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Title: Migration and development : a preliminary survey of the available literature
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Title: Migration and development : a preliminary survey of the available literature
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Temple, Nelle W.
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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Title Page
    Introductory notes
        Page 1
    Preliminary conclusions relevant to the select commission's work
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
    Migration and development: A synthesis of concerns covered in the literature
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
    Bibliography of sources consulted
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
Full Text












MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT

A Preliminary Survey of the Available Literature











Prepared by Nelle W. Temple
Overseas Development Council
1717 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036



For the SIlect Commission on Immigration
and Refugee Policy
New Executive Office Building Room 2020
726 Jackson Place, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20506



In Fulfillment of Order No. T-18991062


July 1980










MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT

A Preliminary Survey of the Available Literature


INTRODUCTORY NOTES

The Select Commission requested a preliminary inquiry into the

relationships among: a) migration flows, b) economic, social, and

political development in sending countries, and c) economic coopera-

tion policies of other countries (particularly the U.S.) with sending

countries. The following report of this brief two-week study is in

three parts.

Part One summarizes the general findings of this inquiry which

seem most relevant to the Select Commission's policy interests. It

may be useful for the Commission to invest in more detailed analysis

and exposition of one or more of these points.

Part Two is a conceptual outline of the topics covered by the

international migration literature. This outline provides a framework

to orient those unfamiliar with this topic to the range of relevant

questions and relationships, as well as to the limitations of current

data and research.

Part Three is a selected bibliography of useful sources.

This first-stage survey of the literature intentionally took a

global view. A narrower focus on specific cases involving substantial

migration to the U.S. may be more useful and appropriate in detailed

follow-up work requested by the Select Commission on the basis of this

study.

Due to time constraints, the literature on the dynamics of inter-

national population movements from developing countries is the main

focus. However, the extensive and largely separate literature on





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dynamics of internal migration, particularly rural-urban migration,

could also yield valuable insights into the feasibility of shaping

international movements through economic and social development policies.



PART ONE: PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS RELEVANT TO THE SELECT COMMISSION'S
WORK.

1. It is not clear that development programs, including employment

creation, in developing countries or regions of international out-

migration in those countries will necessarily lead to a corresponding

fall in international out-migration pressures. Virtually by definition,

policies which result in (net) job creation, enhanced economic opportuni-

ties, and slowing of natural population growth in sending areas will

moderate these oft-cited economic 'push' factors and eliminate them

when and if full-employment equilibrium is reached. Therefore, the

assumption is sometimes made that economic development measures, especially

creation of remunerative jobs for currently un- and underemployed members

of the labor force, will diminish the amount of out-migration, presumably

in the short to medium run.

This relationship is plausible in theory, perhaps especially in situa-

tions where much migration is of the temporary "crisis-induced, income-

maintenance" variety. However, this relationship has not been demon-

strated in empirical studies, even in these circumstances, and some


Recent OECD studies, The Migratory Chain, pp. 41-42, and Migration,
Growth and Development, pp. 44-45, skirt making a bold assertion of
this type, but definitely leave the impression that regional develop-
ment programs and labor-intensive public works will have beneficial
effects in slowing migration pressures.

** As is the case, according to Cornelius, Mexican and Caribbean Migration,
pp. 123-124, for much of the traditional migration to the U.S. from
Mexico's central plateau region.

*** At least, to the author's knowledge.





-3-


theory and evidence point the other way. For instance, the changes

induced by development policies such as agrarian reform aimed at raising

rural incomes have often resulted in displacing labor from rural areas

and speeding rural-urban migration (Peek and Standing). Scattered examples

exist of jobs like cane-cutting in the Dominican Republic, which local

people decline to take in spite of high un- and underemployment. Domini-

cans prefer to migrate to the U.S., while Haitians migrate to the Dominican

Republic for the cane-cutting jobs. (Glaessel-Brown cited in Cornelius,

Mexican and Caribbean Migration, p. 62.) This example illustrates that

overall migration, in and out, may even accelerate if the jobs being

created are not more attractive to the local population than the alter-

natives.

Micro-level 'causes' of migration vary widely. The effects of devel-

opment measures will, therefore, also vary: some people who would other-

wise have left will stay (for better opportunities), while others who

would otherwise have stayed will leave (for still-better opportunities).

The net aggregate effect on out-migration will vary according to the cir-

cumstances. To the extent that economic development and job creation do

increase the incomes, skills, and welfare of lower-income people who might

otherwise have been 'pushed' by inadequate economic opportunities, it may

well increase their ability and desire to migrate for other reasons.

People who are better off find it easier to arrange and finance migration.

Other push and pull forces like better professional opportunities also be-

come relatively more important as people develop higher skills and expec-

tations.

There are several reasons to doubt that even carefully targeted

development programs can reduce out-migration pressures significantly in




-4-


the short to medium run, though obviously more field research on this

question would be invaluable. For one thing, it is not yet clear exactly

how best to create remunerative employment on a large scale in developing

countries. This is one of the central policy goals of U.S. AID and of the

multilateral development banks, and substantial effort is being expended

to learn how to do this successfully. Everything that is learned about

ways to promote rapid and labor-intensive development can be expected to

help the policymakers who design future development and migration policies.

Past attempts to stem internal migration and the rapid growth of

large urban centers in developing countries through rural development and

regional development schemes are not encouraging to those who think that

economic development policies can hold people on the land (see Peek and

Standing). At the World Bank, for instance, policies to develop poorer

regions of countries (from which many internal migrants come) are promoted

on grounds of equity and economic efficiency, not because of any expecta-

tion that this will substantially diminish urban growth rates. Indeed,

rural-urban migration is not seen as problematic unless it occurs as a

response to "labor market imperfections or ill-considered public sector

investment or pricing policy." (Squire, p. 62.) Otherwise, labor mobility

in general and internal migration in particular are seen by the World Bank

as positive economic forces. (Ibid.)

It appears that economic development measures for poorer countries

and poorer regions of those countries as well as U.S. cooperation policies

which promote development must similarly be supported on their own merits --

equity and global economic efficiency. Though they may do so under certain

circumstances, these measures are not necessarily guaranteed to reduce the

economically-generated migration pressures on the U.S. in the short or





-5-


medium term.

2. It is clear that any politically plausible number of immigrant and

temporary-worker visas available for migrants from developing countries

to the U.S. is bound to be substantially less than the latent demand for

such visas. While one might argue at length about whether the current

latent demand is of the order of 10 to 1, 100 to 1, or whatever, and also

about whether economic development and job creation in Third World coun-

tries would tend to increase or decrease this proportion, it seems wildly

unlikely that demand would fall below 1 to 1 in the foreseeable future,

even under the most optimistic assumptions about the pace of job creation

and population growth rate decline. This implies that economic coopera-

tion activities, by themselves, cannot be expected to limit the number of

potential migrants to a level which is politically comfortable for the

U.S. Nor, conversely, is the relatively low current level of permitted

immigration to the U.S. (assuming no illegal migration) likely to have a

major demographic or developmental impact on individual sending countries,

except perhaps some small island nations of the Caribbean. An extremely

geographically-focused, selective policy which resulted in "brain drain"

would be an exception to this statement.

3. U.S. economic and political cooperation with current or potential

sending countries may be of greater value in forestalling abrupt or


Cornelius, Mexican and Caribbean Migration, pp. 143-149 summarizes
estimates for this region. Mexico alone is likely to create less
than half the 800,000+ new jobs which would be needed annually over
the period 1976-1990 to maintain current levels of un- and underem-
ployment there (Yates cited on p. 147). The 400,000+ annual labor
surplus in this one country is roughly equivalent to the total annual
legal immigration flow to the U.S. from all countries.





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politically-generated 'refugee' flows and in controlling illegal migration

than in diminishing the underlying economic causes of migration. The re-

lationship of cooperation policies and refugee flows has barely been

raised in the literature, though it is mentioned in passing in recent

State Department statements on refugee policy: "Through an active diplo-

macy, through economic and security assistance programs...we shall persist

in our efforts to resolve the conflicts and ameliorate the underlying con-

ditions that give rise to large numbers of refugees." (Secretary Cyrus

Vance, "Refugee Admissions and Resettlement," Statement before the Senate

Judiciary Committee on April 17, 1980.)

Since several of the most dramatic recent immigration flows to the

U.S. (Vietnamese "boat people," Cuban influx of 1980) have had political

origins, and at least the Vietnamese situation was slowed by political

pressure brought to bear from outside, this relationship may be worthy

of further attention. While forestalling refugee flows obviously could

not and should not be the touchstone of U.S. foreign policy, it is a

dimension which should be weighed by policymakers, especially in the

context of planning immigration policies.

Several questions come to mind concerning the impact of U.S. eco-

nomic cooperation policies on forced expulsions; on abrupt population

movements precipitated by natural disaster, famine, or civil strife;

and on illegal migration flows.

Do U.S. policies on economic cooperation with Third World nations,

individually and collectively, give us maximum political leverage,

directly or indirectly, over the actions of nations (usually our adver-

saries) who engage in mass expulsions of their own citizens? Could and

should the U.S. act to reduce the likelihood of such incidents? How?





- 7-


Should the U.S. have a higher policy commitment to aid friendly devel-

oping nations that give temporary or permanent asylum to such refugees,

especially when the alternative is resettlement in the United States?

Are U.S. policies toward neighboring countries, especially Mexico,

which might send large numbers of refugees to the U.S. in the event of

natural disaster, crop failure, or civil strife framed with this con-

sideration in mind? Would more economic cooperation lessen the likeli-

hood or scale of such an occurrence?

In view of the fact that developing country governments often turn

a blind eye to illegal out-migration flows into other countries, could

economic cooperation policies induce them to share some of the policing

burdens with the destination countries?

4. There may be ways that the U.S. could, through economic cooperation

policies, help sending countries and individual migrants maximize the

economic returns of their migration to the U.S. Several of the papers

from the I.L.O.'s Migration for Employment Project are concerned with

evaluations of intergovernmental programs of cooperation between receiv-

ing and sending countries, mostly between European and Mediterranean coun-

tries. These programs attempt to maximize the use of remittances for pro-

ductive investment in the sending country, to equip workers with skills

that are needed in their home countries, or to assist in the re-integra-

tion of temporary workers in their home societies and labor markets when

they return from the developed country. OECD, The Migratory Chain gives

a short summary of several schemes in use within the OECD. Although these

programs have not enjoyed universal success (see comments by North in

Brookings Institution, pp. 375-380), the U.S. might profitably learn from






-8-


their experiences, particularly if the option of large-scale temporary

labor migration is pursued.

Another possible area of cooperation, increasingly voiced in the

literature on the "New International Economic Order," is tax compensation

from various sources (the earnings of the skilled emigrant or revenues of

receiving countries, for instance) to poor countries to reimburse them

for the costs of their "brain drain" to rich countries. This idea seems

to pose many legal and administrative problems, but may surface more and

more frequently as a focus of developing countries' concern about the

adverse effects of emigration on their economies. Since the underlying

concern is that the developing countries do not bear a disproportionate

share of the costs of international migration, closer study of labor

market conditions in both sending and receiving countries may eventually

permit less rhetorical discussion of whether compensation is a necessary

part of an equitable international migration policy.



PART TWO: MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF CONCERNS COVERED
IN THE LITERATURE.

The outline which follows pulls together questions from the various

strands of the international migration literature which are relevant to

the interrelationships of migration (especially to developed countries)

and economic, social, and political changes in countries of out-migration

(particularly less-developed ones). The topics are grouped under four

headings: characteristics of out-migration, causes of out-migration,

consequences of out-migration, and government policies that affect migra-

tion. Under each topic, the key questions or key elements advanced as

explanatory factors are identified. Most individual studies focus on





-9-


only a small part of the migration picture, so the outline is useful

as a quick overview of this complex topic.

Several caveats should be kept in mind. First, most of the questions

on the outline cannot be answered definitively at the present time. To

arrive at satisfactory general answers to these questions, or the reali-

zation that general answers do not exist, will take decades of research

in many cases.

Second, the data deficiencies and analytical deficiencies of research

on migration are not easily remedied. The practical methodological prob-

lems of research on migration are among the most severe in the social

sciences. The generalizability of micro-level case studies, of which

there are a large and increasing number, can always be questioned. Govern-

mental statistics relating to stocks and flows of migrants have numerous

problems, often complicated by illegal flows, temporary flows, and the

question of who should be considered an immigrant. (The outline assumes

that refugees are a sub-category of immigrants, for instance.) Non-com-

parability of data across countries is a severe limitation in compiling

even the most basic data on who is going where.

Third, although there are many studies of the characteristics and

motives of migrants and other studies of the ecological correlates of

migration flows, little existing research demonstrates direct policy

impacts of development upon migration or of migration upon development.

Even where they exist, aggregate-level findings may not be true at the

level of the individual and vice versa, so the results must be cautiously

interpreted. The many missing links in data and theory foster specula-

tion, ideological debate, and hamper the policy use of the research






- 10 -


findings that do exist. In the future it will be useful if the migration

impacts of development programs are more systematically evaluated.

,, Last, although the general data problems in this field aresevere,

the large Mexican-U.S. flow has received substantial research attention

as have some flows to Western Europe from the Mediterranean basin. Policy-

makers may thus be in a better position to make judgments in these specific

cases than to frame general policies which are useful for a number of

countries.

No attempt has been made to summarize the answers to questions posed

by the outline in this brief exercise. Some subsections of the existing

literature about certain regions or topics have already been carefully

summarized: e.g. Cornelius on Mexican and Caribbean flows to the U.S.,

Keely on Asian-Middle Eastern flows, I.L.O. studies of the Mediterranean

basin, Yap and others on internal migration.

If the Select Commission is interested in intensive literature

searches of specific topics on this outline, they should, in view of

the time available, be focused very narrowly. The answers, where they

exist, will tend to be diverse, complex and hard to summarize if they

are based on many small case studies.





- 11 -


MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT



Outline Topic A: Characteristics of Out-Migration
(including variations over time
and projected future trends).

Where are people leaving from? Rural vs. urban by country for
both internal and international flows.

Who leaves? Skills, socio-economic position, age, sex, family
status, ethnicity.

How many leave? Absolute numbers and as proportion of local popu-
lation/labor force at various stages of the out-migration
process. What are net out-migration flows?

Where do they go? Rural vs. urban by country for both internal and
international flows with special attention to stepwise patterns.

Do they migrate temporarily or permanently? If temporary, for how
long and how often?

Is the move part of an organized flow or a private initiative by
the migrant himself?

What is the migrant's legal status in the receiving country/
community?





- 12 -


Outline Topic B: Causes of Out-Migration and Facilitating Conditions
(including dynamic effects of previous out-migration
and trends over time).



Why do people leave? Economic, political, and personal factors at
both sending and receiving ends. (Note: the sending end is
the main focus of this outline.)

Predominantly ECONOMIC causes:


Causes with
Continuous
Effects:


Causes with
Abrupt
Effects:


Wage differentials/availability of remunerative work "pull" & "push"


Lack of productive employment/earning opportunities

e.g. Unemployment/underemployment
Landlessness/near-landlessness

Population growth

Inflation in living costs relative to earnings

Better training/professional experience opportunities

Better working conditions


Sharp drop in earnings/food availability due to
natural disaster (e.g. drought, flood, crop pests)
or economic disaster (e.g. foreign exchange crisis,
swift economic retrenchment, sharp price fluctua-
tions in key commodities sold or consumed).

Sharp rise in employment opportunities or relative
wages elsewhere due to an economic boom, to ex-
change rate changes, or to a sharp drop in labor
availability there (e.g. in wartime).


"push"


"push"

"push"

"push"

"pull"

"pull"


"push"


"pull"


----~---~-




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Predominantly POLITICAL causes:


Longer-run
Impact on
Migration
Flows:


Economic development policies of individual developing
country governments, which affect the availability
of productive opportunities or other economic 'push'
factors:


e.g. Investment policies/employment policies
Land-holding patterns/land reform
Income distribution policies/tax policies/
wage policies
'Human capital' policies: education,
health, population
Agricultural policies: pricing/extension
services/etc.

Global or bilateral policies of developed countries,
which affect the economic development opportunities
and policies of individual developing countries:

e.g. On trade, investment, finance, and aid.


Shorter-run
Impact on
Migration
Flows:


Encouragement or lack of discouragement of immigration
by receiving countries for their own economic or
political purposes.

Encouragement or lack of discouragement of immigration
by sending countries for their own economic or
political purposes.

Political or economic repression of groups or individuals
(typically minorities or dissidents) in sending coun-
tries, sometimes explicitly directed at 'exporting'
them.

Global or bilateral policies of receiving countries,
which affect economic or political repression in
individual developing countries.

War/civil violence/conquest/political 'settlement' of
disputes over territory.


Predominantly PERSONAL causes:

Family reunification

Adventurous, entrepreneurial spirit/wunderlust

Seeking a more congenial cultural milieu

Escape from social discrimination





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Facilitating conditions:

Prior experience of migration

Information about the destination

Kin or friends at the destination

Proximity, inexpensive access to the destination.


Who back-migrates and why?

Which have been the most important of these causes in the large
migration flows of the past and present, especially to the U.S.?



Outline Topic C: Consequences of Out-Migration and Back-Migration
on the Sending Side
(including judgments about whether the consequences
are positive, negative or neutral).

What are the consequences for the individual migrant, both at the
destination and as a back-migrant? For example:

Changes in income/wealth/consumer behavior

Changes in job opportunities/job skills/education

Changes in 'quality of life':
Physical: e.g. health, housing, diet
Mental: e.g. family separation, discrimination,
escape from a war zone

Changes in fertility behavior

Changes in national allegiance/political behavior/
cultural identification.

What are the consequences for the migrant's family left behind? E.g.:

Changes in household income, wealth, spending patterns
(what role do remittances play?)

Changes in labor utilization and productivity within the
household and in household=based enterprises like
subsistence farms

Changes in social behavior, e.g. sex roles

Changes in fertility behavior

Changes in the propensity to emigrate.






- 15 -


What are the consequences for the local sending community? E.g.:

Changes in the sector-specific unemployment rate

Changes in the absolute and relative local factor price
of labor and other factors of production

Changes in the amount and types of local investment
(what role do remittances play?)

Demographic changes

Changes in the local social structure/ethnic mix.

What are the consequences for the sending nation? E.g.:

Changes, by sector, in employment, wage scales, volume
of production, and productivity (are there sectors
where out-migration produces labor shortages?)

Impact of the volume and use of remittances on savings,
investment, the balance of payments and the local
inflation rate

Changes in demographic patterns: size, age composition,
and growth rate of population as well as spatial
distribution of population within the country

Changes in income distribution and land distribution
patterns

Changes in other 'structural' characteristics such as
external economic dependence or degree of concentra-
tion of economic and political power.

What would be the short-run and long-run impacts of dramatic curtail-
ment or expansion of migration opportunities in a short period
of time (due perhaps to a change in immigration policies in
receiving countries)?



Outline Topic D: Areas of Government Policy that Affect the Characteristics
and Causes of International Migration and its Consequences

Policies that directly affect the size and composition of the migratory flows:

Immigration/refugee quotas of receiving countries

Effectiveness of enforcement of immigration laws by receiving countries

Governmental policies of sending countries that (selectively) encourage
(e.g. Barbados, Cuba in 1980), discourage (e.g. Dominican Republic
under Trujillo to 1961, Algeria in 1973, Cuba in 197? to 1980),
or ignore (Mexico?) emigration.





- 16 -


Economic policies that affect employment prospects in sending countries,
thus increasing or decreasing the "push" for internal or interna-
tional migration are outlined above under the topic "Longer-run,
predominantly political causes" of migration. A more detailed list
would include the following:

Sending (developing) countries' policies that are cited for adversely
-- affecting employment prospects in developing countries:

Lack of investment in creating off-farm, long-term jobs in
rural areas

Lack of credit and agricultural services to small farmers

Subsidized credit to big farmers resulting in agricultural
mechanization and labor displacement

Interest rate, tax, and foreign exchange policies that subsidize
the cost of capital and encourage capital-intensive develop-
ment

Stifling regulation and lack of credit for small labor-intensive
businesses, thereby limiting their productivity

Trade and industrial policy focused on import substitution rather
than export promotion

Lack of attention to family planning and other population policies

Education and manpower training policies which result in chronic
oversupply of certain skills relative to national demand.

Receiving (developed) countries' policies that are cited for adversely
affecting employment prospects in developing countries:

Trade barriers against exports, particularly labor-intensive
manufactured exports from developing countries

Inadequate promotion of technology transfer to or investment in
developing countries

Insufficient and inadequate (i.e., not "predictable, continuous,
and assured") aid for development of the capital infrastructure
and human capital of poorer developing countries

A tendency of developed countries to respond to their own economic
problems in ways that throw a disproportionate amount of the
burden of adjustment on still poorer and less powerful develop-
ing countries and makes their development planning more
difficult


* By the World Bank, in World Development Report, 1979, among others.




- 17 -


e.g.: Higher domestic unemployment often leads to more
protectionism against developing country products,
severer restrictions on entry of foreign workers,
and a fall in aid flows.

Policies that affect the developmental impact of out-migration in developing
countries:

Policies to encourage larger remittances with a greater proportion
through official channels and directed at productive investments.

Selective immigration policies of receiving countries that spur brain
and skill drain from sending countries (there are proposals for
tax schemes to compensate sending countries for this negative
impact).

Policies to encourage selective back-migration and employment of
workers who have acquired new skills needed in the sending
country.





- 18 -


PART THREE:


BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOURCES CONSULTED
(* indicates articles that have
especially useful bibliographies)


* Birks, J.S., and Sinclair, C.A.
f in the Arab Region. Geneva:


International Migration and Development
International Labour Office,-1980.


BWhning, W.R. "International migration in Western Europe: reflections
on the past five years." International Labour Review 118/4 (July-
August 1979): 401-414.

Bourguignon, F., and Gallais-Hamonno, G. International Labour Migrations
and Economic Choices. Paris: Development Center of the OECD, 1977.


Bouvier, Leon F., with
national Migration:
Population Bulletin
Bureau, 1979.


Shryock, Henry S., and Henderson, Harry W. "Inter-
Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow." Revised edition.
32/4. Washington, D.C.: Population Reference


Brookings Institution. "Structural Factors in Mexican and Caribbean Basin
Migration" (Proceedings of a Brookings Institution-El Colegio de Mexico
Symposium, June 28-30, 1978). Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1978.

Bustamante, Jorge. "National Survey on Outmigration in Mexico: Descrip-
tion and Preliminary Findings." Paper prepared for Symposium on Struc-
tural Factors Contributing to Current Patterns of Migration in Mexico
and the Caribbean Basin, June, 1978.

Chandavarkar, Anand G. "Use of migrants' remittances in labor-exporting
countries." Finance & Development 17/2 (June 1980): 36-43.


Chaney, Elsa M.
Hemisphere.
U.S. Foreign
1978.


The Caribbean On The Move: Undocumented Workers In The
Paper Prepared for the Study Group on Immigration and
Policy, Council on Foreign Relations, New York City, May 15,


Conroy, Michael, et. al. "Push Factors In Mexican Immigration to the
United States: A New Effort to Analyze Background Conditions, Charac-
teristics of the Migration Stream, and Changing Socio-Economic Incentives
to Migrate." Draft research proposal. Washington, D.C.: 1978.

* Cornelius, Wayne A. "Mexican and Caribbean Migration to the United States:
The State of Current Knowledge and Recommendations for Future Research."
Report to the Ford Foundation. Unpublished draft manuscript. October 28,
1979.

Cornelius, Wayne, Carmen Ines Cruz, Juanita Castano, Elsa Chaney. The
Dynamics of Migration: International Migration. Interdisciplinary
Communications Program, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Decem-
ber, 1976.

Corwin, Arthur. "Causes of Mexican Emigration to the U.S.: A Summary View."
Perspectives in American History VII (1973): 557-635.





- 19 -


* Diaz-Briquets, Sergio. "International Migration Within Latin America
and the Caribbean: A Review of Available Evidence." Washington, D.C.:
Population Reference Bureau, Inc., April, 1980.

Ebanks, Edward, P.M. George, and Charles Nobbe. "Emigration and Fertility
Decline: The Case of Barbados." Demography (August 1975): 431-445.

Ecevit, Z. "International Labor Migration Economic Implications for
Less Developed Countries." Internal draft for discussion. World Bank,
Feb. 2, 1977.

Ecevit, Zafer and Zachariah, K.C. "International labor migration."
Finance and Development (December, 1978): 32-37.

Entzinger, Han. "Return Migration from West European to Mediterranean
Countries." World Employment Programme Research Working Paper. (Migra-
tion for Employment Project). Geneva: International Labour Office,
March 1978.

Evans, John, and Dilmus, James. "Increasing Productive Employment in
Mexico." Paper presented at Symposium on Structural Factors Contribut-
ing to Current Patterns of Migration in Mexico and the Caribbean Basin,
June, 1978.

H8pfner, Klaus H., and Maria Huber. "Regulating International Migration
in the Interest of the Developing Countries: With Particular Reference
to Mediterranean Countries." World Employment Programme Research Work-
ing Paper. (Migration for Employment Project). Geneva: International
Labour Office, February 1978.

Independent Commission on International Development Issues. "Migrant
Labour and Brain Drain," Secretariat Paper No. 8. Unpublished draft
manuscript. Geneva: June 30, 1978.

International Center for Research on Women. Women in Migration: A Third
World Focus. Washington, D.C.: June 1979.

Jenkins, Craig. "Push/Pull in Recent Mexican Migration to the U.S."
International Migration Review (Summer, 1977): 178-189.

Kayser, Bernard. Manpower movements and labour markets. Paris: Organi-
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