• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Foreword
 Preface
 Introduction
 Women and international develo...
 The political context
 Selected policies
 Project cycle
 Project team membership
 Critical factors in project...
 Conclusion
 Appendix 1: Travel tips
 Appendix 2: Negotiating contra...
 Bibliography














Group Title: Working with international development projects : a guide for women-in-development
Title: Working with international development projects
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00086779/00001
 Material Information
Title: Working with international development projects a guide for women-in-development
Physical Description: x, 139 p. : ; 27 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Barnes-McConnell, Pat
Lodwick, Dora G
Publisher: Office of Women in International Development, Michigan State University
Place of Publication: East Lansing
Publication Date: 1983
 Subjects
Subject: Women in rural development -- Developing countries   ( lcsh )
Women in community development -- Developing countries   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Bibliography: Includes bibliographies.
Statement of Responsibility: Pat Barnes-McConnell, Dora G. Lodwick.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00086779
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 10955249

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Foreword
        Page v
        Page vi
    Preface
        Page vii
        Page viii
    Introduction
        Page ix
        Page x
    Women and international development
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
    The political context
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
    Selected policies
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
    Project cycle
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
    Project team membership
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
    Critical factors in project advisement
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
    Conclusion
        Page 113
        Page 114
    Appendix 1: Travel tips
        Page 115
        Page 116
    Appendix 2: Negotiating contracts
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
    Bibliography
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
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        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
Full Text






















WORKING WITH INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS:
A GUIDE FOR WOMEN-IN-DEVELOPMENT




Pat Barnes-McConnell
Dora G. Lodwick









Office of Women in International Development
Michigan State University
202 International Center
East Lansing, MI 48824-1035





























WORKING WITH INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS:

A GUIDE FOR WOMEN-IN-DEVELOPMENT



Pat Barnes-McConnell
Dora G. Lodwick

Office of Women in International Development


1983


202 International Center
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI 48824-1035



















































Copyright 1983, Office of Women in International Development


No portion of this Guide may be reproduced
without the written permission of the authors.


MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution





CONTENTS


FOREWORD
PREFACE . .. ............ ... . . vii
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . ix

1. WOMEN AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT . .. . . . 1
Social Impacts of International Development .. . . 2
Women and International Development Theories and Approaches 3
Contributions of Women in Development Scholarship . . 8
Suggested Readings . . . . . .. 11

2. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT . . . . . . 21
The World System . . . . . 21
The University Context . . . .. 22
The Michigan State University System . . . 25
Women in International Development at MSU . . 30
Suggested Readings . . . .... . 37

3. SELECTED POLICIES . . .. . . 39
World Policies--the United Nations . . . .40
National Policies--General . . . . .44
National Policies--the United States . . . .46
University Policies--Michigan State University . . 48
Selected Policy Issues . .. . . . 48
Suggested Readings . . . . . . 57

4. PROJECT CYCLE . . . . . . 61
The Planning Phase . . . . . . 62
The Implementation Phase . . . . 70
The Evaluation Phase . .. . .. 74
Guidelines for Assessing WID Project Issues . . . 76
Suggested Readings . . . . 81

5. PROJECT TEAM MEMBERSHIP . . . .85
Project Complexities . . . ... .85
Cross-national Factors . . . .89
Women as Team Members . . . . . .. 90
Professional Skills . . . .... 92
Personal Skills . . . . . 93
Suggested Readings . . . . . .. 97

6. CRITICAL FACTORS IN PROJECT ADVISEMENT . . . 101
Definition and Function of Advisors . . . .. 101
The Project Advisement Organization . . . 101
Criteria for Participation . . .. . 103
Project Advisement Assumptions . . . . 104
Linking-up with a Project .... . . . 105
Timing Involvement . . . . 107
Team Pressures . . . . . 110

7. CONCLUSION . . . . . . 113

APPENDIX 1 . . . . . . . 115

APPENDIX 2 . .. . . . . . 117


BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . .


. . 123








FOREWORD


Through time and across cultures the household has been the basic economic
unit of society. It is here that humans are created and human attributes
initially are developed through the productive activities of family members:
the nurturance of one household member by another; the teaching of values,
attitudes, skills; the day-to-day provision of food, clothing and shelter that
sustain life. The development of human resources, the investment made by
families in human capital, has been an overlooked aspect of economic develop-
ment. Because these productive activities are so embedded in everyday living,
they have been unrecognized and invisible; because they have not been a part
of the market economy, not counted as part of the GNP (gross national product),
household production activities have been devalued.

Economic paradigms have viewed productive activities as those occurring
primarily in the market place while consumption activities have been viewed as
the central focus of the household. These economic paradigms have obscured the
productive aspects of the household, resulting in the devaluation of family
work. Hence, household-oriented international development programs have been
given little status and minimum funding.

Because household production is primarily the responsibility of women,
household-oriented economic development programs have been viewed as "women's
programs." They have tended to be developed in narrow functionalist terms as
a rational response to the traditional needs of feeding, clothing, and
sheltering people. This functionalist approach has raised the levels of living
in the household, but it also has tended to rule out critical reflection on the
distribution of wealth and power in society. Unwittingly, these programs may
have increased discrimination of specific sectors of society particularly
disenfranchising women and children.

Recently, economists, home economists, anthropologists, sociologists, and
policy makers have begun to recognize the importance of the household sector
to the social and economic development of a nation. Serious attention is being
given to the critical impact that all economic development programs might have
on the life chances and choices of people. International development projects
are being assessed to determine possible outcomes of specific programs and/or
policies on household members.

Early on, the Office of Women in International Development at Michigan
State University has been involved in an advisement capacity in assessing the
impact of international projects emanating from the University on the household
sector. Special workshops are held to assist international project leaders,
workers and researchers in assessing the possible impacts of their work in the
life of family members.-

Working with International Development Projects: A Guide for Women-in-
Development, developed by Pat Barnes-McConnell and Dora Lodwick, is used as a
guide in helping project advisors to assess the impact of a given project in
the household sector. This is a pioneering effort, hence evaluations and
suggestions of users of the Guide are welcomed.


Beatrice Paolucci
May 19, 1983














PREFACE


This Guide is the result of four years' effort by many people working
together through the Project Advisement Task Force of the Michigan State
University Office of Women in International Development. It has been a time
characterized by the struggle to move a marginal perspective and group of
people into the mainstream of sophisticated international development project
networks. The process has included attempts to define how best to direct the
personnel and resources of a major university in a highly industrialized
country, the United States, to the service of women and families in Third World
countries. This is a complex task in itself. There have been some successes
and many learning experiences. The struggles continue, calling forth perse-
verance and tact from all who would join us.

We would especially like to thank Bea Paolucci, Nalini Malhotra Quraeshi,
Mary Muller, Mary Pigozzi, George Axinn and NUkhet Kardam for reviewing
previous drafts of this Guide. Nalini Malhotra Quraeshi was especially
helpful in the writing of chapter one on women in development theories. These
friends have offered important reflections and encouragement as we developed
our thinking about project consultation and advisement. The final ideas,
errors, and omissions, of course, are solely ours. Additional gratitude is
extended to Sue Bengry, MSU/WID secretary for her outstanding performance and
professional competence in the preparation of this manuscript.




















Partial support for this publication has been provided
by a grant from the Ford Foundation.


vii














INTRODUCTION


This Guide is developed for use by Women in International Development (WID)
trainees preparing to work as advisors or consultants' to international
development projects. The purpose of this Guide is to provide basic historical
and procedural information which may be helpful to colleagues anticipating
future WID participation in international projects.

This Guide is not meant to be a substantive presentation of the complete
theoretical and empirical knowledge that WID consultants need to master.
Indeed, groups at Michigan State University and many other universities and
institutions provide an array of experiences and resources to build this kind
of knowledge base for the WID professional. Persons making use of this train-
ing Guide, which is an integral part of the Workshop which it accompanies, are
expected to have availed themselves of such experiences and resources.

The philosophical orientation underpinning the development of this Guide
acknowledges the integrity of the world's various cultures and affirms the
interdependence between the societies of the industrialized and non-industrial-
ized nations of the world. It acknowledges that international projects,
designed to assist Third World countries, have had a tendency to concentrate
on project outcomes which often have been antithetical to the best interests
of "grassroots" citizens and especially destructive of the long-term survival
skills of women and their families. The primary concern of project advisement
is to reverse, or at least reduce, this tendency.

Through the Workshop and Guide, the M.S.U. Office of Women in International
Development (MSU/WID) and its Project Advisement Task Force (PATF) emphasize
the importance of the participation of persons from developing countries, the
need for sensitivity to group processes, the critical requirement of a sub-
stantive knowledge base and the significant contribution made by an apprecia-
tion of the history and lessons from prior WID efforts.

There is a very serious omission in this publication. It is deliberate.
As pointed out by a critical reviewer of an earlier draft, this Guide does not
address the issue of how to become involved in the international development
process (Muller, 1983). Opportunity for women to participate is difficult from


1 In this Guide we are defining WID advisors as having a long-term relation-
ship to the international project. The advisor's participation may or may
not have been initiated by the project team.

WID consultants, on the other hand, usually have very task-specific func-
tions and are associated with the project for a shorter time period. Their
participation is usually initiated by the project.







a university base where contacts with development projects can be made but
where decision makers often are not open to cooperation. Much more difficult
is the problem for women in the field whose "contacts can be distant and
limited." Evolving WID networks and communications systems are important
resources to address this need.

In effect, this Guide and the Workshop, as they are used repeatedly in the
training of Project Advisement personnel, become an institutional memory for
MSU/WID and Project Advisement groups. They become part of the foundation upon
which will be built the WID response to the challenge of project advisement
carried out on behalf of women and their families throughout the world.











1. WOMEN AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


"Development" is a normative concept implying choices about goals for
realizing human potential. Although few people involved in international
development scrutinize their own concepts of "development," the assumptions
and ideas underlying that concept are critical in their definition of problems
and methods to be used in international development projects and even in
choosing whether or not to become involved in "international development"
efforts.

Some recent examples of the concept include -

The famous Brandt Report which specified that the prime objective
of development is to lead to self-fulfillment through a creative partner-
ship in the use of a nation's productive forces and its full human
potential" (Brandt, 1980:23).

Dudley Seers, from the Institute of Development Studies at Sussex, said
that development is not primarily about per capital income, but
also about distribution and even more about the national capacity to
negotiate with transnational corporations and to cope with their techno-
logical innovations and their cultural impacts" (1977:6).

Soedjatmoko, Rector, United Nations University, said that development is
S. a way to manage the transformation of society" (Soedjatmoko, 1982)
while Ismail-Sabri Abdalla, Vice President of the Society for International
Development, stated that it involves the capacity of any given
society to renew itself" (Abdalla, 1982).

Bryant and White have called development increasing the capacity
of people to influence their future" (1982:14). They continue by saying,
"One often hears of development but observes the reality of underdevelop-
ment. Poverty and its several aspects deepen; peasants continue to
struggle for survival against landlessness; shantytowns spring up daily in
urban areas" (Bryant and White, 1982:4).

Many theorists and practitioners have become increasingly aware of some of
the negative impacts of international social changes. Women and children have
been identified as one of the groups experiencing the cost of development. It
was in response to this identification that women in international development
arose as an intellectual as well as an action-oriented field.

Two major organizational levels from which emanate negative impacts of
international development on women are: (1) at the macro level--the general
structural transformation of societies as they become more industrialized and
more integrated into the international system, and (2) at the mid-level--the
specific international development projects that attempt to facilitate the
transformation. The factors creating the negative social impacts from these
two sources are understood best through the prisms of the analyst's concept of
"development."







Social Impacts of International Development

There are many examples of the negative impacts of industrialization on
women.

1. With industrialization, women have experienced a reduction in their access
and control over natural resources. These resources include land, water,
firewood (Elmendorf, 1981; Muntemba, 1982; Carr, 1978; Tinker, 1976;
Staudt, 1979b; Rogers, 1980).

2. Women have experienced decreased access and control 'over other resources
such as time, income, and technical knowledge. This is particularly true
of lower class women as men become involved in cash crop production and
receive technical information from extension agents. Women, without
technical support, often have to increase their workloads in order to
provide for the subsistence needs of the household unit (Staudt, 1982;
Carr, 1978; Wily, 1981).

3. With increased migration of men from rural areas, women are carrying not
only their own agricultural responsibilities and those of their children,
as these children attend school, but also those of the men. These factors
often expand their role as de facto household heads--though the women
themselves may not claim to be heads of households but helpers and may
shift some dependence to male relatives and neighbors (Staudt, 1982;
Rogers, 1980; Deere, 1982).

4. Although there is some suggestion that increased industrialization provides
more employment opportunities for women, these opportunities are often
restricted to smaller and less modern firms.1 Within larger firms, women
are usually relegated to work with less modern technologies or they are
simply displaced entirely from the market economy (Schuster, 1982b;
Saffioti, 1983; Steel, 1981; Guilbert, 1970; Robertson, 1976; Cain, 1981;
Tinker, 1976). Even when women retain their role as independent traders,
much of the major negotiations, purchasing of inputs, and large-scale
marketing of the commodity are increasingly conducted for them by men who
have access to credit and marketing outlets in the modern sector
(Robertson, 1976; Gallin, 1982).

5. Women continue to receive less educational training than men. This has
increased their disadvantage as more employment opportunities become
dependent on educational training (Gallin, 1982; Smock, 1981).

Structural changes created by industrialization create or reinforce such
negative social impacts. Frequently, international development projects
further contribute to the problem. The following are some examples of how
projects, in particular, have made negative contributions to the quality of
life of women and their families in Third World countries.


1 This seems to be the predominant world pattern. However, it is also true
that women are being used as cheap and docile labor by large, modern firms.
For an examination of this phenomenon, see for example, Changing Role of
S.E. Asian Women (1979), Salaff (1981), Wong (1981), Srinivasan (1981).


MSU/WID






1. Historically, and even currently, international projects have provided
non-formal training for women based on Western stereotypical perceptions
of women as reproducers rather than producers. Homemaking skills such as
hygiene, cooking, and craftsmaking are emphasized even though the women are
very critical contributors to the family's food and income producing
activities. This latter role is often ignored altogether. When crafts
training is designed to create income-generating activities, it is often
given without a prior analysis of the market value of the craft or the
craft's ability to compete with factory-produced substitutes (Rogers,
1980; Tinker, 1976; Wily, 1981), Technical agricultural training, which
also would be relevant to female farmers, has been targeted primarily at
males regardless of their actual participation in agriculture. The
communication channels and schedules used to disseminate this training are
primarily determined by males and generally not accessible to women
(Rogers, 1980; Wily, 1981; Deere, 1982).

2. Where work roles are complementary, rather than identical, technologies
which are introduced to alleviate general problems are often directed only
to men's activities with little regard for how the use of that technology
will affect the women who perform the complementary tasks without the help
of improved technologies (Boserup, 1970; Muntemba, 1982).

3. As a result of the various ways in which international projects and social
change organizations (national as well as international) favor men, women
become increasingly dependent on men (Muntemba, 1982; Poole, 1975; Staudt,
1982; Wily, 1981; Schuster, 1982b). This increased dependence often occurs
without the development of a social norm requiring men to be responsible
for critical. family needs. The expectation, particularly in some of the
African countries, that women continue to provide for the basic needs of
their families and themselves usually remains (Schuster, 1982a; Muntemba,
1982).

Thus, many of the negative social impacts of industrialization have
increased women's powerlessness. Traditional resources have been taken away
from them while new resources associated with industrialization have not been
as accessible to them as to men. The distribution of these resources has been
heavily influenced by the Western ideological bias towards men and by the tra-
ditional restrictions placed on women because of their reproductive functions.

Women and International Development Theories and Approaches

Many of the theories which currently guide international development
efforts appeared at the end of WWII. The original modernization theorists have
been criticized, amplified and modified by others.1 This is also true of

1 The modernization literature expanded rapidly in the 1960s. Some of the
basic ideas of this theory include (1) developing nations, the unit of
analysis, had poor conditions because they did not have adequately trained
persons or appropriate institutions; (2) their elites should be trained in
the West; (3) the benefits of development would then trickle down from
developed to developing societies and from the elites to the masses for
there was harmony of interests among all these groups; (4) development
occurred as a unilinear progression. For a more complete analysis of the
modernization paradigm by its primary proponents, see Rostow (1969), Lerner
(1958), Inkeles and Smith (1974), Levy (1966), Harbison and Myers (1964).


MSU/WID


-3-







the Latin American originated dependencia school (later called dependency
school) which developed in the 1960s.1 During the 1970s and 1980s, global
interdependence and world systems approaches have been emerging.2

Many of the early theorists of both the modernization and the dependencia
traditions ignored women, assuming that the effects of development and under-
development3 would be the same for all segments of a society (Tiano, 1981).
This incorrect assumption has been addressed by scholars of both traditions
who have created the women in international development (WID) literature.4

This literature grew rapidly in the 1970s, beginning with Ester Boserup's
cogent Women's Role in Economic Development (1970). Subsequent writers built
on critiques of the early modernization and dependencia schools starting with
the assumptions of developmentalism and dependency.

The Developmental Paradigm:

Developmentalists responded to the failures of the first and second United
Nations Decade for Development (1960s and 1970s) documented by (1) a lack of
improvement in the lives of the poorer 40% of the people in countries
undergoing rapid modernization (and, in many cases, increasing impoverishment
in real and relative income), (2) burgeoning national debts, (3) continued
high infant mortality rates, (4) exploding urban centers unable to provide
basic services, (5) decreased food production, and (6) increased
militarization of many countries. These failures created a crises for the
modernization theoretical model on which programs had been based.

1 The dependencia theory is generally associated with Frank (1972). The
primary concerns of this theory include: (1) the global system as the unit
of analysis; (2) the primary cause of underdevelopment was external to the
national society, created by expansion of capitalism; (3) conflict of inter-
ests predominates between international and national groups. The dialogue
also includes works of Dos Santos (1970), Amin (1976), Beckford (1972), and
Bodenheimer (1971).
2 The world-systems approach was articulated by Wallerstein (1974). Chase-
Dunn (1975), Portes and Walton (1981), and several essays in Meyer and
Hannan (1979) are others contributing to this tradition.
3 "Development" was used primarily by developmentalists, while "under-
development" emerged from the dependency paradigm as concepts associated
with an interpretation of the reasons for the historical conditions of Latin
American, Asian, and African countries.

4 Many of the WID writers have ignored much of the Western Feminist tradi-
tion by strongly repudiating Western Radical Feminism (Navarro, M., 1979;
Black, 1981). They have, however, been part of the Marxist-Feminist, as well
as the Socialist-Feminist, positions. For the Marxist-Feminist tradition,
see Leacock (1972), Sacks (1975), and Saffioti (1977). For a Radical Femi-
nist approach, see Firestone (1970), Redstockings (1978). Eisenstein (1979)
critiques and synthesizes the two traditions from the Socialist-Feminist
perspective, while Beneria and Sen (1981) apply it to an explanation of
international development and underdevelopment. A general overview of all
the feminist approaches can be found in Struhl and Jaggar (1978), while a
synthesis of feminist and WID frameworks is found in Jaquette (1982).


MSU/WID







Developmentalists modified the early modernization assumptions agreeing
that development is not a unilinear model. There are many ways in which
current Third World countries have very different experiences from those
recorded in European history. Industrialization, development, Westernization,
and democratization are distinct processes, both conceptually and empirically,
heavily influenced by their respective contexts. Developmentalists have also
focused on tne uneven costs and benefits of social and cultural changes on
different groups within a nation thus moving away from earlier assumptions
that benefits would "trickle down" equally to all. This perspective is
reflected in the focus of international development projects on the rural poor
as the target population. Additionally, this perspective is reflected in the
goals for reaching and integrating the marginalized rural and urban poor into
the development process (Coombs, 1980; World Bank, 1980).

The developmentalists, who have become more strongly involved in issues of
global interdependence, propose that rich countries share some of their wealth
with poorer countries--including the technology and science. The emphasis is
on growth with distribution..

Much of the women in development literature which has evolved from this
theory has focused on the negative impacts of development on women--particu-
larly on poor rural women (Boserup, 1970; Tinker and Bramsen, 1976; Dixon,
1978; Staudt, 1979a; Dauber and Cain, 1981).

The WID critique of developmentalism has branched into two streams. The
larger one proposes "integrating women into development," while the second
suggests changing development to meet women's needs. This second approach is
sometimes known as the "female-sphere" orientation.

The writers who propose integrating women into development have tended to
stress the importance of having women work within the development framework for
the success of the process itself (Germain, 1976/77). They have pointed to
situations where development efforts failed because women were not considered.
Boserup (1970:63-64) analyzed the case of Nigerian women who set fire to a
neighboring market out of fear that they would lose their land to the male
farmers who were working with European development specialists. Writers have
also pointed to incidences where women refused to farm because they felt over-
burdened by the hand weeding which they had to do on larger and larger pieces
of land which the men were bringing under cultivation with tractors (Muntemba,
1982). Scholars of this tradition have also stressed the importance of
considering the family as the unit of analysis (Bould, 1982; Schultz, 1982).

Some writers have argued that there is no need to integrate women in
development--they are already integrated and are being overburdened by develop-
ment. The important thing is to recognize this fact and to provide support for
their work (Papanek, 1981).

Those who propose changing development to suit women argue that women have
a culture which is different from the male culture in that it values life,
peace, local control, self-reliance, gentleness, etc. These value orientations
are critical to the survival of humanity and thus must be incorporated into


MSU/WID







development efforts, rather than incorporating women into a male-dominated
system which stresses values inappropriate at this critical point in history
(Boulding, 1977, 1981; Pietila, 1982; Rogers, 1980).

Furthermore, some studies suggest that women derive power and satisfaction
from their separate spheres. However, the separate sphere arguments have been
used, traditionally, by men to justify continued male dominance and the failure
to include women into broader power positions (Jaquette, 1982:280).

The Dependency Paradigm:

There were two basic reactions to the dependencia theory of the 1960s.
Some writers presented a more liberal dependency version and introduced issues
which hadn't been explored by early writers of this tradition (Munoz, 1981; Erb
and Kallab, 1975) while other analysts critiqued dependencia for being insuf-
ficiently "Marxist" (Taylor, 1981; Laclau, 1971).

Within the liberal dependency tradition, several writers examined the
impact of national dependency on women. Both Remy (1975) and Van Allen (1974)
assessed how urban centers, which were created in response to some of the
production needs of the dominant powers of the world, tended to exaggerate the
powerlessness of women more than ever before. Capitalist economic development
patterns have introduced or reinforced traditional structural inequalities
within the urban economy.

Other writers explored the impact of colonialism on the position of women.
Matsepe (1977) and Van Allen (1974) examined how colonial powers were able to
pay miners such low wages because women working in subsistence agriculture
could support the next generation of workers without needing any part of the
miner's wages. However, Muntemba (1982) explored how the penetration of a
colonial power, determined to exploit mineral resources, led to the dislocation
of women's agricultural power base.

Attention to the use of women as low-paid laborers within multinational
firms which produce goods to be used by dominant world societies is also part
of tnis approach (Changing Role of S. E. Asian Women, 1979; Lim, 1981; Salaff,
1981; Wong, 1981).

D'Onofrio-Flores (1982) proposed that incorporating women into nationally
defined productive activities will not necessarily change their subordinate
position but may simply further exploit them. Women are kept as a reserve army
of labor which can be pulled into or pushed out of the labor force as neces-
sitated by tne capitalistic cycles of boom and bust (Benston, 1969). Thus the
mode of production as well as the development strategy are critical factors in
determining the social impacts on women.

The Marxist Critique:

The Marxist critique of both the developmentalist and the dependency
paradigms has led to a coordination of concerns between persons interested in
women in development and in the Marxist-Feminist tradition of Western Feminism.


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Engels (1972), who provided the analytic foundation for the Marxist-
Feminist approach, proposed that the decline in the status of women occurred
with the establishment of private property and with the evolution of the
nuclear family as an economic unit of production. Women then became "wifely
wards" helping to create surplus wealth (Sacks, 1975). Further extension of
the Marxist-Feminist approach suggests that currently families are no longer
units of production but of consumption and women specialize in that role.

Deere (1976) examined how women's unpaid and undervalued subsistence work
reproduces and subsidizes capital accumulation. There are other ways women
support capitalistic growth. They (1) reproduce and socialize workers for the
capitalist system; (2) provide psychological support to buttress the hardships
of the work force; (3) spearhead family consumption of items produced in the
marketplace (Saffioti, 1977; Zaretsky, 1976; Eisenstein, 1979).

Deere and De Leal (1981) have used the Marxist framework to analyze the
role of women in agriculture in three different areas of the Andes character-
ized by different degrees of capitalist penetration. They concluded that
although the sexual division of labor appeared more flexible in the two agri-
cultural areas which had greater capitalist penetration, both women and men
tended to undervalue women's work. Also, as capitalist relations of production
became more widespread, women became a smaller part of the wage market. They
concluded that women's subordination in the production area reflected their
subordination to men.

The Socialist Feminist Fusion:

The Socialist-Feminist criticism of Marxism is that Marxists subsume the
"woman question" under a general critique of capitalism (Jaquette, 1982;
Eisenstein, 1979). The contribution of this school is to analyze the combined
effects of both patriarchy and capitalism, examining both the reproductive and
productive bases for women's subordination.

Eisenstein clearly delineates the problem as being a system of power
derived from Capitalist Patriarchy (1979:5). The nuclear family is the point
at which both systems intersect. Patriarchy creates the hierarchical political
system within society while capitalism feeds off of that ordering through the
supportive role of women as consumers, reproducers, and cheap laborers. This
situation of women is shown by Gallin (1982) in an historical analysis of the
changing position of women in Taiwan. Though they are very active in the
industrial sector, young women's power remains greatly circumscribed by their
families which will eventually marry them off to serve another family unit.

Beneria and Sen (1981) critique Boserup's work from the Socialist-Feminist
perspective emphasizing the importance of women's domestic and reproductive
functions as a sphere which cannot be ignored--as well as women's productive
functions--in examining the subordination of women. The conclusion of the
Socialist-Feminist school is that women's oppression is based on an interaction
of gender with race, class, and underdevelopment.


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Contributions of Women in Development Scholarship


There are several ways that attention to women's responses to socioeconomic
and cultural change has contributed both to the enrichment of the theories of
social change and to the guiding of person's involved in international
development activities.

A primary contribution has been to redefine the units of analysis. The
empirical research of scientists within the women in development tradition has
clearly indicated that it is inadequate to assume that nations, regions or
subregions are sufficient units of analysis. Subgroups within the population
are dissimilarly affected by socioeconomic and cultural change. Groups of
people, who are structurally situated in different parts of society through
their relationships to one another and to the production and political
processes, will be differentially affected by change. Thus they need to be
separately analyzed--women, men, children, ethnic groups, social classes, etc.

Furthermore, the household cannot be considered a unit while ignoring the
relationships within the household, for age and gender are important in
determining different life experiences (Beneria, 1982). The Western nuclear
family model with a dominant, protective male household head cannot be
accepted as a norm. Each configuration must be carefully examined on its
own.1

Several important concepts have been revised and expanded through the
contributions of WID scholars. The traditional concept of labor, which has
been too narrowly defined in the past leading to the invisibility of women's
contributions, has been broadened to include not only wage labor and work done
for exchange, but also unpaid labor and production for use within the informal
segments of the economy and within the household (Arizpe, 1977; Jules-Rosette,
1982; Beneria, 1982). This broader definition will indeed show that women are
already well integrated into development. They only need to be "discovered"
and supported or "de-integrated" from their heavy work load.

WID scholars are exploring how the "public and private" spheres are
integrally related to each other (Beneria, 1982). Traditionally, women have
been assigned to the "private sphere" of the home while many of the visible
economic production and political activities have moved to the "public sphere"
outside the household. Men have traditionally operated within that sphere.
Currently, the interpenetration of these arenas is being analyzed.

In addition, research methodologies include highlighting the importance of
measures of time use rather than relying simply on measures of economic value.

Another contribution is attention to the importance of using research
personnel who are culturally accessible to both men and women to obtain the
perspectives of both. A related contribution is the underscoring of the
different communication patterns and methods which exist between men and


1For an interesting analysis of how a very fluid household structure affects
the power of women, see Schuster (1982a).


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women. These channels coexist but their complementarity is open to question.
Research on this issue requires a great deal of sensitivity, even among those
persons from the country of concern.

Finally, there are additional issues which have been strongly addressed
within the women in development tradition. These issues have included: (1)
the division of labor between the gender and social class; (2) the definition
and consequences of different work patterns for women; (3) the type and func-
tions of technology transferred among nations; (4) the types of training which
are realistically articulated with the needs of the learners.

These contributions have policy implications for those who choose to become
involved in planned social changes to increase the capacity of people
to influence their future" (Bryant and White, 1982). Persons interested in
international development cannot ignore the fact that over 50 percent of the
world's population are women. Furthermore, the contributions of the women in
development field have broader implications for strengthening human development
efforts.


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SUGGESTED READINGS


Social Impacts of International Development


Boserup, Ester. Women's Role in Economic Development. 1970. New York: St.
Martin's Press. 225 pp.

Bossen, Laurel. "Women in Modernizing Societies." American Ethnologist, Vol.
2, 1975. pp. 587-601.

Bourque, Susan C. and Kay Barbara Warren. Women of the Andes: Patriarchy and
Social Change in Two Peruvian Towns. 1981. Ann Arbor: The University of
Michigan Press. 241 pp.

Cain, Melinda L. "Java, Indonesia: The Introduction of Rice Processing Tech-
nology." In Roslyn Dauber and Melinda Cain (eds.), Women and Technological
Change in Developing Countries. 1981. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 127-
137.

Carr, Marilyn. Appropriate Technology for African Women. 1978. United Nations
Economic Commission for Africa. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: P.O. Box 3001. 90 pp.

Cnaney, Elsa M. and Martha W. Lewis. Creating a "Women's Component": A Case
Study in Rural Jamaica. 1981. Washington, DC: Office of Women in Develop-
ment. U.S. Agency for International Development. 32 pp.

"Changing Role of S.E. Asian Women: The Global Assembly Line and the Social
Manipulation of Women on the Job." Southeast Asia Chronicle, No. 66, Jan/Feb.
1979/Pacific Research. 26 pp.

Deere, Carmen Diana. "The Division of Labor by Sex in Agriculture: A
Peruvian Case Study." Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 30, No.
4, July, 1982. pp. 795-811.

Carmen Diana. "Rural Women's Subsistence Production in the
Capitalist Periphery." Review of Radical Political Economy, Vol. 8,- No. 1,
1976. pp. 9-17.

Dixon, Ruth B. Rural Women at Work. 1978. New York: Johns Hopkins Press.
227 pp.

Elmendorf, Mary. Women, Water and the Decade. WASH Technical Report No. 6.
June 1981. Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for International Development. 22 pp.


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Elmendorf, Mary and Raymond B. Isley. Water and Sanitation-Related Heal h
Constraints on Women's Contribution to the Economic Development of Communities.
1982. Water and Sanitation for Healtn Project (WASH), 1611 North Kent Street,
Room 1002, Arlington, VA 22209. 29 pp.

Gallin, Rita S. The Impact of Development on Women's Work and Status: A Case
Study from Taiwan. Working Paper #09, 1982. Women in International Develop-
ment, 202 Center for International Programs, Michigan State University, East
Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 27 pp.

Guilbert, Madeleine. "Women and Work: The Effects of Technological Change."
Impact of Science on Society, Vol. 20, No. 1 (January-March), 1970. pp. 85-91.

Hemmings-Gapihan, Grace S. "International Development and the Evolution of
Women's Economic Roles: A Case Study from Northern Gulma, Upper Volta." In
Edna G. Bay (ed.), Women and Work in Africa. 1982. Boulder, CO: Westview
Press. pp. 171-189.

Jules-Rosette, Bennetta. Women's Work in the Informal Sector: A Zambian Case
Study. Working Paper No. 3, 1982. Women in International Development, 202
Center for International Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI
48824-1035. 24 pp.

Lim, Linda. "Women's Work in Multinational Electronic Factories." In Roslyn
Dauber and Melinda L. Cain (eds.), Women and Technological Change in Developing
Countries. 1981. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 181-190.

MacCormack, Carol P. "Control of Land, Labor, and Capital in Rural Southern
Sierra Leone." In Edna G. Bay (ed.), Women and Work in Africa. 1982. Boulder,
CO: Westview Press. pp. 35-53.

Matsepe, Ivy. "Underdevelopment and African Women." Journal of Southern
African Affairs, 1977. pp. 135-143.

Muntemba, Maud Shimwaayi. "Women and Agricultural Change in the Railway Region
of Zambia: Dispossession and Counterstrategies." In Edna G. Bay (ed.), Women
and Work in Africa. 1982. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 83-103.

Murray, Eloise (ed.). Responding to the Needs of Rural Women: Proceedings of
a Conference sponsored by The Center for Women in Development, The South-Ea$t
Consortium for International Development and the United States Department f
Agriculture. 1981. SECID, 1901 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Suite 300, Washington,
OC 20006. 98 pp.

Papanek, Hanna. "The Differential Impact of Programs and Policies on Women n
Development." In Roslyn Dauber and Melinda Cain (eds.), Women and Technolog-
ical Change in Developing Countries. 1981. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
pp. 215-227.

Poole, Debbie. "Parallelism in Andean Social Structures: The Effects @f
Social Change on Women's Status." Paper in Women's Studies, Vol. 1, No. ,
1975. pp. 122-146.


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Remy, Dorothy. "Underdevelopment and the Experience of Women: A Nigerian Case
Study." In Rayna R. Reiter (ed.), Toward an Anthropology of Women. 1975. New
York: Monthly Review Press. pp. 358-371.

Robertson, Claire. "Change in the Organization of the Fish Trade in Twentieth
Century Accra." African Urban Notes,,Vol. 2, No. 2, 1976. pp. 43-58.

Rogers, Barbara. The Domestication of Women: Discrimination in Developing
Societies. 1980. New York: Tavistock Publications. 200 pp.

Salaff, Janet. Working Daughters of Hong Kong: Filial Piety or Power in the
Family? 1981. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 317 pp.

Schuster, Ilsa. Cycles of Dependence and Independence: Westernization and the
African Heritage of Lusaka's Young Women. Working Paper #07, 1982a. Women in
International Development, 202 Center for International Programs, Michigan
State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 30 pp.

_Ilsa. "Marginal Lives: Conflict and Contradiction in the Position
of Female Traders in Lusaka, Zambia." In Edna G. Bay (ed.), Women and Work in
Africa. 1982b. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 105-126.

Smock, Audrey Chapman. Women's Education in Developing Countries: Opportun-
ities and Outcomes. 1981. New York: Praeger Publishers. 293 pp.

Srinivasan, Mangalam. "Impact of Selected Industrial Technologies on Women in
Mexico." In Roslyn Dauber and Melinda Cain (eds.), Women and Technological
Change in Developing Countries. 1981. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 89-
108.

Staudt, Kathleen A. "Women Farmers and Inequities in Agricultural Services."
In Edna G. Bay (ed.), Women and Work in Africa. 1982. Boulder, CO: Westview
Press. pp. 207-224.

Kathleen A. Development Interventions and Differential Technology
Impact Between Men and Women. 1979a. Paper presented at the Third Annual
Third World Conference, 24-27 October, University of Nebraska at Omana. May
be copied at: Women in International Development, 202 Center for
International Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI
48824-1035. 21 pp.

Kathleen A. Tracing Sex Differentiation in Donor Agricultural
Programs. 1979b. Paper prepared for the American Political Science
Association Annual Meeting, 30 August-3 September, Washington, DC. May be
copied at: Women in International Development, 202 Center for International
Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 43 pp.

Steel, William F. "Female and Small-Scale Employment Under Modernization in
Ghana." Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 30, No. 1, 1981.
pp. 153-167.


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Tinker, Irene. "The Adverse Impact of Development on women." In Irene TinKer
and Michele 80 Bransen (eds.), Women and World Development. 1976. 'washington,
DC: Overseas Development Council. pp. 22-34.

Irene and Micnele Bo Bramsen (eds.). Women and World Development.
1976. Washington, DC: Overseas Development Council. 228 pp.

Van Allen, Judith. "Women in Africa: Modernization Means More Dependency."
The Center Magazine, May/June, 1974. pp. 60-67.

Wellesley Editorial Committee. Women and National Development: The Complex-
ities of Change. 1977. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. 346 pp.

Wily, Liz. Women and Development: A Case Study of Ten Tanzanian Villages.
1981. May be copied at: Women in International Development, 202 Center for
International Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035.
147 pp.

Wong, Aline K. "Planned Development, Social Stratification and the Sexual
Division of Labor in Singapore." Signs, Vol. 7, No. 2, Winter, 1981. pp.
434-452.

'World Bank. Women in Development. 1980. Washington, DC: International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development. 16 pp.

World Bank. Recognizing the "Invisible" Woman in Development: The World Bapk
Experience. 1979. Washington, DC: International Bank for Reconstruction amd
Development. 33 pp.


Women and International Development Theories and Approaches


Arizpe, Lourdes. "Women in the Informal Labor Sector: The Case of Mexico
City." In The Wellesley Editorial Committee (ed.), Women and National
Development: The Complexities of Change. 1977. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press. pp. 25-37.

Atkinson, Jane Monnig. "Anthropology." Signs, Vol. 8, No. 2, 1982. pp. 236-
258.

Beneria, Lourdes. "Accounting for Women's Work." In Lourdes Beneria (ed.),
Women and Development: The Sexual Division of Labor in Rural Societies. 1982.
New York: Pergamon Press. pp. 119-147.

Lourdes and Gita Sen. "Accumulation, Reproduction, and Women's
Role in Economic Development: Boserup Revisited." Signs, Vol. 7, No. 2, 1981.
pp. 279-298.

Benston, Margaret. "The Political Economy of Women's Liberation." Monthly
Review, September, 1969. pp. 1-15.


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Black, Naomi and Ann Baker Cottrell (eds.). Women and World Change: Equity
Issues in Development. 1981. Beverly Hills: Sage Publishers. 288 pp.

Blumberg, Rae Lesser. Stratification: Socioeconomic and Sexual Inequality.
1978. Dubuque, IA: Wm. C. Brown Company Publishers. 127 pp.

Boserup, Ester. Women's Role in Economic Development. 1970. New York: St.
Martin's Press. 225 pp.

Bould, Sally. Women and the Family: Theoretical Perspectives on Development.
Working Paper #13, 1982. Women in International Development, 202 Center for
International Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035.
18 pp.

Boulding, Elise. "Integration into What? Reflections on Development Planning
for Women." In Roslyn Dauber and Melinda Cain (eds.), Women and Technological
Change in Developing Countries. 1981. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 9-32.

SElise. Women in the Twentieth Century World. 1977. New York:
Sage Publications. 264 pp.

D'Onofrio-Flores, Pamela. "The Role of Women in Science, Technology and
Development: Perspectives on UNCSTD." In Volker Rittberger (ed.), Science and
Tecnnology in a Changing International Order: The United Nations Conference
on Science and Technology for Development. 1982. Boulder, CO: Westview
Press. pp. 187-211.

Deckard, Barbara. "Theories of Women's Liberation." In The Women's Movement.
1975. New York: Harper and Row. pp. 414-437.

Deere, Carmen Diana and Magdalena Leon de Leal. "Peasant Production, Prole-
tarianization, and the Sexual Division of Labor in the Andes." Signs, Vol. 7,
No. 2, 1981. pp. 338-360.

Eisenstein, Zillah. "Developing a Theory of Capitalist Patriarchy and Social-
ist Feminism." In Zillah R. Eisenstein (ed.), Capitalist Patriarchy and the
Case for Socialist Feminism. 1979. New York: Monthly Review Press. pp. 5-40.

Firestone, Shulasmith. The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution.
1970. New York: Morrow. 274 pp.

Friedl, Ernestine. Women and Men: An Anthropologist's View. 1975. New York,
NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 148 pp.

Germain, Adrienne. "Poor Rural Women: A Policy Perspective." Journal of
International Affairs, Vol. 30, No. 2, 1976-77. New York, NY: Columbia
University, School of International Affairs. pp. 161-172.

Jaquette, Jane S. "Women and Modernization Theory: A Decade of Feminist
Criticism." World Politics, Vol. 34 (January), No. 2, 1982. pp. 267-284.

Kelly, Gail and Carolyn M. Elliott (eds.). Women's Education in the Third
World: Comparative Perspectives. 1982. Albany: SUNY. 406 pp.


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Leacock, Eleanor Burke. "Introduction." In Friedrich Engels, The Origin of
tne Family, Private Property and the State. 1972. New York: International
Publishers. pp. 7-67.

Leet, Mildred Robbins. "Roles of Women: UNCSTO Background Discussion Paper."
In Roslyn Dauber and Melinda Cain (eds.), Women and Technological Change in
Developing Countries. 1981. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 229-251.

Meillassoux, Claude. Maidens, Meal and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic
Community. 1981. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 196 pp.

The NFE Exchange. "Women in Development." No. 13, 1978. Non-Formal Education
Information Center, College of Education, 237 Erickson Hall, Michigan State
University, East Lansing, MI 48824. 20 pp.

The NFE Exchange. "Women and Production." No. 22, 1981. Non-Formal Education
Information Center, College of Education, 237 Erickson Hall, Michigan State
University, East Lansing, MI 48824. 28 pp.

Navarro, Marysa. "Research on Latin American Women." Signs, Vol. 5, No. 1,
Autumn, 1979. pp. 111-120.

Nelson, Nici. Why Has Development Neglected Rural Women? Women in Development
Series, Vol. 1, 1979. Elmsford, NY: Pergamon Press, Inc. 108 pp.

Newland, Kathleen. The Sisterhood of Man. 1979. New York: W. W. Norton and
Company, Inc. 242 pp.

Pietila, Hilkka. An Other Development with Women. 1982. Paper presented at
the 25th Anniversary World Conference of the Society for International
Development, 3uly 18-22, Baltimore, MD. May be copied at: Women in
International Development, 202 Center for International Programs, Michigan
State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 11 pp.

Rogers, Barbara. The Domestication of Women: Discrimination in Developing
Societies. 1980. New York: Tavistock Publications. 200 pp.

Rosaldo, M. Z. "The Use and Abuse of Anthropology: Reflections on Feminism
and Cross-Cultural Understanding." Signs, Vol. 5, No. 3. 1980. pp. 389-417.

Sacks, Karen. "Engels Revisited: Women, the Organization of Production, and
Private Property." In Rayna R. Reiter (ed.), Toward an Anthropology of Women.
1975. New York: Monthly Review Press. pp. 211-234.

Saffioti, Heleieth I. B. The Impact of Industrialization on the Structure of
Female E-ployment. Working Paper #15, 1983. Women in International Develop-
ment, 202 Center for International Programs, Michigan State University, East
Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 45 pp.

Heleieth I. B. "women, Mode of Production, and Social
Formations." Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 4, No. 1, 2, 1977. pp. 27-37.


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Schultz, T. Paul. Women and Economics of the Family: Some Concepts and
Issues. 1982. Paper prepared for the Rockefeller Foundation workshop "Women,
Households and Fuman Capital Development in Low Income Countries," 12-14 July,
Seven Springs Conference Center. May be copied at: Women in International
Development, 202 Center for International Programs, Michigan State University,
East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 17 pp.

Steel, William F. and Claudia Campbell. "Women's Employment and Development:
A Conceptual Framework Applied to Ghana." In Edna G. Bay (ed.), Women and Work
in Africa. 1982. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 225-247.'

Struhl, Paula R. and Alison M. Jaggar (eds.). Feminist Frameworks:
Alternative Theoretical Accounts of the Relations Between women and Men.
1978. New York: McGraw-Hill. 333 pp.

Tiano, Susan. The Separation of Women's Remunerated and Household Work:
Theoretical Perspectives on "Women in Development". Working Paper #02. 1981.
East Lansing, MI: women in International Development. Michigan State Univer-
sity. 22 pp.


Selected International Development Theories and Approaches


Abdalla, Ismael-Sabri. Twenty-Five Years of Development Experience. 1982.
Speech given at the 25th Anniversary Conference of the Society for Interna-
tional Development, 18-22 July, Baltimore, MD. Notes from the Conference may
be copied at: Women in International Development, 202 Center for International
Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035.

Amin, Samir. Unequal Development: An Essay on the Social Formations of
Peripheral Capitalism. 1976. New York: Monthly Review Press. 440 pp.

Beckford, George L. Persistent Poverty: Underdevelopment in Plantation
Economies of the Third World. 1972. New York: Oxford University Press. 303 pp.

Bergman, Arlene E. Women of Vietnam. 1975. San Francisco: Peoples Press.
255 pp.

Bodenneimer, Suzanne. "The Ideology of Developmentalism, the American
Paradigm: Surrogate for Latin American Studies." Comparative Politics
Studies Vol. 2. 1971. 52 pp.

Brandt, Willy North-South: A Program for Survival. 1980. Cambridge, MA:
The MIT Press. 304 pp.

Bryant, Coralie and Louise G. White. Managing Development in the Third World.
1982. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. 322 pp.

Coombs, Philip Hall. Meeting the Basic Needs of the Rural Poor: The Inte-
grated Community Based Approach. 1980. New York: Pergamon Press. 816 pp.


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Dos Santos, Theotonio. "The Structure of Dependence." American Economic
Review, Vol. 60, 1970. pp. 231-242.

Engels, Friedrich. The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State.
1972. New York: International Publishers. 285 pp.

Erb, Guy F. and V. Kallab (eds.). Beyond Dependency: The Developing World
Speaks Out. 1975. Washington: Overseas Development Council. 238 pp.

Evans, Peter. Dependent Development: The Alliance of Multinational State and
Local Capital in Brazil. 1979. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
362 pp.

Frank, Andre Gunder. "The Development of Underdevelopment." In J. D.
Cockcroft, A. G. Frank, and D. L. Johnson (eds.), Dependence and Underdevelop-
ment in Latin America's Political Economy. 1972. New York: Anchor Books.
pp. 3-17.

Furtado, Celso. "The Concept of External Dependence." In Charles Wilber
(ed.), The Political Economy of Development and Underdevelopment. 1973. New
York: Random House. pp. 118-123.

Galtung, Johan. "The Politics of Self-Reliance." In Heraldo Mu'oz (ed.), From
Dependency to Development: Strategies to Overcome Underdevelopment ad
Inequality. 1981. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 173-196.

Johan. "A Structural Theory of Imperialism." Journal of Peace
Research, vol. 13, No. 2, 1971.

Harbison, Frederick and Charles A. Myers. Education, Manpower and Economc
Growth: Strategies of Human Resource Development. 1964. New York: McGraw-
Hill. 229 pp.

Inkeles, Alex and David Smith. Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six
Developing Countries. 1974. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 437
PP.

Laclau, Ernesto. "Capitalism and Feudalism in Latin America." New Left
Review, Vol. 67, May-June, 1971.

Lerner, Daniel. The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle
East. 1958. New York: The Free Press. 466 pp.

Levy, Marion. Modernization and the Structure of Societies: A Setting for
International Affairs. 1966. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Pres_
855 pp.

Meyer, John and Michael T. Hannan (eds.). National Development and the World
System: Educational, Economic and Political Change, 1950-1970. 1979.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 334 pp.

' Munoz, Heraldo (ed.). From Dependency to Development: Strategies to Overcome
Underdevelopment and Inequality. 1981. Boulder, CO: westview Press. 336 pp.


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Portes, Alejandro and John Walton. Labor, Class and the International System.
1981. New York: Academic Press. 230 pp.

Rostow, W. W. "The Stages of Economic Growth." In D. E. Nenack and R.
LeKachman (eds.), Development and Society: The Dynamics of Economic Change.
1969. New York: St. Martin's Press.

Seers, Dudley. "The New Meaning of Development." International Development
Review, No. 3, 1977. pp. 2-7.

Soedjatmoko. Twenty-Five Years of Development Experience. 1982. Speech
given at the 25th Anniversary Conference of the Society for International
Development, 18-22 July, Baltimore, MD. Notes from the Conference may be
copied at: Women in International Development, 202 Center for International
Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035.

Taylor, John. From Modernization to Modes of Production. 1981. 2nd edition.
London and Basingstoke: Macmillan. 335 pp.

Urdang, Stephanie. Fighting Two Colonialisms: Women in Guinea-Bissau. 1979.
New York: Monthly Review Press. 320 pp.

Wallerstein, Immanuel. The Modern World System. 1974. New York: Academic
Press. 410 pp.

Zaretsky, Eli. Capitalism, the Family and Personal Life. 1976. New York:
Harper and Row. 156 pp.


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2. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT


The World System

International development is a complex process. This process is frequently
perceived in the U.S. as a hierarchical arrangement between a donor group and
a recipient group. The reciprocal nature of the benefits and the costs are
obscure. This misperception masks the interdependence of the relationship, in
which each contributes to the other because of a direct or indirect gain held
to be significant and important (Legum, 1983). For example, unaware Americans
think of the food distributions of P.L. 480 to crisis-ridden developing
countries simply as handouts to the poor. They fail to see the benefits to
the U.S. economy this brings, for in reality this food is generally excess
commodities held off the market to keep the crop prices high enough to pay back
farmers the technologically expensive cost of production. Development efforts
also: (1) build markets for U.S.-made goods and services (Francis, 1982; 1983),
(2) attempt to support social stability in areas of the world militarily
strategic to the U.S. (Newsom, 1981) and (3) make available valuable natural
resources on which the U.S. economy depends (Hull, 1981). These benefits to
the donor nation create the following advantages for the recipient country:
(1) provide capital, technologies, and skills, and (2) help Host Country
governments to placate restless, dissatisfied urban masses. The reciprocal
benefits and costs of development processes are variously acknowledged and
differentially valued by the many development theories and approaches discussed
in Chapter One. The particular development concept guides the development
professionals both in the donor and Host Country.

Recent criticisms of the European Economic Community (EEC) demonstrates
that the self-interest phenomenon in international development is not unique
to the U.S. (Zimbabwe Herald, 4/11/83:7). The Western-type food sent to
developing countries is criticized as gifts to rid the EEC community of the
surplus food produced by its 8 million farmers. This food tends to alter the
recipient countries' consumption habits which builds a market for more such
goods and also undermines local food production.

Within the context of global activities, governments attempt to institute
planned change which will reinforce their interests. While the protagonists
of planned change consider it international development (Gordon, 1980), critics
of the processes and the outcomes frequently call it imperialism (Meillassoux,
1981; Navarro, V., 1979; Navarro and Berman, 1981). However, historical
analyses of social change from the point of view of the poor majority in many
countries suggest that, regardless of what the process is called and whether
or not the West is involved, the outcome of the change process is frequently
the same. The poor majority, including many Third World women and their
families, are affected in profoundly negative ways. Even more broadly,


MSU/WID


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stinging indictments frequently have been made of development efforts in
general as benefitting the elites of the rich and the poor countries at the
expense of both rich and poor country underclasses (Newman, 1981).

For example, a recently completed bibliography (Adams, 1982) examines the
hypothesis that, in designated geographic areas, as agricultural production
increases there is a tendency for food consumption by the residents of that
area to decrease. Another publication (Lunven, 1982) with a similar perspec-
tive explains that as cash cropping of small farms and credit to support it
increase, the land available for food crops and thus local food availability
declines--and prices go up. Because of increased credit and increased infla-
tion, effective demand (e.g., spendable cash) may not increase. The nutrition
of the children and likely the women in the cash crop growers' families is thus
shown to be at higher risk than before the agricultural changes. However, the
U.S. industrial management and labor beneficiaries of the "buy America" clause
in U.S. development efforts (e.g., farm machinery, agricultural chemicals) are
frequently better off. The clause, usually written into documents authorizing
U.S. government funds for international development activities, stipulates that
goods and services must be U.S.-made procurements from a U.S. vendor, or a
government waiver is required. Similarly, international travel of the develop-
ment consultants must be made on U.S. carriers (U.S. Agency for International
Development).

The University Context

Similar to the complex interdependence which exists between the U.S. and
Host Countries governments is the relationship which exists at the institu-
tional level between development agencies and U.S. universities. In exchange
for badly needed professional and technical personnel sent to assist Host
Countries (for designated periods of time), development efforts bring important
fresh intellectual perspectives and needed resources into university depart-
ments (e.g., outside funds, rich plant germplasm for agricultural research,
etc.). Access to international development research also supports acquisition
of prestigious professional positions in international organizations, and
enriches academic curricula by opening avenues to increased understanding of
contemporary social issues. Development efforts can provide professors with a
long-term route to professional advancement, peer group recognition and a
certain degree of professional autonomy including support for international
travel, research supplies and equipment, and graduate student assistants.

However, within the university setting there are some disadvantages to
being involved in international development such as (1) most of the advantages
are available only to faculty with previously acquired rank and tenure,
(2) teaching and personal life are enriched but also stressed as travel com-
petes with other commitments and (3) without a critical mass of development
colleagues similarly engaged, professional isolation pushes the individual to
the margin of a faculty which previously was considered the academic home. As
a general rule, professional power in the university is ensconced at the
departmental level often dominated by firm protectionism. Attempts to get
limited professional time invested in international development have had to
deal with these phenomena.


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The objectives of most development efforts are presented in altruistic
terms. Indeed, most planners are truly concerned that their efforts bring
favorable results to others. However, even when university departments have a
strong commitment to international work, provincial self-interests of strong
local or regional organizations such as private industrial or agricultural
groups may dominate the efforts. Such interests demonstrate a concern for the
home state first, the nation second, and concern for the international arena a
distant third. For this reason, sometimes anticipated benefits to the donor
countries and to the implementers have had to be clearly articulated and
publicized at the outset.

For example, when a recent $9.8 million international development program
to increase peanut production and consumption in developing countries was
awarded to the University of Georgia, the Georgia Peanut Commission, repre-
senting the Georgia peanut industry, was highly critical. The Commission
Director, referring to the 16,000 Georgia growers his organization represents,
stated that they were overwhelmingly opposed to this funding "of the competi-
tion." Supporters in the Georgia agricultural structure pointed to (1) the
likely increase in peanut purchases from the U.S. once demand is increased (an
important concern since U.S. peanut exports fell from 600 million pounds in
1981 to 300 million pounds in 1982) and (2) the increase in new germplasm
availability from which drought, insect and disease resistance can be bred into
U.S. varieties. This latter benefit to the U.S. is a compelling alternative
to large crop losses or the reliance on increasingly more costly technical
inputs such as insecticides and fungicides (The Tifton Gazette, October 19,
1982).

Since the university is a microcosm of the national and international
arena, one can anticipate without surprise that there are many special inter-
ests and protectionist blinders. In addition, there are professionals who have
dedicated their lives to the technical exploration of a small, narrow component
of their discipline, rarely looking at the context or the broader implications
of their work. Fortunately, at major universities there are usually male and
female scholars who are sensitive, willing to push beyond the boundaries of
their own disciplines and seriously contribute their skills to developing
equitable responses to global problems.

Universities can provide a broad spectrum of disciplinary resources from
which to address international development issues. The complexity of develop-
ment issues, and the diversity within international environments, require
access to basic and applied fields such as natural/biological sciences, social
sciences, history and the humanities, education, management, agriculture, home
economics and health sciences. Universities can provide richness through the
integration of these many disciplines and thus are in a position to build more
realistic and appropriate project teams. For example, at M.S.U., joint
administrative arrangements can be exploited to provide such integration (e.g.,
the department of biochemistry is jointly administered by the College of Human
Medicine, the College of Osteopathic Medicine, the College of Natural Science,
and the College of Agriculture and Natural Resources and thus can be relatively
easily drawn into integrated international health efforts). The successful
universities are those which are able to marshall this array of resources in
ways that are creative and effective.


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An historical aside will illustrate the long-standing importance of a
university system which is increasingly relied upon by U.S. foreign assistance
agencies to provide personnel for international development--the U.S. Land
Grant system. The Morrill Act, signed into law February 12, 1862 by President
Lincoln, authorized the setting aside of public land for one college in each
state whose leading objective was "without excluding other scientific and
classical studies to teach such branches of learning as are related to
agriculture and the mechanic arts. ." These institutions became known as
Land Grant colleges and universities. However, because of the existence of
race discrimination in the U.S. at that time, a second effort was necessary.
The Morrill Act of 1890, signed into law by President Harrison, authorized
increased funds for the Land Grant colleges and specifically stated that no
distinction of race or color was to be made but, where separate colleges for
white and black students were maintained, this would be considered in compli-
ance provided that the funds were equitably divided between the two races.
Therefore, the black agricultural colleges, mostly in the South (and still
today, for the most part, predominantly black), have been known as the 1890
Land Grant schools. Thus has developed the national agricultural higher
education system. Agriculture played a significant role in U.S. higher
education contributing to the evolution of a model frequently adopted in the
international arena. The Agricultural College of the State of Michigan,
established in 1855 on a farm near Lansing, became the Land Grant school for
Michigan and is considered the pioneer school of the Land Grant system
(Cochrane, 1982).

These 1862 and 1890 schools have become a powerful voice in U.S. foreign
policy and assistance. They were among the first to respond to President
Harry S. Truman who, in his 1949 inaugural address, set forth as a fourth point
the national goal of aiding less developed countries. Among the first projects
initiated under "Point Four" were two agricultural training programs, one to
Africa and one to Latin America (Cochrane, 1982). The 1975, Findley-Humphrey
sponsored, Title XII Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act, the most recent
achievement of this powerful group, sets up the structure for a stronger, more
pervasive participation of Land Grant institutions in international development
programs by establishing the basis for a long-term collaboration between these
universities and the international agricultural interests of the U.S. govern-
ment (Title XII Handbook, 1975).

Currently, a broad range of individual U.S. universities, and groups of
universities (both those organized as formal consortia with governing
structures and by-laws and those loosely and informally agreeing to work
together), make up a vast human resource pool providing a range of personnel
and disciplines for international development assistance.

Examples of major consortia of U.S. universities are as follow:

* Midwest University Consortia for International Affairs (MUCIA)
University of Illinois Ohio State University
Indiana University University of Iowa
Michigan State University University of Wisconsin
University of Minnesota


MSU/WID






* Consortium for International Development (CID)
California State Polytechic Texas Technical University
University in Pomona University of Arizona
Colorado State University University of California
Montana State University University of Idaho
New Mexico State University Utah State University
Oregon State University Washington State University


* Mid-America International Agricultural
Iowa State University
Kansas State University

* South-East Consortium for International
1890 Land Grant Members of SECID:
Alabama A & M University
Alcorn State University
Delaware State College
Florida A & M University
Fort Valley State College
Kentucky State University
Langston University
Lincoln University
North Carolina A & T University

1862 Land Grant Members of SECID:
Auburn University
Clemson University
Mississippi State University
North Carolina State University
Pennsylvania State University
University of Florida

Other Member Institutions:
Duke University
Georgia Institute of Technology


Consortium (MIAC)
University of Missouri
University of Nebraska

Development (SECID)

Prairie View A & M University
South Carolina State University
Southern University
Tennessee State University
University of Arkansas (Pine Bluff)
University of Maryland
(Eastern Shore)
Virginia State University
Tuskegee Institute


University of Georgia
University of Kentucky
University of Maryland
University of Tennessee
Virginia Polytechnic Institute
and State University


Research Triangle Institute
University of North Carolina


The labyrinth of political pressures created by the complexity of U.S.
governmental, institutional and individual interests, as well as the additional
pressures created by Host Country governments, institutions and individuals,
reinforces the caution, sensitivity and skill required of the WID professional.
Universities, such as Michigan State University, with strong international
studies and programs structures and resource persons can provide important
supports, as even cumbersome, and sometimes drawn out, organizational policies
and procedures can be used to strengthen the WID position.

The Michigan State University System

As the pioneer Land Grant university in the nation, Michigan State
University made a major commitment to an international perspective when the
university-wide Office of the Dean of International Programs was established
in 1956. In order to emphasize the equal importance of international research,
development efforts and of the international perspective in all areas of study,


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the name was changed in 1970 to the Office of International Studies and
Programs. After 25 years of growth, the international dimension of the
University, as guided by this unit, was reaffirmed in 1981 wheh an all-
university review committee voted to encourage the continued expansion of this
dimension throughout the units of the institution rather than to establish a
separate international school within the University. Thus, Michigan State
University has evolved a decentralized institutional response which encourages
broad faculty and student participation in internationalized academic studies
on campus and strong contributions to appropriate programs abroad including
institution building, training, research and development efforts. Reinforcing
this commitment are (a) area and international studies units, (b) administra-
tive service units, and (c) international program activities and procedures
which concentrate on development assistance to countries in Asia, Africa and
Latin America (Michigan State University, 1982-1983).

Area and International Studies:

Area and International Studies are for the most part administratively under
the Dean of International Studies and Programs but maintain close connections
with cooperating departments and colleges. They are as follow.

African Studies Center--One of the largest and most comprehensive in the
U. S., the Center maintains a small but substantive in-house library and
documentation collection supporting instruction and research about African
societies, politics, economics, languages, literature, health, education,
and agriculture. The Center also coordinates outreach programs, under-
graduate and graduate certificate programs, short-term involvement by
visiting African scholars to the M.S.U. campus, exchange programs with
participating African universities, participation in appropriate activities
by a core group of more than 50 M.S.U. faculty with principal interest in
Africa. The Center maintains an active publications series.

* Asian Studies Center--Concentrates primarily on East Asia (China and Japan)
and, to a limited extent, South Asia. At the University the Center
encourages research and teaching including the development of undergraduate
and graduate curricula. In greater Michigan it encourages activities
associated with media, business, labor and the performing arts. The Center
maintains an association with a core group of 39 faculty, administers
exchange agreements with academic institutions in Asia, and supports an
active publications series.

* Latin American Studies Center--Committed to the promotion of education in
Latin American Studies, the Center coordinates an undergraduate program,
maintains a file on graduate research opportunities in Latin America,
supports publication efforts and establishes links with Latin American
institutions for the exchange of faculty and students.

* Canadian-American Studies Committee--Sponsors faculty and student exchanges
with Canada, coordinates curricula concerned with Canadian history, society
and culture, and encourages a better understanding of Canadian-American
relations. A cognate in Canadian Studies has been developed.


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* Middle-East Studies Committee--Encourages study and research on issues rela-
ted to this area of the world including the ancient Near East (Mesopotamia,
Assyria, Egypt and ancient Israel) and Islamic territories from North
Africa to Pakistan.

Russian and East European Program--Coordinates courses and facilitates a
range of campus-wide activities including lectures and films. Organizes
inter-disciplinary offerings.

Western European Studies Program--Administered by James Madison College, it
coordinates appropriate courses from across campus, language study (includ-
ing a disciplinary course in which the appropriate non-English language is
used), a research paper, and an overseas internship.

Center for Advanced Study in International Development (CASID)--Promotes and
coordinates across area study programs and the activities of students and
faculty from a social science perspective. The Center is concerned broadly
with international development, encouraging undergraduate and graduate
instruction, and multidisciplinary research. The 185 core and consulting
faculty are based in academic units throughout the campus. Multidisci-
plinary, issue-oriented interest groups, seminars, conferences and publica-
tions are supported.

* Office of Women in International Development (WID)--Concentrates on gender-
sensitive scholarship, research and service within the context of interna-
tional development and social change. Multidisciplinary groups of women
and men, students and faculty converge around development topics which
influence the quality of life of women and their families in developing
countries. There is an active publication series. Project advisement is
an important function of this group.

* The Non-Formal Education Information Center (NFEIC)--Associated with the
College of Education, it seeks to serve program planners, practitioners,
and researchers concerned with the generation and use of knowledge about
nonformal education and development. The Center functions as a clearing-
house for resources, conducts research, publishes, and facilitates an
exchange of ideas and project information. Highlights of the Center's work
include The NFE Exchange, topical annotated bibliographies, occasional
papers, an NFE resource collection, training workshops, and a special focus
relating to women in development. Technical assistance is provided to
organizations in Africa, Asia and Latin America.

* Additional major internationally oriented academic units which maintain sub-
stantial international instruction and research include the language
teaching departments, various departments in the College of Agriculture and
Natural Resources, the departments of Political Science, Anthropology,
Sociology, and Geography, units in the College of Education, international
affairs in James Madison College, and many others.


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Administrative Service Units:


Administrative Service Units represent an array of support and coordinating
functions available to the colleges and departments on campus.

Office of the Dean of International Studies and Programs--Facilitates the
decentralized international program activities, collaborating with other
Deans in coordinating and motivating international programming. The Dean's
Office represents the University's international interests with domestic
and international organizations, agencies, institutions, and consortia.
With the assistance of the Advisory/Consultative Committee this Office
reviews and advises the development of M.S.U. international projects,
studies initiatives, student and scholar activities, and other related
concerns.

* Office of International Students and Scholars--Serves non-U.S. students and
visiting international scholars and plays a special support role for many
sponsors. Maintaining a roster of over 1400 non-U.S. students, many of
whom have accompanying families, the Office deals with such critical issues
as funding of international students, visas, housing, academic program
liaisons, and other support functions.

* Overseas Study Office--Complements on-campus courses by facilitating study
opportunities abroad through the joint auspices of various academic units,
International Studies and Programs, and Life-Long Education Programs.

* English Language Center--Offers intensive English courses for M.S.U. students
requiring additional training to perform successfully in their academic
programs. The Center aids in determining language proficiency of non-
native speakers of English.

* International Library--Houses large collections on Africa, Asia and Latin
America. A unique unit is the Sahel Documentation Center which provides
important and extensive resource material to scholars concerned with the
drought-stricken countries of Africa.

* Overseas Support Office--Is a resource on matters related to international
transportation, health hazards, immunization requirements, international
exchange and financial flow, certain international food and lodging
facilities, international contracts and grants arrangements.

* Contract and Grant Administration--At the M.S.U. Vice-President level, is
responsible for the financial operations of contracts and grants to the
units of the university. It assists faculty (1) prepare proposal budgets,
(2) negotiate grants, and (3) submit financial reports.

* Institute of International Agriculture--Administered through the College of
Agriculture and Natural Resources, is the communications and coordinating
link between development agencies concerned with agriculture and other
related units of the University. This office is significant to the WID
Project Advisement Task Force as information on many of the international
development project requests comes through this office from an array of
international donor agencies.


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International Program Activities:


International Program Activities at M.S.U. have been evolving over three
decades with active international development assistance, teaching and research
in many countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America and in Europe and North
America. These activities have been supported through the sponsorship of major
foundations, various branches of the U.S. government, as well as of interna-
tional agencies such as The World Bank, United Nations Educational Social and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO).
The University has assisted Host Countries establish complete institutions of
higher education as well as helped develop component teaching and research
programs within existing institutions.

Overseas operations in any given year are extensive. At the end of 1981
M.S.U. was active in (1) over 52 projects in 31 countries, (2) 4 regional
projects and (3) 4 additional worldwide programs. Examples of some of the
multi-country projects are:
"The Comprehensive Resource Inventory and Evaluation System" (CRIES), whose
major objective is to help developing nations systematically assess their
natural resources production potential (by using satellite remote sensing),
operates with seven countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
* "Collaborative Research on Parasitic Diseases in Sudan" is a medical
research program on major water-borne parasitic problems of humans in the
Sudan, with wide implications for the tropical world.
* "The Off-Farm Rural Employment Project" enhances the ability of the U.S. and
Host Country institutions to identify and implement programs and policies
that generate off-farm employment and income opportunities benefiting the
rural poor. It operates in 8 countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
* "The Bean/Cowpea Collaborative Research Support Program" (CRSP) management
office at M.S.U. coordinates 18 individual research projects involving 9
lead U.S. institutions and 13 Host Countries in Africa and Latin America.
The program is concerned with increasing the production and consumption of
beans and/or cowpeas where they are a staple in the diets of the poor.
* "The University Center for International Rehabilitation" (UCIR) enhances
international cooperation in resolving rehabilitation issues in programs of
research, training and dissemination/utilization within the international
professional community. Working directly with the special centers of the
National Institute of Handicapped Research, UCIR research provides a basis
for recommending solutions to identified needs in other countries. Its
programs exist in both Western and non-Western countries.

* The International Extension Training Program of the Michigan Cooperative
Extension Service (which was established at M.S.U. as a required component
of a Land Grant University) provides support and staff training to
(1) prepare Michigan extension personnel to work in developing countries
and (2) increase the awareness of Michigan citizens about international
development issues. Campus and field training as well as outreach programs


MSU/WID


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facilitate these functions organized through four extension services: 4-H,
Agriculture, Family Living, and Natural Resources/Public Policy. These
four services offer the educational resources of M.S.U. to the public via
the Cooperative Extension Service offices in all 83 counties of Michigan.

Women in International Development at MSU

In the fall of 1978, a small group of male and female, faculty and graduate
students began meeting to organize a formal WID presence on the M.S.U. campus.
The seven persons1 who made up the original group had been concerned about
Third World women and their families from the point of view of their respective
disciplines and academic units for some time. For example, faculty from the
College of Human Ecology, with direct experience in international programs and
research, had observed the systematic disenfranchisement of women and children
as a result of certain development efforts and the contribution this made to
the low status, low self-esteem and limited support of women. In addition,
earlier that year, the M.S.U. Non-Formal Education Information Center and the
African Studies Center had hosted a "Women in Development" seminar workshop
that brought to campus 17 African women to participate in an African Leaders
Program. However, an integrated university-wide effort had yet to be
organized. Faculty from each of these units were among the founding group of
MSU/WID.

Several national and international events influenced the development of the
small group's efforts in this direction (Tinker, 1982b). Following the 1970
publication of Ester Boserup's The Role of Women in Economic Development,
alerting the scientific community to the previously neglected roles of Third
World women, the 1973 Percy Amendment committed U.S. foreign assistance to
giving special attention to the integration of women in development efforts.
This amendment paved the way for the September 16, 1974 establishment of the
AID Office of Women in Development.

At the international level, the 1975 World Conference of the International
Women's Year in Mexico City provided a forum for scholars and government
officials to define critical issues perceived by Third World women and to
establish procedures for addressing them. The following year began the United
Nations Decade for Women which was dedicated to devising strategies to resolve
the issues identified at the Mexico City Conference. One such strategy,
developed in the U.S., was the Tucson Conference on Women and Food, held in
January 1978. The Conference highlighted the significance of both the women
and food issue and the need for groups to become more assertive in their WID
activities. The Tucson initiative provided the impetus for an August, 1978,
national WID workshop funded through a grant from the AID Office of Women in
Development to the University of Arizona. The workshop, held in Washington,
D. C., was organized by Kate Cloud of the University of Arizona to build WID
networks in the Title XII (Land Grant/Sea Grant) institutions around the
country. Through the Title XII legislation, these institutions were expected
to play an increasing role in AID-funded development projects and thus needed


1George Axinn, Pat Barnes-McConnell, Joan Claffey, Dora Lodwick, Bea
Paolucci, Janet Rogers, and David Wiley.


MSU/WID


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to be prepared to be more responsive to the Percy Amendment. The adminis-
trators of International Programs at M.S.U. responded to the workshop invita-
tion and sent a faculty representative, Pat Barnes-McConnell, to that three-
week meeting. The ideas and materials generated became the catalyst for the
organization of the small group at M.S.U.

From the beginning, it was clear that the fledgling group had the moral
support of the Dean of International Studies and Programs. Indeed, one of the
original seven, George Axinn, was an Assistant Dean in that program. Thus,
routine organizational resources, such as the typing of meeting notices,
flyers, letters and later a telephone on a small desk in a tight corner, were
made available through his support. While no budget was made available at that
time, the Dean of International Studies and Programs subsequently did agree to
assign a half-time graduate assistantship to WID. Access to these basic
resources added a significant dimension of legitimacy to the small group which
was critical for its rapid development locally and its recognition nationally.

Early in the process, several issues had to be decided, not the least of
which were the purpose of MSU/WID and its organizational structure. In order
to attract additional members and to plan an effective operational strategy, a
clear statement of purpose was enunciated. This statement was developed over
several months and finally published in one of the M.S.U. newspapers, The
M.S.U. News Bulletin (February 1979), as one mechanism to attract new members
to help carry out the mission. Simultaneously a campus-wide questionnaire,
organized by the WID group, was distributed to faculty and graduate students
to identify the range of WID interests and experiences on campus. The respon-
dents were subsequently encouraged to join the activities of the original
group. A shortened version of the 1979 statement of purpose is as follows:

The Office of Women in International Development seeks to
encourage efforts to understand and employ approaches to
international development that are more equitable and
responsive to the needs of women. The Office is thus con-
cerned with both the generation and application of knowledge
to better realize the productive contribution of women,
especially of low-income rural women, and to enhance the
quality of their lives.

In the generation of knowledge, we strive to understand the
changing roles of women in the societies in which they
function as individuals, as family members, as participants
in larger organizations, and as contributors to the social
order. In the application of knowledge, we hope to assist
women, particularly those in the most disadvantaged segments
of their societies, in becoming what they themselves see as
desirable.

In partnership with others who share these concerns,
particularly in Third World countries, we seek to direct the
resources available to us to the complex problems of women
in a developing world. Our efforts involve research and
teaching, training and technical assistance, communication
and institutional development.


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After much discussion, the group decided to organize on the basis of task
forces. The initial ones organized were: Library, All-University Activities,
Curriculum, Research, and Project Advisement. These task forces were all
staffed by university faculty and students on a voluntary basis.

* The Library Task Force--Originally made up of three people, went through the
various libraries at M.S.U. and compiled an index of their collections
relative to WID. The group dissolved when this task was completed and
their product was made available to the university community. The library
resources function has continued through a Reading Room established by the
Office. Some journals, donated articles and papers, critical books and the
MSU/WID Working Papers are available for use in the Room. The Office also
provides xeroxing facilities for those who care to copy specific materials.

The Non-Formal Education Information Center also provides a rich resource
of WID-relevant materials in its library collection. It also allows the
use of these materials in the library area and has a xeroxing service.

The All-University Activities Task Force--Was charged with the responsibility
of educating the campus community about key WID issues. There was a great
deal of turnover within this group. Eventually, two all-day WID confer-
ences were held at M.S.U. in 1980. The first was an effort which brought
to campus several nationally known WID specialists to participate in set-
ting long-range goals for the MSU/WID program. A second conference held
jointly with the M.S.U. Foreign Student Office entitled "Collaborative
Research: For Whose Benefit" brought together leading M.S.U. faculty and
international students concerned with the evolution of long-term research
relationships between the faculty and the international students. While
this Task Force no longer formally exists, groups convene to plan and
organize specific functions such as the 1982 national conference on "Women,
Health, and International Development." Other smaller campus-wide
functions are planned by the WID Office staff.

* The Curriculum and Education Task Force--Combed the course catalogues, cur-
ricula syllabi and talked with faculty, searching for courses related to
WID. Previous work done by the M.S.U. Women's Studies group was most
helpful in this effort. Eventually a list of such courses was compiled
and made available to interested persons.

Two courses were then developed which strengthened the knowledge base of
M.S.U. faculty and graduate students. An interdisciplinary course entitled
"Third World Women: Economic Development and Socio-Cultural Change" was
offered to graduate students in 1980 and a ten-week faculty seminar on
"Women in International Development: Theories, Strategies, and Policies"
occurred in 1981. Later, faculty-scholar awards, funded by the Ford
Foundation, allowed faculty to have released time to integrate WID issues
into their courses. This mechanism has been successfully used to support
faculty development in the WID area and resulted in integrating WID
materials more broadly into the M.S.U. curricula.


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The group, although relatively small at any given point in time, continues
today with persons representing a range of areas moving in and out of its
activities as responsibilities permit. The group is presently writing
proposals to strengthen the WID educational potential at M.S.U., building
on the curricula development efforts begun by the faculty who received
released time awards to study how to integrate WID issues into their
curricula. The group also cooperates with the M.S.U. Non-Formal Education
Information Center in identified areas.

The Research Task Force--Supported scholarly achievement as an important
product of university communities. It became increasingly apparent that
academic stature and respect for WID were forthcoming only to the extent
that professionally valid research and publications grew out of WID
activities. Study groups, seminars and research discussion groups led to
the development of graduate student dissertation research awards specif-
ically directed to WID issues, funded by a Ford Foundation grant.

The Task Force evolved into a series of study groups much like evening
seminars. These groups organized a series of topics with limited material
to read for each week's discussion. Held at the University, these sessions
were heavily attended by graduate students attempting to enunciate disser-
tation or thesis research related to WID.

Day-time seminars, roundtable discussions, and WID fora, which feature
both local and outside speakers were also developed.

The research function continues today through a loosely organized series
of groups: Fireside research discussion groups on identified research
topics (primarily involving faculty from many disciplines), research
conferences and conference follow-up groups, and the continuing roundtable
seminar series.

Furthermore, several professional papers have developed from faculty and
students associated with the WID Office, both with the encouragement of the
WID Working Papers and independent of that series. For example, WID
persons from MSU/WID, NFE and Iowa State University cooperated on the
development of a chapter concerned with the "Professional Integration of
Women" for a book entitled Guide for the Professional Integration of
Students from Developing Countries sponsored by AID and the National
Association for Foreign Student Affairs (Pigozzi, et al., 1983).

* The Project Advisement Task Force--Was charged with integrating WID issues
into international projects which emanate from M.S.U. This represented a
major commitment because of M.S.U.'s history of international involvement.

The first major achievement of this group was the successful inclusion of
identified WID issues as variables in the formal M.S.U. project review
process. Added to the forms, required of all international projects
reviewed by the Advisory Consultative Committee and the Dean of Interna-
tional Studies and Programs, were two questions regarding project impact
on women and families and regarding inclusion of women in project acti-
vities. These two documents became the foundation and legitimacy of the
Project Advisement Task Force.


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A second major achievement grew out of the first. Encouraged by sponsors
AID and the Title XII policy guidelines, the Bean and Cowpea Collaborative
Research Support Program planners invited the involvement of the WID
Project Advisement group. The Program was to become one of the largest
agricultural programs ever received by M.S.U. but lacking in the planning
efforts were persons who could help address social issues, particularly
those having to do with women. The WID group, with nutritionists and
social scientists concerned with project impact, could and did fill that
role. The involvement eventually resulted in the designation of a
Washington-approved, WID-specialist position in the Program Management
Office, the involvement of seven U.S. professional women in the various
projects, and the additional involvement of women in the participating
Host Countries.

Various other- international projects have been enriched through the
inclusion of WID-sensitive research tools, WID appropriate project plans,
WID-trained team members, and other relevant resources.

Project Advisement has been viewed by M.S.U. persons and those outside the
University as a powerful and workable activity which has made a difference
in project functioning and has contributed to the national and interna-
tional reputation of WID in general. The Project Advisement Task Force
continues its activities with training workshops based on early experi-
ences. These workshops are frequently organized in collaboration with the
Non-Formal Education Information Center at M.S.U.

Other task-oriented groupings and activities have evolved as necessary,
with the support of the WID Office. Most of them, beyond the originally
defined and surviving task forces, have been temporarily disbanded after their
tasks were completed.

* Community Service--Is another important facet of MSU/WID activity. MSU/WID
has confined its community service role, primarily, to co-sponsoring out-
side speakers with units whose goals are similar to its own, e.g., the
M.S.U. African Studies Center, the Lansing Peace Center, the United
Nations' Association of Michigan. Persons associated with MSU/WID have
also been very active in such activities as in international extension and
Peace Corps training. There have been several exceptions to this trend:

A limited number of organizational internships for Third World women,
which provided a less formal avenue to community organization, manage-
ment and administrative skills than classroom work, were funded through
the Ford Foundation. At the same time these interns were making impor-
tant contributions to their community placements. This initiative has
proven most successful and extremely popular among the women eligible
for these internships.

Minimal support for the Lansing Indochinese Refugee Center has also been
possible by funding the printing of a Center brochure organized by the
Indochinese refugees. A WID intern assisted in the design and writing
of the brochure with this group. This brochure is being used by the
Center to search for outside funds independently and jointly with
MSU/WID members who are interested in refugee issues.


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* WID Communications Activities--Early in the history of MSU/WID it was appar-
ent that a forum for the dissemination of scholarly theoretical and empir-
ical works advancing WID knowledge was needed.

Thus evolved the highly successful Working Paper series which has published
works of authors from all over the world. By the end of the year 1982,
over one hundred manuscripts were reviewed by the Editorial Board, and
fourteen papers, representing a variety of WID-related topics, disciplines
and author nationalities, were published by the WID Office. Order forms
listing these Working Papers and instructions sheets for submitting manu-
scripts are available from the WID Office.

A newsletter is also published and distributed nationally and interna-
tionally by MSU/WID on a quarterly basis.

In addition, the men and women associated with MSU/WID over the four years
of its existence have generated a growing list of professional publications
which they have produced both individually and with one another.

* Networking--Is another significant function of MSU/WID. Working within its
own university structure, within the formal consortium to which M.S.U.
belongs (MUCIA), and informally with other collegial groups within the U.S.
and abroad, MSU/WIO is an active participant in the international develop-
ment process. The MSU/WID MUCIA liaison is the contact person to the
consortium's WID office and is a significant communications link between
MSU/WID and the wide variety of consortium activities. MSU/WID maintains
active communications with other universities outside of its consortium
and works with them as appropriate. These WID groups throughout the nation
join in encouraging development leaders to be more responsive to WID
issues. Communication is maintained internationally through travel,
dissemination of publications, and correspondence with M.S.U. graduates.

As a result of all of the activities reported above, in 1982 the WID
professional staff has grown to nine paid people, including four faculty
persons, and an assortment of volunteers, some of whom are students who have
chosen to do their required academic internship in the WID Office. An Advisory
Council, composed of faculty and graduate students from many University
departments, advises the Office staff regarding policy and programmatic issues.

The primary functional divisions within the Office include: (1) the
Publication Series, (2) project advisement, (3) research and education. The
over 700 members associated with the Office participate in WID activities as
they are guided by their interests and resources. Newsletters, announcements,
phone calls, informal and formal meetings, quarterly membership meetings, and
Advisory Council meetings are all functions supporting MSU/WID.

With the financial support of the M.S.U. Dean of International Studies and
Programs, grants from AID, a Title XII Strengthening grant, and the Ford Foun-
dation, along with the institutional support of M.S.U. colleagues, greater
strides are being made toward meeting the stated objectives as presented in
the original MSU/WID Statement of Purpose.


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SUGGESTED READINGS


Adams, Walter Randolph. Relationship between Agricultural Production and Food
Consumption. Preliminary Working Bibliography. 1982. East Lansing, MI:
International Studies and Programs, Michigan State University. 17 pp.

Cochrane, Willard. The Development of American Agriculture: A Historical
Analysis. 1982. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. 464 pp.

Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate. Subcommittee on Foreign
Assistance. Human Rights Reports. March, 1977. Washington, DC: Superin-
tendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office. 143 pp.

Lunven, Paul. "The Nutritional Consequences of Agricultural and Rural
Development Projects." Food and Nutrition Bulletin Vol. 4, No. 3. 1982.
pp. 17-22.

Moravcsik, Michael J. Science Development: The Building of Science in Less
Developed Countries. 1976. Bloomington, IN: International Development
Research Center. Indiana University. 262 pp.

Rogers, Barbara. The Domestication of Women: Discrimination in Developing
Societies. 1980. New York: Tavistock Publications. 200 pp.

Tinker, Irene. Gender Equity in Development: A Policy Perspective. 1982b.
Paper presented at the workshop on Women, Households and Human Capital
Development in Low-income Countries, convened by the Rockefeller Foundation,
12-14 July, Mount Kisco, New York. May be copied at: Women in International
Development, 202 Center for International Programs, Michigan State University,
East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 21 pp.

U. S. Agency for International Development (USAID) Report to Congress on Women
in Development. 1978. Washington, DC: Office of Women in Development, USAID.
206 pp. + appendices.


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:











3. SELECTED POLICIES


Elections have been won or lost on issues of land reform and
Governments have toppled because of their policies on
employment, but no Government now in power stands or falls
on its policies towards women (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11,
1980:15).

Policies are both an expression of what is considered "right" by leaders
in an historical political context and a guide to legitimate action for those
who would claim those rights. During the 1960s and 1970s, persons forgotten
by traditional development efforts became part of a new focus on people-
oriented international development. Women became a very visible component of
this orientation (Tinker, 1982a). The new-found sensitivity was buttressed by
grassroots and national pressure groups, which led, in the 1970s, to a veri-
table explosion of statements relating to women's rights.

The statements referring to women ranged from those made by international
systems, such as the United Nations bodies, to those of university committees
and local women's organizations. Currently, there are few countries which do
not have an official statement regarding the rights of women (United Nations,
A/CONF.94/11, 1980:27). Though policy statements abound, there are many
problems associated with their implementation.

One of the major difficulties of enforcing the policy statements is that
women have not had an organized worldwide constituent group to create adequate
pressure on decision-makers. Thus few governments have enforcement mechanisms
for their women-relevant policies (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:27).

WID advisors and consultants are part of the constituency creating pressure
on various institutions to support their WID policies. The policy statements
provide legitimacy for the actions of the WID professionals and reciprocally
the policies gather strength from actions carried out in their name.

The following list of policy statements are necessarily incomplete for
statements are being made at innumerable institutional levels--wherever
organized sensitivity to women's needs and rights has developed. It is
particularly important for the WID advisors and consultants to become
acquainted with the policies of their Host Countries and to become similarly
acquainted with the orientations of the specific groups which interact with
the project.


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World Policies--the United Nations


Although 1975 marked the establishment of the United Nations Decade for
Women with the International Women's Year World Conference in Mexico City,
there were important activities occurring in 1974. Two relevant international
conferences to be noted were:

* The United Nations World Population Conference (August, 1974) dealt with
primary aspects of women's roles but failed to focus on the important
contribution of women's rights in speeding changes in fertility behavior.

The World Food Conference (November, 1974) also dealt with critical aspects
of women's roles and passed resolutions sensitive to women's rights. The
only item which did not emerge from this Conference, which was to appear
the following year, was the issue of women's rights in land reform (Palmer,
1980:8).

The second round of important activity in 1974 addressed the United Nations
system, specifically.

* Various resolutions were passed by United Nations' bodies urging priority
consideration for integrating women into every aspect of program and
project formulation, design, implementation, and evaluation.

Thus, the stage was set for the formal opening of the United Nation's
Decade for Women.

* The "World Plan of Action for the United Nations Decade for Women:
Equality, Development and Peace (1976-1985)" and a "Declaration on the
Equality of Women and Their Contribution to Development and Peace" were
adopted at the International Women's Year World Conference in Mexico City
in 1975.

There were many diverse Plans of Actions adopted at the Mexico City
Conference which were to strengthen efforts supporting the status of women.
These Plans of Action also stimulated international activity to resolve prob-
lems created by socioeconomic structures subjugating nations as well as women.
Areas highlighted for action included: education and training, employment
(including women-headed households' needs), access to health, nutrition, and
other social services, safe water and sewage supplies, inputs for women in food
production, safe housing, and women"s rights to decide on number and spacing
of their children. The critical contribution of this Conference was to under-
line some ways in which the status of women depends on many other interlocking
parts of their worlds (Palmer, 1980:5). The regional commissions of the United
Nations were given special responsibility for further specifying and imple-
menting the Plans of Action.

* Habitat: the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements was held June,
1976.


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The main theme of this Conference was that human settlement policies should
be part of overall development planning. Strategies and planning methods were
to include a focus on the elderly, the handicapped and children; but women, the
caretakers, were generally subsumed under the rubric of "family." Women were
highlighted in suggesting more equitable land ownership patterns and participa-
tion in planning. However, few specific recommendations were made about how to
facilitate their incorporation while being sensitive to women's special needs--
such as for child care centers. The attempts made to insert stronger women's
components were not successful (Palmer, 1980:10).

* Also held during that year was the Tripartite World Conference on Employ-
ment, Income Distribution, Social Progress and the International Division
of Labour (June, 1976).

This Conference was the result of research and analysis done over many
years by the World Employment Programme of tne International Labour Organiza-
tion. Although there were many places where the Conference could have included
strong statements regarding the position of women, very few statements were
made. There was a call for the abolition of every kind of discrimination in
work, pay, and training and for more favorable work and living conditions to
relieve women's drudgery. However, when specific action recommendations were
made, for example in the wage policy section, rarely were women mentioned.
There was, however, a recognition of the link between lack of basic needs
satisfaction and the resources available to women. The basic needs approach
" remains the single most important umbrella under which women's special
interests has been raised by the international community" (Palmer, 1980:
14). Thus the importance of this Conference was its analysis and evaluation
of the basic needs delivery system.

* In 1977 two more conferences were held, the United Nations Water Conference
(March, 1977) and United Nations Conference on Desertification (August/-
September, 1977).

Although both of these Conferences were concerned about areas critical to
women, there was little recognition of this fact. There was little discussion
about the competition between the commercial and the household sectors' uses
of water or how that affected women. Although there was a recognition of the
relationship between domestic water supplies and health, there was no mention
of integrating women in planning water supplies to avoid health hazards and
water carrying burdens. Of the numerous recommendations passed at the
Desertification Conference recognizing the relationship between desertifica-
tion, food production and nutrition, only one mentioned women. That one men-
tioned women's responsibility as fuelwood gatherers and recommended that they
be consulted on the acceptability of any new devices introduced into the area,
trained in their management, and encouraged to find productive use of any freed
time.

* A World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination was an
important addition (August, 1978).

In the Conference Declaration, the status of women was clearly acknowl-
edged: whenever there is racial discrimination, women are often doubly
discriminated against; consequently special efforts are called for to eliminate


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the effects of racial discrimination on the status of women" (Palmer, 1980:18).
Governments were called to address the social imbalance created by racist and
colonialist regimes, between the genders.

* The United Nations Conference on Technical Cooperation Among Developing
Countries (September, 1978) and the Primary Health Care Conference
(September, 1978), on the other hand, missed a significant opportunity.

The emphasis in the Technical Cooperation Conference was on technical
experts, consultants, and reversing the brain drain of those who had studied
in other nations. It basically ignored women--both in its recommendations and
in its composition. The Primary Health Care Conference, also, carefully
refused to recognize gender differentiation, although it did call for greater
involvement by men in health, community health systems, and in practical health
care (Palmer, 1980).

* The World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development issued a
declaration of principles on the "Integration of Women in Rural Develop-
ment" (July, 1979).

This Conference, promoted by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
of the United Nations, provided the best example of a serious examination of
the status of women's issues in a world-based organization since 1975. There
were some indications, however, that the regional bodies of FAO did not fully
accept the policy orientations from headquarters (Palmer, 1980). For the first
time equal rights to land title or control in land reform was recommended.
This recommendation grew out of the recognition of drastic alterations which
often occur to women when the land is solely in men's names. Other highlighted
recommendations included: (1) equality of legal status--establish rights of
inheritance, control of property, ownership of land and other productive
assets, membership and voting rights in organizations such as tenants' associ-
ations, labor unions, etc.; (2) access to rural services--provide nondiscrimi-
natory access to existing delivery systems for agricultural inputs, social and
economic services, special training in extension and nontraditional fields,
and broaden the range of agricultural training programs to include women's
roles in production, processing, preservation and marketing; (3) educational
and employment opportunities--insure equal opportunities and provide fee
structure incentives for girls and women's school attendance and training,
equal wage rates for equal value, non-formal educational opportunities for
women in various areas and evaluation of women's employment and income
opportunities in relation to the introduction of new technologies.

* The United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development
(UNCSTD) passed a Resolution on "Women, Science and Technology" (1979).

The Conference acknowledged the negative impacts which technologies often
have on the earning power and status of women. It invited participating
nations to facilitate equal distribution of the benefits of science and tech-
nological developments to women and men, the participation of women in
decision-making processes, and the equal access to training and professional
careers for women.


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The "Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women" was adopted by the U. N. General Assembly 18 December 1979.

This comprehensive Convention went into effect, due to ratification by over
20 nations, on 3 September 1981. It defined discrimination against women as
being any distinction, exclusion, or restriction made on the basis of
sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition,
enjoyment or exercise by women of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the
political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other fields" (United
Nations, A/RES.34/180, 1979). Measures were specified which governments could
take to eliminate discrimination in many areas including political and public
life, rights to nationality, education, employment, health, marriage and
family. Rural women's rights were underscored as were efforts to eliminate
stereotypes and to suppress prostitution.

This document even proposed that member states modify any of their tradi-
tional practices which discriminate against women. The Convention further
responded to questions about discrimination against men as a result of measures
taken to raise the status of women. For example, special actions for acceler-
ating de facto equality between men and women or protection of maternity
functions were not considered discrimination.

The "Programme of Action for the Second Half of the United Nations Decade
for Women: Equality, Development and Peace" was adopted by the World
Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women (30 3uly 1980).

In evaluating the progress made towards meeting some of the Decade's goals,
the Conference highlighted the fact that many countries had accepted the inte-
gration of women into development as a planning objective and that several had
passed legislative and constitutional provisions promoting equal rights of
women and men. However, the de facto situation of women, particularly in the
"backward sector," was worsening--to some extent due to the world economic
crisis. Priority areas for action determined by the Conference members were
in employment, child care centers, job training, part-time job benefits,
maternity leave, and access to non-traditional skilled trades for women. In
health, some priority areas included providing preventive health care; full
participation of women in developing health care systems; special attention to
the elderly, the disabled and to women living alone; preventing domestic
violence and sexual assault. In education and training, literacy, education
against violence between men and women, encouraging girls to stay in school
longer and to choose from among a range of career options were some issues
highlighted.

"Special attention" priority areas included: food, rural women, child
care, migrant women, unemployed women, women heads of household, and young
women.

* A series of Resolutions and Decisions Referring Specifically to Women were
passed by the UN General Assembly in 1981.

Resolution 36/74 endorsed a proposal for a comprehensive worldwide
survey of women in development to implement the recommendation of the
Programme of Action for the Second Half of the UN Decade for Women.


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Resolution 36/172 condemned apartheid and appealed for increased
assistance to women and children oppressed by that system.

National Policies---General

Since 1975 there has been an enormous growth in the number of national
policies concerning the rights of women. Since it is impossible to review all
of them, this section will summarize a United Nations report evaluating women's
rights in 77 member countries and review examples of national policies. The
subsequent section will explore some of the policies relevant to international
women's rights as defined in several U. S. policies.

Most of the governments which responded to a United Nations investigation
of national women's rights reported having constitutional or legislative
provisions guaranteeing equal rights to women and men. The nations which
qualified that response were San Marino, Peru, Dominican Republic and Sierra
Leone. Sweden, India, and Pakistan not only guaranteed equal legal rights for
women and men but allowed, for special treatment of women to insure their
rights. In several countries, comprehensive review of existing legislation
was occurring--United States, New Zealand, and Greece (United Nations,
A/CONF.94/11, 1980:18).

Most countries had remedies and/or sanctions for dealing with violations
of equal rights of men and women. The primary ones were judicial remedies
through general, civil or industrial courts. Since 1975 some countries have
developed special bodies, in addition to the courts, to deal with discrimina-
tion. These countries include: Canada, Union of Soviet Socialist Republic,
England, Norway, Iceland, Australia, New Zealand, and Sweden.

Several nations were making concerted efforts to enhance women's awareness
of their rights. The measures taken included mass media campaigns, publication
of pamphlets and booklets, seminars and conferences, education by women's
organizations, and using legal advice offices to educate the populace. Some
countries claimed widespread illiteracy was a barrier to effective efforts.

Generally, countries reported that civil law prevailed when there was a
conflict between civil and customary and/or religious laws. Minor qualifica-
tions to this statement were given by England, Spain, and the Philippines.
Pakistan, on the other hand, was the only country reporting that religious law
prevailed when there was conflict between civil and religious laws (United
Nations, A/CONF.94/ll, 1980:20).

Specific rights were also explored. (1) Rights over property--Although
most governments claimed equality of property rights, there were considerable
variations. European and African countries claimed equality in property rights
while India, Nepal, and the Philippines qualified that statement. In Haiti and
Bolivia married women needed their husband's authorization to buy or sell
property. (2) Legal capacity--Most countries claimed equal legal capacity for
men and women. The exceptions were Ivory Coast, Mauritania, Mauritius,
Senegal, Sierra Leone, Swaziland, Togo, Tunisia, Haiti, Honduras, and Ireland.
(3) Right to movement--The exceptions to equality in this right were given by


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Australia, Philippines (married women had to follow the husband's residence),
Mauritania, Senegal, Swaziland (married women could only move with the consent
of the husband), Turkey (husband chose residence), Ireland, and Honduras.

Laws related to marriage were also explored: (4) Consent to marriage--
Generally there was equality in this area, although a few countries restricted
women's right to refuse marriage. (5) Rights during marriage and dissolution--
Many reported equality but several reported inequalities. In Turkey, one
adultery could be grounds for divorce from a woman, while a man had to have a
proven long history of cohabitation before divorce would be granted to the
woman. Egypt and Kenya mentioned the responsibility of husbands for supporting
wives and children. In the Philippines husbands were the "superior authority
in marriage" and in Pakistan differences were due to Islamic law. (6) Minimum
age of marriage--Generally the age was lower for women than for men. (7) Pa-
rental rights and duties--Great variations occurred in this area. Children
born out of wedlock were generally placed in the women's care. (8) Family
name--Many differences were reported in women's rights to retain their family
name. (9) Penal codes--There were great variations particularly regarding
adultery or crimes related to adultery, with women being more harshly treated
than men (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980).

Many governments established administrative and institutional mechanisms
to implement their policies. The nature and effectiveness of the mechanisms
varied according to the socioeconomic and political system of each nation and
to the type and amount of support received from the government.

Some broad characterizations can be made, however, of the institutional
mechanisms: (1) Units were established within the formal executive, legisla-
tive or judicial branches of the government. (2) Advisory or consultative
bodies were created either within or outside the formal structures of the
governments. (3) Units were created within or affiliated with national polit-
ical parties (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:4). Often, more than one
pattern was used.

In non-socialist economies, the first two patterns tended to prevail with
formal units within government bureaucracy being predominant among Third World
nations. Six countries, however, did report ministries with the responsibility
for integrating women into national life (Bangladesh, Ivory Coast, Mauritania,
Paraguay, Togo and Venezuela). The use of advisory and consultative bodies
predominated in industrialized non-socialist economies. The United States
reported having over 150 such groups.

Socialist countries used units within or affiliated with the national
political party as the predominant mechanisms for supervising and implementing
national policies. The usual socialist practice is to integrate women into the
total governmental structure. For example, in 1976 the Soviet Union estab-
lished standing deputy commissions on women's working and living conditions and
mother and child care at all levels of state authority and administration
(United Nations, A/CONF.94/ll, 1980:5).


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In reporting on the accomplishments of the institutional mechanisms, most
countries reported data collection and publishing. Other accomplishments
included: (1) establishment of several programs or projects for women,
explicit mention and/or participation of women in national economic planning;
(2) promotion of legislation to advance equality; (3) publicizing of women's
rights; (4) increased participation of women in decision-making and policy
positions (Bangladesh, Denmark); and (5) creation of a forum for women which
acted as a sounding board for government policies and plans for women
(Australia, Ireland).

Of the thirty-seven countries specifying the institutional mechanisms
developed to support women's policies, nineteen were associated with the social
or welfare sectors of the government with only six (Guinea, Honduras, Iraq,
Lesotho, New Zealand and Sri Lanka) having them in the planning and development
sectors. This structuring of the political mechanisms related to women's
rights may reflect an institutionalization of the "welfare approach" to women's
issues (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:11).

These are examples of the types of policy information which are fairly
easily accessible to WID advisors and consultants. It is no longer valid to
assume that no information is available about the rights and roles of women.

National Policies---The United States

In the United States, there are various policies not only related to the
rights of women within the nation, but also governing the relationship of its
foreign aid to the rights and roles of women within other countries. The
latter policies are especially important for WID advisors and consultants
working with international development projects associated with the United
States.

* The "Percy Amendment," Section 113 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1973
(Public Law 93-189) was a landmark in U.S. policy.

The "Percy Amendment," section 113, reads:

Section 103 through 107 of this Act shall be administered
so as to give particular attention to those programs,
projects, and activities which tend to integrate women into
the national economies of foreign countries, thus improving
their status and assisting the total development effort.

Sections 103-105 specify areas of aid: food and nutrition, population planning
and health, education and human resources development. Section 106 refers to
"selected development problems"--transportation, power, industry, urban
development and export development.

* Agency for International Development, issued "Integration of Women into
National Economies," PD-60 (16 September 1974).

This policy determination affirmed that the Agency would implement the
Percy Amendment by consciously including relevant concerns for women in all of
its programs and projects. The field missions, offices, and bureaus of AID


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were charged with integrating women as both agents and beneficiaries into the
mainstream of the Agency's programming.

AID's role in relation to Host Country governments is contained in Princi-
ple 3.d of that document:

The central responsibility for integrating women into
national economies rests with LDC governments. While AID
can play an important catalytic role in both the interna-
tional arena and in countries where it has assistance
programs, real progress requires Host Country commitment.
Developing countries often have very different social,
cultural, and family relationships from those of the U.S.
Any intrusion into these relationships is a most delicate
matter--only to be attempted with adequate knowledge and
understanding of the existing manners and mores of the
people. Accordingly, the role of AID should, as in other
areas, conform to the collaborative style.

Follow-up guidance was provided in "Program Guidance for FY 1980," AIDTO
CIRC A-168 (6 April 1978).

This document outlined programmatic themes to be emphasized in all sectors
of AID activities. Women in Development was one of the six themes. Support
for specifically women-oriented projects, women's organizations, training
opportunities, and rural women were again key concerns.

In order to integrate women into projects which did not have a women-
specific focus, the document strongly encouraged integration of the women in
development concerns into the project at the earliest possible stage--at the
conception of the project or, at the latest, in the design stage.

* Further integration of women was supported by the AID "Policy Paper on
Food and Agricultural Development" (1982).

There was an emphasis on expanded productive employment and incomes
of men and women who at present lack the purchasing power to obtain adequate
food" (1982:2).

In this policy determination, the role of training for women was very
salient in preparing them for their roles as agricultural producers, workers,
and family food providers. Greater efforts were called for to expand oppor-
tunities for women to serve as administrators, scientists, technicians,
extension workers and other food and agricultural professionals.

* The Agency as a whole was charged in the AID "Policy Paper on Women in
Development" (October, 1982).

The 1982 AID/WID paper stressed the importance of increasing women's
productivity through increasing women's access to resources. The following
resources were emphasized: (1) education and training for productive work;
(2) labor and time-saving technologies which were acceptable and accessible to


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women; (3) policy reforms or experimental programs to demonstrate ways in which
women could enter non-traditional types of work; (4) health care, family plan-
ning, potable water, nutrition to support women's child care and family health
care functions; (5) research in intra-household dynamics of division of labor,
distribution of resources and decision-making, income needs and sources for
males and females, women's contributions to agriculture, fuel and water needs
and sources, and de facto female-headed households. As with previous WID
policies, these themes were to be implemented through the Agency's work in
collaboration with Host Country governments.


University Policies---Michigan State University

Although U. S. universities have a long history of policies relevant to
women's rights, only a few of them have also developed policies and mechanisms
related to women in non-U. S. nations who are recipients, either directly or
indirectly, of programs and projects based at the universities. Michigan State
University has established relevant policies and procedures.

* "Policy Guidelines for International Activities of Michigan State Univer-
sity" was established by an advisory committee made up of representatives
of all the colleges of Michigan State University (Revised May 2, 1979).

The policy guidelines were developed by the Advisory/Consultative Committee
to the Dean of International Studies and Programs. They are used in evaluating
the international development projects and activities in which M.S.U. is
engaged. Item 3 calls for an examination of the potential effects of interna-
tional projects and activities on women and children in Host Countries. Item
4 emphasizes including women scholars in international projects.
* "Information Concerning a Michigan State University International Project"
(February 17, 1981)

The Advisory/Consultative Committee to the Dean of International Studies
and Programs uses this form in reviewing international projects. Item 10
requests documentation of ways in which women and minorities are included in
planning and implementation of the project. Item 11 requests examination of
long-range effects of the project on women, children, and on family life.

In reviewing the various statements made by policy-making bodies about the
rights and roles of women, it is apparent that issues of values, attitudes, and
culture are integral parts of the pronouncements. They remain at the center
of many of the challenges faced by WID professionals.

Selected Policy Issues

Value Issues -

Elise Boulding (1981) has gone to the very heart of WID policy efforts by
suggesting that the integration of women in development will simply make women
more dependent on a male-defined world. Another criticism is that efforts to
encourage equality of rights for women around the world are arms of Western


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imperialism (Germain, 1976/77; Tinker, 1982a; Rogers, 1980). This is usually
juxtaposed with claims that Westerners have no right to interfere with tradi-
ional roles of women in Third World countries. Many Third World women
strongly reject the characteristics which they perceive in Western Feminists'
dvocacy--egocentrism and individualism among women who make their families pay
for their self-aggrandizing needs (Tinker, 1982). These points of view are
significant reasons for choosing not to work as a WID advisor or consultant.

Rejection has also been a response to some common development efforts which
are based on Western-stereotyped assumptions about the needs of women. Exam-
ples of such efforts include: (1) Training in methods of Western nutrition,
sewing, health, and child care based on the assumption that women spend most
of their time at home raising children--the reality is, however, that many
women spend most of their time in the fields, in the markets, or on the streets
trying to gather resources. (2) Training in making tourist-targeted crafts
which can't compete with mass-produced items or which are simply too expensive
for the local market. (3) Projects which demand volunteer labor with little
regard for the tremendous overload of work which most women carry (Rogers,
1980).

Tinker (1982a) has proposed that women's situations are changing dramat-
ically all over the world with few "traditional" roles remaining. These
changes often increase women's powerlessness. Attempts to reduce the negative
impacts of the changes may be facilitated by more realistic involvement of
Third World women.

Western WID advisors and consultants must learn to LISTEN to the diverse
voices of Third World women. Those voices are shaped by their contexts and
historical experiences as well as by the international development projects.
They must be the guide in determining appropriate development goals for women
in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. This is increasingly critical as there is
a growing emphasis by Third World leaders on their own religious or national
distinctiveness. "If the promise of modernization is not kept, more pressures
may be exerted to ensure that women keep their proper place" (Tinker, 1982a:9).

Another frequent challenge to WID professionals is the position that
development problems must be solved first and then the problems of equality,
rights and benefits for women (Germain, 1976/77; Tinker, 1982a). This issue
appears, dramatically, as countries such as Australia and Israel cut back their
programs supporting women's rights because of the worldwide recession and a
consequential hardening of attitudes towards the situation of women (United
Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:11). Lack of funds was the obstacle to progress
in women's rights mentioned most often by countries responding to a United
Nations survey (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980). Tinker (1982a)
reinforces the idea that the "money crunch" will have a strong restricting
influence on women's rights efforts.

Palmer (1980) documented a decreasing number of statements referring to
women's rights in the various United Nations conferences from 1974 to 1979.
Tinker (1982a) suggests that the only way WID issues will survive is by


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" reframing the questions of women's participation [in development
within important sectoral issues [thus WID becomes] the changing
roles of women and men as development proceeds" (Tinker, 1982a:14).

This suggestion is contrary to the orientation most governments have show
in containing the units responsible for women's policies within the welfare
divisions of their bureaucracies (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:10)
These divisions are some of the first ones cut during hard economic times fo
they are viewed as being "non-productive." Governments may not allow women'
concerns to be integrated into broad sectorial policies. For example, in on
country the advisory and consultative bodies were dissolved when unit
attempted to link women's problems with broader socioeconomic issues beyond
the welfare sector (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:11).

Cultural, social and religious attitudes which discriminate against women,
reinforcing prejudices and stereotyped roles were mentioned as obstacles tc
implementing governmental policies concerning equality of women (Unitec
Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:11). Strong socialization practices with rigic
gender role definitions which vary cross-culturally by class, ethnic groups,
place of residence, context, etc., are difficulties to be faced (Germain,
1976/77).

There is also a strong expectation that women will be "more moral" than men
in many cultures (Tinker, 1982a). Oftentimes changes are viewed as being
immoral--just as international development specialists sometimes have viewed
non-Western behavior as being immoral (Rogers, 1980). It is important that
WID advisors and consultants be aware of these issues and their meaning within
the specific geographic and subcultural context within which they work.

An attitude sometimes found both among development planners and among Host
Country nationals is that employment of women will exacerbate unemployment
problems (Germain, 1976/77). In reality, however, women are already
employed--primarily in the informal sector which generally has very poor
working conditions. They are also de facto heads of household in approximately
35% of the world's households.

Illiteracy has been a barrier to implementing WID policies Bangladesh and
Cameroon representatives (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:9). Considera-
tions of this barrier can guide the choice of methods and the channels of
communication used to implement the policies.

These are only some of the more salient and crosscutting values, attitudes
and cultural orientations which challenge WID advisors and consultants. The
extreme diversity of class, ethnicity, subnational groups, marital and age
norms must be acknowledged in the realities of an international development
project. These locally based orientations are there to guide those who listen.

Structural Issues -

A common complaint among nations attempting to implement policies support-
ing women's equality is the lack of skilled personnel needed to work in the
units responsible for the policies (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:9).


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This is partially the result of some of the ambiguities currently inherent in
the field of women's rights.

WID professionals are sometimes accused of not being really interested in
Third World women's concerns but of seeking to advance their own careers. This
is due to the dual thrust of the field--to increase women's participation in
every decision-making level and also to increase the knowledge base about
changing situations of women throughout the world.

Because of men's historical lack of knowledge and sensitivity to many of
these issues, women have been the primary ones to populate the units responsi-
ble for implementing women's rights. In fact, Dixon (1980) indicated that
there is a much higher accountability to women's concerns in international
development projects which have women personnel. Tinker (1982a) suggests that
the "affirmative action" thrust must continue as long as men and many women
have a hard time taking women's issues seriously.

The cost of this, however, is that such positions are often viewed as
secondary and an impediment to personal career advancement. Therefore many
women, as well as men, refuse to become part of such policy-implementing units
(Tinker, 1982a:10). This is an issue which can be resolved only with
increased regard for the rights of all humanity.

These issues are reflected in another complaint identified by some of the
governments--the lack of executive power or of political support to implement
women's rights policies (United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:9). This, of
course, is a reflection of the amount of political power which women are able
to command. Political structures respond to political constituents and, as
long as women remain private but not public constituents, public structures
will not respond.

Palmer (1980) underscores the need for constant watchfulness in reporting
that the United Nations conferences which included substantive statements about
Women had intensive lobbying groups working on their preparatory committees.
In examining the progress of women's issues throughout the conference
processes, often early acceptance of some women's issues gave way to
later modification or elimination of this material, even when it was acknowl-
edged to have merit" (Palmer, 1980:37). This is also true on national and
local levels.

There is danger in treating the establishment of the insti-
tutions mandated to represent women's interests as proof of
substantive commitment, requiring little or no further
action, commitment of funds or political support. The
proliferation of institutions can through the bureau-
cratization of initiatives and the marginalization of grass-
roots efforts, reduce or neutralize the effectiveness of
women's attempts to influence the development process
(United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:12).

It is critical that the policies and institutions relevant to women's
rights become instruments for furthering equity for women rather than for
lulling women and men into complacency.


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Acknowledging a Constituency -

From the previous analysis it is quite apparent that formal policies and
institutional mechanisms are deadening without an external acknowledge d
constituency which creates political pressures to reinforce and maintain t e
policies. Women's organizations have been proposed as one such constituency.

Autonomous women's organizations exist in all nations. They have been
instrumental in creating national and international policies (United Nation ,
A/CONF.94/11, 1980; Tinker, 1982b) as well as other forms of social,
political, and economic liberation (Bergman, 1975; Urdang, 1979; Flora,
1982). They are critically important in countries where there are no formal
institutional mechanisms charged with monitoring and developing women's rights.

Women's organizations are important in: (1) mobilizing people at many
levels to influence international, national, regional and local policies, plans
and programs; (2) monitoring and evaluating the policies, plans and programs
and in initiating independent programs; (3) acting as a forum to provide a
support network among women, raising their consciousness and training them to
work in the public arena; (4) providing a resource base for social, economici
and political action.

Although women's organizations have experienced some success, they have
generally limited their activities to welfare issues rather than becoming
engaged in the broader struggle for social transformation except for some
groups involved in liberation movements and within many socialist countries
(United Nations, A/CONF.94/11, 1980:15). The organizations often limit theil
activities to the interests of their upper or middle class members thus not
reflecting the concerns of most of the women in a society.

An example of a coalition of both elite and worker women's organizations,
which was able to represent a cross-section of the women in a society, occurred
in India in 1980. This coalition developed a symposium on "Indian Women in tie
Eighties: Development Imperatives" which was to insure that woments
needs and expectations receive due representation within the Sixth Five YesI
Plan" (Varadappan, n.d.:l).

The women's organizations which formed the coalition were the National
Federation of Indian Women, the YWCA of India, the YWCA of Delhi, the Centre
for Women's Development Studies, the Indian Federation of University Women's
Associations, the Janvadi Mahila Samiti, and the All India Coordination
Committee of Working Women (Varadappan, n.d.:4). Other participants included
government officers, representatives of international agencies involved in
programs for women's development, other women's organizations and media
representatives.

The following rationale was given for the symposium:

Contrary to general expectations, research revealed that the
condition of women, particularly of the masses of poor and -
rural women, has been declining over the last few decades,


MSU/WID


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as indicated by trends in the sex ratio, economic partici-
pation, migration, and health and educational status. The
rising wave of crimes and violence against women provoked
an outburst of women's anger and protests across the country
(Varadappan, n.d.:l)

Within the government, some rethinking of the policies and programs relevant
to the situation of women was also occurring in response to the research
results and the anger of women. Thus, this was a propitious time to create
additional political pressure on the Indian government.

A member of the National Planning Commission was invited to address the
Symposium and to respond to some of the criticisms of the Sixth Five Year Plan
made by members of the Symposium. He called for the assistance of women's
organizations and other institutions to operationalize the needed programs,
" .. to improve management of development programs to prevent wastage of
scarce resources" and to provide a link for participation of women at the
grassroot level (Varadappan, n.d.:4).

Some of the recommendations made by the Symposium participants to modify
the Sixth Five Year Plan included:

4. unless explicit provisions for the imperative
developmental needs of women [particularly in the areas of
employment, health and education are] made in the Sixth
Five Year Plan, the conditions of women will continue to
decline, notwithstanding Constitutional pledges of equality
and justice and the parliamentary mandate for removal of
disparities and discrimination.

Recommendation: A. Replacement of Family/Household
approach in Programme thrusts by explicit mention of women
as a target group [because] Programmes developed on
the basis of family/household approach will reinforce the
perspective of women's economic role as marginal and sup-
plemental bypass women in transferring technologies .
ignore child care service needs insure little
security to agricultural women and children with the
increasing incidence of desertion, divorce and eviction of
women and children.

Recommendation: B. Introduction of a 'Special
Component' approach with earmarked resources in all sectoral
plans and programmes and separate monitoring arrange-
ments. This is especially needed in programmes
designed for accelerating rural development, credit dis-
persal to weaker sections and promoting employment oppor-
tunities expand the cadre of female extension workers
in new areas of technology and credit promotion. The
special component approach is necessary to create the
awareness among planners and development administrators
that women have some additional constraints.


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Recommendation: C. and E. Provision of network of
child care centres within the minimum needs programme. .
Emphasis on Maternal and Child Health and Family Planning
as a special component within the primary health care plan
the surest way to achieving the national objective of
the small family norm is women's economic and social
emancipation.

Recommendation: D. Expansion of Training oppor-
tunities for women particularly in agriculture and agrobased
industries, and nontraditional (i.e. nonstereotyped) and
more skilled industrial occupation and trades.

Recommendation: F. and G. Adoption of physical and
time targets to reduce male-female gaps in literacy and
elementary education. Promoting Values of Sex-
Equality within and through the Educational Process.

Recommendation: H. Development of field cadres and
innovative and empowered agencies within the Government to
assist in formulation, implementation and monitoring of
special component programmes for women's development.

Recommendation: I. Improving enforcement of exist-
ing laws for the protection of women and women workers, and
women's access to legal remedies establishment of
Family Courts free legal aid and counseling services
for women, dissemination of information on legal rights and
responsibilities among women change methods of wage
fixation and its payment in agriculture and other unor-
ganized occupations to eliminate discrimination and to
insure that the wage reaches the women. (Varadappan,
n.d.:213).

When the Sixth Five Year Plan was published, it included an emphasis on
specific attention to women as "one of the most vulnerable members of the
family" (Women and Development, n.d.:4). In education, a need to change text-
books, teaching aids, and home science teaching so that the concept of
symmetrical families can take root" (Women and Development, n.d.:4) was
specified. Streamlining admission policies for greater enrollment of women in
engineering, electronics, agricultural, veterinary, fishery and forestry
courses was indicated as were additional scholarship programs for girls.

Maternal nutrition programs, increased use of local people such as widows
or deserted women for delivery of health services (and associated training),
and increased training facilities for nurses were outlined.

Public works projects, armed forces, modernization of traditional women's
occupations (spinning, weaving, agriculture, etc.) while monitoring the impact
of mechanization on women's employment and child care centers were all
mentioned as employment strategies for women.


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Furthermore, the Equal Remuneration Act would be reviewed and appropriate
measures taken to insure that women's wages/salaries would be equal and go
directly to them. Increased apprenticeship training opportunities for women
would also receive special attention (Women and Development, n.d.:410).

In summary, the major thrust of the VI Plan in the field of
welfare of women is their economic upliftment through
greater opportunities for salaried, self and wage employ-
ment. However, the improvements in the socioeconomic
status of women would depend to a large extent on the social
change in the value system, attitudes and social structure
prevailing in the country (Women and Development, n.d.:10).

Even when there are policies and programs within the government which support
the equality of women as well as active women's organizations outside the
government which create a constituency heard by government, there are still
plenty of issues to be addressed. Women's work is never done??!!


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SUGGESTED READINGS


Akande, J. 0. Debo. Law and the Status of Women in Nigeria. 1979. United
Nations. Economic Commission for Africa. African Training and Research Centre
for Women. ECA/ATRCW/RES01/79. 77 pp.

Bergman, Arlene E. Women of Vietnam. 1975. San Francisco: Peoples Press.
255 pp.

Boulding, Elise. "Integration into What? Reflections on Development Planning
for Women." In Roslyn Dauber and Melinda Cain (eds.), Women and Technological
Change in Developing Countries. 1981. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp.
9-32.

Dixon, Ruth B. Assessing the Impact of Development Projects on Women.
Discussion Paper No. 8, 1980. Washington, DC: Office of Women in Development
and Office of Evaluation, Bureau for Program and Policy Coordination, U.S.
Agency for International Development. 105 pp.

Flora, Cornelia Butler. Socialist Feminism in Latin America. Working Paper
No. 14, 1982. Women in International Development, 202 Center for International
Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 27 pp.

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). The Peasant's
Charter: The Declaration of Principles and Programme of Action of the Worla
Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development. Rome, 1981. FAO, Via
delle Terme Caracalla, 00100 Rome, Italy. 35 pp.

Germain, Adrienne. "Poor Rural Women: A Policy Perspective." Journal of
International Affairs, Vol. 30, No. 2, 1976-77. New York, NY: Columbia
University, School of International Affairs. pp. 161-172.

International Women's Tribune Centre, Inc. (compilers). Resolutions and
Decisions Referring Specifically to Women. 36th Session. United Nations
General Assembly. 1981. 345 East 46th Street #815, New York, NY 10017.
27 pp.

Michigan State University. Policy Guidelines for International Activities of
Michigan State University. Revised May 2, 1979. East Lansing, MI: Office of
tne Dean of International Studies and Programs.

Palmer, Ingrid. Recommendations Relating to Women and Development Emerging
from Conferences Held Under the Auspices of the United Nations or the
Specialized Agencies. 1980. Report prepared for the Department of
International Economic and Social Affairs for the World Conference of the
United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace, 14-30 July,
Copenhagen, Denmark. A/CONF.94/19. 41 pp.


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"Percy Amendment." Foreign Assistance Act of 1973. Public Law 93-189, 93r
Congress. Senate 1443, December 17, 1973.

Rogers, Barbara. The Domestication of women: Discrimination in Developin
Societies. 1980. New York: Tavistock Publications. 200 pp.

Tinker, Irene. Implementing Women in Development Policies and PrograMs.
1982a. Paper presented at the Society for International Development 25t
Anniversary Conference, 18-22 July, Baltimore, MD. May be copied at: Wome
in International Development, 202 Center for International Programs, Michiar
State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 5 pp.

__ Irene. Gender Equity in Development: A Policy Perspective.
19820. Paper presented at the workshop on Women, Households and Human Capita.
Development in Low-income Countries, convened by the Rockefeller Foundation,
12-14 July, Mount Kisco, New York. May be copied at: Women in Internationa
Development, 202 Center for International Programs, Michigan State University,
East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 21 pp.


U. S. Agency for International Development (USA(D). Policy Paper on Women r
Development. October 1982. Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for Internationa
Development. Bureau for Program and Policy Coordination. 43 pp.

SFood and Agricultural Development. AID Policy Paper, 1982.
Washington, DC: Bureau for Program and Policy Coordination, USAID.

_. Program Guidance for FY 1980. AIDTO CIRC A-168. Washington, DC:
USAID, Department of State. pp. 13-17.

1980 Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United State
Senate and the Committee on Foreign Affairs, United States House of Represe-
tatives. n.d. Washington, DC: Office of Women in Development, Bureau fo
Program and Policy Coordination, USAID. 246 pp. + appendices.

United Nations. Review and Evaluation of Progress Achieved in the
Implementation of the World Plan of Action: National Machinery an
Legislation. 1980. World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women:
Equality, Development and Peace, 14-30 July, Copenhagen, Denmark,.
A/CONF.94/11. 27 pp.

Review of the Activities of the Specialized Agencies and
Organizations in the United Nations System Aimed at the Implementation of tn
Objectives of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development an
Peace. 1980. World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women
Equality, Development and Peace, 14-30 July, Copenhagen, Denmark
A/CONF.94/20. 39 pp.

World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women
Equality, Development and Peace. Review and Evaluation of Progress Achieved
in the Implementation of the world Plan of Action: Employment. A/CONF.94/34,1
1980. United Nations, One United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017. 61 pp. 1


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*World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women:
Equality, Development and Peace. Programme of Action for the Second Half of
the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace.
A/CONF.94/8, 1980. United Nations, One United Nations Plaza, New York, NY
10017. 45 pp.

Report of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for
Women: Equality, Development and Peace. A/CONF.94/35, 1980. United Nations,
New YorK, NY 10017. 238 pp.

Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women.
Thirty Fourth Session, 18 December 1979. doc. no. A/RES.34/180.

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). "Women and the New International
Economic Order: Impact of Recommendations on Commodities, Industrialization
and Science and Tecnnology." Development Issues Paper for the 1980s, 1980.
New York: UNDP. 17 pp.

SGuidelines on the Integration of Women in Development. G3100-1,
1977. UNDP, One United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017. 30 pp.

United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). The New International
Economic Order: What Roles for Women? E/CN.14/ATRCW/77/W03, 1977. UNECA,
P.O. Box 3001, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. 45 pp.

Report of Missions to Review and Follow Up the Results of
Itinerant Training Workshop. 1976. UNECA, P. 0. Box 3001, Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia. 43 pp.

United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) Women and
Development Guidelines for Programme and Project Planning. 1982. Distribution
Unit, Documents and Publications Service, CEPAL, Casilla 179-D, Santiago,
Chile. 123 pp.

Urdang, Stephanie. Fighting Two Colonialisms: Women in Guinea-Bissau. 1979.
New York: Monthly Review Press. 320 pp.

Varadappan, Sarojini. Indian Women in the Eighties: Development Imperatives.
n.d.' May be copied at: Women in International Development, 202 Center for
International Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035.
13 pp.

"Nomen and Development." Chapter 27 of the Sixth Five Year Plan (1978-1983).
n.d. May be copied at: Women in International Development, 202 Center for
International Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Mt
48824-1035. 13 pp.

Women's Equity Action League Educational and Legal Defense Fund (WEAL FUND).
Decade for Women: World Plan of Action. Condensed version. n.d. WEAL Fund,
World Plan Project, 733 15th Street NW, Washington, DC 20005. 20 pp.


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4. PROJECT CYCLE


In order to be effective, the WID professional not only needs to understand
the issues discussed in previous chapters (e.g., relevant theories, policies,
and political contexts) but also the complex configuration of the organiza-
tional procedures of universities working alone or in consort with equally
complex donor organizations and the resources available to the WID group.
Active project advisement also requires one to be particularly knowledgeable
about the life cycle of a project within that context and the resulting
demands that accompany each phase.

Different funding agencies have different requirements within their project
cycle. For example, the World Bank, whose funding is usually in the form of
loans to Host Countries, operates with six formal phases in the project cycle:
(1) identification, (2) preparation, (3) appraisal (by the Bank staff assessing
technical, institution building, economic and financial aspects), (4) negotia-
tions and Board presentation, (5) implementation and supervision, (6) evalua-
tion (Baum, 1978).

Rondinelli (1979), looking specifically at the World Bank, the United
Nations Development Program (UNDP) and AID, presented a twelve-stage project
cycle through which nearly all projects evolve: (1) project identification and
definition, (2) project formulation, preparation, and feasibility analysis,
(3) project design, (4) project appraisal, (5) project selection, negotiation
and approval, (6) project activation and organization, (7) project implementa-
tion and operation, (8) project supervision, monitoring and control,
(9) project completion or termination, (10) output diffusion and transition to
normal administration, (11) project evaluation and (12) follow-up analysis and
action (which may lead back to a new #1 as above). Private foundations
frequently have somewhat simpler procedures.

Criticisms of the extensive donor requirements emphasize the heavy burden
they place on developing countries which tend to have small administrative
staffs. In addition, the complicated procedures often cause costly delays in
project activity (Rondinelli, 1979). However, when the substantial detail of
careful planning is omitted, inefficient and wasteful project activities may
result--a loss which can be extremely expensive (Gittinger, 1982). To the
extent that the WID advisor can facilitate the process, s/he becomes an
important member of the project team and likely will be expected to contribute
to the writing of project documents and reports. Core components of the
process are discussed below.


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The Planning Phase

Preplanning:

A project begins at a preplanning stage when various persons, motivated by
external requests and/or self-interests, create the germ of a project idea.
While the initial idea may emanate from one person or several, a thinking-
through or brain-storming period allows for the exploration of: (a) identified
needs, (t) existing strategies addressing those needs, (c) available resources
(human, physical, financial), (d) desired outcomes,. (e) long-range ultimate
goals, and (f) possible plans of action.

Exploration of the above points is not always, and perhaps not even often,
done formally. The process may involve only one person. However, persons
working with project development teams usually encourage an open process
involving an array of colleagues in the total discussion. Quite a bit of the
thinking and communication, sometimes over long periods of time, may go on
before actual negotiations with a donor agency begin. This is particularly
likely when the projects are evolving directly from within the developing
countries themselves, such as is especially encouraged by various organizations
of the United Nations (e.g., UNICEF). Some of the donor agencies of individual
Western countries also emphasize that the initiation for the projects should
come from developing countries (e.g., International Development Research
Corporation [IDRC] of Canada).

When the project evolves from professionals within the donor country, it
will presumably be based on identified developing country needs. In this case,
the project can grow in response to Requests for Proposals (RFP's) from the
donor agencies. A project can also evolve from an unsolicited proposal sub-
mitted directly to a donor by a professional who documents needs and resources
in accord with donor agency priorities. Ideally for these projects, Host
Country nationals are involved as early in the process as possible.

In recent years AID has developed a process called a "logical framework"
(Logframe) which creates a more structured orientation to the above process.

The Logframe is organized around a 4 x 4 matrix which gives the framework
for presentation of (a) narrative summary of project, (b) indicators (criteria
to indicate goal achievement), (c) means of verification (data to be used to
judge criteria), and (d) assumptions (presumed "givens" on which the above
plans are based) as related to the (a) overall goal, (b) project purpose,
(c) outputs, and (d) inputs.

Theoretically, when done correctly, there is not only a well-developed
operational plan for the project but an evaluative tool as well, which is use-
ful throughout the project. While Logframes can be a very valuable tool, they
are the most valuable when used in clearly defined settings with objective
methodologies and well-understood outcomes. On the other hand, use of Log-
frames in cross-cultural settings addressing socio-cultural phenomena requires
a great deal of caution because definitions of the variables listed above
(e.g., indicators, means of verification and assumptions) are culture bound,
value laden and frequently difficult to perceive. An shortened example of a
Logframe from one of the Bean/Cowpea Collaborative Research Support Program
projects is shown below.


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BEAN/COWPEA CRSP MALAWI PROJECT LOGFRAME (Shortened Version)


NARRATIVE SUNMARY CRITERIA OR OBJECTIVES INDICATORS DATA NEEDS OR MEANS OF ASSUMPTIONS OR REQUIRED "GIVENS"
VERIFICATION
Analysis of the biological/ 1. Significant factors in each 1. Identification of relevant 1. Biological/social data can be
GOAL social bases for the maintenance subarea (genetic, agronomic, ecological zones collected on the same farm
of bean diversity in Malawi sociological, cultural) 2. Farm household observations households in each region
identified and surveys 2. Residents, especially women,
2. Factors concerned with 3. Field and greenhouse studies will cooperate
production, distribution, on Malawi beans 3. Biological/social data can be
utilization and consumption integrated in a comprehensive
identified analysis

Provide information necessary 1. Survey and observations of 1. Multivariate analysis of 1. A national bean program can
to develop a viable bean small farm households data generated help the bean farmers of Malawi
improvement program supportive throughout production cycle 2. Description of blo-social 2. Residents, especially women,
PURPOSE of small farmers, especially 2. Bean collections from each environment will cooperate
women and their families in area throughout production 3. Definition of roles of family 3. Bio-social data can be
Malawi cycle members in farm household integrated in an analysis
3. Resident reports of life cycle and the
socio-cultural factors maintenance of diversity

1. Comprehensive report of 1. Multiple copies of report 1. Computer printouts read and 1. Such a report can be valid,
analysis of bean diversity available for distribution interpreted in relation to useful and appropriate
within context of farm 2. Report used by GOM In all other available data 2. Positive use will be made of
family system conjunction with Bunda 2. Findings disaggregated by the information in support of
2. Recommendations for bean College to develop long-term geographic region, point in small farm families
improvement plan for USAID, bean program for Malawi production cycle and gender 3. Information from this project
0GM and Bunda 3. US and Malawi scientists 3. Extensive notes kept by US will be useful to others
OUTPUTS 3. Important contributions to publish jointly in and Malawi scientists 4. There are potential students
relevant literature and appropriate journals throughout process prepared and available for
Bean/Cowpea CRSP 4. Graduates from identified 4. University records advanced training
4. Increased numbers of graduate programs
Malawlan scientists trained


1. Materials, supplies and
equipment
2. Survey and data gathering
trips including collecting
seed samples
3. Greenhouse and field space
for multiplying and
studying plants grown from
the collections


1. Landrover, motorcycles,
bicycles, irrigation and
greenhouse equipment
2. Trained team of Malawi
female researchers to gather
socio-cultural data
3. U. S. researchers on site
collaborating with Malawian
scientists


1. Approvals requested received,
equipment purchased
2. Personnel at appointed loca-
tions with support materials
and logistics in order
3. Necessary approvals received,
research plan begun


1. Necessary materials either
available in Malawi or can be
transported into country
2. Women to be hired and trained
are available
3. Project personnel are
compatible and can work
together


INPUTS








Other documents used in the AID system and the purposes of each are as follows:

CDSS (Country Development Strategy Statement) Prepared annually by the USAID
Mission, this document summarizes in about 50 pages, the Host Country's
social and economic development status; progress and constraints to
development; the Host Country's development plan and resources, and the
USAID Mission's overall and sectoral assistance strategy, within the
framework of current AID/Washington policy and guidelines.

PID (Project Identification Document) Prepared by the USAID Mission in
collaboration with Host Country counterparts at any time the need becomes
evident, this document outlines in about 15 pages, the description,
rationale, and estimated cost for a new project, which is consistent with
the Host Country's development plan, and the USAID Mission's assistance
strategy as described in the current CDSS.

PP (Project Paper) Prepared by the USAID Mission in collaboration with Host
Country counterparts after approval of the PID by the AID/Washington
Regional Bureau. This document is a thorough analysis, plan, schedule,
rationale, cost estimate, and recommendation for a new project, complete
with supporting documents, tables, schedules, and special studies.

PROAG (Project Agreement) Prepared by the USAID Mission in negotiation with
Host Country counterparts, after approval of the PP by the AID/Washington
Regional Bureau and in anticipation of notification by AID/Washington that
funding will be available. This document summarizes the essential elements
of the objective and rationale for the PP, the amount and type of funding,
and the responsibilities of the U.S. and the Host Country in implementing
the project. An updated implementation plan is also prepared and made a
part of the PROAG. The PROAG is signed jointly by representatives of the
USAID Mission and the Host Country.

PIL or IMPLETTER (Project Implementation Letter) Prepared by the USAID
Mission at any time during project implementation when the USAID Project
Officer considers it appropriate, the PIL provides additional administra-
tive, financial and/or technical guidance or clarification to the Host
Country Project Manager.

PIO (Project Implementation Order) Prepared by the USAID Project Officer at
any time during project implementation, the principal means for obligating
project funds. There are three types of PIO's:

PIO/T To procure specialized Technical Services

PIO/C To procure project Commodities; equipment and supplies

PIO/P To provide for Host Country personnel training as Participants
in the U.S. or third countries.


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PES (Project Evaluation Summary) Prepared by the USAID Mission Evaluation
Officer and USAID Project Officer in collaboration with the Host Country
Counterpart Project Officer at least annually during the life of a project,
this document summarizes progress and highlights problems, action decisions
and unresolved issues.

Other donor agencies such as the World Bank, private foundations, the
United Nations Development Program (UNDP) have their own procedures. WID
professionals need to be familiar with their various procedures, seeking the
appropriate handbook from the project leader or the home office of the funding
agency.

The initial level of commitment to an international project is influenced
by a number of factors. Variables which frequently motivate persons to become
involved in international work are personal satisfaction, concern for critical
global issues, professional development, status and respect among peers,
freedom and professional autonomy, and other external rewards. To the extent
that money can buy these, access to funding becomes an important motivation.
The motivations of project personnel provide important information for the WID
advisors and consultants.

Ideally, project advisement begins during preplanning, introducing WID
issues into the definition of goals, indicators, and strategies. Those factors
can then be explored as they relate to women in the Host Country. Thus,
women's needs, resources, and objectives become a part of initial project
conceptualization. This model is the ideal in which the WID issues become an
integral part of the totality of an international project which has a non-WID
general focus. However, sometimes the complete inclusion model is not
possible.

Another possibility which should then be considered is to create a special
component within the project which will be responsible for addressing the
specific WID issues. For example, in a study of farming technologies if the
project design will not allow an examination of how both male and female
members of a farming household use the technology, certain female-headed
farming households may be identified for separate examination. This component
of the project may need to request its own budget and personnel independently
of the general project resources.

Finally, if the WID group decides not to continue working with a particular
project, WID personnel may decide to develop a women-specific project com-
pletely independent of the original project but in the same Host Country.

These options can be considered by the WID group during the preplanning
phase.

A hint of the required human investments necessary to introduce and
maintain the WID perspective in a project becomes apparent during the pre-
planning brainstorming. The commitment of personal and professional time, the
commitment of physical resources--human and institutional, the emotional ego
involvement, all begin during this period. The WID person from the Project
Advisement Task Force develops insights into what can be expected over time by


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assessing collegial and institutional commitment. This is an important stage
for WID involvement and, even with meager resources and a low level of commit-
ment by other project personnel, attention at least to non-threatening
consciousness raising may be critical to future goals.

To insure that the project is well designed and the personnel are
adequately supported, planning grant funds are frequently sought (e.g. feasi-
bility study or seed money for pilot project). Ideally, these funds include
support for WIO-relevant activities.

Negotiations:

When a funding agency has expressed an interest in a particular project,
negotiations begin on the principal issues: agreeing on the project objec-
tives, the actions necessary to achieve them and the project schedule for
action implementation. The agency must select from among competing projects
and thus the project team is hard pressed to keep its ideas within agency
priorities.

If there is no formal planning grant for some projects, formal U.S. and
Host Country commitments to project discussions may be sought at this time even
without financial backing. A thorough appreciation of local conditions in the
Host Country is very helpful in these discussions. A Planning grant allows
for more comprehensive and in-depth study in support of the negotiations.

The Planning Grant:

Concern for a planning grant might well include attention to the issue of
an appropriate organization to fund the implementation phase as well. Fre-
quently submission of a proposal for a planning project is the most efficient
strategy to use in approaching a funding agency. The guidelines followed and
feedback received will increase the likelihood that the product at the end of
the planning period will be acceptable to that donor agency.

When approaching a funding source, the program objectives and priorities
of that agency are among the most significant factors for the WID person. This
information is usually available through a Request for Proposals (RFP), a
"program guidelines for potential grantees," or through the latest agency
annual report.

The goals and objectives of the proposed project must match the priorities
of the funding source. The best of intentions and ideas, if emphasizing
directions counter to the priorities of the funding agency, can kill the
chances for project funding from that source. Thus, if the agency's priorities
do not mention WID concerns, it is incumbent upon the potential grantees to
work these ideas into a proposal in a way that does not destroy the integrity
of the agency intentions. Sometimes the agency leads the potential grantees
in having a strong WID perspective. An appreciation of the potential grantor's
position on issues related to women in development is compulsory in order to
map out a strategy for its inclusion in the proposal. The WID advisor must be
very sensitive to strengthening the project's ability to meet the agency's
priorities.


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Applying for a planning grant is an excellent clarifying exercise. It
forces one to come to grips with objectives, procedures, team strengths, weak-
nesses, commitments, and issues of appropriateness and evaluation. In addi-
tion, building a successful, mutually beneficial union between a heterogeneous
team and a funding source requires time and perseverance. Thus, the expendi-
ture of funds for a long distance call followed by a personal visit for
discussions with funding source representatives or program officers may be a
worthwhile investment. Such communication not only acquaints the potential
grantors with the strength and competence of the team, it also clarifies for
the team the parameters within which their project plans must fit. At any
rate, many drafts, compromises, adjustments, steady nerves, constant attention
and flexibility are required. Heavy use of the telephone and the mail is
frequently imperative.

The WID advisor can assess from the perspective of the project director,
the formal professional resources available for working on the project and the
informal resources available for advice, guidance and other critical forms.of
support. A missing disciplinary, geographical or gender perspective can be
addressed by an appropriate WID person with access to these resources (the
earlier in the process the better). Initial interactions may be somewhat
strained and awkward as new and unfamiliar groups are faced with a WID
presence.

Failure of the team to work together and achieve the sought after grant can
frequently be laid on personal factors (problems of matching personalities,
accepting responsibilities, adequate commitment by leadership) or more profes-
sional factors (problems of doing necessary "homework," establishing prior-
ities, decision-making style). Since the WID advisor is sometimes the marginal
presence within a project team, that person will occasionally be the one
blamed for the team's failure to procure the grant. This must be carefully
examined by the Project Advisement group. The WID advisor need not receive
such comments personally. Often non-WID professionals who are sympathetic to
the WID issues can help project team members to develop a different perception
of the situation.

WID professionals who must attempt to avoid such situations discourage
stronger project resistance to WID concerns in the future.

The Planning Process:

Once the formal planning process is begun, with or without a planning
grant, the issue of project team building becomes crucial. Significant project
parameters and program directions may be formally decided upon by the group.
The person responsible for the WID contribution has to be diligent and alert
to those decisions.

Assuming the identification of specific resources required, attention is
given to finding just the right persons to provide those resources--an exercise
that is likely to determine the outcome of the efforts more than any other
single factor. It is not easy to replace people once they are hired; someone,
who may have initially covered up a basic level of incompetence or non-
acceptance of WID interests, can cause problems throughout the life of the
project.


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For this reason, the writing of job descriptions is more than just a
procedure that must be followed. When taken seriously, the thoughtful
development of criteria for the selection of needed professionals can
discourage the utilization of irrelevant characteristics in professional
selection such as the use of the proverbial "good ole boy" network.

The practice of choosing persons most like oneself is a common occurrence.
Being able to second guess another, predict what that person will do under
stress or being comfortable leaving important tasks entrusted to a new
acquaintance is facilitated to the extent that the person is a member of the
decision-maker's "family." The WID advisor frequently is in a position to
question the appropriateness of a particular criterion in the selection of
resource people.

Team building requires the patient evolution of a working relationship
often between very different personalities. In the case of international
projects, there are nationality, cultural, ethnic, language as well as gender
and disciplinary differences. Individual commitment to project goals is
critical. A reasonable sense of humor is a characteristic that has been known
to assist the Project Advisement representative find a niche on the team.
This is especially true if the other team persons are unfamiliar with the
concerns of WID and thus, in their discomfort, resort to tired and corny WID
jokes which the WID person might consider living with--at least for a while.

Team building is facilitated by the establishment of a professional climate
that supports group morale and reinforces the working environment. Factors
important in the professional climate include:

a. Acceptance of common ultimate goals

b. Acceptance of constructive criticism

c. Acceptance of earned blame

d. Appropriate expressions of self-regret or praise of others

e. "Stopping the buck" as appropriate within one's realm of
responsibility

f. "Being a team player" rather than a "loner" when it comes to project
activities and decisions

Clearly team building is a process that goes on for the life of the
project. It is not achieved quickly. From the initial team building efforts
in the planning process, one continues to reinforce the team relationship as
the project plan is developed. This is likely to take much longer in inter-
national, interdisciplinary projects and, thus, the project calendar is
appropriately developed to reflect this need.

Plan development involves organizing the project objectives in some logical
sequence, defining the work tasks or steps to be followed and the identifica-
tion of persons to perform those tasks. The development of a time frame into


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which the steps fit is an important part of the process. There are many
management tools useful in this process (e.g., Program Evaluation and Review
Technique [PERT] charts).

There are also administrative actions appropriate in the planning process.
These actions are generally guided by sets of university procedures for each
planning requirement and by university rules regarding necessary approvals.
While these rules and procedures are sometimes cumbersome, they can be shown
to work in behalf of WID when a WID review is part of the process (e.g.,
M.S.U. Advisory/Consultative Committee Review).

When the plan is ready for budget development, engaging an experienced
person from the university grants and contracts office saves many future
problems. These persons are familiar with the university's negotiated overhead
rate for each donor agency and can assist in the calculation of all of the
required indirect costs and fringe benefits. In addition, they can frequently
give advice as to overseas living costs and the financial and government
requirements of short or long term work at an international site. Topics such
as insurance, liability and health service also can be addressed.

When the so-called "final" plan is completed, it is submitted to a funding
source. Whether the potential grantor is the organization which supported the
planning phase or a totally new one, there is a strong chance of having to
write and re-write final documents before a grant is awarded. As in the early
planning grant stage, meeting with representatives of the funding source is
crucial. The WID professional will discover that significant gains won in
integrating the WID perspective during the planning process can be lost in a
flash--a missed meeting, a critical last-minute phone call--during this phase.
The final proposal negotiations require exceptional vigilance as both potential
grantor (who has agency priorities) and the grantee (who has personal prior-
ities) seek to insure that their respective objectives are the significant part
of the bargain--the WID person may be caught in the middle and squeezed out all
together in rapid final negotiations.

Satisfying "all of the people" means (1) the university establishment with
its procedures and priorities, (2) the funding source with its procedures and
priorities, (3) the participants' units with their priorities, (4) the parti-
cipants themselves and (5) the recipients of project results, domestic and
international. Juggling all of these interests can further squeeze out WID
interests without good-humored diligence on the part of the WID person.
Project team morale is especially critical during this time when deadlines and
regulations make for frayed nerves. To the extent that the WID professional
has developed a Host Country constituency, so much the better.

The professional document that is submitted for funding must be clear, well
organized, with project priorities concisely written. Some funding agencies
require an approved format. On occasion it is appropriate to hand carry,
rather than mail, the proposal to the potential grantor and make an oral
presentation based on the data and information developed during the planning
phase. At that time, well done audio-visual aids color-coded and tied to
clear proposal objectives can assist in displaying team competence and the
appropriateness of a perspective somewhat broader than may have been originally


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envisioned by the funding group (e.g., WID inclusion). If this proposal is
lengthy (over 10 pages), an executive summary of 1-2 pages will provide
pertinent information at a glance for quick reference during decision-making
meetings.

Over the course of the planning effort, there are several factors which
more than any others contribute to the success or failure of the project. The
first is experienced advice and guidance. A well-placed patron can save valu-
able time and frustration and can facilitate the process. The second factor
is the participation of Host Country nationals in project planning. The issues
of appropriateness, acceptance, legitimacy and team spirit require this
involvement from as early in the process as possible. The WID group should
reinforce the contribution of these two resources.

A third factor is team commitment. Because of various deadlines, a 200%
commitment and high team morale can make a difference at critical decision
points in the process. Frequently, demands on participants continue right up
to the last moment of approval as the final weeding-out process takes place.
The stress on the team has probably been no greater than at this point.

The Implementation Phase

One would think that after months and perhaps years of serious planning,
project implementation is a simple act of following an agreed upon plan. Not
so! While, to be sure, the more comprehensive and well developed the plan the
easier the progress of implementation is likely to be, each step of implemen-
tation is a very complicated process.

The WID professional may enter the project process during the implementa-
tion stage. If that occurs, it is very important that all written resources
are identified, including information concerning prior decisions and
activities. These will need to be thoroughly understood in order to guide the
development of a WID strategy.

Authorizing Documentation:

The documentation that authorizes the project will state the expectations
of the funding agency as to the responsibilities of the project personnel in
carrying out project objectives. Those responsibilities, which are the sole
reason for which the funds were awarded, are usually to be performed within
the time frame of the life of the authorization period. Thus, careful reading
of the final version of the authorizing document, usually a grant or contract,
is important.

U.S. government grants frequently have a section known as standard
provisions (e.g., regulations which apply to almost all projects using U.S.
government funds). These provisions are attached at the end of each project's
specific authorization and plan of work. They refer to such regulations as
(1) the individual pre-purchase approvals required from the grantor for items
of equipment over a certain price or having a certain manufacturer (e.g., non-
U.S. made) or (2) the requirement that persons travelling on U.S. government
funds use U.S. carriers whenever they are available. Standard provisions,


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while frequently difficult to read, are very important because these are the
conditions of performance that auditors check to identify those expenditures
that are disallowed. Project funds can usually be spent only on those
activities and purchases authorized in the grant authorization documents and
their amendments.

Disallowables are the bane of university contracts offices. When auditors
discover that funds have been spent illegitimately, that is expenditures in
conflict with the terms of the grant, the university has to find a way to pay
the amount back. Needless to say, this can be a serious problem.

Some grants authorize subdocuments (subgrants, subagreements, subcontracts)
to be arranged with other institutions or individuals who will also participate
in the project. In this case the first or principal institution may be desig-
nated a lead institution which will have major management responsibilities for
the project. All others, participating under subdocuments, are usually held
to the same standard provisions.

Memoranda of Understanding are usually open-ended, large umbrella agree-
ments from a grantor which acknowledge the intention of the grantee institution
to enter into at least one project but frequently with the option of additional
different projects as well. Each project developed under such Memorandum
needs fewer formal authorization procedures than those starting from the
beginning.

For the WID person, it is very important that there be some mention of the
WID perspective in the terms of the project documents. These formal terms are
the only ones for which project personnel are ultimately held accountable and
supersede all other good intentions. Thus, at significant decision points
throughout the life of the project, WID concerns can be gradually eroded with-
out explicit reference to WID issues in the project documents. Inevitable
changes in project leadership propose less of a threat to WID concerns when
these concerns are formalized in project documentation.

If concern for women and their families is not mentioned in the terms of
the grant and the WID professional has determined that the grantor is support-
ive of the WID perspective, an informal discussion with the project leadership
will determine if a letter of WID support from the grantor project officer is
possible as a way of giving legitimacy to the "good intentions." Such a letter
becomes an addendum to the terms of the grant. Similar letters are not unusual
for other important points of operation which are inadvertently overlooked when
project documents are drawn up. To facilitate grantor approval of an adjust-
ment, it must indicate that there will be no change in the total funding
authorization required. However, it is usually possible to request a change
in the distribution of funds within the project budget.

Project Budget:

Next to the project's authorizing documents, the project budget is most
important. It will often be divided into categories based on the grantor's
standard procedure. Changes between categories usually require grantor
approval. Budget categories such as equipment, travel, supplies and services,


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and personnel (including fringe benefits) are all direct costs. At most
institutions there is a fixed fringe benefit percentage of salaries which
includes the amount paid into the retirement plan, health plan, etc. by the
institution. These employer-borne costs are usually assumed by the project
when the project takes over the salary previously paid by the university.

Indirect costs are taken together as a percentage of the total direct
costs. Sometimes equipment is excluded from the base amount of total direct
costs on which the indirect cost figure is calculated (this formula is known
as Modified Total Direct costs). Sometimes indirect costs are taken as a
percentage of salaries and wages only. The formula used, which includes both
the percentage rate and the base (with or without equipment), is usually a
negotiated agreement with the grantor. U.S. institutions negotiate a rate with
the federal government annually, in most cases maintaining two such rates--one
off-campus rate (lower) and one on-campus rate (higher). Since the indirect
costs payments are to cover the costs of offices, heat, lights, general office
equipment, building and grounds maintenance, the two rates acknowledge the
greater costs to the university if the project is located physically within
the university facilities.

It is most important for the WID advisor to understand the current indirect
cost rate for a particular grantor (some do not pay indirect costs at all).
There are ways to save project operating funds out of which WID activities are
paid and still pay an appropriate amount into the university coffers. For
example, even if a match or in-kind contribution is not required, one can
identify the extent to which there are such contributions supporting project
activity. Perhaps an exchange can be made between personnel time on which the
grant would have to pay the additional costs of fringe benefits in exchange for
the project's purchasing approved equipment on which indirect costs usually are
not paid. This exchange may be worked out in the best interest of all parties
if in fact the project budget bottom line is a set figure and the WID person
can thereby find "extra" funds to support the desired activities. If a WID
advisor or consultant does any traveling for the project, during the actual
time the person is traveling, the salary and fringe for that period, no matter
how short, are a contribution which should be counted as match if not paid for
by the project. A sample budget format from the Bean/Cowpea CRSP is included
below.

Travel:

International travel is frequently a significant part of participating in
international projects. Travel is especially important for the WID
professional who needs first-hand knowledge of families in Host Countries.
Through such travel, s/he can identify and encourage the participation of Host
Country women and women's organizations in project activity. The names and
locations of such individuals and groups can often be found in the literature
or through the various international WID-related networks. Frequently, how-
ever, nothing beats time in the field following up leads and getting away from
capital cities.


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FISCAL DATA FOR
CE1PRENT BUDGET PERIOD


Project Code or Identification by Institution


FTE AID CONTRIBUTION
Time Lead Institution Contribution Grand
i. Item No. % on,, On-Campus Ou-campus AID Total lotal US Total
CRSP US C Co-US HC For US For HC AID Inst. HC


1. PERSONNEL
A. Senior
1. Co-PIs
2. Sr. Associates
B. Other (Non-Faculty)
1. Res. Assoc./Postdocs
2. Other Professionals
3. Graduate Students
4. Pre-Bac Students
5. Clerical
6. Technicians
TOTAL PERSONNEL
C. FRINGE BENEFITS
D. TO1AL (IA, B, C)
* 2. EQUIPMENT & FACILITIES
(list major items on reverse side)
* 3. TRAVEL & PER DIEM
A. Domestic (within country)
B. Foreign (cross intnl borders)
L. TOTAL (3A & B)
4. MATERIALS & SUPPLIES


Coi. f# LCo. #Z
INDIRECT COST


(list major items by category/reverse side)
5.. OTHER DIRECT COSTS
A. Housing & Associated Costs
8. Publication Costs
C. Computer Use Costs
D. Training Costs
E, All Other Direct Costs _
F TOTAL (5A-E)

6. TOTAL DIRECT COSTS (Items 1-5)

7. INDIRECT COSTS (List Negotiated Rates on reverse side for each institution)
A. Lead Institution
B. Co-US Institution
C. HC Institution
D. TOTAL (7A-C)


TOTAL DIRECT & INDIRECT COSTS (Items 6 & 70)
SIGNATURES:
Prin. Invest. /


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Building collaboration with Third World colleagues, a function greatly
facilitated by international travel, is very important in international
development projects. Such collaboration requires that all parties are aware
of and participate in project implementation procedures. Although
international mail time and travel costs limit the extent to which close
collegial participation is possible, reinforcing cross-cultural communication
is an important contribution to project success.

The M.S.U. Library, as well as many of the departmental libraries, the NFE
Center and the WID Reading Room have excellent material on the history and
current situations in Host Countries with whom M.S.U. has projects. Informa-
tion is also available on the status and major concerns of women in those
countries. Project personnel are encouraged to make ample use of such
resources which are supportive of good relationships and intergroup communica-
tion. WID advisors and consultants can bring these resources to the attention
of the project team through bibliographical listings and/or brief reports.

A series of travel tips gleaned from experienced M.S.U. travellers are
included as Appendix 1 of this Manual. The project advisor or consultant
travelling abroad for the first time may find them useful.

The Evaluation Phase

Evaluation is research which reviews the results of a project designed to
accomplish certain identified ends and determines whether or not those ends
were achieved. Evaluations occur at many points in the project cycle. They
are useful in planning, as feedback during implementation ("formative"), or to
assess final outcomes of projects summativeve"). Summative evaluations are
usually designed to determine how well the projects were implemented. Very
few projects assess the actual or potential long-term project impacts.

Evaluation Issues:

1. Theoretical assumptions guide the total project process. These assump-
tions, however, are rarely questioned or even acknowledged by project
members. They are used in defining an issue or a problem. They also guide
the identification of key relationships between variables which need to be
changed to achieve resolution. The theoretical assumptions may or may not
be valid. One goal of evaluation is to help determine the validity and
reliability of the theoretical assumptions underlying project activity.

2. Within the complexities of project implementation, there are many points
where the project can "fail" to create satisfactory results. Adequate
evaluation requires periodic examination of the implementation process.
For example, there may be: (a) Incorrect definition of the problem. This
may be due to faulty theoretical assumptions or lack of information. The
pre-planning and planning stages are the points at which adequate informa-
tion should have been gathered to define the problem correctly. The
literature review, funding agency, Host Country agencies and collaborators,
as well as potential project clients, have a role to play in the correct
identification of the problem. (b) Inaccurate analysis of the variables
to be manipulated in solving the problem. Again the resources mentioned


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above can be useful in the correct specification of the variables important
in the project's local context. (c) Inadequate or incorrect resources and
their inefficient use particularly during the implementation stage are
additional causes of project failure.

3. There are an array of assumptions within the concept of evaluation itself.
These include: (a) the acceptance that there is a problem, (b) which is
solvable by a project, (c) which should be assessed, because (d) assessment
results will be used in a way that will influence some future activity.

Major Questions Asked in Project Evaluation Include -


* EFFECTIVENESS -



* EFFICIENCY





* SIGNIFICANCE -


Are the planned objectives being achieved within the
specified time framework? What are the unplanned
results?

Are the planned project objectives being achieved with
the most efficient use of resources? Often this is
determined using a benefit/cost ratio. This
methodology is useful to the extent that human and
social costs are factored in as part of the original
design.

Are the objectives of the project contributing to a
"better quality of life" or to some other broad goal
of international development? Do the persons involved
consider themselves "better off?"


The World Bank's evaluation of projects includes an assessment of secondary
benefits and costs including social costs. Resulting from technological
spillover, these problems often occur further down in the system and are
included either as a specific value or as the costs of averting the problem
even when they do not occur at the project site. "Shadow prices" are used
when the costs are not reflected in market prices. Secondary benefits are
also incorporated into the economic analyses (Gittinger, 1982). AID
frequently relies on the logframe as an evaluative tool, assessing both goal
achievement as anticipated and the validity of the supporting assumptions.

Sometimes project managers appear to make little direct use of evaluations.
However, the results can make significant statements which often appear in
later projects, if not in current project modifications. For the Project
Advisement group, on the other hand, such important data become the tools by
which WID-related project modifications can be justified. Thus, WID advisors
focus on the USE question throughout the evolution of the project.


- Who is to use the results of the project? For
what ends?


The issue of effectiveness is an especially significant evaluation
question and can be strengthened with appropriate WID inputs.


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Issues of efficiency will sometimes be used to counter WID-related sugges-
tions. However, past experiences with international development projects have
suggested that short-term efficiency gained by excluding women and their
families frequently sets up long-term losses. Attention to commonly accepted
goals may balance this bias.

Evaluation and Project Actors -

There are many different actors involved in development projects who are
sensitive to differing evaluation issues. Their interests and power to weigh
evaluation outcomes vary based on national and organizational affiliations as
well as on personal preferences.

The primary actors in these processes are:

funding agency
university administration
Host Country government
Host Country institution
project team members
evaluator
clients
WID consultant

The voices of the clients are usually muted in the project process--unless
they are unusually powerful or the project systematically includes them. Until
recently, the voices of women and children have not been heard at all. The
role of WID advisors and consultants includes reflecting the interests of Third
World women and children and continually finding ways to enter their voices
into the project process. Of special importance is their role in evaluating
project outcomes, especially when they were excluded from participation in
project implementation.

Guidelines for Assessing WID Project Issues

The Project Advisement Task Force has developed some guidelines to help the
WID advisor work with international development projects. The Guidelines can
be used at every stage of the project cycle, including the evaluation stage.
The items should be made specific to the particular characteristics of the
project with which the WID professional is working.

Project Team Composition Involving Women:

Women with project-related knowledge and skills are included in the
project.

1. Women are included in top planning and decision-making capacities, as
appropriate to expertise.

2. Women are included among employees at other levels--e.g. as technical
consultants, educators, data gatherers, evaluators, etc.


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3. Women who are involved receive remuneration and recognition commensurate
with their input, equal to that received by men.

4. Inclusion of women without highly developed skills or extensive experience
in apprentice-type roles.

5. If necessary, advertising/search process initiated to identify women who
might contribute to the project.

Project Phases Attention to Women and Families:

1. Preplanning.

(a) Identify the cultural values regarding the roles of women in their
families.

(b) Gather data on women's current role in specific activities (e.g.
farming, marketing, industry) related to the project's purpose.

(c) Gather data on factors that are barriers to or assist women's
effectiveness in the above activities.

(d) Examine the variety of demands made upon women's time, energy, and
other resources.

(e) Gather data on women's perceived needs.

(f) Exploit university libraries, reading rooms, and personnel to locate
the above data, including use of computer data searches.

2. Planning (including planning in the field).

(a) Include women whom the project ultimately will affect in the planning
process.

(b) Men and women often have access to different processes and communica-
tions mechanisms. Plan delivery of project services (e.g., technical
consulting, education, credit, etc.) so that they can reach women.
Consider:

-- communication procedures most familiar to women
-- women's time schedules
-- locations easily accessible to women
-- presentation style acceptable to women

(c) Pull together all data and information significant to project goals
which can become the "baseline" against which later short-term and
long-term project evaluations can be made.

(d) Consider the likely planned and unplanned effects of the project upon
the items in section 3 of this checksheet (Project's Impact).


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(e) Plan ways to monitor project implementation.


(f) Plan for evaluation, both formative evaluation, which can be used for
corrective feedback, and summative evaluation, to consider project
impacts on women and families.

3. Implementation and Evaluation.

(a) If not done during the planning process, arrange for the compilation
of significant baseline data as discussed above.
(b) Continuously monitor implementation of the program to see that women
are being involved as planned and to get feedback from those women.
Work with project personnel to meet challenges and to make adjust-
ments.

(c) During project implementation, evaluate impacts on women and families
with the help of affected women. Keep continual line of communication
open with project management to facilitate necessary adjustments.

(d) Continually include new female participants to balance normal
attrition.

(e) For summative evaluation, gather specific data on the involvement of
women and the impacts on women and families to compare with early
baseline data. Include subjective reports from the women themselves
if at all possible.

Project's Impacts:

The following are women in development issues--aspects of the lives of
women and families which are likely to be affected by development projects.
These aspects are interdependent in a variety of ways. Of course, this list
is suggestive rather than exhaustive. The project's impact on these aspects
should be considered.

1. Women's well-being, resources, and personal development.

(a) Education, training

-- literacy and basic education
-- technical and vocational education
-- leadership training and experience
-- resource management training
-- health education
-- relevance to context

(b) Remuneration for work done either at home or when employed outside of
the home

-- control over income disposition
-- amount comparable to equivalent male worker's income
-- type of remuneration (e.g., cash, in-kind)


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(c) Extent of participation in and value of contribution to

-- family
-- institutions (economic, religious, educational)
-- community governance
-- government (state, regional, national)

(d) Health

-- general health status
-- physical health-related resources
-- mental health-related resources

(e) Self-esteem and motivation

-- individual basis
-- societal basis

(f) Satisfying relationships

-- adult/adult
-- adult/child

(g) Other

2. Family well-being.

(a) Availability, production, selection, and preparation of food for
family consumption

(b) Socialization of children

-- teaching work-related and management skills
-- social/emotional well-being
-- physical development
-- teaching values

(c) Quality and stability of family interaction

(d) Time available for family interaction

(e) Other

3. Societal Patterns and Resources

(a) Employment opportunities

-- full-time
-- part-time
-- in home environment
-- outside of home environment


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(o) Community resources


(c) Values about the status of women and families

(d) Other


WID advisors and consultants need to be sensitive to the issues which are
most pressing on the team at each point of the project cycle. Strategies and
resources should be developed to meet the challenge of each phase in order to
facilitate the contribution of all project professionals. It is through each
individual project that the respect and the resources for women and families
are created. The well-articulated project will serve as a catalyst both in
the United States and in the Host Country for empowering women and their
families for many years.


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SUGGESTED READINGS


General Issues of Project Cycle


Baum, Warren C. The Project Cycle. Reprint from Finance & Development,
December 1978. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund and the Interna-
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development. 9 pp.

Bryant, Coralie and Louise G. White. Managing Development in the Third World.
1982. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. 322 pp.

Campbell, Donald T. "Assessing the Impact of Planned Social Change." In Gene
M. Lyons (ed.), Social Research and Public Policies. 1975. Hanover, NH:
Public Affairs Center. Dartmouth College. pp. 3-45.

Gittinger, J. Price. "Projects: The 'Cutting Edge' of Development." In 3.
Price Gittinger, Economic Analysis of Agricultural Projects. 1982.
Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press. pp. 1-29.

Gurel, Lee. "The Human Side of Evaluating Human Services Programs: Problems
and Prospects." In Marcia Guttentag and Elmer L. Struening (eds.), Handbook
of Evaluation Research. 1975. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. pp. 11-28.

The NFE Exchange. "Planning Non-Formal Education Projects." No. 24, 1982.
Non-Formal Education Information Center, College of Education, 237 Erickson
Hall, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824. 20 pp.

Rondinelli, Dennis A. "Planning and Implementing Development Projects: An
Introduction." In Dennis A. Rondinelli, Planning Development Projects.
1979. pp. 1-25.

Russell, Martha G. "Evaluating Interdisciplinary Research." In M. G. Russell,
_R. J. Sauer, and J. M. Barnes (eds.), Enabling Interdisciplinary Research:
Perspectives from Agriculture, Forestry and Home Economics. 1982. St. Paul,
MN: University of Minnesota Agricultural Experiment Station ''ppT. .1.-67..1747.-.--.-----

U. S. Agency for International Development (USAID). Design and Evaluation of
USAID-Assisted Projects. 1980. Washington, DC: USAID. 256 pp.

Warren, Dennis M. Development Advisory Team (DAT) Training Program Manual.
1982. Ames, IA: World Food Institute, Iowa State University. 923 pp.


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WID Project Issues


Axinn, Nancy W. Women in Farming Systems. 1982. Speech delivered at the
18th Annual Conference of the Association of U.S. University Directors of
International Agricultural Programs, 9 June, Lincoln, NE. May be copied at:
Women in International Development, 202 Center for International Programs,
Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035, 17 pp.

Chaney, Elsa M. and Martha W. Lewis. Creating a "Women's Component": A Cape
Study in Rural Jamaica. 1981. Washington, DC: Office of Women in Develop-
ment. U.S. Agency for International Development. 32 pp.

Creative Associates. Women in the Economic Development Process: A Strategy
for the Africa Bureau: Final Report. 1980. Creative Associates, 4419 39th
Street NW, Washington, DC 20016. 20 pp. + appendices.

Dixon, Ruth B. "Women in Agriculture: Counting the Labor Force in Developing
Countries." Population and Development Review Vol. 8, no. 3, September 1982.
pp. 539-566.

____, Ruth B. Assessing the Impact of Development Projects on Women.
Discussion Paper No. 8, 1980. Washington, DC: Office of Women in Development
and Office of Evaluation, Bureau for Program and Policy Coordination, U.S.
Agency for International Development. 105 pp.

Dulansey, Maryanne L. (ed.). Approaches to Appropriate Evaluation: A Report
on a Series of Workshops on Evaluation. 1978. Technical Assistance Informa-
tion Clearinghouse, American Council of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Service
Inc., 200 Park Avenue South, New York, NY 10003. pp. 27-32.

Eichler, Margrit. The Double Standard: A Feminist Critique of Feminist Social
Science. 1980. New York: St. Martin's Press. 151 pp.

Elliott, Veronica and Victoria Sorsby. An Investigation into Evaluations of
Projects Designed to Benefit Women: Final Report. 1978. Focus International
Incorporated, 1410 26th Street NW, Washington, DC 20007. 84 pp.

Food andAgriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). Guidelines:
Women in Land and Water Development. 1982. FAO, Land and Water Development
Division, Via delle Terme di Caracalla, 00100 Rome, Italy. 12 pp.

Guidelines for the Integration of Women in Agricultural and Rural
Development Projects. W/K6542, 1977. FAO, Via delle Terme Caracalla, 00100
Rome, Italy. 9 pp.

Fountain, Bertram and Harold Shipman. Guidelines for Development of water
Sanitation Components of Urban Fringe and Rural Village Projects, Vol. I, and
Patents, Proprietary Processes & Methods Specific to Water Supply, Waste
Disposal and Sanitation, Vol. II. 1979. Urban Resources Consultants, Inc.,
Suite 500, 1025 15th Street NW, Washington, DC 20005. 116 pp.


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International Center for Research on Women. The Productivity of Women in
Developing Countries: Measurement Issues and Recommendations. 1980.
Washington, DC: Office of Women in International Development, Agency for
International Development. 46 pp.

Palmer, Ingrid. The Nemow Case: Case Studies of the Impact of Large Scale
Development Projects on Women: A Series for Planners. Working Paper No. 7,
1979. Tne Population Council, One Dag Hammarskjold Plaza, New York, NY 10017.
92 pp.

Pezzullo, Caroline. Women and Development: Guidelines for Programme and
Project Planning. 1982. United Nations, Economic Commission for Latin
America, Edificio Naciones Unidas, Avenida Dag Hammarskjold, Casilla 179-D,
Santiago, Chile. 123 pp.

Scnultz, T. Paul. Women and Economics of the Family: Some Concepts and
Issues. 1982. Paper prepared for the Rockefeller Foundation Workshop "Women,
bHouseholds and Human Capital Development in Low Income Countries," 12-14 July,
Seven Springs Conference Center. May be copied at: Women in International
Development, 202 Center for International Programs, Michigan State University,
East Lansing, MI 48824-1035. 17 pp.

Spring, Anita. Notes for Agricultural Projects with Extension Components.
n.d. May be copied at: Women in International Development, 202 Center for
International Programs, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1035.
4 pp.

Staudt, Kathleen A. Women and Participation in Rural Development: A
Framework for Project Design and Policy Oriented Research. 1979c. Occasional
Paper Series No. 8. Ithaca, NY: Rural Development Committee, Center for
International Studies, Cornell University.

Subcommittee on Women in Development of the Committee on Development Assis-
tance, ACVAFS. Criteria for Evaluation of Development Projects Involving
Women. December 1975. Technical Assistance Information Clearing House,
American Council of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Service, Inc., 200 Park
Avenue South, New York, NY 10003. 44 pp.

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Rural Women's Participation in
Development. Evaluation Study No. 3, 1980. United Nations Development
Programme, One United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017. 226 pp.

"anat is a Women's Project?" Ideas and Action, Vol. 146, No. 3. 1982.
Freedom from Hunger Campaign/Action for Development, Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, 00100 Rome, Italy. pp. 19-24.

Zeidenstein, Sondra (ed.). Learning About Rural Women. Studies in Family
Planning, Vol. 10, No. 11/12, 1979. New York, NY: The Population Council.
113 pp.


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5. PROJECT TEAM MEMBERSHIP


As seen in the previous chapters, international development projects are
very complex systems, being the nexus of the interaction among multiple organ-
izational, disciplinary, and cross-cultural realities. Universities have
unique resources to contribute which are easily recognized by those interested
in WID. The system's multiple needs and resources must be forged into a
professional, task-oriented team, generally, in a relatively short time period.
This is not easy. The WID dimensions often increase the complexities of this
process.

Project Complexities

Although international development projects are simplifications of the
larger, interdependent world, they are still quite complex. Traditionally,
they have been predominantly based on single disciplinary or sector perspec-
tives and have been male dominated. Currently, however, international research
projects addressing development issues which are beyond the scope of any one
discipline are taking a broader approach by including more disciplines (e.g.,
fanning systems research) and more women as project participants. These
approaches, however, introduce new problems for project structure, processes,
rewards and costs.

Aspects of Project Structure:

1. Who develops the project's goalss?

Different project dynamics are generally created depending on whether
the project goals) originated with the professionals who will staff
the project, with the political leaders of a Host Country, with inter-
national agencies or with the project's clients. A single disciplinary
perspective often dominates basic research projects originating with
researchers, while a greater variety of perspectives frequently are
included in those projects focusing on applied research. The multi-
disciplinary projects generally are more compatible with WID interests
and expertise.

Issues affecting women usually are better addressed in projects
originated and implemented by women (Dixon, 1980), partially because
those issues are still considered unimportant by many males (Tinker,
1982a). However, when male-initiated projects include WID dimensions,
they may be more influential.


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2. How are different perspectives incorporated into the project?

Although single discipline projects may exhibit heterogeneous perspec-
tives through the participation of short-term specialists from different
but related disciplines, the variety is greatly expanded in projects
designed to be cross-disciplinary throughout. Differences in disci-
plinary perspective are managed many ways.

In multidisciplinary projects, separate components of a central goal
are generally assigned to the various disciplines. Interdisciplinary
projects, on the other hand, emphasize the importance of having all the
disciplines integrate their contributions into the totality of the
project. The latter strategy, while having the potential for a more
pervasive contribution, often necessitates increased numbers of
meetings for project participants and has a greater potential for
conflict.

These two strategies are reflected in WID questions regarding whether
to develop the "women's component" separated from the rest of a project
or to incorporate men and women's perspectives (gender sensitivity) in
all aspects of a project.

Project heterogeneity also is created by the diverse characteristics of
the participants including their nationality, gender, disciplinary
paradigms and methodological preferences. There are usually fewer con-
flicts when the projects are either homogeneous or when the various
professional perspectives are radically different from each other
(Rossini et al., 1981).

3. What is the leadership style of the project director?

Leadership style interacts strongly with the goal and disciplinary mix
of the project. Although a democratic open communication model is
reported to be most effective for (U.S.-based) interdisciplinary
projects, a more centralized authoritarian leadership pattern is
suggested as more effective for multidisciplinary projects (Rossini et
al., 1981).

Women's participation in decision-making is stronger when there are
female rather than male project leaders (Dixon, 1980; Wily, 1981). It
is unclear, however, how leadership style affects their active partici-
pation.

4. How are the resources identified and managed?

The identification of appropriate monetary and non-monetary resources
is essential in project planning and implementation. In cross-cultural
projects, where members of different cultures often control different
types of resources, this identification is especially important. For
successful collaboration, it is critical that all members of a project
have equitable access and control over the resources (Bryant and White,
1982).


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A resource created by female project team members is greater team access
to women both in the field and in Host Country institutions. In turn,
the resource created by female team members for Host Country women is
their greater access to the project's resources and the international
community.

5. What is the organizational structure and control of the unit carrying
out the project?

Within the organization of the project, its size, geographic centrali-
zation, and educational level of project participants are variables
which have significant influence on the ability of the group to perform
project tasks (Rossini, et. al, 1981). Control over resources for
project planning, implementation, and evaluation efforts will affect the
ability of the organization to perform the tasks and to be responsive
to the suggestions of a WID advisor or consultant.

Dynamics of Project Processes:

1. Language differences exist not only because of disciplinary "jargons"
but also through words which sound the same, but have different
meanings. Ex: "culture" to a social scientist is related to people,
while to an agriculturalist it is related to fanning practices or
laboratory methods. Crossnationally, similar words also have different
meanings; e.g., "technician" in the U.S. suggests a highly specialized
person, while in some Latin America countries it may mean a low level
of specialization. A "project lingo" (Wilpert, 1979) often develops
among international project personnel and needs to be understood by all
project participants.

Speech styles also vary cross-culturally and across gender. Some of
the variations include (1) the use of esteemed variants in reference to
colleagues; (2) the degree of dynamism in pitch and intonation; (3) the
exercise of conversational dominance (Leffler, et. al, 1982). These
variations affect the extent to which different members of the project
team are heard when they speak.

2. Prestige factors exist based on status differences among disciplines,
location of the individual within her/his institution, location of the
nation within the world system, the individual's gender, and age. The
significance of a given factor is frequently related to project tasks.
Gender and age become more salient in amorphous situations or where the
other characteristics are not recognized (Rossini, et al., 1981;
Brislin, 1981; Golde, 1970).

3. Conflict is potentially rampant in international, cross-disciplinary
projects. The participants will have varying and often conflicting
agendas which may change at different points in the project cycle.
Furthermore, norms for conflict resolution and negotiation vary greatly
cross-culturally. The task of project managers in conflict resolution
is strongly influenced by their social orientation (Rossini et al.,
1981; Bryant and White, 1982).


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4. Differences exist among the participants in their conceptualization of
appropriate time frames, the use of certain expressions in conveying
meaning, and in body language (Hall, 1959, 1966). These differences
also appear in the perceived needs for technological or human infra-
structures and in experience in crossnational and disciplinary
collaboration (Moravcsik, 1976).

These factors are significant in the continuing negotiation of power
within projects. The sensitivity of WID advisors to these factors will
influence the strategies developed by projects to incorporate the WID
concerns.

Dynamics of the Research Process:

Although many international development projects are not research projects,
universities tend to be associated with those which have a greater research
thrust. Disagreements may emerge in such projects over the following
issues: (1) what counts as data, (2) the appropriate units of analyses,
(3) the measurements and analytical techniques used, (4) the time frame for
project activities, (5) project location, (6) resource control, and (7) who
should be involved in project activities.

There is often a particularly strong conflict between those with a mathe-
matical (and often experimental research design) orientation vs. those with
non-mathematical (and often non-experimental research design) orientation
(Rossini et al., 1981). Women's issues have often been identified with the
non-mathematical, non-experimental orientations, which generally also have
lower prestige.

Project Rewards and Costs:

1. The legitimacy of international project participation is an important
issue considered by each of the project members. Some disciplines,
institutions, and nations give greater rewards for such participation
than others. Likewise, the legitimacy afforded interdisciplinary,
problem-focused work differs among academic departments and disciplines
(Moravcsik, 1976).

2. Thus, the personal and professional costs and benefits of participating
in international, interdisciplinary projects also varies. Usually, the
young or the firmly established researchers are the ones most apt to
participate in such projects (Rossini, et al., 1981; Golde, 1970).

3. The evaluation of international development projects is problematic
particularly if it is also interdisciplinary (Russell, 1982). It is
difficult to identify evaluation criteria and expertise appropriate to
the interdisciplinary approach. Non-tenured faculty are particularly
threatened by the rewards and evaluation complexities, for their
professional advancement is usually determined by disciplinary criteria.


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Cross-national Factors


Brislin (1981) has carefully analyzed many of the dynamics of cross-cultural
interactions based on his study of various groups of cross-cultural profes-
sionals. Factors which contribute to the dynamics of such interactions,
include: (1) the history of the relationship between the interacting nations,
organizations, and individuals; (2) individual characteristics, skills, and
personality traits; (3) group characteristics (size, heterogeneity, etc.);
(4) situational factors; (5) task-related factors; and (6) organizational
support. These elements affect the ability of WID professionals to perform
their tasks.

It is important for the project team members to be very knowledgeable about
past interactions which have occurred between the nations, organizations, and
individuals associated with the project. These interactions form a history
that creates expectations which influence the functioning of the project.

The type and amount of organizational support provided at various levels
within the project cycle are also important. The support will influence
whether or not problems can be resolved and specific project tasks can be
completed in the allotted time period.

Situational factors become especially salient for the participants in the
international context. Some of these can be anticipated and modified, while
others simply must be endured: (1) physical environment (e.g., altitude,
heat), (2) professional demeanor, especially as related to self-confidence,
gender and age within a specific cultural setting (Golde, 1970), (3) a person's
anonymity or recognizability within the international context (greater recog-
nizability operates as a social control of the participant's actions), (4) time
constraints which may restrict the consultant's ability to do an in-depth
analysis, (5) number and complexity of tasks which need to be performed,
(6) presence or absence of a model and a niche in the Host Country, and
(7) familiarity with the cultural situation (Brislin, 1981:168,169).

Other issues which affect the ability of American international development
project team members to operate successfully within the project include the
following:

* "Guest status" is a powerful status often given to visiting professionals
in developing countries, particularly if they are from the U.S. In con-
trast, Third World scientists have mentioned being stripped of ascribed
power when coming to the U.S. Guest status usually allows the visitors
to have greater freedom in professional and personal movement than persons
in the Host Country--particularly the women (Brislin, 1981; Golde, 1970).

Culture shock is experienced by many persons involved in cross-cultural
work. Some of its symptoms include irritability, a tendency to blame the
host for things that go wrong, excessive worry about cleanliness, sensi-
tivity to criticism, loneliness, self-doubt, and a strong desire to
interact with others of one's own nation (Brislin, 1981:151; Golde,
1970:11).


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