as has been pointed out, introduced in the pursuit
of equity. However, in their implementation, certain aspects of this equity have suffered,
notably the position of women. This does not mean that agrarian reforms are nugatory.
All it means is that when they are conceived and drafted, particular efforts must be made
to safeguard the position of women in order that the gap between men and women is not
widened any further.
101. One of the major declarations of principle of the World Conference on Agrarian
Reform and Rural Development stated that "governments should consider action to ... repeal
those laws which discriminate against women in respect of right of inheritance, owner-
ship and control of property," and to "ensure full membership and equal voting rights for
women in people's organizations such as tenants' associations, cooperatives, credit
unions and organizations of the beneficiaries of land reform and other rural development
programmes". In addition, FAO's Economic and Social Development Paper No. 9 "The Legal
Status of Rural Women" (1979) made twelve detailed recommendations on the treatment of
women in land reform legislation, the most notable being that "women, both married and
single, have full legal capacity to own, administer and convey both real and personal
property" and that "land reform legislation requires that women receive a certain per-
centage of distributed land, based on the degree of female participation in agriculture
in the particular society". FAO's Committee on Agriculture at its April 1983 meeting
also urged that "efforts be made to provide women with legal rights equal to men for
land ownership, access to credit and banking services, and membership and decision-making
responsibilities in farmers' cooperatives". The recent FAO-organized National Workshop
on Women in Agricultural Development, a follow-up to WCARRD, held in Awassa, Ethiopia,
from 26 June to 2 July 1983, also focused on women's rights in agrarian reform and made
six specific recommendations to safeguard and improve them.
102. The major structural change required is one in the fundamental and widespread atti-
tude which assumes male supremacy and female subordination. A shift here will have clear
effects on methods of production, choice of technology and patterns of development. More
specifically, in the following recommendations, in the spirit of WCARRD and COAG, could
potentially be considered:
Legal measures It would be desirable if women were entitled to own land, alone
or jointly, and if they were allowed to inherit land on equal terms with men. If their
husbands are absent, women should have the legal right to make decisions regarding the
land they manage. Women should be entitled to own livestock and pther productive assets.
- 20 -
Organizations .- Women's groups, cooperatives and clubs may be encouraged to form
and to diversify their activities away from the simple "home economics" spheres of nutri-
tion, child care and sanitation.
It is desirable that women be allowed and trained to participate fully, with full
voting rights, in groups organizing production, credit, marketing, and other cooperative
The establishment of centres of child care, washing, ironing, breadmaking and so
on, could be encouraged and assisted by governments.
Credit and Marketing Special measures are required to make credit available to
poor rural women, to assist them with market research and with marketing itself. One
possibility is for governments to guarantee loans to small women farmers.
Extension Women could receive specific attention in extension services. Women
extension officers could be trained and fielded, and existing extension courses could
be modified to stress the importance of reaching women farmers.
Statistics The contribution of women should be assigned a value in censuses and
surveys. Statistics should be routinely obtained on their contribution to production.
Research More detailed research and analysis are urgently require into rural
women's legal position, work methods, time allocation.and other women's constraints to
103. Of these, it is at least arguable that the principal change may be in legal struc-
tures. If these are altered, and if the alternations are in fact implemented, numerous
consequences could follow. If women can own land, for instance, they are far more likely
to get credit; if women can rent land out, it will be much easier for them to have an
independent income; if women can sell land, they might'be able to build up some capital;
basically, if women are considered, in law, as individuals, as independent human beings,
rather than as wives, mothers or sisters only, the ground will be laid for subsequent
improvements in other areas. Here the action to be considered is easily defined and
104. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that even in countries where women are
legally allowed to own land, that fact alone is not enough to ensure their equality in
the economic or social sphere in rural areas. The example of Egypt cited above serves
as an example here. The point being made, however, is that while the ability to own
land is not a sufficient condition for women's social and economic equality, it is at
least a necessary one.
* + + + + *
105. The aim of this report has been to show that women can often be the victims rather
than the beneficiaries of agrarian reform. Some of the possible remedies available to
governments have been listed above. But the starting point of them all would be a basic
policy to address women's issues sympathetically and unambiguously when reforms are
drafted and implemented.
- 21 -
2. Boserup, Ester
4. Okeyo, A.P.
5. Burfisher, M.I
17. Okeyo, A.P.
WCARRD Programme of Action: Integration of Women in Rural Develop-
ment, Copenhagen, 1980, p. 4.
ro "Women's Role in Economic Development", London, Allen and Union,
1970, p. 80.
Op. cit., p. 25.
"African Women in Changing Rural Economies", "Dossier" No. 57,
1979, pp. 63-65.
E. and Horenstein, N.R. "Sex Roles in the Nigerian TIV Farm", IED
Staff Report, 1982, p. 3.
r Op. cit., p. 12.
Women and Agrarian Reform, Ph.D. thesis, 1982, pp. 12-16.
"Agricultural Modernization, Technological Innovation and Female
Employment", Women of Rural Asia, 1982, pp. 183-219.
"The Plight of Rural Women: Alternative for Action", International
Labour Review, Vol. 119, No. 4, July-August 1980, p. 429.
"The Role of Women in Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (FAO)
Land Settlement and Cooperatives", No. 1, Rome, 1979, p. 58.
r Op. cit., p. 19.
Report to the Present PAG Project, PAG, 1976, p. 5.
Sand M. Karl, "Women, Land and Food Production", International
Bulletin, No. 11, Spring 1979, Geneva, p. 3.
Op. cit., p. 58.
Luo Women and Economic Change during the Colonial Period,
Paper presented to African Economic History at the University
of Wisconsin, 1974, pp. 91-93.
"The Joluo Equation", CERES, Vol. 13, No. 3, 1980, pp. 37-42.
Op. cit., p. 37.
- 22 -
20. Carter, J.E. and J. Mends-Cole, Liberian Women: Their Role in Food Production and
their Educational and Legal Status, University of Liberia, 1982.
21. Okeyo, A.P.
27. US Delegation
29. Okeyo, A.P.
31. Stevens, Y.
0p. cit., 1980, p. 41.
The Legal Status of Rural Women: Limitations on the Economic
Participation of Women in Rural Development, Rome, 1979, p. 15.
(for WCARRD), "Women and Security of Land Use Rights", Women in
Op. cit., 1979, p. 11.
Op. cit., 1980, p. 42.
The Changing and Contemporary Role of Women in African.Development,
Economic Bulletin for Africa, 1974, p. 9.
"Technologies for Rural Women's Activities Problems and
Prospects in Sierra Leone", ILO Tripartite African Regional Seminar,
Dakar, Senegal, 1981, p. 7.
Op. cit., 1979, p. 49.
Op. cit., 1979, p. 50.
37. Cheema, G.S.
39. Jabber, M.A.
40. Westergaard, K.
Rural Organizations and Participation in Malaysia, Rome, FAO,
1979, p. 38.
"Land Reform in Bangladesh", Agrarian Structure and Change: Rural
Development Experience and Policies in Bangladesh, Background paper
for WCARRD, Rome, 1979, pp. 233-242.
"Implications of Rural Pauperization for the Economic Role and
Status of Women in Rural Bangladesh", CDR Project Paper, A.81.7,
- 23 -
41. Jabbar, M.A.
43. McCarthy, F.E.
45. McCarthy, F.E.
49. Dawood, A.
51. FAO, 1979
Op. cit., p. 238.
"The Status and Conditions of Rural Women in Bangladesh", Agrarian
Structure and Change: Rural Development Experiences and Policies
in Bangladesh, Background paper for WCARRD, Rome, 1979, pp. 187-232.
Op. cit., 1979, p. 50.
Op. cit., p. 195.
Integration of Women in Rural Development in the Near East Region,
Cairo, 1979, Paper commissioned by FAO for WCARRD, p. 10.
1978, p. 12
One of the most characteristic aspects of the life of Muslim women
is purdah. In the strictest sense, purdah involves keeping women
confined between the four walls of their homes, and placing them
under a veil when going out, p. 31.
Op. cit., 1979, p. 36.
Op. cit., 1979, p. 33.
54. Dawood, H.A.
55. Garrett, P.
59. Garrett, P.
60. Garrett, P.
62. Hahn, N.
Op. cit., p. 17.
Agrarian Reform, Popular Organization, and the Participation of
Women, Guelph, Canada, 1981, p. 3.
1978, p. 226 (from Hahn, N., Women and Agrarian Reform, 1982, p: 39.
Op. Cit., 1981, p. 26.
Op. cit., 1981, p. 47.
P. Op. cit., 1981, p.11.
66. Ibid. p. 18.