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Title: Universities in transition
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Title: Universities in transition
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Language: English
Creator: Renner, Richard R.
Latin American Conference
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Center for Latin American Studies, University of Florida,
Publication Date: 1973
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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front cover 1
    Title Page
        Page i
    Copyright
        Page ii
    Preface
        Page iii
        Page iv
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    Table of Contents
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Full Text





















UNIVERSITIES IN TRANSITION:

THE U.S. PRESENCE IN

LATIN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION










Editing and Introduction

by

Richard R. Renner

College of Education


















Center for Latin American Studies
University of Florida
Gainesville, Florida
1973














L357
/970




A Publication of the
CENTER FOR LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES
University of Florida








Copyright @ 1973 by the State of Florida
Board of Trustees of the
Internal Improvement Trust Fund





All Rights Reserved





Library of Congress
Catalog Card Number 73-8234
ISBN 0-8130-0422-5


Printed in Florida
























Preface


A WIDE VARIETY of opinion exists regarding the influence of the United
States on Latin American higher education. Represented here are the
views of specialists connected with United States' foundations, rec-
tors of Latin American universities, government administrators, pro-
fessors in various social science fields, and interested citizens.
Taken together, the ideas of these people represent many decades of
experience related to Latin American higher education.
The ideas were originally presented at a conference held at the
University of Florida in 1970 which was sponsored by the Center for
Latin American Studies. The comments that accompany each chapter
derive from discussions which followed formal papers at the confer-
ence--discussions to which a chosen body of observers and conference
participants also contributed. Although these comments do not pos-
sess the organizational unity of the papers which precede them, they
contribute a further dimension to each author's view and suggest
alternatives and, occasionally, misgivings about the position he has
taken.
Six basic position papers were presented at the conference. Reuben
Frodin of the Ford Foundation wrote on the relationship between the
United States foundations and the universities. He describes his
foundation's interest in university planning in Latin America, its
encouragement of efficient university administration, support of gen-
eral studies programs and development of specialized and graduate
instruction. Mr. Frodin also expresses concern with the failure of
the research function to develop in relation to the needs of the aca-
demic disciplines. The special role of the foundation in encouraging
voluntary associations, teacher preparation and regional university
development is also given consideration.
Raul Urzua, Director of Relaciones Universitarias of the Universi-
dad Cat6lica de Chile in Santiago looked at foundation assistance
from the perspective of a Chilean professor. Urzia distinguishes
between the modernizing and reformist universities and notes that
either type of institution will seek U.S. foundation assistance only
as a last resort, and that even then it will take due care not to
lose its essential character as an independent institution. He urges
U.S. foundations, when making grants, to allow Latin American intel-
lectual leaders more latitude to exercise their rights and responsi-
bilities as interpreters of authentic national values.
Augusto Franco of the Instituto Colombiano para el Fomento de la
Educacion Superior, presently director of the Instituto Colombiano
para Credito Educational y Especializacidn Tecnica en el Exterior
(ICETEX), wrote of the influence of the U.S. in Latin American Uni-
versities. Franco called for the U.S. Government to channel future











assistance through international organizations such as Unesco rather
than directly to the Latin American university. The employment of
private organizations or university associations is another suitable
base for conducting U.S. government -Latin American university rela-
tions more effectively as far as Latin Americans are concerned. U.S.
aid to Latin American universities should also encourage inter-
university cooperation with other Latin American countries as well.
Frank Tiller of the Center for the Study of Higher Education in
Latin America at the University of Houston, describes the many forms
which U.S. Government aid has taken in recent years. These include
scholarships and cultural exchanges, the sharing by Latin American
universities of study and research projects, international loans, and
intergovernmental aid programs. Dr. Tiller emphasized the difficulty
of devising coordinated development plans when so many different and
often transitory U.S. agencies are involved. He urged the development
by the U.S. Government of an institution dedicated to the continuing
study of Latin American higher education and similar institutions.
Robert Arnove, former Peace Corps volunteer and currently a Ford
Foundation staff member in Colombia, discussed models such as inter-
national exchange programs and the Peace Corps. Generally, he observes,
exchange programs have not had a significant impact on the organiza-
tion, governance and curriculum of Latin American universities. Train-
ing programs in the U.S., sponsored by U.S. development agencies and
foundations, seem to have the greatest impact in helping Latin uni-
versities evolve toward a U.S. model by creating a "critical mass"
of U.S. trained Latin American professionals who are willing and anx-
ious to work in model Latin American institutions. In this manner
various U.S. sponsors have set in motion an important dynamic of
change, but one over which they have no direct control. Most creative
structural changes have been accomplished by inputs of external funds,
including scholarships for local staff or technical assistance. The
role of the Peace Corps in Latin American higher education has been
on the decline.
Luis Alberto Sanchez, noted author and former Rector of the Univer-
sidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in Peru, added his incisive com-
mentary about the relevance of the U.S. model. Above all, he said,
the human element in education should not be lost. Dr. Sanchez offered
comparative perspectives on the impact of research, the influence of
university sites, the departmental form of organization, full-time
and part-time teaching, technical education, and students. The Latin
American university should take care not to become the servant of
special interests in the name of national development, which can be
viewed as a new form of colonialism. The university's main role is to
add to, conserve, and diffuse knowledge, and to convert pure science
into applied science in the service of the public.
Concluding remarks were presented by German O.E. Tjarks, visiting
professor of history at the University of Florida and George Waggoner,
Dean of Arts and Sciences at the University of Kansas. Dr. Tjarks
stressed how the growing spirit of nationalism among Latin America's
students and the fears of cultural imperialism and cultural depend-
ency affect the kind of changes which are possible in Latin American
universities. Latin Americans are seeking a freedom of choice in
their own affairs--a freedom which is not inspired and financed by
the U.S. The U.S. and Latin America are two different cultures; Latin
American universities are not only agents of change, but primarily,











they are creators of values. Foreign aid to universities should be
channeled not directly through governments, but through various inter-
national organizations. Dr. Waggoner pointed out the U.S. universities
often experience difficulties in changing established practices. He
then highlighted, in a somewhat different context, the need of Latin
American universities for financial support, a full-time faculty and
a program of general studies.1
In the interest of conveying each author's meaning with as much of
the original connotation as possible, papers are published here in
the language in which they were originally written. No claim is made
that either the papers or the ensuing comments are exhaustive or com-
plete. They merely reflect the diversity of opinion which prevailed
at the conference and suggest the vitality of the interchange which
transpired.

Notes

1. Others, whose remarks are quoted in this volume or who served as
official observers include: Orlando Albornoz, Instituto Societas,
Caracas; Rudolph P. Atcon, Senior Specialist in the Higher Educa-
tion Unit, Organization of American States, Washington; Jose
Mariano da Rocha Filho, Reitor, Universidade de Santa Maria,
Brazil; Luis Garibay, Rector, Universidad Autonoma de Guadalajara,
Mexico; Juan M. Maiguashca, post doctoral fellow from Ecuador at
the Adlai Stevenson Institute of International Affairs, Chicago;
Felipe Manteiga, Cuban graduate student in economics at the Uni-
versity of Florida; Guilardo Martins Alves, Reitor of the Univer-
sidade Federal da Paraiba, Brazil; Philip Sherlock, Secretary Gen-
eral, Association of Caribbean Universities and Research Insti-
tutes; and Henrique Tono, Vice Rector, Universidad del Valle,
Colombia. Richard R. Renner, Associate Professor of Comparative
Education, University of Florida, moderated the discussions which
follow the papers.
Mr. Rudolph Atcon also presented a paper and participated in the
conference. He has preferred, however, that his paper and his
remarks in the discussions not be included in this publication.























Table of Contents
Page

Preface . . . . . .. . . . . . * 1iii

Introduction by Richard R. Renner . . . . . . 1

Chapter 1 U.S. Foundations and Latin American Universities
in the Sixties by Reuben Frodin . . . . 8

Chapter 2 Fundaciones y Universidad: el Punto de Vista
Latinoamericano por Raul Urzua . . . ... 35

Chapter 3 El Gobierno de Los Estados Unidos y Las
Universidades Latinoamericanas por Augusto Franco 56

Chapter 4 The United States Government and Latin American
Universities by Frank Tiller . . . . .. 79

Chapter 5 Promoters of the U.S. Model in Latin American
Universities International Exchange Programs
and the Peace Corps by Robert Arnove ...... 96

Chapter 6 Aspectos de Las Universidades Norteamericanas
Validos en Las Latinoamericanas por
Luis Alberto Sanchez . . . . . . ... 114

General Discussion . . . . . . . . .. . . 128

Chapter 7 Analisis y Conclusiones Extraidas por un
Latinoamericano por German O. E. Tjarks . . .. 132

Chapter 8 Analysis and Conclusions by a U.S. Educator
by George Waggoner . . . . . . . 143
























Introduction


IT IS SOMETIMES SAID THAT, from the Latin American intellectual's
standpoint, a tragic bias of educators and intellectuals from the
United States is that they want "to use reality rather than know it."1
A polar bias is often attributed to Latin American intellectuals by
North Americans--i.e., that they want to know reality rather than
use it. To the extent that the former bias gains on the latter, it
could be argued that the U.S. way of thinking and doing things is
being accepted in Latin America, even though such change may not be
attributable to direct U.S. pressures and intervention.
United States governmental influence on Latin American education
was minimal until well after World War II, when the Marshall Plan to
rehabilitate Western Europe was reshaped into the Point IV program--
an intergovernmental effort designed not to rehabilitate but to
develop the poorer countries into mass societies with a higher mate-
rial standard of living. Because most of the money for Point IV and
the Alliance for Progress came directly or indirectly from the United
States taxpayer, it was natural that most of the advisors were from
the United States and training scholarships were for use in this coun-
try rather in Europe. Inevitably, the models for development tended
to be those in vogue among U.S. social scientists, middle class bu-
reaucrat and university administrators.
Although private foundations have a somewhat longer history of
encouraging Latin American development, their active interest in
university reform goes back little more than a decade. One of the
early efforts was a Rockefeller Foundation grant-in-aid to improve
instruction in specific subjects at the Universidad de los Andes in
Bogota. Another was the concentration, by the same Foundation, on the
development of a new regional university in Colombia at the Univer-
sidad del Valle in Call. Over the years, the Universidad del Valle
became a major Foundation commitment. Support was granted for librar-
ies, salary supplements, and scholarships to upgrade the faculty. The
intention was to provide that additional element needed to stimulate
excellence. Because the "excellence" being encouraged was not incon-
sistent with a U.S. definition, it represented, in the broadest sense,
a U.S. influence.











Differences in orientation have led to inevitable misunderstanding
and conflicts, but they have also led to cross-fertilization and con-
structive change. Most people in the U.S. share a drastically differ-
ent folk ideology from that which has predominated in Latin American
higher education. They seldom question the assumption that change is
a good thing. Many well-established faculties in Latin American uni-
versities have great respect for tradition. In spite of their grow-
ing allegiance to thinkers like Auguste Comte and Karl Marx, they con-
tinue to revere Greece and Rome, the sophisticated philosophy of
Roman Catholicism, especially as derived from St. Thomas, and impor-
tant elements from the French Englightenment. They examine these tra-
ditions in a theoretical and philosophical context, and they value
perfect and ideal dimensions more highly than practical applications.
One can thus say that there tends to be a canonization of a model
of humanistic idealism in Latin American universities and secondary
schools. The curriculum-makers in a particular faculty try to set
forth the best that a competent professional ought to know, without
leaving any significant choices to the students.
Only slowly, in the newer curricula, has the notion developed that
electives and continuous revision of a curriculum do not seriously
erode the path to balanced mastery of the elements of a profession.
To the extent to which this has come to prevail, it reflects influ-
ences from outside Latin America.
It is frequently assumed in the United States that truth is rela-
tive or particular, rather than absolute. It is further assumed, by
reason of cultural tradition, that there is not a best way of doing
something, not a single truth which is better than any other, that
what is needed in the development of a person as a human being, or as
a professional, is relative to time, place, and situation rather than
being universally valid for all. This being the case, it is only rea-
sonable that every physician need not master the same set courses,
but that there should be some choice, some few or many electives, so
that individual needs and interests as professionals might be more
effectively satisfied.
With the backing of U.S. sponsored grants, the few Latins who favor
an elective system have been able to advance the ideology of the par-
ticular and practical over the universal and ideal. The result has
been a significant expansion in the number of practical-sounding
courses of study and an increase in electives offered within a given
curriculum. In some countries this has contributed to the prolifer-
ation of less traditional subspecializations such as economics, chem-
ical engineering, public health, sociology, and public administra-
tion.
Various systems of academic credit are also being adopted, often in
response to the stimulus of U.S. financial support or loans. The use
of academic credit as an administrative device is a concept more in
tune with U.S. than Latin values. Academic credit does not affirm the
necessary logical interrelationships of knowledge which the tradi-
tional Latin curriculum takes as its raison d'etre; rather, it tends
to break curricula into fragments which pertain in a particular way
but which structurally are less clearly linked to central unifying
principles.
There is a tendency in the United States to consider one three-
credit option as equivalent to another three-credit option, an idea
which makes practical sense in a relatively metaphysicslessAnglo-










American culture, but which is a doubtful proposition in Latin Amer-
ica where logic clearly tells the serious intellectual that one thing
is more fundamental, more intrinsically important, and has an ide-
ally higher place in a hierarchy of worth than something else. Logic-
ally, one bit of knowledge is never equivalent to another. Each has
its own place in the structure, and to let it wander at the whim of
uninformed students is to cultivate inefficiency if not uncertainty
and even anarchy.
The cultures of Latin America and the United States differ funda-
mentally in their perception of social reality. Latin Americans are
highly conscious of the political nature of man; in the U.S. we are'
more aware of his organizational nature. In chapter II, Raul Urzua
argues that attempts at directed change by United States' universi-
ties tend to be more modernizing, i.e., organizational, than reform-
ist. To the extent that they are, they may be said to be apolitical.
Change resulting from such an orientation leans toward the pragmatic
and material.
Although United States' foundations seem genuinely interested in
helping, through "modernization," to make Latin America a better
place for Latin Americans, it is quite understandable that, as prod-
ucts of a different tradition, they seek to bring the respected ele-
ments of the system they know most intimately to bear on Latin Amer-
ican problems. Illustrations of their approach are given by Mr. Frodin
of the Ford Foundation. A U.S. idea such as a basic studies program,
a unique emphasis derived from our English colonial college tradi-
tion, has been encouraged. Research and experimentation have also
been encouraged even though, as Professor Tiller points out, these
evolved historically from U.S. reaction to developments in 19th cen-
tury Germany. Secondary school science and functional foreign language
instruction, both special concerns in the United States since the
advent of the Soviet Sputnik in 1957, are other activities that have
received special support by foundations and U.S. government agencies
in Latin America.
Encouragement of private Latin American universities to develop
their fund-raising capacities is in the best foundation tradition in
the United States, and is derived from historic British attitudes
which go back several centuries. Such aid to private institutions
supports a long established notion, especially in the northeastern
United States, of a pluralistic society in which no one institution,
especially no state university, should possess a monopoly on the dis-
semination of truth. This reflects another value assumption typical
in the United States, i.e., that there is no readily agreed upon per-
fect truth, and that there is, therefore, no single intelligentsia
which should be in a position to foist its version of truth on the
entire society. Obviously, such a conception has implications for
reformist intellectuals in Latin America who believe that they are
best qualified to rule in the national interest. This is not to sug-
gest that there has been a sinister effort by foundations to under-
mine reformist intellectual efforts to bring about change. Rather,
what is occurring is the dissemination of the U.S. tradition of encour-
aging innovation in a variety of institutions on the theory that the
best, the most innovative approaches will survive and serve as models
to other institutions.
Finally, in the interest of more efficient utilization of scarce
material resources, U.S. foundations have encouraged more rational











administrative practices which often run counter to the highly polit-
icized patterns that have been a way of life in most of Latin America.
This U.S. emphasis on efficiency is based on the assumption that
rational use of resources is more democratic because it benefits all
persons served by an institution rather than only those groups which
hold the reins of power. Tangible benefits from this effort include
central university libraries, student advisory services, and univer-
sity planning offices, all of which are well-established services in
large U.S. state universities.
Many of these foundation-encouraged innovations have been adopted
by Latin American universities. This has been possible in part
because, as Professor Urzua points out, the decentralization into
particular faculties, which characterized most Latin American univer-
sities until quite recently, made them especially vulnerable to out-
side influences. Because the U.S. university is organized as a single
unit, many of the advisors from that sector have sought to mold the
Latin American university into a more centralized entity. In this
limited sense, one might say that U.S. advisors have sought to
strengthen the Latin American university even at the risk of weaken-
ing their own influence over it. A cultural misunderstanding which
results from such actions is that Latin Americans tend to perceive
a political motivation for every act, while U.S. advisors believe
that their motivations and those of others are or should be apolit-
ical. These conflicting views of man's nature sometimes lead to ser-
ious misunderstandings about well-intended efforts to help Latin Amer-
ican higher education. Nor has Latin America been the only object of
foundation efforts. Foundation grants three or four score years ago
significantly shaped the organizational and curricular patterns which
now prevail in U.S. secondary schools and universities.
United States' ethnocentrism has contributed to a lack of apprecia-
tion of some of the desirable features of Latin American education.
For example, the commonly encountered practice of requiring a student
who fails a few of his final examinations to repeat the entire year
seems an unduly harsh penalty if one fails to take into account that
restitutive examinations during vacation provide a second opportunity
for the Latin American student to meet a reasonable standard in his
areas of deficiency. In effect, this system seems to say, "If you
can't meet the standard, you must study several months extra," an
incentive which seems to be a more compelling means of bringing up the
standard of the weak student than the gentleman's "C" in the United
States. This is only one illustration that suggests that many Latin
American university procedures may be basically sound.
Some conference participants lamented the fact that although there
is a strong esprit de corps within the professional faculties of the
Latin American university, the various faculties do not work well
together and as a result university wide problems receive inadequate
attention. While this is no doubt an important problem, a great many
U.S. faculties suffer from a very poorly developed esprit de corps
and would be more effective educationally and professionally if they
were to develop real professional ties with their graduates instead
of leaving it up to the all-university public relations office or the
football team to handle their liaison with the public. Latin Americans
who relinquish some of these cherished professional perquisites to
a central university administration may lose important educational











professional, and political strengths which faculties in the United
States have never known.
Excessive professionalism may very well weaken interdisciplinary
research and contribute to a deficient development of the liberal
dimension of higher education. Weak programs of liberal or general
education may sap a society's capacity for original and innovative
thought. A Latin American might argue, however, that if the quality
of the secondary bachillerato were higher, very little liberal educa-
tion would be necessary at the university level. He might add that
if the curriculum in the United States' secondary school demanded
greater systematic mastery of the elements of knowledge, less general
or liberal education would be necessary in the American university and
its program could be reduced to two or three years. This would reduce
the time and expense needed to prepare a competent professional,
diminishing the need for so much basic teaching at the post graduate
level. In reply, it could be argued that the powerful influence of
the local community over the U.S. high school makes truly liberal
instruction so difficult to achieve in many communities that the uni-
versity must compensate for this structural deficiency in public
secondary education. A rejoinder from Latin Americans who accept
this brief assessment of the U.S. model might be that whatever defi-
ciencies exist in the public bachillerato, a liberalizing influence
is not often the missing element. The point, of course, is that cer-
tain U.S. practices, wholesome as they may be in their own setting,
may not be relevant models for Latin America.
Luis Alberto Sanchez touched on a related problem. In the field of
medicine, he noted, "unnecessarily" high levels of specialization
place a physician's services out of reach of the average citizen.
Given the extreme shortage of physicians and their uneven distribu-
tion throughout Latin America, one might wonder why high U.S. levels
of specialization are adopted as the standard in Latin American pro-
fessional schools. Indeed, this is a serious problem even in the
United States.
Another idea encouraged by the United States model is the notion
that a good university should possess a full-time faculty. Certainly
there is need for a vastly higher percentage of full-time faculty
members in Latin America than exists at present. However, there is
something to be said for retaining a certain number of part-time
practicing professionals as a means of linking theoretical ideas to
practical reality. It is possible that U.S. culture is already so
pragmatic in orientation that full-time professors are not likely to
divorce themselves from the practical problems that their students
will eventually confront. However, the addition of a few more prac-
ticing professionals to U.S. college and university faculties would
contribute a radically different perspective to the fare generally
offered undergraduates.
In a certain sense, a great many faculty members in large U.S. uni-
versities are part-time in their role in the preparation of profes-
sionals. Incentive systems are structured in such a way that faculty
members are under considerable pressure to do research to advance
their careers--research that in general is so specialized that it
bears only a limited relationship to the classes which they teach.
As a consequence, effort dedicated to instruction and helping stu-
dents often forms only a small part of the faculty member's working
week, even when he is genuinely concerned about student needs.











In Latin America the "department" is another U.S. idea which is
widely debated. There the catedratico may virtually own the chair
(catedra) in his subject, and the other faculty members are appointed
as his auxiliaries. All who work with him are expected to be special-
ists in the same field. In effect, the holder of a chair in educa-
tional psychology cannot have an associate professor who is a special-
ist in educational administration or educational history. In the U.S.
department, a pattern of diverse but related specializations is
encouraged and faculty members generally do not regard themselves as
subordinate to the full professors. Thus one of the reasons for inter-
est in the department is its tendency to diminish the catedraticos'
domination of a faculty. By promoting a diversity of viewpoints,
a synthesis of views might come to prevail. An additional attraction
of the department for Latin American scholars is that it may be used
as a tool for doing away with student political power in some facul-
ties, thus opening the way for better instructional methods and tech-
niques, and higher standards of scholarship.
In the realm of foreign aid, Augusto Franco pointed out that there
are certain bureaucratic problems in the nature of aid-giving which
diminish the effectiveness of such efforts. For example, when a for-
eign aid functionary writes up a report, he does it in such a way
that it appears that the U.S. aid has been crucial to the success of
the project. Frequently, the implication is that the Latins are
unable or unwilling to do anything for themselves. Where this occurs,
instead of being helpful, the aid can have a demoralizing effect upon
recipients. An additional problem is that the type of aid offered may
not be what the recipients would choose for themselves although it is
still useful enough to be accepted. When waste occurs, recipients try
to conceal it to prevent discontinuation of funds.
If the Latin American recipients do too good a job on their own
initiative, there remains the threat of the aid's being phased out
because a project was successful. An additional complication to
accepting U.S. Government aid is the non-Communist regulation required
to satisfy U.S. political demands at home. This leads to a sort of
political inquisition, contributes to the United States's image as
an imperialist force, and tends to place it on a par with foreign
Communism as a threat to a Latin American university's integrity.
U.S.-trained Latins are becoming increasingly numerous on Latin
American faculties. They are often accused of accepting uncritically
the important ethos elements of higher education in the U.S., namely,
efficiency, ideological neutrality, and objectivity. This kind of
U.S. influence has been condemned in some Latin American universities
for contributing to a decline in consensus as to which model of
development ought to prevail. It has been associated with a loss of
faith in clearly defined values, and with the destruction of unanim-
ity in Latin America with regard to the new directions its future
development should take. This Latin American position can be viewed
as a fundamental rejection of the idea that everything is relative.
It may also be an implicit affirmation that there ought to be a cen-
tral truth, a basic unity, a fundamental sense of purpose in life
which one can embrace with complete enthusiasm and commitment.
In recognition of this cultural difference, many Latin Americans
recommend that U.S. foundations change their type of aid so that
Latins may use it the way that they feel is best. This presents the
foundations with a dilemma. Most of their officers and project









7

coordinators embrace the U.S. democratic ideal that each individual
must be encouraged to pursue his own goals and develop in his own way.
Yet they do not want to lose control of the monies they have been
charged to handle.
Conflicts arise whenever two cultures come into contact. Only
through such contact, however, do new, fruitful syntheses emerge.
The flow of ideas between Latin American and North American univer-
sities is greater today than it has ever been in the past. In the end
both sets of institutions will be deeply affected, and will probably
assume forms neither anticipate today.

Richard R. Renner
Editor and Professor
Comparative Education

Notes

1. Paz, Octavio, The Labyrinth of Solitude: Life and Thought in Mex-
ico (New York: Grove Press, 1961), p. 22.





















CHAPTER 1


U.S. FOUNDATIONS AND LATIN AMERICAN UNIVERSITIES
IN THE SIXTIES

Reuben Frodin






EXPERIENCE SUGGESTS that the maintenance of universities as places
where the exercise of man's intellectuality can be free to develop
without restraint is of the utmost importance for the well-being of
any society. Since the Middle Ages universities have been institu-
tions in which society has witnessed conflict, usually of an intel-
lectual nature. In a free society the debate may be raucous and the
resolution of crises ultimately laissez-faire. In a more totalitar-
ian society controls affecting universities are cruder and restric-
tive of some important freedoms, but it is useful to note that in
the long run there are few if any instances where the complete sup-
pression of the institution itself has been attempted. Because a uni-
versity can be a keystone in the advancement of a society, interna-
tional agencies concerned with the betterment of mankind quite natur-
ally have looked to universities in their search for ways to render
technical assistance or cooperation. Latin America is among those
areas of the world in which development assistance to universities
has been rendered.
In discussing the problems and promise of the Latin American uni-
versity we must start with a reminder that there are many kinds of
universities and that there is no such thing, as Darcy Ribeiro, the
onetime rector of the University of Brasilia, has said, "as a gen-
uinely Latin American university, just as there is no Latin America,
in the sense of a homogeneously social and cultural unit." He adds
that there is, nevertheless, "a common basis sufficient to justify
our speaking in general terms, of one and the other."I Prefatory to
generalized discussions about dealings between foundations and Latin
American universities, with specific analysis of some Ford Founda-
tion responses to Latin American problems, it seems appropriate to
state that there is no homogeneous foundation view toward univer-
sities. U.S. foundations, including the Ford Foundation, have gone
to Latin American universities offering assistance, and seeking indi-
viduals who, and institutions which, in the words of a Latin American
engineer and educator, Raul Deves, "are going...to possess...an ample
knowledge of the problems to be overcome and the goals to be achieved,
as well as a spirit essentially open to experience and advice ofother
experts."2How are some of these problems perceived?










Deves, who is a Chilean, believes that "underdevelopment exists in
the mind of man, and while this mind is not changed, educated, and
transformed, other efforts will be in vain." He also says that "any
university development plan which promotes only [teaching] and is not
capable of producing research as a logical consequence will fail."
He asks for "... more knowledge, more professors, fewer business pro-
moters, rand] understanding rather than money."3 Risieri Frondizi,
onetime rector of the University of Buenos Aires, has said, "[It
seems not to] matter that the [Latin American] university does no
research, that one turns one's back on the needs of the country, that
there are no professors fit to teach many courses, that the students
still keep on repeating by rote the worn-out notes of past years..."4
Eduardo Frei, former President of Chile,5 wrote that the Latin Amer-
ican university must "provide ideas and cadres of responsible men
capable of recognizing and stating the truth in an objective manner,
and capable of elaborating and utilizing formulas that do not rest on
intuition or on ambition disguised as 'ability'."6 Ribeiro, the
Brazilian, has said: "This fundamental need [training university
leaders of the highest capacity] can be met only if the Latin Amer-
ican academic bodies adopt a really mature attitude in regard to the
two basic loyalties which every university must respect--responsibil-
ity toward the international patterns of learning, and duty toward
the social problems of the nation."7
What these voices from the ABC countries say suggests the attrac-
tion of the university for development assistance. International
patterns of learning are a standard to strive for. The failure of the
research function8 to develop in response to the demands of the dis-
ciplines and the demands of the environment is one of the tragedies
of Latin America. Truly relevant teaching means inquiry; inquiry is
research. The fact that professors in the universities were not ex-
pected to do research does not completely explain why little research
was done. Perhaps restraints on freedom of thought and the low value
which many Latin societies have placed upon inquiry at various times
during the past century and a half have produced malingering ortho-
doxies in many aspects of university life and work. These orthodox-
ies, in turn, have inhibited change and dampened inquiry. There has
been almost an institutionalization of fatalism. A number of expres-
sions of a doctrine of historical inevitability are evident. Con-
sider, for example, this sentence in his final "state of the nation"
address to the Brazilian people by the late President, Marshal Arthur
da Costa e Silva: "History leads us...[but] permits) us to identify
the genuine pattern of national behavior which history itself deter-
mines, in accordance with the defining traits in the psychology of
nations. "10
What I have already referred to as orthodoxies in the universities
must be described in the most general terms in a chapter. That these
"orthodoxies" are not the same everywhere, and that some of them are
discernible in universities all over the world, should provoke dis-
cussion, rather than inhibiting it. Change may come when orthodoxies
are brought into question, or examination and reassessment may result
in a reaffirmation of existing practices.
The following picture may overstate the situation, but it is drawn
from experience with Latin American universities over the past decade.
The "orthodoxies" may or may not mean there is a problem of effective-
ness or usefulness. Consideration of them, however, may point ways for











the leaders or the reformers of the universities to achieve more effi-
ciency, more quality, and more usefulness.
Consider, for example, such orthodoxies as the following. Because
individual faculties have considerable independence, in a pattern
strikingly comparable to that of the University of Bologna in the
thirteenth century, superior councils of universities, where the rep-
resentatives of the various faculties meet, seldom address themselves
to university-wide problems. Since rectors are not supposed to wield
much power, they are democratically elected and thus they must be
responsive to popular political pressures. Their constituents have
the power. Paradoxically, because they are not supposed to be very
effective, their life in office is limited, and the weaker individ-
ual is likely to last longer. Because the holder of a chair is selec-
ted after an extensive examination and competition, he is supposed to
know all there is to know about a broad subject, and he often con-
trols the selection of all supporting staff. Because there is no inte-
gral connection between the parts of a university, it follows that a
student who starts one career, and wants to change, must start over.
A corollary to this is the proposition that if a student fails any
part of a course in one year he must do the whole year over. Yet
another orthodoxy is that once a student has matriculated he stays
a student until he is graduated--and this may be a decade or a quarter-
century. Because the state does not provide enough funds for fine lab-
oratories and libraries there is no research, and it is no wonder that
the professors, many of whom have to make a living by holding multiple
jobs, keep on delivering "the worn-out notes of past years" and the
students keep on memorizing them for examinations, the passage of
which is dependent upon particular knowledge gained from said notes.
Finally, because careers and titles are defined by law, it follows
that any course of study is suspect if it is not given according to
the prescribed course leading to a particular title.
There have been changes in the universities and at a quickening
rate. "Not until after the Second World War"" writes Darcy Ribeiro,
"was there a general awakening to the...need for university reform."11
Even the much-heralded Cordoba reforms of 1918, when examined closely,
could be described as just a local movement to open the university to
a broader segment of the population. It has been the widespread
desire for economic betterment, nurtured by modern means of communica-
tion such as the airplane, international publications, the motion pic-
ture, and radio and television, which have forced the reexamination
of the university. The university, as suggested above and as dis-
cussed further below, has been slow in making its contribution to
needed changes in society. Some would argue, although it is not done
here, that universities do not change faster than the society to which
they belong. Those in power have been less than eager to have the uni-
versities use the freedoms which would generate change unless the
changes were "safe" and guided by their own technocracy. The tech-
nocrats, to be sure, had to be trained, but the careers in technoc-
racy could be shaped by a heavy dose of canned knowledge, imported if
necessary. The cracks in this system have been perceived by many pro-
fessionals, most of whom were trained abroad at the graduate level
with ample emphasis placed upon conducting research. But, for several
"key" Latin American countries those in power, as is widely known and
not forgotten, have actually forced the out-migration of such talent
by removing professors from their jobs.











Fernando Arias, a biochemist and physician, who until recently was
dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences of the University of Antio-
quia, has described what he sees as the responsibility of Latin Amer-
ican universities for the "origin and perpetuation of the abnormal
social structure" of their countries, in the following way:

This role of the university has not been studied systematically
and even has been neglected.... Political scientists, for example,
tend to find an explanation of the Latin American case by blaming
the inefficiency of the ruling class, or better, the lack of an
intelligent and aggressive ruling class as responsible for our
inability to create the necessary conditions for major social
changes. Economists and manpower specialists, from another point
of view, tend to attribute to the lack of [trained] human resources
able to create employment and richness the main responsibility....
Educators blame illiteracy and the selective type of educational
system as the main educational components within the complex sit-
uation of underdevelopment. Demographers tend to find in the rate
of [population] growth the most important factor determining pov-
erty and social injustice.... It is possible to find a different
answer or interpretation of [our problems], depending on the back-
ground [of the student]. My own analysis of the problems of devel-
opment leads me to believe that the structure and function of the
Latin American university were responsible to a large extent for
almost all of the phenomena blamed by different specialists as the
"main cause" for underdevelopment.12

One of the charges which Dr. Arias levels against the historic Latin
American university is that the "professional orientation" of the
university meant "an almost complete lack of people devoted to creat-
ing new knowledge in the basic disciplines, generating automatically
a parasitical condition." This forced reliance on developed countries
is one of the sources of friction in the relationships within which
technical assistance must operate. The "professional orientation" has
deprived society of liberally educated teachers for the educational
system, and the undernourishment of basic disciplines associated with
the liberal tradition in favor of narrow professionalism has sapped
capacities for original thought within various societies.
An underlying assumption of this paper is that universities, being
free, have a major responsibility for thinking about the society in
which they exist. Because universities are organizations, there has
to be concern for effective structure. Because universities are made
up of individuals, professors and students performing socially man-
dated roles, there has to be concern for the functions performed.
Weaknesses of structure are inherent in all universities to a greater
or lesser degree because they are constantly exposed to new ideas and
changing values. These conditions have been exposed in recent years
in Berkeley, New York and Paris, as well as in Santiago and Bogota.
Concerns for function, more "educational" or philosophical than con-
cerns for structure, are necessarily complicated. The Latin American
intellectuals quoted above, Arias, Deves, Frei and Ribeiro, are all
talking about function: the stimulation of thought or artistic crea-
tion, the learning of logic and scientific method, the transmission
of knowledge, the study of society's behavior, etc. Since the execu-
tion of these functions may often be taken for granted, a paper such












as this, dealing with the range of university affairs (but stopping
short of university-operated commercial television or professional
soccer), may appropriately sketch some of the development parameters
within which the institutions find themselves.
There has been a tendency in recent years, which can be dated to the
birth of interest in education within the economics profession, to
equate social development with economic development. The semantic dif-
ficulties are only part of the issue. Consider for a moment the flat
statement: "The objective of educational policy must be to make edu-
cation an active and integral part of the effort to achieve develop-
ment."13 This statement from the recent report of the Commission on
International Development headed by former Prime Minister Lester B.
Pearson of Canada is taken from context, but the context does not
fully dispel the impression of the economist's bias. The bias is not
fatal if it is balanced by non-economic justifications in the forma-
tion of educational policy, although it is doubtful that the commis-
sion's recommendations of guides for aid policy by the World Bank,
which commissioned the report, can be, or even were meant to be, read
beyond the context of economic development.
The Pearson Report reviews the consequences of twenty years of
development assistance and has proposed guides for new policies.
There are no fundamental criticisms of older programs of aid to edu-
cation, and the recommendations for future activity, which extend to
the whole spectrum of the educational process, are modest. They are
disappointing because they largely ignore the problems of structure
and execution. "Aid to education," the Report says, "should concen-
trate on the adaptation of the organization and content of educational
systems in low-income countries to their economic needs and social
conditions." This means (1) educational planning and "the application
of systems analysis to the learning process and to specific pro-
jects" ;14 (2) "research applied to the redefinition of educational
objectives such as social mobility and skill levels geared to the
absorptive capacity of the labor market"; and (3) "the development of
new technologies whereby a combination of elements could help to
achieve a new educational breakthrough."15 Research of this kind, if
it is to be relevant and acceptable within the region, should be done
in some Latin American universities and research institutions. The
World Bank, if it adopts policies suggested by the Pearson Report,
should use its prestige and resources to build the kind of institu-
tions which can do such work. The Report suggests that research and
experimentation can be stimulated by loan money from the Bank Group,
although the willingness to lend and borrow for such purposes is not
yet well established. The Report also proposes the establishment and
partial operation of new institutions based on the results of such
research and experimentation, again with loan money.
On a matter of particular concern for Latin American universities,
the education of qualified teaching staffs, the Pearson Commission
said that "exposure of students from developing countries to foreign
environments greatly helps to broaden their outlook and foster an
innovative spirit." The Commission, however, is worried about the
"brain drain," because "nationals from developing countries who have
trained overseas only too often fail to find in their native coun-
tries the professional environment, the social status, or the mate-
rial incentives offered by the rich countries." The recommendation
of the Commission is this: "It is urgent that local educational











institutions in developing countries or regions be strengthened in
order to provide professional and other training relevant to local
conditions. We recommend that, where suitable facilities exist, schol-
arships or training grants be given primarily for attendance at local
institutions of acceptable quality in aid-receiving countries or
regions."16 The critical question here is finding the mechanisms for
accomplishing the goals of "professional environment" and "acceptable
quality." Much has been done in the past decade, and much more is yet
to be done.
A 1969 study concerned more explicitly with development problems in
Latin America, The Rockefeller Report on the Americas,17 received
extraordinary publicity because of the reception of the mission in
Latin America and President Nixon's delay in releasing the report.
The section of the report dealing with education, science and culture
is contained in only three pages of a pocket-sized book. The primary
recommendation is that the United States should give full support to
the new Council for Education, Science and Culture of the Organiza-
tion of American States by creating a Western Hemisphere Institute18
with initial financing of $100 million annually. Little is said about
the character of the Institute except that it would be a corporation
in which "the majority of its board of directors would be outstanding
heads of private institutions." The minority directors, it must be
presumed, could be officials from federal and state governments, and
personnel from public universities of higher learning. In order to
carry out the proposed institute's mission, the Rockefeller Report
proposes that the new agency be authorized to assume seven tasks, all
of them affecting or drawing upon agencies of higher education.
These are the Rockefeller proposals directly and indirectly related
to higher education: (1) establishment of regional universities;
(2) availability of scholarships and fellowships; (3) exchange within
the hemisphere of students, technicians, teachers, journalists, art-
ists, and professionals in all fields of endeavor; (4) establishment
of regional institutes for basic scientific research;19 (5) utiliza-
tion of new educational techniques such as the use of radio and tele-
vision for elementary education in rural areas; (6) more and better
public libraries; and (7) encouragement of local and international
corporations to allocate a larger percentage of their resources and
effort to scientific research. These recommendations in the field of
education do not break any new ground. They might be termed routine.
But they do serve to recall previous efforts of study missions, like
the 1961 Report of the Organization of American States, Latin American
Higher Education and Inter-American Corporation, and to encourage some
overall review of programs in the field of technical assistance to
education in the past decade.
The balance of this paper is primarily about the Ford Foundation's
cooperative endeavors with Latin American universities during the past
decade. The preceding pages have dealt with certain "large" problems
of Latin American universities, admitting straightaway that they are
not unique to Latin America. Recommendations of outside agencies, par-
ticularly the Pearson and Rockefeller reports, serve as a measure for
looking at Foundation participation in technical cooperation with
Latin American universities. Using a series of rubrics which manifest
the targets for Foundation grant-making, a description follows of the
ways which have been used to attack problems of higher education, as
Latin Americans have seen them and as foundations have seen them.











Ford Foundation staff, since the inauguration of its program in Latin
America in the late 1950's, has been keenly aware of the work that
others have done and are doing in the field of education, agriculture,
and medicine. No claims have been made that the Ford Foundation's
efforts are unique, nor, indeed, that they have more than marginal
effect in an extremely complex institutional pattern. Other founda-
tions, notably the Rockefeller Foundation, early in Latin America,
made notable contributions to medical education and to the develop-
ment of modern agriculture. Agricultural research in various parts of
the world today frequently involve the partnership of the two founda-
tions, two examples of which are the International Maize and Wheat
Improvement Center in Mexico, and the International Center of Tropical
Agriculture in Colombia. The Ford Foundation has also had complemen-
tary programs with the Inter-American Development Bank, the World
Bank, the United Nations Development Plan, and the United States
Agency for International Development. In the recent period, we have
shared information and planning objectives with the United Kingdom
Ministry of Overseas Development and the Canadian International Devel-
opment Agency with respect to programs in the Caribbean, as well as
Central and South America. These references are made to indicate as
explicitly as possible that there is realization of the size and the
complexity of the development job, and, of course, not only in the
universities.
Universities became early recipients of grant-making by the Ford
Foundation in Latin America because there was a belief that through
the universities it was possible to develop more highly-educated and
trained persons who, with enhanced capacity, would work for their
nation's and their region's development. Most professionals agree
that the primary need in the training of professionals in developing
countries is for quality not quantity. This objective, commonplace as
it may sound, reflects a value judgment, and one should recognize
that eliteist versus equalitarian arguments lurk behind many choices
which have to be made in development assistance. The rationalization
which is frequently made, and it need not be a fallacious one, is
that of the "multiplier" effect. This reason for working with univer-
sities has seemed logical and persuasive. An assessment of impedi-
ments to change, as the Foundation has perceived them, largely through
Latin American eyes, has led to the design of aid programs which have
been initiated in Latin American universities.
The following are the rubrics of the programs and approaches to be
discussed:
Planning Educational Methodology
and Technology
Administration: Academic Teachers and Teacher Training
Administration: Non-Academic Research
General Education Associations and Groups
Specialized and Graduate Education Regionalism
These are overlapping categories, and numerous programs which the
Foundation has supported can be discussed from more than one perspec-
tive. Three other approaches that have been followed will be dis-
cussed briefly:
The Resource Base Concept
Fellowship Programming
Travel and Study Awards











Again, there is some overlap in these rubrics, but they will serve to
describe the efforts made by the Ford Foundation in the United States,
as well as in Latin America, for Latin American development through
universities. And, in the analytical descriptions which follow, there
will be overlapping comment on educational problems other than those
of universities, and with programs which may go by names other than
education.

Planning

The Ford Foundation has found, as has the Economic Commission for
Latin America, that none of the national plans "contains any real
educational plan for the university."20 The use of the four-letter
word "real" should be noted. Also, it should be acknowledged even in
a paper such as this one that there is precious little agreement on
what educational planning is.21 Economic plans generally underline
the incapacity of existing institutions to accommodate the growing
number of students who have completed secondary school. They do recog-
nize that larger numbers of professors have to be trained. The diffi-
culties in the case of expanding facilities are in large part finan-
cial, although questions necessarily arise about the kinds and loca-
tions of facilities. Queries must be made about traditional emphases
and about new needs; the locations raise political issues, the capital
city versus the provinces, urban versus rural, public versus private,
etc. What we have found are such goals as: "double the number of grad-
uates in the next ten years"; "to invest X million pesos at 1960
prices in the next four years"; and "1 student enrolled for every 11
inhabitants in the 20-24 age group." Generally speaking, the efforts
of the Ford Foundation have been to assist individual universities to
establish planning offices and seek to establish their own priorities
within a given national scene. The devices used have been awards for
formal training, travel and study of planning offices, support costs
and the encouragement of review of manpower resources and local needs.
One of the handicaps which we have sought to overcome was the fact
that planning has meant primarily planning physical facilities and
the reliance on staffing by architects without the corresponding de-
velopment of mechanisms for the identification and discussion of the
dimensions of educational needs both within and outside of the univer-
sity. The fact that university faculties often behave as separate
entities, often in different parts of a city, naturally presents dif-
ficulties. The grandest developments of university cities, requiring
costly support services and maintenance, have neither brought about
integration of functions nor lessened duplication of facilities. Ford
has, for example, supported efforts to develop central libraries
through planning mechanisms. Technical assistance has been given in
the re-drafting of university by-laws as part of a broad endeavor to
modernize, with the assistance of a planning office, a large national
university. In several instances attempts were made to utilize asso-
ciations of universities or councils of rectors in the area of plan-
ning, but these ventures were not productive. These associations,
which are referred to later in this paper, have been useful in other
aspects of university modernization, but not in the area of planning.
One country situation in which the council of universities has been
given responsibilities for planning is under consideration at the











present time. Like some others, the conflict between the power of the
purse held by the state and the jealously guarded autonomy (and all
that goes with that concept) of the universities makes the prospect
of establishing an effective central agency less than certain.

Academic Administration

Just as we have assisted the Latin American university in establish-
ing its priorities among its different parts, so have we encouraged
the upgrading of academic and financial administrative capacities.
The Ford Foundation has striven to make the entire range of academic
administration more effective. This has meant, in one case or another,
helping the rector and dean understand their jobs and do them better,
establishing acceptance of the idea of delegated authority for some
decisions, enlarging the concepts of administration in order to cope
with increased enrollments of students and to deal with them more
efficiently. We have assisted institutions indirectly in the estab-
lishment of student advisory services and registrar's offices; we
have even encouraged the growth of committees. The devices have been
standard ones in the development and assistance repertory: advisory
services, long and short training programs, and seminars and intern-
ships.

Non-Academic Administration

Bookkeeping and budgets, emptying wastebaskets and purchasing labora-
tory equipment are activities in universities all over the world, not
just in the Latin American institutions. Yet Latin institutions are
particularly inadequate in the areas of non-academic administration.
The problems of modernization are real, and particularly so because
the pressure to use available funds for the pay of professors often
pushes the needs of the support services to the background. There is
an example, however, of one Latin American university where there are
more employees than there are students. And, the particular time of
the study, the vice rector of the university did not have a detailed
budget for the whole institution, probably because one did not exist.
The Foundation has, incases like this, provided advisory services
and training grants. Advisory services of local accountants and man-
agement consultants in one case are assisting a major university with
procedures to enable the business administration to put certain
records on the computer.
The Foundation has recognized the role that certain private univer-
sities have taken in modernization, in academic as well as in non-
academic matters. Some of them have been able to see the need for
changes in the higher educational system and have sought to make
changes more readily than their public counterparts. In short, they
have been innovators in their countries in a number of ways: under-
taking teaching in non-traditional fields; undertaking to do research;
employing full-time professors; professionalizing their administra-
tion, etc. Their finances are unstable at best, and the Foundation
has assisted several private universities in Latin America in the
development of their fund-raising capacities with advisory services
and training experiences. In at least two cases, advice given by
Foundation consultants led to the raising of tuition as the way











toward financial stability. In still another case the Foundation sus-
tained efforts over a period of years to try to assist an entire new,
research-oriented university find its financial legs.

General Education

Under this caption, but more frequently under the captions "general
studies" or "basic studies," the Foundation, early in its Latin Amer-
ican program, supported activities designed to help modernize the
educational programs of the universities. Some of the conditions
which were pointed out to consultants and advisors by Latin American
educators may be noted. First, because the separate faculties were
largely professionally-oriented and made their own curriculums, hired
their own professors, and admitted their own students, basic subjects
like mathematics, chemistry, physics and biology were usually taught
in each professional school. In many universities there were no sci-
ence faculties. Second, students who wanted to prepare in one of the
sciences had to take a professional program. Third, because basic
sciences were traditionally ancillary to the professional objectives
such as engineering and medicine, there had been little development
of professional scientists or fully-trained teachers of science.
(This aspect of the Foundation's response to needs of the universities,
of course, belongs primarily to a consideration of specialized educa-
tion below.) Fourth, with more and more secondary school graduates
seeking admission to the universities, there were shortages of places
in the traditional faculties (medicine being the most sought after,
and, hence, the most difficult to get into) while new careers and new
professional and vocational opportunities were being missed because
the orientation of faculties had not been directed to them. Fifth,
students, who for one reason or another were dropped from one profes-
sional school program, had to start over elsewhere, and even take a
subject again although they had not failed it.
These long-familiar conditions seemed to many to call for reforms.
This is not the place to recall the various attempts to institute
changes. The educational programs of general or basic studies in
Latin American universities in the past decade and a half usually
began with a consideration of what subjects were most basic to more
than one professional curriculum, and could be better taught if con-
centrated in one or a few institutes or departments. These programs
required a number of changes which sometimes went beyond the subject
disciplines which most needed development, namely, mathematics and
the sciences. The most immediate remedy was further education for
staff to master's and doctor's degrees in a host of disciplines.
This almost inevitably led to the question of departmentalization of
faculties or the organization of new faculties. Better training of
staff likewise led to considering the desirability of full-time
instead of part-time professors. There were needs in laboratories and
libraries. There were the questions of admission policies, examina-
tions and advising. Some institutions introduced one or more common
programs in the first year of the university. There was the large
question of the structure of the university. In brief, programs to
institute "basic studies" should be viewed as stimulators of change
and improvement.











Of objections and blocks to the general studies approach--and there
have been and are many--perhaps a few can be noted. One is the resis-
tance of older and often less well-trained members of staff. Second,
such programs are thought to weaken the power and prestige of the
professional schools. Third, students felt that they were being
delayed in attaining their professional goals; they also found that
they were less well-prepared for the more rigorous requirements in
mathematics and science installed by better-trained professors. One
university's program was attacked as an effort to make the university
apolitical.
In some institutions, efforts were made to involve faculties of
education or of philosophy and letters, the faculties which prepare
students for teaching careers. And on the curriculum front, some basic
studies programs sought to introduce students to other disciplines
than those which formed the specific prerequisites for professional
education.

Specialized and Graduate Education

This caption can scarcely do justice to those many programs of the
Foundation which have covered the broad spectrum of disciplines and
upon which the largest percentage of funds have been spent. But in
the analytic framework that has been chosen here for a discussion of
the broad and varied responses to the problems of Latin American uni-
versities, a certain distortion must be risked. There is no need to
emphasize the importance of science and technology, agriculture, and
the social sciences. Without the benefit of a grant-by-grant set of
sums, it is estimated that the Foundation has spent approximately
$50 million in these fields in Latin America during the past decade.
Hundreds upon hundreds of faculty members have been given advanced
degree training and programs of research, principally in the United
States, but also in Latin America and Europe. In programs where there
has not been an institution-to-institution arrangement with a specific
United States university, the Latin American institutions have been
free to select the appropriate university elsewhere in Latin America,
Europe, or the United States, for advanced training of staff. Visit-
ing professors for teaching and research have been provided in large
numbers. Equipment and book purchases have been made and even, in
some cases where it was essential to the project, buildings have been
built. This is an appropriate place to report that many of our faculty
development programs have been made in institutions which were
assisted in their capital programs by loans from the Inter-American
Development Bank.
What are the fields in which we have been interested? Any enumer-
ation will probably miss some. In addition to mathematics, physics,
chemistry, biology and engineering, already mentioned, there have
been particular emphases on economics, business administration, man-
agement education, public administration, political science, and
sociology. There have been very large programs in many phases of
agriculture, and smaller programs in such fields as oceanography and
food technology. Efforts to reform legal education have been assisted,
and so have efforts to upgrade vocational and engineering technician
education. Graduate training in linguistics and in librarianship have
been supported.











These have been important programs. The Rockefeller Report comments
that there are a "growing number of highly qualified leaders in all
fields in the American Republics." "This is especially true," the
Report continues, "in the critically important fields of education,
agriculture, economics, government, the sciences and engineering,
trade and industry, and the arts.... 22 Foundations have done much
of this, and so have other aid agencies.
Many of these leaders in the field of higher education have become
involved in the process of graduate education. At the present stage
of development of graduate level faculties there are mainly three
inter-related problems. First, we want to see graduate work institu-
tionalized sufficiently so that change and development can be main-
tained. What may be characterized as a "one-man institute" is not
enough. Institutionalized in the university scene means, for example,
a satisfactory administrative structure and a meaningful articulation
of undergraduate programs. Second, we want to see whether the contin-
uing, long-range financial support of the operation is reasonably
assured. Tied with this are the perennial questions of the reward
system and supporting services, that is, whether books, equipment and
research have developed (e.g., separate payment for time spent on
research), in addition to increases in the number of full-time posi-
tions at adequate salaries. Third, the problem of the migration of
talent remains, and probably will in some degree or another. As a par-
tial answer to one aspect of the problems of the migration of talent,
we are seeking to promote different kinds of "networks" so that there
will be more communication between professionals in the same and
related disciplines within the countries of Latin America, in Latin
America and in the world community.

Educational Methodology and Technology

Historically, the basic method of the Latin American university has
been didactic, based on the lecture, which was based on the profes-
sor's reading. The reading was limited because access to the growing
scholarship and scientific discovery which has occurred since the
Industrial Revolution was frequently not available in Spanish and
Portuguese. Translations became more common, but the library and book
distribution systems were inadequate. Further, since research was not
actively nurtured, there was little recourse to the periodical liter-
ature; and further, to be sure, the expense of such literature, the
problems of foreign exchange, and shipping delays and customs exacer-
bated the situation.
The lecture system, and the heavy reliance put upon secondary sour-
ces, led to the production of glosses and commentaries. The fact that
new research was not being carried out tended to inhibit the challenge
which discoveries make to existing printed material. The problem is
severe in the universities, and it is critical in the lower schools.
Concern must be with the training of teachers in any system and with
the materials for a curriculum. One hopes that with the substantial
increase in the numbers of more highly-qualified teachers at the uni-
versity level there will be a significant turning point in the process
of introducing changes in teaching methods and materials. The more
extensive learning of foreign languages, particularly by those seek-
ing higher degrees, has accelerated the introduction of the world











literature in the disciplines. This has been accompanied by work on
new textbooks, not only for university classes, but also for the
secondary schools. The results of the recent work in the United
States in mathematics, in physics, in chemistry, and in biology have
all been studied by Latin Americans and adaptations and new works for
schools are being produced. In the social sciences and business admin-
istration we see an increased flow of new materials at the higher
levels.
Foundation grants have helped many of these efforts. Publishers,
book distributors and libraries have received technical assistance.
The help to the central library concept, and to library development
in general, has already been mentioned. A substantial number of
librarians have been trained for various Latin American universities.
It may be of interest to list some of the problems faced in one of
the library development projects, drawing from the progress report,
his sixteenth, submitted by the project specialist who is the adviser
to the university. The adviser reports that: (1) there is not yet the
full, or even reasonable, complement of staff for the new central
library; (2) provision for adequate salaries for the newly-trained
individuals has not yet been made; (3) the kind of furniture actually
being made for the building will probably not stand up; and (4) the
processes of book acquisition and payment for books are intolerably
slow. Follow-through performance in such a situation gives those pro-
fessionally engaged in technical assistance the most difficulties.
The "sending of foreign technicians en masse" is not good sense, we
know, but the problem remains, however, in a case like the library
project just cited, when complementary progress is not being made in
other processes of the whole system within which a change has been
introduced.
Talking about "the whole system" suggests some of the problems which
accompany introducing the "new technology" in education. In the case
of television, for instance, the Ford Foundation has spent more money
on educational television in the United States than any other agency,
and yet it is probably safe to say that the promise of television for
education is still greater than the accomplishments. To illustrate
some of the problems faced, it is worth looking at what occurred with
the introduction of television in a single university in Latin Amer-
ica, undertaken with a grant from the Foundation. Fernando Garcia
Roel, President of the Technological Institute of Monterrey, Mexico,
has recently described23 some of his experiences with television as
a teaching tool. The experiment with television was accompanied by
a broad program of faculty upgrading. Roel reports that he found
television teaching "costs six to nine times more than traditional
teaching methods," adding that in the future certain costs would be
reduced. He said that the pressure of "competitive programs" notice-
ably improved the performance of faculty members, but that evaluation
had not revealed any difference in student progress. He also reported
the active and passive resistance to television by members of staff.
While this example should not be taken as a "bad case," it does
illustrate several things. Television is expensive, and student and
faculty relationships require consideration. It might prove more use-
ful for enrichment rather than substitution. In another instance I
report less success. Despite promises from the administration of a
major Latin American university for reshaping the curriculum, it took











four and a half years after a grant was made to get a TV studio
equipped and the first videotape into transmission, and there are, in
fact, only two courses being given. More worrisome is the fact that
while there is a technical staff interested in television, there is
no corresponding faculty component for the generation of a broader
program or for the development of new courses.
Another costly technological innovation is the computer, which has
become in the past decade an indispensable tool of research. It is
also a useful mechanism for handling financial and student records.
The introduction of the computer is proceeding in Latin America, not
without many teething problems, and with heavy financial burdens.
The costs of procuring and operating a computer seem out of scale for
most Latin American universities. Schemes for the sale of time to
business activities as a way of securing funds to pay for rental or
purchase of the equipment have been promoted by the manufacturers,
but it is too early to tell how this device will work out. In several
instances staffs competent to manage the computer are building up
nicely, and the tool has been a stimulus to research in the physical
and social sciences.
One fruitful field for innovation has been educational testing.
Modern ways of conducting examinations are needed at all levels of
schooling in Latin America, and the pressure of numbers, particularly
the demand for places in the universities, has made it urgent to
engage in programs of training and test construction. The Educational
Testing Service and universities in the United States have been par-
ticipants in these efforts. As might be expected, progress has been
greater in some countries than in others, particularly where key
professors of science subjects have become interested in the process.
In some instances the work in tests has led to rethinking curriculum,
both at the elementary and secondary levels. The result in at least
two countries has been the establishment of curriculum development
centers. In related instances assistance has been given for the devel-
opment of inexpensive scientific equipment for schools.

Teacher Training

A primary objective of most of the Foundation programs which have
already been described or referred to has been the advanced education
of university professors. The programs through which this objective
has been reached have been varied indeed. There have been grants to
institutions or parts of institutions, to national research councils,
and to central agencies which handle scholarships and fellowships.
The development and maturation of the Institute of International Edu-
cation has occurred during this decade; it has performed yeoman's
service in the handling of foreign students in the United States on
behalf of scores of institutions, governments and foundations which
have provided the financial support. There have also been institu-
tion to institution arrangements for the development of personnel.
Because of the importance of the educational process at the secon-
dary level, and the weaknesses revealed in the preparation of student
for university work, it has been logical to seek institutional situa-
tions in which a more direct contribution could be made to the teacher
training process for pre-university systems. Faculties of philosophy
and letters, or of education, have not been the most favored in the











growth of the Latin American universities. These faculties, from which
each nation draws a substantial part of its personnel for secondary
schools, have grown in size, but not in quality. They have not usu-
ally been given adequate quarters, equipment, or libraries. Often
their faculties, particularly in mathematics and the sciences, teach
part-time, frequently splitting their time with other faculties of
the university or the private secondary schools. As a bit of evidence
on the question of support, I cite some comparative per capital expen-
ditures allowed in various faculties of a Latin American university.
(These are index figures expressing allocated resources divided by
numbers of students.) If Pedagogy is 100, Electrical Technology is
120, Journalism is 137, Psychology 180, Architecture 253, Agriculture
400, and Medicine 900. Only support of Law was less, with an index
figure of 70. I am not suggesting that the per capital costs should be
the same; they are not in any university. The exercise, however,
serves to suggest that the Pedagogy faculty, serving the largest num-
ber of students in the university and teaching a broad curriculum,
including laboratory sciences, was woefully under-financed in compar-
ison with some other schools of the university.
Foundation grants have been made to a number of faculties of educa-
tion for a number of different purposes. In some cases the grants
were made in connection with the introduction of basic-studies pro-
grams already referred to; in others they were for the improvement of
secondary school science and language teaching; and in still others
they were for research and experimentation, team teaching, for example.
Support also went to the development of normal schools or separate
faculties of education in regional or cooperative efforts, usually in
cooperation with ministries of education. These efforts, which cover
a fairly broad range of what one might call traditional problems such
as administration and supervision, licensing and up-grading, in-
service training, and statistics, are most difficult to assist because
they involve "the whole system." The number of variables, the behav-
ior of which is quite beyond the control of the technical cooper-
ation project, is great indeed. There are those who may argue that
the grant-maker should stay away from the types of situations one
finds in much elementary and secondary education in Latin America.
The Rockefeller Report urged the "demonstration school" approach.
I doubt that this goes far enough. What is needed, perhaps, are more
careful analyses of the "whole system," more research on teacher and
students, identification of bottlenecks or critical obstacles, and
the outlining of a series of plans which can be worked with over time
by local, national, and international agencies.
This is not panacea thinking. When the Pearson Commission writes
that "improvements in primary education or diversified education at
the secondary and university levels will not be of great service to
the youth of these countries if the agricultural system and the
absorptive capacity of the labor market are not revolutionized...,'24
one must not expect too much of the educational system in the short
run. Dr. Josue de Castro, a Brazilian nutritionist, cruelly under-
lines the socio-economic picture of those parts of Latin America in
which the educational system has not even made a dent. On rural
Venezuela, he says,











There is no living to be made in the rural region; there is no
chance for improvement through education; there is no medical
assistance; there are no cultural amenities; goods are scarce
and poor; and entertainment must be self-generated. There is
not even any chance to feel important or involved, or to get
one's voice and vote to matter. Except for occasional pre-
election barnstorming, all the action is elsewhere. Local gov-
ernment has no power or funds or importance. When the score is
reckoned, the campesino feels that he cannot possibly be any
worse off in the city.t25

About that part of Brazil where almost twenty percent of the coun-
try's population lives, he adds, "Widespread illiteracy and ignor-
ance have been deliberately perpetuated in order to hold together the
feudal edifice, which threatened to topple under the least shock of
new ideas. The ruling class of the Northeast has always lived in
terror of ideas and of those who propagate them."26
To believe that the teachers of a country provide a primary means
for improving a society is not necessarily utopian. They cannot do
everything, to be sure, and there are many conditions over which they
have no control, but it can and should be argued that moderately
sophisticated efforts to change and improve the various systems of
teacher education offer some hope of developing educational opportun-
ities in Latin America.27 This suggestion does not mean rigidity with
respect to the past "classical" tradition. It does mean, however,
that the introduction of new technology, such as television, must
early meet the actual conditions of teacher training and the condi-
tions in which the teacher works, particularly in rural areas.

Research

If Dr. de Castro's fears are correct, or even partially correct about
the fate of ideas in Brazil, and by extrapolation, in all of Latin
America, the fact that research and the pursuit of knowledge have not
fared so well can be partially understood. As long as leading profes-
sors of science faculties of national universities and professors in
the social sciences are deprived in large numbers of their positions
from time to time, there is little likelihood that the conditions
required for serious research will be attained. The seeming accep-
tance of the status quo, or the orthodoxies,28 pose yet another
problem.
How to stimulate research in a broad spectrum of disciplines has
been a concern of the Foundation from the beginning of its Latin
American program.29 There have been many strategies and tactics, but
the primary one, as has already been described in this paper, has been
the building up of competence in individuals and particular faculties
of key universities in different parts of the region. In several sig-
nificant cases, institutions have grown up and developed outside the
university because of conditions in universities. Some have been sup-
ported privately, some publicly, and some by a combination of sources.
The Torcuato di Tella Foundation in Argentina, the Getulio Vargas
Foundation in Brazil and the College of Mexico are three important
examples of research and advanced teaching centers. The social sci-
ences, with economics in the forefront, are the areas of prime concern.











Interest in research in the sciences has been in connection with uni-
versity faculty development and through national research councils.
The Ford Foundation has in fact promoted a concept of loyalties
dually allocated to the international standards of the discipline and
to work on problems of the local environment. Or, as Darcy Ribeiro
put it in the quotation used earlier in this paper, the foundations
have looked for persons who feel "responsibility toward the inter-
national patterns of learning, and duty toward the social problems
of the nation." Obviously every nation cannot do everything and there
will be stages of development. The important thing, however, is for
external assistance to go to a nation which has sensibly ordered its
priorities so that the abilities of its population are likely to be
utilized in ways that will nurture these dual loyalties.
In the broad field of agriculture, research capacities are being
built up in one or more national faculties of agriculture in various
countries, and in the two international centers located in the Latin
American region. The concentration of international teams of scien-
tists has been possible in these centers when agreement has been
reached on what problems and what specific objectives are to be
tackled. The development of higher-yielding grains as a result of
research has been beneficial in Latin America and in other parts of
the world. Work done in Mexico has made a major contribution to bring-
ing Pakistan to a condition of self-sufficiency in wheat.
Much thought has been given to the concept of the international
institute in other fields. It is an attractive idea, and more will be
heard of it in the seventies. The agriculturalists realize that the
"green revolution" has not solved all the problems; in fact, it has
created some new ones. What is not clear is whether social or socio-
economic problems are resolvable in ways comparable to experimenta-
tion on new breeds of corn. What does seem certain is that there will
be an increased number of centers in which there will be concentra-
tions of highly qualified social scientists working on social science
concerns. Whether there will be agreement on what problems to tackle,
and where, is less clear. In education, for example, we have made
a small start in supporting independent centers of research. More
ought to be done in Latin American universities, and probably will
have to be done if some of the recommendations of the Pearson and
Rockefeller reports are to be carried out. Some attention has been
given to research in government ministries, but the hand of bureau-
cracy is a heavy one; probably contracts between ministries and facul-
ties and independent research centers in the field of education will
have to be developed. There are a few signs of this cooperation and
mutual dependence in the field of examinations and university admis-
sion problems. More needs to be done in demography, population move-
ments, institutional capabilities, availability of trained manpower,
and what happens to students when they leave the educational system,
with or without a certificate or title. There are, to be sure, oppor-
tunities for individual researchers to begin work now.
Common investigations on matters of mutual interest to researchers
in the United States and Latin America can prove fruitful. This notion,
which has been explored and given publicity by the Latin American
Studies Association, is a key one. The international character of true
disciplinary endeavors will be illustrated again.











Associations

During the past decade, the Ford Foundation has given assistance to
a variety of voluntary associations which have sought to become
viable communities of scholars, scientists, and university adminis-
trators within the countries of Latin America, within Latin America
and the Caribbean, and within the Western Hemisphere. These organiza-
tions have included the Council on Higher Education in the American
Republics (CHEAR), Grupo Universitario Latinamericano de Estudio para
la Reform y el Perfeccionamiento de la Educacion (GULERPE), the
Union of Latin American Universities (UDUAL), the Association of
Caribbean Universities and Research Institutes (ACURI), the Higher
University Council of Central American Universities (CSUCA), the
Council of Latin American Social Science Organizations (CLACSO), the
Inter-American Program for Linguistics and Language Teaching, various
national research councils, national associations of rectors, and an
association of medical schools. Each of these associations naturally
has different objectives; what can be said of all of them is that
they provide places for the interchange of ideas, and stimulus for
the institutions or disciplines which their members represent. Some
of them, particularly CSUCA,30 appropriately illustrate some of the
ideas discussed in the following paragraphs about regionalism. The
problems of all of the associations is to get them beyond convention
oratory and idealistic pronouncements, to get people involved, and to
get financial contributions from the members to support what they
want to do. These tasks are not easy because of the competition for
time, the high cost of travel, and the pulls of national interest, not
to mention the inherent difficulty of some of the tasks undertaken.
There is little doubt that most of these associations have been agents
for modernization; there is some doubt that many of them can sustain
themselves without outside stimulus.

Regionalism

The word "regionalism" is used here in both the sense of regions of
a country and the Latin American region generally. Regionalism in
a country is easier to identify than the broader concept, because
regionalism in a country suggests separation and regionalism of a
continent suggests cooperation and supranationalism. Foundation
assistance has been given over the past decade, to aid in the develop-
ment of regional universities, recommended by the Rockefeller Report.
Representatives of such aid in the Southern Cone are: (1) in Chile,
the development of the regional college system of the University of
Chile at, among other places, Osorno, Temuco, La Serena, Antofagasta,
Valparaiso and Concepci6n; and (2) in Argentina, the similar develop-
ments at Bahia Blanca, Bariloche, Cordoba and Tucuman. In Brazil:
Rio Grande do Sul, Brasilia, Vicosa, Belo Horizonte, Salvador, Recife
and Ceara. In Peru, La Molina; Colombia, Call, Medellin and
Bucaramanga; Venezuela, Oriente and Ciudad Guayana. In Mexico: Chapingo,
Guadalajara, Nuevo Leon and Monterrey. In the Caribbean: Santiago,
Cave Hill and St. Augustine. There are many reasons for support of
regional educational institutions, but the two that should be empha-
sized are: (1) that opportunity for higher education should not be
confined to accessibility to capital cities; and (2) that regional
institutions should be developed to help solve local problems.











The only multi-national university in the Latin American and Carib-
bean region is the University of the West Indies. Founded by the
British government while the islands were still colonies, UWI sur-
vived the short-lived Federation of the West Indies and is now sup-
ported by the various independent governments, including Jamaica,
Trinidad and Tobago, and Barbados, which are now, it is pleasant to
point out, members of the Organization of American States. The Ford
Foundation over the years has supported many activities of UWI, includ-
ing faculty development and grants for regional educational activities.
The center in Trinidad includes a regional faculty of agriculture.
In Central America, with individual grants and through the Higher
Council of Central American Universities, the Foundation has assisted
various programs of the Central American universities, including a
number of regional endeavors. Foundation programs in Puerto Rico,
incidentally, are handled by the domestic offices of the Foundation,
not the International Division, although there have been programs of
regional interest based on the island (e.g., the Institute of Carib-
bean Studies and its publications).

Three other broad approaches which the Foundation has used to sup-
port its overseas development program need mention, namely, the
resource base concept, the foreign area fellowship program, and the
travel and study awards.

The Resource Base Concept

During the period from 1951 until 1966, the Foundation made scores of
large grants to U.S. universities for the purpose of enabling them to
increase their competence in international studies. Many new Latin
American centers came into existence in those years, and perhaps for
the first time in the history of education in this country did the
languages, literatures, politics, and sociology of many parts of the
world receive their due attention. Many of these programs were built
premanently into the fabric of our universities through funding
arrangements of one kind or another. It was anticipated that the
International Education Act, passed by the Congress, would provide
sources of continuing support of many of these activities, but no sig-
nificant appropriations have ever been approved. With the termination
of the Foundation's separate International Training and Research (ITR)
program, responsibilities for certain aspects of existing commitments
passed to the regional offices of the International Division. Budget
support, however, was substantially reduced.
Drawing upon the experience of many U.S. universities, on their
internal growth as reflected in their programmatic concern for the
international field and their external experience with the execution
of development assistance work overseas, our program officers sought
to construct, with the universities, a small series of support actions
which would serve both the interests on campus and the goals in Latin
American countries. To date the "functional" interests have been
Latin American social science, education, agriculture and rural mod-
ernization. We view the institutions which have worked with us as
resources for us and Latin American institutions to draw upon for
research activities and affiliations, and for training.












Foreign Area Fellowship Program

One of the old standbys in the Foundation's International program is
the fellowship program whereby, under current rules, U.S., Canadian
and British citizens are eligible under various categories for pre-
doctoral and post-doctoral research support in Latin America. Some
new features of the program are the broadening of the roster of dis-
ciplines which are eligible for consideration and the inclusion of
the possibility of research subjects having a developmental concern.
Further, we are increasing the formal requirement for the fellow to
have a Latin American institutional affiliation, through which it is
hoped that he will, among other things, make a contribution to his
host institution. At least, it is hoped that greater understanding of
research goals and practices will follow. At the present time we are
exploring how U.S. faculty interests in Latin America can be furthered.

Travel and Study Awards

Under this general rubric the Foundation has made grants to hundreds
of Latin Americans for individual improvement. These awards have
usually, but not always, been given in connection with programs with
which the individuals were associated. In other cases, where a formal
program was considered feasible or necessary, individuals have re-
ceived awards to enable them to do their particular jobs better.
A great deal of research and training for research has been sponsored.
The program is currently undergoing some modifications to conform
with the provisions of the Tax Reform Act of 1969, recently enacted
in Congress. The Institute of International Education has usually been
the agency to handle these individual grants. One of the interesting
uses of these awards in the past year has been the sending of Latin
American creative writers to Paul Engle's workshop at the State Uni-
versity of Iowa.
Although not too much has been said about students in the body of
this paper, it seems safe to assume that if a reasonable share of the
improvements contemplated in the development programs now underway in
Latin America continue, the student's lot will be a better one.
Additionally, one who works with allocation of resources is constantly
struck with the difficult decision facing developing countries in
making choices between support for the different levels of education,
and particularly so because the international standards in universi-
ties are expensive. It is in this area international agencies
can continue to be especially helpful. Lastly, while many developed
societies have expected too much of their universities, in the past
Latin American societies have wanted too little from their univer-
sities. This is changing and universities are responding to the needs
of their societies and will merit support in the total educational
system as they perform.
























Notes

1. Darcy Ribeiro, "Universities and Social Development," Elites in
Latin America, Seymour Martin Lipset and also Solari, eds. (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 343.
2. "Institution Builaing in Developing Countries," Agents of Change:
Professionals in Developing Countries, Guy Benveniste and Warren
Ilchman, eds. (New York: Praeger, 1969), p. 214.
3. Benveniste and Ilchman, op. cit., pp. 217-19 passim.
4. Quoted in Kalman Silvert, The Conflict Society (rev. ed.) (New
York: American Universities Field Staff, 1966), p. 118.
5. This conference occurred in 1970.
6. Quoted in Silvert, op. cit., p. 112.
7. Ribeiro, op. cit., p. 377.
8. "We use the word 'research' as a convenient portmanteau to cover
the wide range of intellectual activities that serve to increase
man's power to understand, evaluate and modify his world and his
experience." (Robbins) Committee on Higher Education. Higher Edu-
cation (London, HMSO [Cmnd. 2154], 1963), p. 181. "The capacity
for systematic invention, and the capacity readily to perceive and
apply the results of scientific progress, and the capacity for
leadership both in the fields of organization and in the transmis-
sion of ideas--such capacities, if they do not come solely from
education at the higher states, certainly derive in a large mea-
sure from the existence of a sufficient proportion of persons
educated to this level and of institutions devoted to higher edu-
cation and research." Ibid., p. 206.
9. Note the description of the United Nations Economic Commission for
Latin America: "The Latin American universities were constructed
on [the Romance] model which excluded research, since it created
other centers for that purpose in society; but since the Latin
American countries did not establish such centers, the lack of
research in the universities meant that no research whatsoever
was being carried out. This has been and still is today, the main
defect of the Latin American university." Education, Human
Resources and Development in Latin America (New York: United
Nations, E/CN.12/800, 1968), p. 166. Those concerned with economic
development have pointed out the need for the encouragement of
research. Sir Arthur Lewis asserts that "there is no doubt that
one of the main deficiencies of underdeveloped countries is their
failure to spend adequately on research, and upon the development
processes and materials appropriate to their circumstances."
W. Arthur Lewis, The Theory of Economic Growth (Homewood, Ill.:












Richard D. Irwin, 1955, p. 175. The literature of the econ-
omists unfortunately does not discuss how research and inquiry
are stimulated.
10. Quoted in the periodical Latin America (London, October 31, 1969),
p. 348.
11. Ribeiro, op. cit., p. 352.
12. In a seminar discussion at Harvard University, October 23, 1969
(unpublished).
13. Partners in Development (New York: Praeger, 1969), p. 68 (empha-
sis added). See generally pp. 41-43, 67-68, and 199-207.
14. The prescription for "application of systems analysis to the
learning process" seems needlessly obscure, if it is to be taken
literally. I assume that the Commission is thinking more broadly.
Compare with Harvey S. Perloff's proposals for what he calls the
"basic ideas in 'systems analysis'" in education: "Such studies
would normally include detailed analysis of curriculum weaknesses
at each level, salary structures, arrangements for financing, and
projections of increased requirements in light of new strategies,
analysis of whom the system now reaches and fails to reach and
why, an inventory of existing physical plant and teacher train-
ing institutions, and analysis of administrative practices and
shortcomings." Alliance for Progress (Baltimore: John Hopkins
University Press for Resources for the Future, 1969), pp. 113-14.
Perloff adds: "However, planning and strategy formulation do not
get translated into needed budget responses, new legislation, or
vigorous and imaginative administrative solutions and policies
without political will and determined administrative support of
change."
15. Partners in Development, op. cit., p. 201. For a thoughtful review
of the attempts to understand and solve problems of educational
planning which have been attempted by economists, see Friedrich
Edding and Jens Naumann, "A Systems Look at Educational Planning,"
Education and Economic Growth, Richard H. P. Kraft, ed. (Talla-
hassee: Florida State University, 1968). For a suggestive and
provocative review of the problems of educational planning, see
C. Arnold Anderson, "Some Heretical Views on Educational Plan-
ning," Comparative Education Review (October, 1969), pp. 260-75.
16. Partners in Development, op. cit., p. 202.
17. (Chicago: Quadrangle Books [New York Times, ed.], 1969.)
18. The idea of a social development institute devoted to Latin Amer-
ican problems had been introduced in a bill in Congress even
before the Rockefeller Report was issued and it received some
favorable reception. The fate of legislation embodying this pro-
posal, as well as other alternatives to the bureaucracy of the
Agency for International Development as a channel for develop-
ment monies of the Federal Government, is uncertain. The proposal
for the Latin American Institute may have been overtaken by the
more sweeping recommendations of the Peterson Commission, the
report of which was published after the completion of this paper.
New York Times, March 9, 1970.
19. Raul Prebisch is among those who have urged the pooling of"insti-
tutional, human and financial resources from the [Latin American]
region" to create "authentic specialization poles" to spur innova-
tion. "Reflections on International Cooperation for LatinAmerican












Development," Memorandum to Messrs. Galo Plaza, Felipe Herrera,
Carlos Sanz de Santamaria and Patricia Rojas (May 9, 1969). It
does not derogate the "institute" idea to suggest that there are
so many aspects to "innovation," not the least the socio-polit-
ical, which suggest broad discussions are desirable for defining
targets and objectives of such programs. It is submitted that
some of the factors which help to explain the failure of research
to develop in universities pertain in regional efforts.
20. Education, Human Resources and Development in Latin America,
op. cit., p. 218. This, by the way, is not an atypical situation.
Despite the superb study of the (Robbins) Committee on Higher
Education in Great Britain in 1963, which contained six volumes
of research appendices, it was necessary for the National Board
for Prices and Incomes in its 1968 report on the Pay of Univer-
sity Teachers in Great Britain, to say: "We have stated that we
have no knowledge of any long-range plan for the whole of higher
education fin Great Britain]." (London: HMSO [Cmnd. 3866], 1968),
p. 11. It seems almost trite to say that research and analysis do
not make a plan, but a plan without research and analysis to sup-
port policy objectives will probably "fall of its own weight."
In Great Britain, the government is incapable of determining all
(or many) policy objectives for higher education. Not surpris-
ingly, this failure is more likely to occur in the more democrat-
icly-inclined countries. This leads, and the result is probably
to be applauded, to partial planning toward partial but definite
objectives.
21. Compare C. A. Anderson and M. J. Bowman, "Theoretical Consider-
ations in Educational Planning," Economics of Education I,
M. Blaug, ed. (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1968), pp. 351-82.
This volume of readings, and a second volume published in 1969,
which Professor Blaug edited, are the most easily accessible
sourcesof the relevant recent literature on the intersection of
economics and education. The publications of the International
Institute of Educational Planning should also be mentioned.
22. Rockefeller Report, op. cit., p. 104.
23. Educational Technology and the University (New York: Council on
Higher Education in the American Republics, 1969).
24. Partners in Development, op. cit., p. 68.
25. Noel F. McGinn and Russell G. Davis, Build a Mill, Build a City,
Build a School (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1969), pp. 10-11. This book
gives an account of the work of the Harvard Graduate School of
Education in the new city of Ciudad Guayana in Venezuela. The
story it tells illustrates many of the kinds of problems briefly
mentioned in the text and suggests kinds of research which still
need to be done.
26. Death in the Northeast (New York: Vintage Books, 1969), p. 125.
A native of Recife, Dr. de Castro at one time served as Brazil's
ambassador of the U.N. specialized agencies. He now lives inParis.
27. "Experience does seem to show that there is a connection between
the primary school teachers' inadequate general education and the
type of thin, dreary, formalistic schooling found [in the early
grades]." C. E. Beeby, The Quality of Education in Developing
Countries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), p. 85.
I agree, and my conviction about the importance of development of











common training of more individuals beyond literacy rests in part
on the desirability of the progressive, sequential upgrading of
the education of those who will be the teachers in the early
grades. Hence the importance of the "all-purpose" secondary school.
Note Arnold Anderson's reminder that "until World War I, most
Americans had only poor elementary schooling, given usually by
a farmer's daughter with little more schooling than her older
pupils." Op. cit., note 14, p. 273. Beeby makes a similar obser-
vation about New Zealand, where he was many years the Director
of Education.
28. "In most Latin American countries the analyses of the economic
and social situation which have been made in the last few years
were carried out by planning agencies, and this points to the
fact that the universities are not doing enough research on the
major national problems. This shortcoming can hardly be attrib-
uted to lack of funds, although in some cases this may be an
important problem....Rather than means, what seems to have been
lacking is the will to encourage systematic research and the
intellectual climate needed to carry it out. It is not without
significance that in several countries the research undertaken in
the planning offices was carried out by university teachers who
had never done such work in the university." Education, Human
Resources and Development in Latin America, op. cit., p. 167.
29. In the last ten years...considerable progress has been made in
the social sciences in Latin America, and a fairly clear under-
standing of the need to study social problems has emerged. This
process, which has depended on the universities only in part has
also produced irreversible effects on the universities themselves,
by multiplying the number of institutes and expanding the work
of those that already exist." Ibid., pp. 167-68.
30. For a valuable canvass of educational progress in Central America,
including a review of CSUCA, see George R. and Barbara Ashton
Waggoner, Education in Central America (Lawrence, Kansas: Uni-
versity of Kansas for the U.S. Department of Health, Education
and Welfare, 1969).









DISCUSSION: CHAPTER 1

Mr. Frodin: To stimulate discussion of my paper, may I be permitted
these few comments? The first is that students in the universities
have quite a bit to complain about not only in Latin America, but
everywhere. Universities as institutions are rather easy targets
because they are bodies which seek to preserve the arena of free dis-
cussion of issues found both on and off the campus. The better the
institution and the more exciting and relevant the education it pro-
vides, the less likely the students will kick over the traces to the
point that the operation of the university becomes impossible. I know
this statement is arguable from the points of view of Black Panthers
and Maoists. But I do not see why the intellectuals and rationalists
among us cannot at least consider it as a starting point for discus-
sion of students' attitudes about their institutions.
A second point is one I have not found explicitly stated in any of
the papers, namely, that each country faces the problem of allocation
of its resources among many contending forces, such as public works,
the army, and education. And within education there is the question
about how allocation of resources among primary, secondary, higher
levels, and nonformal means, should be decided. Related to this is
the growing problem that if more open secondary education is expanded,
as has been the case in several Latin American countries in recent
years, pressures on entry to the university also grow severely. In
the past, the method of controlling this was not to have free secon-
dary education. Although this situation existed for a variety of
reasons, one of its effects was to reduce the number of students
that would be eligible for higher education.
A third point, and perhaps the most provocative which I would like
Vi to submit for discussion, is that Latin Americans have not wanted
enough from their universities. In the U.S. we have expected too much.
Universities here are often home away from home; we have had to pro-
vide housing in dormitories and student unions. We have expected the
university to serve the state by providing lectures, practical advice,
county agents, county engineers, home economics demonstrations, and
other forms of public extension service. We have expected it to teach
all subjects, from art to zoology, and textiles to cafeteria manage-
ment. We have expected universities to do research and have told
professors to publish or perish. Much research has been encouraged
in this way and, in general, the results have been staggering. Of
course, expectations have often been unrealistic. It is not unheard
of to find an agricultural division in a university with one hundred
and seventy-five professors of agriculture and only one professor of
urban studies.

Dr. Garibay: I suppose that the role of a foundation is truly a
difficult one. When I read a report of a foundation, I always think
not only of the many good things it has helped to accomplish, but
also of how often a job could have been done better. And I recall
what we have heard so often in Latin American universities of the
frustrations caused by supporting irrelevant programs or causing the
failure of important programs by cutting off support at the moment
when they were at the point of succeeding. I wish to point out
clearly that this comment does not reflect my attitude. We have











been fortunate beneficiaries of the support of the Ford Foundation,
fortunate because we received a donation of medium importance at a
very opportune moment for a purpose, the results of which were partic-
ularly productive, and also because when the Foundation's support
ceased, a strong autochthonous reaction developed which made us more
self-sufficient. Perhaps because we have no motives to be prejudiced,
nor are we bitter, and because normal gratitude is clean, we can ask:
Has the management of philanthropic investment in Latin American uni-
versities been adequate? Have the representatives of international
foundations made a real effort to evaluate successful and unsuccess-
ful programs in order to find the causes for the failures, and have
they listened to outside independent critics who could provide better
elements of judgment?

Mr. Frodin: There certainly is difficulty in selecting a founda-
tion's tasks and evaluating them. There is a balancing of one's own
analysis, and by one's own, I mean those of the staff or consultants
engaged in the process of selection of projects, and an evaluation of
a project's merits as it is compared with others of a similar kind.
These judgments and comparisons come not only from employees of the
Ford Foundation; they may be by university people, they may be by
specialists of one kind or another, they may be U.S. citizens, they
may be Latin Americans, or they may be European. There may be waste
in the project. And there is sometimes frustration--frustration for
those who had hoped for something and got something else, and there
is frustration of performance which may, or may not be, beyond the
responsibility of those who are in control. Take an institution that
was recently closed by the president of a particular country. We have
a number of projects there, but not much is going to happen now. Is it
the foundation's fault? Is it the rector's fault? Is it the head of
the department's fault? I think probably not.
Although we do a lot of evaluation, I do not think we do enough,
because the pressure has been on making new grants. By and large,
recipients are more interested in new grants or renewals than they
are in evaluation. However, our evaluations are conducted by a var-
iety of means. They are not just people from the United States that
are evaluating educational institutions. The results are shared with
the grantee in most instances, and in such cases the grantee gets
a chance to comment. We have certain evaluations of our own that
result in changes in programs and in different allocations to coun-
tries, which may be modified by the successes or failures of projects.
I freely concede that there is a human desire to forget about one's
less successful grants and to talk about the successes. By and large,
I think that the importance of evaluations has been refining our
methods of grant making.
We think that there has been a substantial pay-off in the training
of higher-level faculty members, as I indicated in my paper, but it
is not easy to evaluate this. As far as institutional changes are
concerned, many things which have been expected as a consequence of
our efforts have not materialized. For example, after three years of
overseas training and an advanced degree, high-level faculty members
often return to the same salary they had when they went away. This is
not an easy matter for the outsider to do something about, even though











you may have promises in writing that things will be changed. Another
problem is that a returning faculty member often lacks the equipment
he needs to work with when he returns, even though promises have been
made.

Dr. Maiguashca: I wanted to ask just one question. How much atten-
tion or help have you been giving to national libraries? I raise this
question because it seems to me that in the 1940's, for example, there
were roughly 2000 students attending the universities in Ecuador,
while there were something in the neighborhood of one-half million
people using the public libraries and reading there. This is a fan-
tastic proportion and suggests that public libraries have a very
important role to play. You begin your paper by saying that the main
problem is research, but it would seem that the public library is one
way of contributing to both education and research. So, how much
attention and aid are public libraries receiving in Latin America
from foundations such as yours?

Mr. Frodin: I would not say our effort with regard to libraries has
been minor, although not in the public library category. We have
helped some national libraries, although not in Latin America, by sup-
porting library training and advisers. We have supported the creation
of the central library concept at the National University in Bogota,
with the central library in Brasilia, and there has been some work in
Argentina. There has also been some support for the libraries of the
University of Chile and the Catholic University. With respect to
research, of course, the main thrust has been in universities. We
have fostered national research councils and have made money avail-
able for the granting of research, particularly in scientific fields.
These activities are going on in at least four countries that come to
mind. We have been encouraging some conferences and joint meetings on
research between United States and Latin American researchers which
will tie together programs by operating their Social Science Research
Council and similar agencies in Latin America. An example of a major
non-university institution is the Torcuato di Tella Institute in
Buenos Aires, to which we have made a large grant. Provision for
library support of one kind or another would usually be found in such
grants. As far as library buildings are concerned, our interest would
not go much beyond design and planning help. It would definitely not
go into a building program nor into a wholesale program for the pur-
chase of books. We have also supported some publishing and, hence,
cheaper book programs through Franklin Books and other groups. A
large-scale program for public libraries in the example like the
Andrew Carnegie program in the U.S. a half century ago would fall
outside our program interests.























CHAPTER 2


FUNDACIONES Y UNIVERSIDAD:
EL PUNTO DE VISTA LATINOAMERICANO

Raul Urzua






LOS ULTIMOS ANOS han sido testigos de acontecimientos ocurridos en
las universidades del mundo entero que Ilaman profundamente la aten-
cion y provocan reacciones encontradas en personas que nunca antes se
preocuparon de ellas. Las universidades mas antiguas y prestigiosas
del mundo ven ahora que sus fundamentos mismos son cuestionados, sus
alumnos, que hasta hace poco eran fieles y respetuosos seguidores de
las normas establecidas, se rebelan ahora violentamente en contra de
ellas. Universidad en transicion diran algunos, universidad en crisis
diran otros, pero lo cierto es que la traditional universidad europea,
estadounidense o latinoamericana esta actualmente sometida a presio-
nes queprobablemente la llevaran a cambios grandes en su estructura
internal.
Las universidades latinoamericanas ciertamente no han permanecido
ajenas a esos acontecimentos. Muy por el contrario, ya sea en Venezue-
la, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Chile, Argentina, Brasil u otro pais, la
prensa no deja de informar sobre huelgas, tomas de locales, interven-
ciones policiales, despido de profesores, y otra series de hechos que
ponen de relieve la maduracidn de un largo process en definitive difi-
cil de controlar. El moment parece adecuado para detenerse un mo-
mento y preguntarse sobre el character de las relaciones que estas
universidades tienen y probablemente tendran con las fundaciones
extranjeras. AHan jugado algun papel estas fundaciones en la direc-
cion que han tomado los movimientos de reform actualmente en curso?
ADesempenaran ellas algun papel en el future, o sera su ayuda recha-
zada por la nueva universidad latinoamericana que parece estar en
gestacion? Preguntas como estas son las que deberlamos tratar de
responder en esta occasion.
Una respuesta a esas interrogantes nos lleva inevitablemente a in-
tentar una descripcidn de cuales eran las caracteristicas de las uni-
versidades latinoamericanas en el moment en que se inician los con-
tactos entire ellas y las fundaciones extranjeras. Si nuestras univer-
sidades estan atravesando un period de transition, es necesario
examiner cual es el punto de partida y cuales son las metas a que
tratan de conducirlas los diversos actors de este process universi-
tario. Esta descripcion, no puede pretender ser exhaustive en esta











occasion. Lo pertinente aqui es enfatizar aquellos aspects que tienen
direct relacion con la actividad de las fundaciones, dejando en la
sombra otros que solo han influido indirectamente.
Tomando como punto de partida el caso de las universidades chilenas,
Que obviamente conozco mejor, intentare generalizar ciertas caracte-
risticas del process que aparentemente son comunes a un gran numero de
universidades latinoamericanas. Este procedimiento tiene el inconve-
niente deexagerar ciertas notas, de extremar diferencias donde a veces
la realidad es much menos definida. A pesar de esto, parece mas con-
veniente dar esta vision general que intentar el analisis detallado
de un caso particular cuya representatividad podria siempre ser puesta
en duda. Este analisis iniciara con una somera description de algunas
de las caracteristicas mas tradicionales de las universidades latino-
americanas.

La Universidad Latinoamericana Tradicional

Universidades han existido en Latinoamerica antes que en cualquier
otro lugar fuera de Europa. Sin embargo, centros de studios superio-
res directamenterelacionados con los actualmente existentes solo
surgeon aproximadamente a mediados del siglo pasado. Los estudiosos
de la historic de nuestras universidades parecen estar de acuerdo en
que el modelo frances de universidad que surgiera despues de la Revo-
lucion y no el antiguo modelo de la universidad hispanica, fue la
inspiration orientadora de estos nuevos centros de studio. Veamos
por un moment cuales son los valores ultimos, los objetivos y la
organization internal que tenian estas nuevas universidades que empie-
zan a surgir en Latinoamerica en el siglo pasado.

Los valores de la universidad traditional

La universidad napoleonica es expression de una nueva concepcion del
mundo y la sociedad que surge triunfante y avasalladora como conse-
cuencia del derrumbe del Antiguo Regimen. El individualism, el lai-
cismo y el liberalism politico son, entire otros, valores no solo
aceptados sino encarnados en las multiples instituciones que surgeon
en ese period. La universidad debe former a sus alumnos en el culto
por la libertad, en la aversion a todo dogmatismo religioso o de otro
tipo, en la tolerancia frente a las distintas concepciones del mundo,
en la aceptacion y el respeto por la democracia liberal.
La universidad napoleonica responded y se adecua a las profundas
transformaciones sociales que produce la Revolucion Francesa. Su tras-
plante a las sociedades latinoamericanas responded al deseo de las
nuevas republican por adaptar las instituciones de los pauses mas
avanzados de la epoca. Como se ha senalado en repetidas ocasiones,
este traspaso mecanico de instituciones se hizo sin tomar en cuenta
las caracteristicas diametralmente distintas que tenian nuestras socie-
dades. Este desajuste afecta tambien a las nuevas universidades y
conduce a que los valores que las informan adquieran un character dis-
tinto del que tenlan en los pauses originarios.
Dicho de otro modo, habia una correspondencia entire los valores so-
cialmente dominantes y los aceptados por la universidad, en el caso
de Europa. Al contrario, las sociedades latinoamericanas no habian
experimentado nada parecido a la Revolucion Francesa, y segufan sien-
do caracterizadas por una rigida estructura biclasista y por el claro











dominio de una oligarqufa terrateniente. La religion catolica, como
dogma official del Estado, informaba y contribuia a dar legitimidad a
la estructura de autoridad dominant.
En sociedades de ese tipo los valores aceptados por la universidad
latinoamericana no solo informan su quehacer interno sino la llevan
a luchar por su aceptacion en la sociedad toda. La reaction no podia
dejar de hacerse sentir frente a esta amenaza a valores tan amplia-
mente aceptados. Las universidades catdlicas surgeon como una respues-
ta al desaflo planteado por las estatales y tienen desde sus comien-
zos el claro intent pastoral de impedir que la Iglesia pierda su
influencia en la sociedad.
En consecuencia, desde el punto de vista de los valores que aceptan,
las universidades latinoamericanas se dividen en dos bandos irrecon-
ciliables y adquieren un character militant, unas luchando por la
secularizacion de la sociedad, y otras tratando de mantener y ampliar
la influencia de la Iglesia. En un moment en que el dominio de las
oligarquias locales no aparece seriamente desafiado, en que no hay
conflicts sociales de trascendencia, las universidades aparecen como
actors y protagonistas en el conflict principal de esa epoca: el
conflict religioso.
Creemos que es important poner de manifiesto el character "compro-
metido" que, por los valores que sustentan, han tenido nuestras uni-
versidades desde su creacion. Veremos mas adelante como los nuevos
acontecimientos ocurridos en estos ultimos anos solo han vuelto a
poner en vigor y en un context social muy distinto esa tradition ya
mas que centenaria.

Los objetivos persequidos

Aunque universidades estatales y confesionales aceptan valores con-
flictivos, no ocurre lo mismo con respect a los objetivos mas con-
cretos que persiguen. Ambos tipos de universidades estan de acuerdo
en que so principal mission consiste en former los profesionales que
el pais necesita. Es cierto que las leyes y estatutos organicos de
las distintas universidades estatales no dejan de mencionar la inves-
tigacion cientifica como uno de sus objetivos, pero de hecho el
desarrollo de las ciencias en ellas se debe mas bien al esfuerzo
individual de algunos profesores que a una political consciente de
las autoridades universitarias. Entre las profesiones, las "liber-
ales" (Derecho, Medicina, Ingenieria Civil, Arquitectura) son las
que tienen el mayor numero de alumnos y de recursos. A estas profe-
siones vienen aagregarse despues otras mas nuevas, tales como distin-
tas ingenierias aplicadas (industrial, mecanica, quimica), adminis-
tracion de empresas, etc. Las pocas ciencias que se cultivan existen
no por si mismas, sino en una relacion instrumental con alguna profe-
sion: por ejemplo, biologia en relacion con medicine, y matematicas
y fisica en relacion con ingenieria.

Su organization internal

La organization internal de las universidades latinoamericanas ha
reflejado los valores y objetivos que ellas pretenden realizar. En
sintesis, puede decirse que ellas se caracterizan por combinar una
estructura de autoridad formalmente rigida y fuerte con una descen-
tralizacion, que a veces lleva a una virtual autonomia, de las











funciones docentes.
Desde el punto de vista docente, la universidad se divide en Fa-
cultades, y estas en Escuelas. Tanto las Facultades entire si como las
Escuelas que integran una misma Facultad son independientes unas de
otras. Las Escuelas desarrollan sus propios planes de studio, tienen
sus propias catedras, profesores, instalaciones y locales. Cada una
de ellas tiene tambien su propia administration.
Como ya he dicho, esta descentralizacion administrative va junto
a una rigida jerarquizacion de la autoridad. La maxima autoridad resi-
de en el Rector, asesorado por el Consejo Superior, la cabeza de las
Facultades son los Decanos y la de las Escuelas los Directores. En
todos los casos el origen de la autoridad se encuentra no en una
eleccion que hacen los miembros de la universidad, facultad o escuela
en question, sino en un nombramiento hecho ya sea desde fuera de la
universidad (por el Presidente de la Republica en el caso de las uni-
versidades estatales, por la Santa Sede en el caso de las universi-
dades catdlicas pontificias, y por la familiar del fundador en otros
casos, o directamente por el Rector. Internamente a cada Escuela hay
tambien un claro quiebre en la linea jerarquica entire los profesores
que poseen una catedra en propiedad, generalmente conocidos profe-
sionales quededican una pequena part de su tiempo a la universidad,
y sus ayudantes. Salvo en contados casos, los alumnos no tienen par-
ticipacion alguna en los organs de autoridad.
La consecuencia practice de la coexistencia de estas dos caracte-
risticas contradictorias es que tradicionalmente nuestras universi-
dades no han hecho esfuerzos por fijar political globales de desa-
rrollo o por racionalizar sus actividades. La political que ellas han
desarrollado ha sido solo una consecuencia de las politicas que cada
escuela o facultad ha seguido independientemente. Por lo demas, la
falta de un eficaz aparato administrative central habria condenado
al fracaso cualquier intent por implementar political generals.

Algunas presiones por cambios

Seria un error career que las caracteristicas anteriores han per-
manecido estaticas hasta nuestros dias. Los cambios a veces profundos
ocurridos en las relaciones sociales prevalecientes en Latinoamerica
no podian dejar de influir sobre las universidades. La urbanizacion,
la industrializacion, el aumento de la education secundaria, y las
luchas de los sectors medios emergentes por conquistar el poder
politico, planteaban toda una nueva series de problems frente a los
cuales las universidades debian redefinir sus valores y objetivos.
En una sociedad que se seculariza a un ritmo creciente, los puntos
reales de discussion son econdmicos, sociales o politicos, no religio-
sos. La universidad es visualizada como agent e instrument de esos
cambios, no como defensora o atacante de algun credo o dogma. El
caracter anticlerical o confesional empieza asi a perder importancia.
Debe notarse, sin embargo, que a diferencia de lo que ocurre en
los actuales movimientos de reform universitaria, el moviviento que
se inicia con el "Manifiesto Liminar" de Cordoba en 1918 planted
modificaciones en la organizacidn internal de las universidades, sin
cuestionar directamente ni los valores que las sustentan, ni los
objetivos que ellas se fijan. Aspiraciones tales como un gobierno
democratic de la universidad, asistencia libre, docencia libre,











periodicidad de la catedra, publicidad de los actos universitarios,
extension universitaria, y asistencia social a los estudiantes, han
sido aceptados parcialmente en las universidades de algunos de nues-
tros pauses, sin que ellas alteren su creencia de que su mission funda-
mental es former profesionales. Por eso es possible afirmar que las
caracteristicas descriptivas de la universidad traditional latino-
americana estaban aun vigentes cuando las fundaciones asistenciales
foraneas establecen los primeros contacts con ellas.

La Universidad Tradicional y la Ayuda de las Fundaciones

Movidas por el loable propdsito de contribuir al desarrollo de los
pauses americanos, a partir de aproximadamente la decada del 50,funda-
ciones de beneficencia estadounidenses empiezan a establecer contac-
tos con universidades de nuestros pauses, ofreciendo su ayuda para
"construir instituciones." Un autor ha resumido esos objetivos de la
siguiente manera:

. mejor manejo de los asuntos acad6micos, financieros y estu-
diantiles; mejoramiento de los programs de studio; preparation
de nuevos cuadros academicos y administrativos de dedicacion
total; ajuste de la universidad para adaptarse a las mayores
demands educacionales y para su relacidn efectiva con el resto
de la sociedad global; preparacion de profesionales capacitados
para enfrentar los problems del desarrollo y contribucidn al
mejoramiento de la educacion primaria y secundaria.1

Implicito en esos objetivos hay un modelo de cambio social que vale la
penahacer explicitopor las consecuencias que el tiene en el desa-
rrollo future de las relaciones entire nuestras universidades y las
fundaciones estadounidenses.
Hasta hace muy poco era comun que los cientfficos sociales visua-
lizaran el desarrollo del Tercer Mundo como el paso desde una socie-
dad traditional a una modern, caracterizadas estas por combinaciones
tlpicas de las variables-pautas que se hicieron tan populares a ralz
de los studios de Talcott Parsons. America Latina, nos declan los
socidlogos, es un continent en transicion, en el cual el ritmo dife-
rente de cambio de distintos sectors sociales lleva a que choquen
y se entrecruzen caracteristicas propias de sociedades tradicionales
y de sociedades modernas. En la superacidn de esa transicion, en la
modernizacidn definitive de America Latina y del resto del Tercer
Mundo, las "elites modernizantes" ocupan un lugar fundamental, son el
motor del cambio. Desde el punto de vista de una political de desarro-
llo econdmico-social, en consecuencia, las universidades encargadas
de educar a los futures miembros de esas elites, se convierten en
lugares de gran importancia estrategica. Para que ellas puedan cum-
plir adecuadamente su papel de agents de cambio es fundamental que
transmitan a sus estudiantes no s6lo las tecnicas y conocimientos
adecuados, sino tambien las motivaciones y valores de las sociedades
modernas. Ellas deben ser modernizadas, es decir, deben adquirir las
pautas propias de los pauses desarrollados y especialmente de aquel
pals en el cual las instituciones de educacidn superior estan mas
desarrolladas: los Estados Unidos.
No es esta la ocasidn para discutir si el modelo de desarrollo a
que solo hemos hecho referencia en el parrafo anterior es adecuado









40

o no. Lo important es que, aparentemente, no solo fue aceptado por
los cientificos sociales durante la d6cada del 50, sino tambien por
influyentes organismos internacionales, por diversas corrientes poli-
ticas y por las mismas universidades. En efecto, la estrategia de
desarrollo propuesta por CEPAL, su intent por relacionar variables
economics sociales y pollticas, su vision del desarrollo economic
como inseparable de profundas transformaciones en la estructura
social era, lo quisieran o no sus propiciadores, una de las aplica-
ciones practices posibles del modelo de cambio social en boga en los
circulos academicos. El mismo modelo esta tambi6n implicitamente
present en formulas political como las propuestas por la Democra-
cia Cristiana en Chile, Acci6n Democratica en Venezuela, y Arturo
Frondizi en Argentina, para citar solo algunos ejemplos.
La armonia existente entire el modelo de cambio propiciado por las
agencies regionales de desarrollo y por al menos algunos importan-
tes partidos y movimientos politicos latinoamericanos, y el que esta-
ba implicito en la accion de las fundaciones, fue un facor que favo-
reci6 el contact de 6stas con nuestras universidades. Las fundacio-
nes aparecian ofreciendo los medios que permitirfan obtener fines
compartidos por dadores y beneficiaries.
Otro factor paradojicamentefavorable fug la descentralizacidn do-
cente y administrative, asi como la falta de metas claras de nuestras
universidades. Como ya he hecho notar anteriormente, la universidad
latinoamericana traditional carecia de planes especificos que guiaran
su crecimiento. Las fundaciones que tomaban contact con ellas no
tenfan, por consiguiente, manera de ajustar su ayuda a las politicas
generals de los eventuales beneficiaries, ya que esas political eran
generalmente inexistentes. Menos encontraban prioridades alternatives
a las que ellas proponfan. En suma, la initiative correspondia nor-
malmente a las fundaciones, no a las universidades.
En esas condiciones y a pesar de las protests que pudieran hacer
los grupos mas radicalizados entire los estudiantes, las negociaciones
se llevaban a cabo sin mayores tropiezos. Como ya he dicho, la descen-
tralizacion administrative existente de hecho en nuestras universida-
des hacia possible que esas negociaciones se reliazaran directamente
entire la facultad o escuela beneficiada y la fundacidn. Producido el
contact inicial se lograban rapidamente acuerdos sobre el tipo y el
monto de la ayuda que otorgarfa la fundaci6n a la escuela o facultad
seleccionada. Tipicamente, esa ayuda ha incluido: becas para que el
future personal docente pueda seguir studios de post-grado, general-
mente en los Estados Unidos aunque a veces tambien en Europa; contra-
taciones de profesores visitantes, casi siempre estadounidenses, para
que llenen los vacios existentes en la docencia mientras el personal
native terminal su formaci6n; adquisici6n de equipos y laboratories
para mejorar la calidad de la investigaci6n; y fortalecimiento y, a
veces creacion de bibliotecas especializadas. Los acuerdos entire la
fundaci6n y la escuela o facultad eran suscritos sin mayores proble-
mas por los organismos centrales de la universidad.
Profesiones tales como Ingenierfa, Agronomla, y Administraci6n de
Empresas, ciencias sociales, como Economia y, en menor escala, Socio-
logia, fueron de las primeras disciplines universitarias que reci-
bieron asistencia de las fundaciones. En algunos pocos casos, tales
como el Instituto Tecnol6gico de Monterrey, y las Universidades del
Valle y de los Andes en Colombia, la asistencia se extendia simulta-
neamente a toda o casi toda la universidad.











Parece innegable que la asistencia de las fundaciones ha contri-
buido poderosamente al process de modernizacion de nuestras universi-
dades. Las unidades academics beneficiadas son en este moment las
que tienen el mayor numero de profesores de jornada complete y con un
mas alto nivel de formacion cientifica, las facilidades de equipo y
laboratorio han mejorado notoriamente, las bibliotecas se han reno-
vado. Mas important todavia, empieza a desarrollarse una nueva con-
cepcion de cual es el papel que juega la ciencia en la universidad y
a evaluar la actividad academic por "standards" internacionales
de excelencia.
Sin embargo, una ayuda como la senalada tiene algunos inconvenien-
tes que quienes se han preocupado del tema no han dejado de senalar.
En palabras de uno de ellos:

A traves de esas unidades comprometidas en los programs de
ayuda y, en mayor o menor grado, de la direccion central, la
Universidad se inserta parcialmente en un sistema foraneo.
Las unidades beneficiadas constituyen un archipielago extrano
dentro de la Universidad de pertenencia; y en el caso aunque
menos frecuente, de que la ayuda engloba a toda la Universidad,
esta aparece como una isla dentro de un sistema universitario
mas vasto.2

Es dificil saber si una situation como la que describe este autor
habria terminado transformando totalmente el sistema universitario
latinoamericano, o si las unidades beneficiadas habrian permanecido
permanentemente aisladas. Lo cierto es que cambios en el modelo de
desarrollo aceptado, el rapido desprestigio ante la juventud de for-
mulas political que hasta hace poco consideraban validas, unidos a
la siempre present critica de los grupos marxistas dentro de las
universidades, han conducido no solo a una actitud francamente nega-
tiva hacia la presencia de las fundaciones en las universidades, sino
a movimientos de reform universitaria de vastas proyecciones. La
critica a las fundaciones es parte de una revision mas amplia del
papel de la universidad en la sociedad, a un esbozo de cuyas grandes
lineas nos dedicaremos a continuacion. Por no tener otros antece-
dentes a mano en este moment, me referire de manera especifica al
caso de las universidades chilenas.

El Movimiento de Reforma en las Universidades Chilenas:
1967-19703

La situation de las universidades chilenas durante el perlodo 1967-
1970 no era muy distinta de la que se ha descrito en las paginas
anteriores. Tanto en la Universidad de Chile (estatal) como en la
Universidad Catolica, las dos principalesrdel pals, como en otras
universidades de provincia, predominaban en mayor o menor grado tanto
la indefinicion valorativa, como el objetivo profesionalizante y la
organization en escuelas y facultades. El catedratico propietario
tenia, especialmente en la universidad estatal, todos los privilegios
y el poder que le reconoclan estatutos con various decenios de exis-
tencia; el origen de la autoridad era externo a la universidad y los
alumnos no tenian ninguna participation en los organismos decisorios.
Estas caracteristicas se encontraban de manera much mas fuerte en
las Facultades de Filosofia y Educacion y en las deMedicina Y Derecho.











Al contrario, Facultades como las de Ingenieria y Economia, que
habian iniciado con anterioridad un process interno de modernizacion
de la docencia y la administration, asistidas por fundaciones extran-
jeras, que tenian un numero grande de profesores jovenes de dedica-
cion exclusive, de un alto nivel academic pero que no eran reconoci-
dos como catedraticos, en poco o nada se parecian ya a las unidades
academicas tradicionales latinoamericanas.
Tal era la situation cuando en 1966 se inicia, primero en la Uni-
versidad Catolica de Valparaiso, despues en la Universidad Catolica
de Santiago, en la Universidad estatal y, en mayor o menor grado, en
el resto de las universidades, una series de acontecimientos que lie-
van a la renuncia de los rectores, a la toma de las universidades por
los alumnos, a reforms drasticas del regimen imperante y, en general,
al inicio de un process cuyo fin aun no hemos contemplado.
zQue factors influyen para que se produzcan estos acontecimientos?
Un analysis en profundidad del problema requeriria much mas tiempo
y studio del que podemos dedicarle en este moment. Aqui solo es po-
sible intentar formular una series de hipotesis interpretativas, muy
provisorias y sujetas a revision posterior.
Un primer hecho que llama la atencion es que la presion reformista
adquiere nueva fuerza con el advenimiento al poder de la Democracia
Cristiana. Llega este partido a gobernar para tratar de imponer en
el pals una "Revolucion en Libertad," es decir, una transformation
radical pero pacifica de la estructura social chilena. Las ramas uni-
versitarias de ese partido eran mayoritarias en las federaciones de
estudiantes y parece natural que intentaran adecuar la universidad
para que fuera agent y motor de la verdadera mutacion social que
ellos crefan que se iniciaba en Chile. Los esfuerzos ya gastados de
los grupos politicos de izquierda reciben el impulse proveniente de
un sector altamente motivado y con urgencia por realizar cambios.
El diagnostico de esos grupos es contundente: las universidades han
sido incapaces de desarrollarse a un ritmo adecuado para responder a
las exigencias de la sociedad; es mas, las universidades van a la
zaga de la sociedad modern. La necesidad de reformarlas es urgente,
ya que de no hacerlo seran arrolladas por los acontecimientos.
El advenimiento al poder de la Democracia Cristiana, es, sin embar-
go, solo el aguijon inicial que dio origen a los ultimos movimientos
reformistas en Chile. A el se vienen a agregar otros factors que
influyen en quitarle el character politico partidista a los movimien-
tos de reform. Nos referimos a la crisis del modelo de desarrollo
comunmente aceptado en la decada del 50. Hecho suyo por CEPAL, BID,
y en cierta media, por partidos politicos como la Democracia Cris-
tiana, ese modelo ve fracasar sus expectativas de un desarrollo acele-
rado de America Latina. La decada optimist de 1950 es reemplazada
por la decade de las frustraciones de 1960, en la cual la "brecha"
entire el mundo desarrollado y el subdesarrollado se agranda cada vez
mas, situation que es denunciada por representates de los mismos
organismos que habian hecho suyo el model en cuestidn.4
La crisis de ese modelo have surgir otro que pone en el centro del
debate el caracter dependiente de la economia, la political y la
cultural latinoamericana. Como dice uno de los propiciadores de este
nuevo enfoque:

Las sociedades latinoamericanas ingresaron en la historic del
desarrollo del sistema universal de interdependencia, como











sociedades dependientes a raiz de la colonizacion iberica. Su
historic puede ser trazada en gran parte como la historic de las
sucesivas modificaciones de la situation de dependencia, a lo
largo de la cual las diversas sociedades de la region han venido
alcanzado diversas posiciones sin lograr salir, hasta el moment,
de ese marco general.5

De nuevo, para nuestros actuales intereses importa poco que ese
nuevo modelo sea adecuado o no. Lo important es que grandes sectors
de la juventud universitaria e influyentes cientificos sociales lo
aceptan como verdadero y lo utilizan como guia para su accion tanto
internal a las universidades como externa a ellas. La denuncia y la
lucha contra la dependencia pasa a ser el lema no solo de los sec-
tores mas radicales, sino tambien de aquellos que vieron deshacerse
sus esperanzas de una rapida y pacffica transformacion de la sociedad.
Otra consecuencia de la frustracion producida por el estancamiento
latinoamericano ha sido la perdida de la confianza que tenian impor-
tantes sectors de la juventud universitaria y las elites intelec-
tuales en la democracia representative y las reforms graduales como
medios adecuados para llevar a nuestras naciones a una situation de
independencia economic, political y cultural.
Aunque no son los unicos, los factors citados son los que mas
directamente afectan las relaciones que las fundaciones puedan tener
con las universidades reformadas. Ellos no solo le dan un character de
urgencia a los cambios, sino que ayudan a fijar la direccion hacia la
cual se los quiere orientar.
Notemos en primer lugar que, al menos en las universidades chilenas,
hay dos corrientes distintas que estan disputandose el control de los
cambios: una que ha sido llamada "modernizante" y otra "reformista."
Ambas coinciden fundamentalmente en su critica a la estructura orga-
nizativadela universidad, a la que tachan de esencialmente conserva-
dora respect al cambio social. El deseo de superar esa situacidn los
lleva a propiciar el reemplazo de las autoridades nombradas desde
afuera por otras democraticamente elegidas, la supresion del sistema
de catedras y su reemplazo por el de departamentos, la instauracion
de la ciencia en un lugar central de la universidad, la creaci6n de
cuerpos destinados a formular political y tomar decisions para toda
la universidad, creando asi la posibilidad de un desarrollo planifi-
cado; la creacion de un aparato administrative eficiente capaz de
implementar las political; la flexibilidad curricular; y la creacion
de programs de post-grado.
Su critical a la estructura organizativa lleva tambien a un reem-
plazo del objetivo perseguido por las universidades tradicionales.
Sin desconocer que la formacidn de profesionales es una important
function de la universidad, "modernizantes" y "reformistas" concuer-
dan en que esta debe ser fundamentalmente un centro de elaboracion
o creacion cientifica. La universidad profesionalizante cambia asi
de naturaleza.
LCuales son los puntos de divergencia entire ambas tendencies? Un
analisis de los documents presentados a raiz del process de reform
de la universidad de Chile aue ha publicado el professor Guillermo
Labarca de esa universidad.
En resume, puede decirse que los "modernizantes" visualizan a la
universidad como "un agent dinamico de cambio (social, economic,











cultural, etc.) considerado este como un advance lineal en el desarro-
llo hacfa una sociedad industrial como las mas desarrolladas del mun-
do occidental."7 De ahi se deriva que la investigation cientifica y
la formacion de profesionales debe tomar en cuenta y adecuarse a los
problems planteados por el desarrollo y la industrializacion. La
universidad debe considerar al desarrollo como unproblema tecnico
que debe tratar de resolver a traves de una ciencia que es ideologi-
camente neutra y de una tecnologfa que, por estar apoyada en esa
ciencia, se libra tambien de contaminaciones political. Para que la
universidad pueda cumplir esta mission es fundamental que el movimien-
to de reform sea encauzado siguiendo criterios estrictamente aca-
demicos, unica manera de llegar a soluciones racionales.
Los "reformistas" parten tambien reconociendo que la universidad
es un agent dinamico del cambio social, pero este cambio ya no es
entendido en sentido lineal,segin el modelo "sociedad tradicional--
sociedad moderna" sino como una modificacion esencial de la sociedad.
La universidad es agent de cambio en la media en que sea "concien-
cia critical" de la sociedad; no trata de adaptarse y responder a los
requerimientos de la estructura social, sino que debe estar en una
posicion de permanent critica alstatus quo. La universidad es agent
de cambio en la media en que este en conflict con la sociedad capi-
talista. La elaboracion cientifica que en ella se haga debe contri-
buir a revelar las contradicciones del sistema y a elaborar estrate-
gias para superarlas. La reform de la universidad debe estar politi-
camente orientada.
Como se ve, hay diferencias en las posiciones que se enfrentan en
la lucha por el control de la reform. Sin embargo, debe advertirse
que las tendencies que aqui se han senalado, como tan radicalmente
contradictorias, no se dan en la practice en toda su pureza. Es asi
possible encontrar que el poder de la Universidad Catolica de Chile
lo tiene un grupo que reune caracteristicas de ambas tendencies. Debe
tomarse en cuenta, ademas, que aunque llegue a obtener el poder un
grupo que represent de manera "pura" una de las tendencies que hemos
dibujado, la presencia de la otra tendencia lo obligara a actuar de
manera distinta a lo que en teoria debe hacer.
Antes de pasar a examiner que papel pueden jugar las fundaciones en
las universidades, tratemos de resumir las caracteristicas emergen-
tes que mas importancia pueden tener en relacion con ese problema.
Al igual que hiciera con la universidad traditional, distinguire aqui
entire valores, objetivos y organization.

Los valores perseguidos por la universidad reformada

Acabo de decir que con respect a los valores y la mission de la uni-
versidad se enfrentan tendencies divergentes. El punto de acuerdo es
que la universidad debe estar directamente comprometida con el cambio
social. El character "comprometido" de la universidad vuelve a afir-
marse una vez mas, aunque se discuta la naturaleza de ese compromise.
La universidad, ademas, aparece como el lugar en que se institucio-
naliza el desarrollo del saber que expresa, aclara e impulsa la cul-
tura en todas sus formas y manifestaciones. Importantes sectors estu-
diantiles y de docentes, cuya presencia no puede ser ignorada al tomar
decisions concretas, derivan de aqui la necesidad de que la uni-
versidad, en cuanto historicamente comprometida con la cultural que
la original, tenga el deber de combatir y denunciar la dependencia











cultural, que para ellos aparece como la culminacion de la enajena-
cion economic, social y political del pueblo.

Objetivos

La universidad traditional tenia como objetivo former profesionales.
La universidad reformada, sin desconocer la importancia de ese obje-
tivo, da prioridad a la investigation cientifica, la creacion artis-
tica y la reflexi6n filos6fica y, en el caso de las universidades
catolicas, teol6gica, por sobre la instrumentalizacion de esos sabe-
res en las tecnicas y profesiones. Por ultimo, las universidades
reconocen tambien que uno de sus objetivos centrales es difundir los
conocimientos en ellas elaborados a toda la comunidad national.

Organizacion

Tantola.estructura de poder como la organizacidn academic son puntos
neuralgicos en el process de reform de las universidades. Producida
la caida de los antiguas autoridades, el primer objetivo de la refor-
ma ha sido crear una nueva base de poder universitario. Este poder
deberia satisfacer las siguientes condiciones: autogobierno de la
universidad; legitimidad internal que permit obtener consenso y ejer-
cer la autoridad para la realizaci6n de un plan; pluralismo, es de-
cir, derecho de todos a expresar sus opinions. Las diversas univer-
sidades han ido mas o menos rapido en la implementacion de estos
principios basicos y las soluciones concretas a que se ha llegado
han sido diferentes. En todos los casos, sin embargo, la genesis de
la legitimidad de la autoridad pasa desde una fuente externa a la
comunidad universitaria toda, incluyendo profesores, alumnos y per-
sonal administrative.
La reform de la estructura de poder va paralela con la transforma-
ci6n de la organization academica de la universidad. En una primera
etapa las reforms van encaminadas a permitir que las ciencias logren
desarrollarse dentro del ambito universitario. Para ello se toman
medidas destinadas a reemplazar el regimen de escuelas y facultades
por otro en el cual el departamento (equipo integrado por profesores,
ayudantes y alumnos que trabajan en torno a una discipline o disci-
plinas afines del saber) constitute la base de la universidad. Estos
departamentos ofrecen un curriculum flexible en base al sistema de
creditos, y se organizan en Institutos, Escuelas y Centros. La cate-
dra desaparece como c6lula basica del sistema academico.
Ademas, de la modificacion de la estructura de poder y academic,
las universidades que van mas adelantadas en el process de reform
empiezan a organizer cuadros administrativos que permitan implemen-
tar los planes generals de desarrollo. Ahora es la universidad en
cuanto tal la que fija metas, y no las escuelas y facultades separa-
damente.

Fundaciones y Universidades Reformadas

Ya antes de las reforms los elements mas radicalizados en nuestras
universidades expresaban acerbas crfticas a la accion de las funda-
ciones en ellas. Se decia, por ejemplo, que habia una relacion direct
entire el monto de la ayuda prestada y la ingerencia en la di.reccion
y administration de las unidades academicas favorecidas. Se decia











tambien que la political de reemplazo y adiestramiento del personal
conducla a una virtual colonizacion intellectual. Los docentes forma-
dos en universidades estadounidenses eran acusados de aceptar acri-
ticamente las pautas que idealmente regirfan a aquellas; la eficien-
cia, la neutralidad ideological y la objetividad para analizar los
problems eran consideradas caracteristicas negatives producidas por
la socializacion en una cultural foranea.
Esta reaction negative frente a la labor realizada por las funda-
ciones es fortalecida en los ultimos anos por la perdida del consen-
so acerca del modelo de desarrollo y el surgimiento de la dependen-
cia como un factor explicativo del estancamiento latinoamericano.
Las fundaciones, en cuanto representantes del poder economic de los
passes centrales no podian sino ser rechazadas. El rechazo de las
fundaciones se ve como una forma de luchar en contra de la dependen-
cia cultural, que es una de las misiones que se impone la universi-
dad reformada.
En consecuencia, el parcial descredito del modelo de cambio social
implicito en la accion de las fundaciones y la aceptacion por influ-
yentes sectors universitarios de un modelo alternative ha venido
a obstaculizar las relaciones entire fundaciones y universidades. A
eso hay que agregar que el character mismo de la relacion tiende a
cambiar. En la universidad traditional los contacts se establecian
entire las unidades academics directamente beneficiaries y los dade-
res, sin que ni unos ni otros tuvieran que preocuparse de cuales
eran los planes generals de desarrollo de las universidades, porque
estos no existian, o si existian, no habian los medios para imple-
mentarlos. Ahora, en cambio, las autoridades centrales de la univer-
sidad se han rodeado de un equipo de planificadores y tratan de
desarrollar apresuradamente los cuadros administrativos necesarios
para implementar sus decisions. Son ellas y no los propios intere-
sados los que determinan prioridades y fijan metas a corto y largo
plazo. Es natural, por consiguiente, que todo intent de una funda-
ci6n por entenderse directamente con una unidad especifica, sin
tomar en cuenta esas metas y prioridades s6lo aumente la desconfianza
hacia esas instituciones de asistencia.
Pero asi como hay factors que hacen mas dificil el dialogo uni-
versidades-fundaciones, tambien hay otros que lo favorecen. Desde
luego, aun una description tan somera y superficial de los objetivos
de las reforms como la que se ha hecho en estas paginas pone de
manifiesto que la organization internal de las universidades se en-
cuentra fuertemente inspirado por el modelo de universidad que se ha
desarrollado en los Estados Unidos. Los objetivos de la nueva univer-
sidad no se apartan tampoco de los que hace much anos reconocen como
suyos las universidades estadounidenses ni de los que las mismas
fundaciones se habian fijado al iniciar su contact con nuestras uni-
versidades. En este sentido puede decirse que la reform implica ale-
jarse de la universidad europea traditional y acercarse a las de
America anglosajona.
No debe desconocerse tampoco el papel que en todo el process de
reform han jugado los docentes que la asistencia de las fundaciones
permiti6 que obtuvieran su formacion de post-grado en el extranjero.
Si bien es cierto que ellos demuestran una tendencia a preferir el
esquema que aquf hemos llamado "modernizante," no puede desconocerse
que muchos han pasado a ser l1deres de la tienda "reformista." El











process de reform se inicio en las escuelas y facultades mas tradi-
cionales, ya que era alli en donde mas claramente se podia notar la
inadecuacion entire las demands de la sociedad y las mediocres res-
puestas que la universidad podia ofrecer. Pero pasado el primer mo-
mento y frente a la necesidad de llevar a la practice los principios
reformistas, el manejo de las universidades ha pasado, de hecho
cuando no de derecho, a quienes por pertenecer a unidades academicas
mas modernizadas tenian ya experiencia y habian resuelto al nivel de
sus propias escuelas y facultades los problems que ahora enfrentaba
la universidad como un todo.
No debe sorprender, entonces, que el manejo de las universidades re-
formadas se encuentre en manos de personas que no es la primera vez que toman
contact con las fundaciones. Tampoco debe sorprender que, cuales-
quiera que sean los valores ultimos que crean debe tratar de encarnar
la universidad, exist entire los docentes que han tenido parte de su
formacion en los Estados Unidos una afinidad que result de haber com-
partido similares experiencias y tener una vision, si no semejante al
menos no conflictiva acerca de los objetivos pr6ximos de una reform
universitaria.
Lo anterior pone de manifiesto que, a pesar de las reacciones ideo-
logicas que ellas despiertan, las fundaciones han jugado un paper no
despreciable, aunque indirecto, en el process de reform por el cual
estan pasando nuestras universidades. El que este papel sirva de base
para un nuevo planteamiento de las relaciones dependera en gran parte
de la capacidad que demuestren las fundaciones para comprender ade-
cuadamente las nuevas condiciones y adaptarse a ellas.
Un punto basico es comprender que, sean "modernizantes" o "reformis-
tas,"los lideres de las universidades no buscaran ayuda financier
de las fundaciones sino como ultimo recurso y tomando una series de
providencias que aseguren que no se transgreden los valores ultimos
que reconocen a la universidad. En especial, ya sea por conviction
o por calculo politico, los dirigentes universitarios se cuidaran muy
bien de poder demostrar que si han acudido a las fundaciones lo han
hecho en tales condiciones que no han aumentado la dependencia cul-
tural de las instituciones que dirigen. Cuando estas condiciones se
obtengan, las peticiones que se haran a las fundaciones tenderan a
ser justificadas en terminos de planes generals de desarrollo y a
ser tramitadas directamente por representantes de la autoridad cen-
tral, o por dirigentes de unidades academics debidamente autoriza-
dos. La iniciativa de las fundaciones tender, por consiguiente, a
ser reemplazada por la iniciativa de las propias universidades. tPero,
es possible cumplir la primer condition, es possible que las funda-
ciones puedan defenders del ataque de ser representantes del "Impe-
rialismo" y de contribuir a aumentar nuestra dependencia cultural?
No me atreveria a dar una respuesta segura, pero me parece que un
cambio en la orientacion de los programs que las fundaciones han
favorecido hasta el moment contribuira a que eso sea possible.
El punto fundamental es que los representantes de las fundaciones
reconozcan la legitimidad de la aspiracion latinoamericana a salir
de la situation en que se encuentra ese continent, la legitimidad
tambien de que los lideres intelectuales se preocupen de buscar alter-
nativas para superar esa situation que pueden ser distintas de las
que han elegido otros pauses, por ultimo el derecho y el deber que
tienen las universidades de ser interprets de los mas autenticos
valores nacionales.








48

Notes

1. Scherz, Luis, El Camino de la Revolucion Universitaria (Santiago
de Chile: Editorial del Pacifico, 1968), p. 95.
2. Scherz, op. cit., p. 95.
3. Esta conferencia se llevo a cabo. en 1970.
4. Sobre esto, vease por ejemplo, Felipe Herrera, "Viabilididad de
una comunidad Latinoamericana," Estudios Internacionales, Santi-
ago, Ano 1, No. 1 (Abril 1967), y Raul Prebish, Hacia una Dina-
mica del Desarrollo Latinoamericano (Mexico-Buenos Aires: Fondo
de Cultura Economica, 1967).
5. Anibal Quijano Obregon, El Proceso de Urbanizacion en Latinoamer-
ica (Santiago: CEPAL, 1966), p. 14, Mimeo.
6. rIdeologias en el conflict de la Universidad de Chile," Centro
de Estudios Socio-Economicos, Boletin No. 3 (Octubre 1968),
pp. 41-53.
7. Labarca, Ibid., p. 441.











DISCUSSION: CHAPTER 2

Prof. Urzua: Let me begin by stressing that my paper is erroneously
labeled the Latin American point of view. Really it is the point of
view of Raul Urzua, a Latin American, and my experience is limited
exclusively to the Chilean situation. I understand that the Chilean
situation is quite different in many ways from that of other Latin
American countries. I pointed out in my paper that the traditional
Latin American university took certain values that were in vogue in
Western Europe in the middle of the last century and transplanted
them to Latin America, converting itself into an agent of change and
modernization, since the social structure of Latin American society at
that time was not susceptible to receiving certain new values easily.
In this way the Latin American university was born as an already com-
mitted institution--politically committed as a supporter of liberal
democracy and committed as far as the fight against the domination of
the Roman Catholic church was concerned. The Catholic universities
are also committed because they fight against the values of the state
or national institutions. It is important, it seems to me, to keep
very clearly in mind the committed nature of the Latin American uni-
versity from its very beginning.
One of the implicit notions held by the foundations is the idea that
the university ought to be an agent of change. But the model of change
that they have in the back of their minds is what is often referred
to as a model of transition, that is, the Latin American universities
and society are defined as a traditional society which is in a process
of transition to a modern industrial society. In this case, moderniz-
ing elites play a fundamental role and the university becomes a focal
point for change. Mr. Frodin has referred to Raul Devez, a highly
regarded Chilean banker and part-time educator, who holds that under-
development exists primarily in the minds of men. This is basically
the idea that is also behind the action of the foundations. This is to
say, let us change the values of the elite. We want more modern indi-
viduals and these modern individuals are going to be the agents of
change in our society. Once foundations begin a systematic effort,
their notion of change becomes the accepted mechanism in Latin America.
This was the same idea supported by the Economic Commission for Latin
America, the Inter-American Development Bank, Arturo Frondizi in
Argentina, the Christian Democratic Party in Chile, Accion Democra-
tica in Venezuela, and so forth. In other words, there was a consensus
with respect to the idea that it was possible to develop the various
Latin American societies so that they would become industrial socie-
ties without a period of violence or conflict. This consensus with
respect to the nature of change created, it seems to me, highly favor-
able conditions for the developmental operations of the foundations in
Latin America. Universities generally lack clear objectives or the
administrative apparatus capable of carrying them out effectively. As
a result, the foundations could suggest different policies, and on the
whole, these were generally accepted. Moreover, they usually did not
have to deal with the university as a whole, but only with the direc-
tor of a particular faculty or college.
Now I have no doubt that the action of the foundations has been
extremely beneficial. Where we now have teams of full-time professors,
we are beginning to undertake research, where the library has improved











somewhat, this we owe fundamentally to the action of the foundations.
But in recent years, the situation has changed radically. The implicit
model of development, the idea that we are moving towards the indus-
trial society, the optimistic decade of the 1950's, has been replaced
by the decade of frustrations of the 1960's. None of the plans really
worked out. The distance between the underdeveloped world of Latin
America and the United States has grown even larger. The result is
that this model is now being questioned by increasingly large numbers
of people and by the new intellectuals. There is a new emphasis on the
dependent nature of Latin American society. This dependence began in
Spain but has now been shifted to the United States and has come to be
viewed as a road toward underdevelopment. It is a fight against eco-
nomic dependence, against political dependence, and also against cul-
tural dependence.
I believe it matters relatively little whether the newer model is
adequate or not. What is important is that it is present in the minds
of people who are in touch with the foundations and in the minds of
those which we might label foundation-oriented pressure groups. It is
a point of view which cannot be ignored by people who have decision-
making responsibilities within the universities. Whether or not it is
their personal point of view, this notion that Latin America may
develop, without problems, towards the type of university that exists
in the United States is no longer accepted by the most vocal groups
within the universities, and has come to be considered as another
manifestation of the cultural dependence of Latin America on the
United States. The result, therefore, is that there are strong pres-
sures to reject all efforts by foundations in Latin American univer-
sities.
One result of this is the role now attributed to the university in
Chile, namely, not only that of change agent, but as someone has said,
"the critical and enlightened conscience of society." In other words,
the university is where one discovers authentic national values. At
the same time, the most immediate objectives which the universities
seek to achieve are scientific research, the creation of scientific
teams, the improvement of library services, the improvement of admin-
istration, the acceptance of the credit system, and the introduction
of a flexible curriculum. All of these things draw the Latin American
university nearer to its counterpart in the U.S. and imply the accep-
tance of part of the things that foundations were trying to bring
about. The problem is how, in the long run, to accept the internal
reform objectives so that the university may be utilized to serve as
an instrumentality for changes quite different from those which the
foundations had in mind when they began their programs of assistance.

Dr. Albornoz: When one speaks of Latin American universities, one
must recognize not only different varieties of academic organization,
but also different types of financial support. In Venezuela's public
universities, the foundations have very few possibilities for estab-
lishing fruitful contact in the near future in my opinion. This may
be called university nationalism but it is not something exclusively
directed against the foundations. Rather it is, as Urzua points out,
a certain reassertion of conscience (toma de conciencia) which is
found only in public institutions. If someone develops a curriculum
along United States lines or someone has had a Ford Foundation schol-
arship or has graduated from or taught in a U.S. university, that is











a favorable thing. But in Venezuela today when they develop a new cur-
riculum and say "that is from the Ford Foundation" or "that was taught
in some U.S. university," or when there has been some connection dur-
ing the past decade with a foundation from the U.S., under such circum-
stances it becomes an obstacle to future progress. In conclusion,
I would like to emphasize that what Urzua has said also applies to
Venezuela. Foundations are going to encounter substantial difficulties
when they seek to aid public universities, for there is sort of a
tacit divorce between the foundations and public universities while
there is a closer collaboration between the foundations and private
universities.

Dr. Urzua: My faculty has received not one but various grants. I am
convinced that if one has an original idea, the foundations will lend
their support. Thus, what actually happens is not the problem. The
problem may be a general climate which permeates the university.
Whether we like it or not, politics are a fact of life. Universities
do not live in a vacuum. In a university situation in another country,
for instance, demography could not be taught in a department of soci-
ology because it was regarded as an imperialist infiltration. The
teaching of statistics was considered a dangerous technique of U.S.
empiricism. The Universidad de los Andes [a private institution] and
the Universidad del Valle in Colombia [a public institution], do not
have these problems, so I understand.
I would like to refer to one of the points made by ProfessorAlbornoz.
It is not only national universities that have problems but some of
the private institutions as well. I might also mention that at our
university, student groups resist the assistance of foundations as
much as at state institutions, and they often speak of intellectual
colonialism. Now I do not believe there is any necessary relationship
between foundations and colonialism, but in many cases student crit-
icisms are not quite misplaced. For instance, the director of one
school in our university, although a Chilean by birth, not only con-
stantly spoke English but he had even changed the form of writing his
name and uses the middle initial in the American way. Professors like
him make little effort to incorporate national subject matter into
their teaching since it is much easier to repeat the notes of the
professor that they had in Chicago or Harvard or wherever they had
their graduate training. And these are the things that the students
and more radical professors notice. There is one way to solve this
problem and that is not to send any more people to the United States
for advanced degrees and instead to create centers in Latin America
for their training. Later, we could let such people go to the United
States for something very specific, when they are more mature and have
more experience in their own countries. Then they learn exactly what
it is that they want to know at a stage of their career when they have
a greater capacity for discrimination.
Secondly, let us not have any more visiting professors, for on the
whole they are of little value. Why not mobilize the professors who
are already in Latin America and use Latin Americans as visiting
professors? And thirdly, instead of making research grants directly to
particular universities, why not utilize organizations such as nation-
al scientific research commissions with which the foundations can col-
laborate, along with others, as sources of support?











Dr. Sanchez: With respect to the things we have been saying perhaps
not everyone is aware that in 1956 a group of 60 university people
from 30 or more universities met to discuss whether or not universi-
ties in any part of the world, not just Latin America, could maintain
themselves independent of any kind of private, economic, or govern-
ment pressures, particularly for the purpose of encouraging research.
It seems to me that research, which is growing day by day, requires
more funds. These funds cannot be administered adequately by national
governments or even by the universities themselves. This was our con-
clusion in Paris, and this is what is happening today. Thus, research
as a university function can be very useful but it also has the ele-
ments of a boomerang. The first part of the boomerang is the vast
increase in the research function. I have observed recently in the
United States that it creates a genuine division within the universi-
ties themselves, especially between the professors and their students,
and it can occur among us as well, although this has not yet developed.
The second comment with respect to research in the United States is
that it is centralized and organized in such a way that real research
is hardly possible. Really, there are two types of research, the one
personally inspired and the other planned.
The richest and most effective in all of the world's history is
based on genuine personal involvement. If everything is planned, in-
cluding imagination, then genuine creativity dies and really vital
discoveries seldom come to fruition, for such discoveries cannot be
planned.
A rector who preceded me at San Marcos entered into a contract to
improve our university's administration. And for two or three years we
had some representatives of a U.S. university conducting studies to
reform our university's organization. But they failed to keep in mind
various local conditions and we were talking, it seemed, in terms that
were not exactly relevant to our real circumstances. And I believe
that this is an issue, for we were unable to establish a meaningful
dialogue between two entities which spoke different spiritual lan-
guages, because we were unable to develop a very exact understanding
of what we both were seeking. When we spoke of administration, for ex-
ample, we were talking in terms of statistics and computers in coun-
tries where methods of operating a calculating machine are still rela-
tively unknown. But we got on somehow.
In another instance, and this relates to the instructional aspect,
I had a project in which the Ford Foundation collaborated, related to
general studies. And those who undertook the project required the poor
Peruvian students, with classes for 30 hours a week plus 30 more hours
of studying, to work between 6 to 10 hours a day, a situation which
naturally brought dire consequences. First the protein which many of
our students ingest does not enable them to work 10 hours a day. They
do not eat eggs, or milk, or meat, and as a result we are thinking in
terms of a physical capacity that really does not exist among most of
our students. Secondly, a goodly part of our students have to work in
order to pay for their studies because they lack personal financial
resources. Otherwise we would have to leave support for education
solely in the hands of the state or in the hands of the families of
the rich. As a consequence, a good idea, a good proposition, produced
completely negative consequences.











Finally, Dr. Urzia has mentioned another very important matter. He
said, if I am not mistaken, that part of the scholarship recipients
who study in the United States become some of the most active detrac-
tors of the United States when they return to Latin America. I have
also observed this phenomenon and I even presented a talk on the sub-
ject once in a meeting that we had in Washington. But, I wonder, do
students who live in a social system superior to that to which they
have been accustomed really rebel against it when they return home?
Why should they?
I believe the cause lies elsewhere. Let us compare. Students who
return from Russia, from Rumania, etc., are not anti-Russia or Rumania
to such a great extent. Does this mean that they find an imperfect
situation there similar to that to which they are accustomed? Could
it be that they find the socialist way actually superior and wish to
adapt to it? It seems more likely that, in part, the technical dimen-
sion of United States society is overemphasized, especially its con-
cern for statistics and related subject matter. The United States
also gives a great deal of attention to cultural issues, although not
very much to culture itself. In the Soviet Union, on the other hand,
although what is offered may not be "la cultural it certainly con-
tains a social mystique that the government seeks to transmit to stu-
dents who study there. As a result, they succeed in making more dis-
ciples than critics.

Dr. Tiller: A comment that sums up the views of some Latin Americans
toward a proposed curriculum reform grant went something like the fol-
lowing, "Well there are certain things we would like to do and there
are certain things the Foundation wants us to do and they are not the
same. But since we want the money we are going to adopt the Founda-
tion's suggestions." It seems that some of the things that have been
discussed at this conference indicate that the newer type of grant
gives far more opportunity to a university to direct its own activi-
ties, and this represents considerable progress.

Dr. Garibay: John Gardner has referred to the Boy Scout who wrote
home from summer camp saying that the "food is very bad and there is
not enough of it." We are criticizing the foundations in much the same
spirit, complaining and at the same time asking for more of the same
fare. But aside from this, which I offer in the spirit of levity, is
the fact that although the foundations have done a great deal of im-
portant work, they could have done it better. Now they should listen
to our points of view, not simply in order to tell us what needs doing,
but rather to establish a dialogue. There should have been a mutual
effort toward understanding by which the foundation could have low-
ered its level of expectation and in the process helped to elevate
the level of our performance, and on both sides there would have been
a greater effort for what should have been pertinent.

Dr. Urzua: I would like to respond to some of the issues raised in
connection with my paper. For the modernizers, the university should
be regarded as a dynamic agent for social change conceived as a lin-
eal advance in development toward a western-style industrial society.
From this assumption we derive the importance of scientific research
and the preparation of professionals competent to deal with the prob-
lems of development and industrialization. Development is viewed as











a technical problem responsive to scientific methods, ideologically
neutral, and free from political contamination. For the university to
fulfill its fundamental mission, it should adhere to strictly academic
criteria, the only manner by which rational solutions may be achieved.
On the other hand, the position taken by the reformers is much more
extreme. Some recognize the university as an agent of social change,
but a change not understood in the lineal sense but as a differential
modification of society. In other words, the latter are basically in
conflict with capitalist society. There is no real effort to adapt or
respond to the requirements of society; they see themselves rather, as per-
manent critics of the status quo.Thus the university is regarded as
an agent of change to the extent that it is in conflict with capital-
ist society. The scientific revolution that the politically-oriented
reformers would like to carry out is one which would reveal the con-
tradictions of the system and study them principally for the purpose
of overcoming them. In essence, these are positions which prevail, at
least in the Chilean universities.

Dr. Maiguashca: Dr. Urzua seems to be telling us that on the one
hand we are moving away from the U.S. model, and on the other hand we
are becoming more like it. He has referred to the department as a
form of organization which the Chilean university is accepting more
and more. At the same time he has pointed out that the Chilean univer-
sities are moving away from the lineal model and are adopting more and
more the reformist model. Concurrently, they are accepting a substan-
tial number of ideas about organization which are U.S. in character.
My question is, therefore, does a contradiction really exist, or does
one aspect refer to the ends and purposes of the university and the
other merely to method, and is it not possible to consider that with
some of the methods common in the U.S. we might attain the goals of
the reformist? And if so, would this remove the contradiction? Is
there really a contradiction in the Chilean university situation?

Dr. Urzua: Certainly it may be said that the contradiction does not
exist because of the distinctions you have made. I myself find it
quite curious to see some of the most profound and ardent anti-imper-
ialists, anti-capitalists and anti-feudalists avidly reading the
catalogues and bulletins of U.S. universities to see to what extent
they can adapt ideas from these universities to their own institution.
It certainly is an interesting situation. Actually there is a semantic
problem here. In the Chilean universities the term departamento does
not have the same meaning as the word department in the United States.
When we speak of "department" we are referring to much smaller units,
and in my university the equivalent of department would be what we
call an institute, and this institute would be broken up into smaller
research teams. Really what we seek to avoid with this arrangement is
the development of a department which has already passed the critical
mass where it is no longer possible to have a dialogue, where every
person is absolutely abandoned to publish or perish.

Dr. Maiguashca: I am not convinced that certain educational tech-
niques have a nationality of their own. Of course certain methodol-
ogies and modern technology have their cultural content, but if we
learn how to extirpate this cultural content and neutralize it, and
this can be done, then we can take advantage of these methods, always








55

taking care to extract the most useful features. I believe that the
Japanese have frequently been successful in doing this.

Dr. Albornoz: I doubt if the Japanese genius in this regard is
derived from modern technology.




















CHAPTER 3


EL GOBIERNO DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS Y LAS
UNIVERSIDADES LATINOAMERICANAS

Augusto Franco



Introduccidn

PARECE CONDUCENTE HACER TRES CONSIDERACIONES PRELIMINARES antes de
hablar de este tema. La primera, se trataria de definir o precisar que
se entiende por el gobierno de los Estados Unidos. La segunda, que se
entiende por las universidades latinoamericanas, y la tercera, que se
espera del punto de vista latinoamericano.
Es claro que el gobierno de los EE.UU., como tal, no tiene directa-
mente programs con las universidades latinoamericanas. El mantiene
relaciones con los diferentes gobiernos de la America Latina y a tra-
ves de ellos sostiene programs de asistencia tecnica y financier que
tienen que ver con las universidades. En este sentido entendemos la
acci6n del gobierno de los EE.UU.: a traves de los canales diplomaticos
ordinarios 91 destina dineros para el intercambio cultural entire los
ciudadanos estadounidenses y ciudadanos de la America Latina, o hace
apropiaciones para financial asistencia tecnica en programs de las
universidades latinoamericanas o bien para financial, por medio de
donaciones, o de pr6stamos, programs de desarrollo de dichas universi-
dades. Se debe entender, entonces, como gobierno de los Estados Unidos,
principalmente aquellos programs de ayuda externa y de intercambio
que se mantienen regularmente con los pauses de America Latina, bien
sean a traves de la Agencia Internacional para el Desarrollo (A.I.D.),
de la Comision Fulbright, o de cualquiera otra de las Agencias Fede-
rales de los Estados Unidos. Quedan exclu dos aqul, por lo tanto, de
las consideraciones o percepciones, todo lo relative a las fundaciones
o a entidades de los gobiernos estatales, o a ciudadanos privados o
inclusive a las universidades mismas que mantienen relaciones con las
universidades latinoamericanas.
Es evidence que estas reflexiones, en muchas ocasiones, son igual-
mente aplicables a programs diferentes de los gubernamentales. En
otras parties de esta conferencia general se ha considerado el papel de
las fundaciones en las universidades y ademas las relaciones que ha
habido entire universidades de los EE.UU. y de la America Latina.
En cuanto al segundo punto, me queda bastante dificil definir las
universidades latinoamericanas como un conjunto de instituciones con
caracterfsticas relativamente comunes y con el cual mantendria rela-
ciones el gobierno de los EE.UU. Mas bien se trata de decir aqui que
por universidades latinoamericanas entendemos todas las instituciones











de educacion superior localizadas en la region, bien sean de origen
official o privado, pero cuyo patrimonio y direccion pertenezcan a los
nacionales de los pauses latinoamericanos.
En tercer lugar, en cuanto al punto de vista latinoamericano, hay
complete libertad de interpretaci6n. Lo que los asistentes y partici-
pantes en esta conferencia pueden esperar de un latinoamericano, no
consiste propiamente en alabanzas a la accion emprendida o financiada
por el gobierno de los EE.UU. (que por lo demas todavia no es gran
cosa). Ni en que se use esta occasion como una forma de buscar que el
gobierno de los EE.UU. apropie mayor cantidad de fondos y ayude con
mayor generosidad a las universidades latinoamericanas. Esta confe-
rencia sepropone, sin negar las bondades de los programs del pasado
o de los presents, subrayar algunos puntos en los cuales hace falta
un mayor entendimiento, descubrir algunos de los peligros en estas
relaciones y examiner algunas percepciones espontaneas de various
latinoamericanos.
Lo que podriamos llamar relaciones entire el gobierno de los EE.UU.
y las universidades latinoamericanas no son sino una de tantas mani-
festaciones de la macro relacion entire una nation poderosa (los Esta-
dos Unidos) y una series de naciones relativamente debiles, como son
las del conglomerado latinoamericano.1

Las Universidades en Transcion

Dice Apter que todas las sociedades que se modernizan se encuentran en
un process de transicion, pero que este process de llegar a ser engen-
dra al mismo tiempo un gran problema y una gran incertidumbre: .la
transicidn hacia donde?illegar a ser que? Por transicion se entiende,
continue Apter, el paso de una condicion de no modernidad a una condi-
ci6n de modernidad aun cuando no necesariamente a una condicidn indus-
trial.2 Con esta forma de expresi6n, la definicion de una sociedad
modern parece estar perfectamente adaptada a las condiciones de un
pals como los EE.UU. Al fin y al cabo la ciencia social ha sido en
este caso una ciencia inductiva, es decir, de las condiciones impe-
rantes ennuestra epoca se ha llegado a una definicidn de la sociedad
modern. Esta es una manera elegant y cortes de hablar de las univer-
sidades latinoamericanas como universidades en transicion, es decir,
como universidades no modernas que buscan modernizarse. La gran trage-
dia para la universidad latinoamericana y para los pauses latinoameri-
canos ha sido precisamente la de encontrar y alcanzar esa meta de la
transicidn y ese que de la modernizacion. La universidad latinoameri-
cana no quiere ser una replica de la universidad europea, en donde se
origin, ni de la universidad de los EE.UU. que hoy es calificada como
la universidad modern, en igual forma que su sociedad. De tal forma
que, sin que esto result ser verdad, cuando hablamos de universidades
en transicion, universidades en process de modernizacion, nos estamos,
hasta cierto punto, refiriendo a universidades que buscan seguir los
patrons de las universidades estadounidenses, al menos en cuanto a
los medios para realizar sus objectives. Desde el punto de vista latino-
americano result doloroso confesar el estado de atraso cientifico,
tecnologico y administrative de muchas de nuestras universidades, sobre
todo cuando las comparamos con los logros de algunas de las universi-
dades de los Estados Unidos. En esta forma, la aceptacidn de un ter-
mino de "esperanza," como universidades en transicion, es una salida
intermedia y pasable para introducirnos a la present discusion.











Los experts en la education superior de los EE.UU. consideran que,
en estos ultimos cinco anos, se ha estado orerando un cambio bastante
serio en las universidades estadounidenses, y que ellas han estado
afrontando circunstancias nuevas y excepcionales, como el papel de la
universidad ante los problems sociales y politicos de la epoca, el
reclamo creciente por una participation estudiantil en la gestidn uni-
versitaria y el mayor interest del cuerpo estudiantil para expresar
opinions, inclusive por medio de formas violentas y no tan acordes
con los medios pacificos y democraticos. Un fendmeno bastante signifi-
cativo en la transition de las universidades de los EE.UU. es la cada
vez creciente financiacidn de parte del gobierno federal, la cual
sobrepaso los $5,000 millones de dolares en 1969. Estos dos ultimos
aspects merecen alguna consideracidn en este moment. Informes pasados
de experts de este pais sobre las universidades latinoamericanas solie-
ron, con frecuencia, exponer los inconvenentes para la autonomia de
las universidades derivados de la existencia de ministerios de educa-
cion fuertes y centralizantes y critical severamente las frecuentes
huelgas estudiantiles y la participacion de los estudiantes en el
gobierno universitario, que existe en la mayorfa de las universidades
latinoamericanas. Sin estar de acuerdo con la violencia, pues es posi-
ble career que la universidad es un gran dialogo y debe buscar, a traves
de el, las soluciones acordes con la modernizacion y con el dinamismo
que a ella (la universidad) se le debe inculcar. Notamos que hoy en
dia debemos hablar de universidades en transition en todas parties del
mundo. El punto de partida de sendas transiciones es diferente. Esta
caracterizado por fenomenos propios.

Una Tema Antiguo: La Cooperacion de los Estados Unidos

La present conferencia se realize en un ambiente universitario y
segun ello, novedoso. El tema de las universidades latinoamericanas y
el gobierno de los Estados Unidos no es nuevo. Asi, por ejemplo, en
febrero de 1961 el Presidente John F. Kennedy se dirigio al Secre-
tario de la Organizacion de los Estados Americanos para expresarle
como la educacion, y especialmente la education superior, constitute
un medio de fortalecimiento de los lazos entire las naciones de las
Americas y para solicitarle recomendaciones concretas sobre la obra
que habria de emprenderse. En consonancia con ello se produjo el in-
forme de dos grupos de personas versadas en la material, entire las
cuales la mayoria eran latinoamericanos.4 Este informed conserve una
validez casi integral. Despues de nueve aios, sus conclusions y reco-
mendaciones son actuales. La urgencia de los problems allf planteados
es la misma que hoy experimentan las universidades latinoamericanas.
Las sugerencias que hace el grupo tienen aplicacion inmediata en cual-
quier tipo de relaciones que quieran emprenderse. Por tanto si la pre-
sente conferencia busca objectives practices, vale la pena tener pre-
sente dicho informed. Entre las recomendaciones alli formuladas vamos
a ver la que se refiere a la promocion de asociaciones nacionales de
universidades o de organismos de coordinacion de la education superior
por pauses. Como muy bien lo dice el informed, la cooperation nacio-
nal e international puede ser facilitada por medio de estas entidades
que con un conocimiento cabal de las universidades de cada pais puedan
planear y guiar tal cooperation y evitar una concentration innecesaria
de esfuerzos nacionales e internacionales en ciertas disciplines,












instituciones y regions. Tambien la recomendacion sobre la conve-
niencia de relaciones directs entire las universidades latinoamericanas
y las universidades de los Estados Unidos me parece tener de gran
valor actual.5

Las Motivaciones de la Cooperacion

El Panamericanismo

Aunque la motivacidn panamericanista expuesta en el informed de la
Union Panamericana, es honest y verdadera, sin embargo, no es poli-
ticamente muy viable y valedera en el moment present. Se dice, por
ejemplo, que

El intercambio entire las universidades del norte y del sur del
hemisferio americano debe operarse tn todos los campos de la cultural
humana. He aqui un camino seguro para el afianzamiento de la soli-
daridad entire las naciones. A la luz de las experiencias ocurridas
hasta hoy en el terreno de la asistencia international, los miem-
bros del comite estan convencidos de que s6lo una continue inter-
relacion de las fuerzas intelectuales y tecnologicas con las expec-
tativas sociales crecientes de los pueblos, pueden producer una
unidad real entire los ciudadanos de las naciones americanas.

Esta declaracidn es generalmente valida, y puede tener una proposi-
cion todavia mas amplia, como podria ser aquella que tuviese en cuenta
a todos los pauses del mundo, o abarcase aspects adicionales al inter-
cambio cultural. La universidad no es propiamente una institution con
mission limitada a un pais, sino quetienecierta universalidad. Sin em-
bargo, creo que los latinoamericanos, en el moment present, sentimos
much mas de cerca la necesidad de lograr una integracidn diferente en
lo cultural, en lo economic, en lo politico. De tal manera que, a
pesar de las grandes relaciones con pauses de otras cultures como los
Estados Unidos y Canada, creemos que estamos mas cerca de un latioame-
ricanismo y posiblemente todavia mas de un hispanoamericanismo. Hay
mas identidad entire nuestros pauses latinoamericanos que entire cual-
quiera de ellos y los Estados Unidos. A pesar de que las relaciones
economics y sus consecuencias en la vida cultural de nuestros pueblos
y en el intercambio de las personas hayan estado mas claramente orien-
tados hacia los Estados Unidos, esta tendencia demuestra mas bien la
enorme capacidad y poder de dichas relaciones y la gran dependencia de
los pauses latinoamericanos. A pesar de ello, hay cultures diferentes,
lenguas diferentes, y estas diferencias son las que distinguen unos
pueblos de otros. El propdsito panamericanista es un ideal valedero,
pero no creo que sea tan sentido en nuestras universidades como si lo
es el de la integracidn latinoamericana. En el panamericanismo parecie-
ran predominar los factors de vecindad territorial sobre los factors
de indole cultural. El panamericanismo suscita, en la epoca actual,
una idea de dominacion de parte de los Estados Unidos y de dependen-
cia departed de loespases latinoamericanos. Los ejemplos de esta domi-
nacidn son bien conocidos. De tal forma que un panamericanismo concebi-
do en estos terminos esta viciado, por pensarse en el como en una forma
juridica de convivencia entire un pals rico y el resto de pauses pobres,
o en el modelo de dominacidn de un pals central y de unos pauses peri-
fericos.












Los Factores economics y de seguridad

Un paso mas en el examen de las motivaciones para la cooperation aqui
analizada lo constituyen los intereses predominantes que el gobierno
de los Estados Unidos pueda tener en las relaciones con la America
Latina. Es un tema supremamente variado y general, sobre el cual exis-
ten innumerables obras que examinan la polftica exterior de los EE.UU.
y particularmente sus relaciones con los pauses al sur.
Dos aspects parecen condicionar estas politicas: intereses militares
y economics. La ayuda del gobierno de los Estados Unidos no deberia
entenderse, segun estas motivaciones, como un ofrecimiento altruista.
La accion y los programs de ayuda externa ciertamente son motivados
por las ganancias que se esperan obtener de dicha ayuda, de dicha ac-
cion. Todo program tiene su costo y tiene su justificacion.
Asi, el interest de los Estados Unidos en la America Latina se per-
cibe con frecuencia como el resultado de las necesidades de su propia
defense. Es una motivacion originada en la angustia por la superviven-
cia de un pals, que naturalmente no se complace en que sus vecinos va-
yan a tener sistemas politicos opuestos al propio o concepciones de la
democracia diferentes de la suya que en un future proximo o lejano
sean quienes no esten alineados con su political bien en las corporacio-
nes internacionales o bien en cualquier confrontation belica eventual
en un future.
El enfasis, despues de la segunda guerra mundial, por mejorar las
condiciones de los pauses subdesarrollados, tiene basicamente un origen
belico. Se buscaba disminuir las diferencias tan abismales entire unos
y otros paises, como una condition necesaria para mantener la paz y
mejorar el entendimiento iaternacional. Esta paz y este entendimiento
significant prevenir o evitar la guerra. El pals que debe favors cier-
tamente se encuentra comprometido con el pals donante, con el pais
dadivoso. Han existido muchos contacts militares entire los paises
latinoamericanos y los Estados Unidos. Ha habido flujo de armamentos
hacia las naciones latinoamericanas, misiones tecnicas y militares en
buena abundancia. Los EE.UU. deben poseer mayor information military de
cada uno de los pauses latinoamericanos que estos de si mismos, sobre
todo una information much mas organizada y especlfica. Las universi-
dades, con sus estudiantes, sus profesores, e inclusive sus adminis-
tradores son organizaciones muy sensibles a todo imperialismo belico
y a los militares en general.
Otra de las motivaciones de los Estados Unidos en sus programs para
la America Latina es la economic. Se la suele percibir como un movil
primordial y esencial en todo tipo de relaciones. Un gran amigo de
6ste pals se expresaba asi ante estudiantes universitarios colombianos:

Y en cuanto a los Estados Unidos, la menguada consigna segun la
cual lo que es bueno para la General Motors, es bueno para el pals,
no ha tenido tan solo aplicaci6n internal en la gran nacion contra-
riando los ideales democraticos, sino mas aun en su political inter-
nacional muchas veces guiada torpemente en function del interest de
los consorcios y de las inversiones en el extranjero. Proteger estas
inversiones y no propiamente la paz y la democracia, ha sido con
frecuencia el movil de la political exterior norteamericana.7











El Anticomunismo

Este factor esta intimamente ligado con los factors militares y eco-
nomicos mencionados en los parrafos anteriores. El combatir el advance
del comunismo en los pueblos latinoamericanos y en el mundo en general
ha sido un movil bastante definitive para la accion de los Estados Uni-
dos. Sin lugar a duda, uno de los mejores arguments para la defense
de la apropiacidn externa en el congress es el significado que ella
tiene para detener o evitar el comunismo, para prevenir el que pros-
peren revoluciones castristas o guerrillas filocomunistas. Para muchos
latinoamericanos, sin embargo, esta motivacion no es clara, por cuanto
que igualmente peligrosa pueden encontrar o encuentran la dominacion
economic de los Estados Unidos, que paraddjicamente parecia ser la
unica otra alternative. Con todo, en America Latina somos muchos los
convencidos de que el comunismo es un peligro inminente para las
libertades basicas de la persona humana, y un tipo de doctrine mate-
rialista que niega los valores espirituales del hombre. Con todo, el
hambre, la miseria, la desesperacion por el desarrollo y el fracaso
relative de nuestros propios sistemas, nos hacen buscar caminos nue-
vos para problems antiguos. La socializacion tiene un gran atractivo
entire las juventudes y el argument de que algo no debe hacerse por-
que parece comunista no es un argument tan definitive, a no ser que
se expliquen claramente el sentido de los terminos y las consecuen-
cias de las doctrinas. El argument anticomunista no es entendido por
muchos latinoamericanos en la forma como puede entenderse en este pals.
Leyendo recientemente los resultados de la conferencia sobre los
ideales de libertad en los Estados Unidos y las dimensions interna-
cionales de la educacidn me encontre con la siguiente afirmacion que
confirm el peso de la motivacidn aqui comentada:

El peligro mas inminente y serio contra la libertad es el
esfuerzo inmisericorde del comunismo por imponer y sembrar un
modelo de ideologias para el future en un mundo que vive en con-
tinua revuelta en el presente8

Mal podria un gobierno colaborar en el desarrollo de programs de
pauses que mas tarde vayan a luchar contra el mismo. Ahora bien, este
mismo hecho o este criterio casi unico suscita una reaccion por parte
de los pauses recipients de la ayuda, y en especial de las universi-
dades, porque para poder recibirla tendrian que, en cierta forma,
estar limpios de comunismo. Se establece, pues, una especie de inqui-
sicion contra la cual, se sublevan precisamente los universitarios
como los mas amantes de la libertad de pensamiento y de opinion.
dComo podrian las universidades latinoamericanas contribuir a minar su
libertad academic en cualquier forma? Resultaria inconcebible. Mas
aun, el propiciar clausulas anticomunistas fomentarfa el espiritu
reaccionario y el revolucionario dentro de los claustros. Una univer-
sidad no se encontraria en libertad de aceptar un intercambio o un
prestamo de dinero de parte de los Estados Unidos si en cualquier for-
ma o en cualquier moment, a la hora menos pensada, la "inquisicion"
fuera a suprimir los programs o a cortar el flujo de asistencia finan-
ciera por las sospechas de la existencia de comunistas en los consejos
superiores de las universidades o en los cuerpos profesorales o bien
por el hecho de que realmente existen personas con ideologias contra-
rias alas del gobierno de los Estados Unidos, que se benefician de los











beneficios de la universidad. Este aspect es supremamente delicado,
porque delicadas son tambien las relaciones ideologicas entire un
gobierno extranjero y las universidades.

Las Formas de la Cooperacion

Hasta ahora, bajo tres titulos, se ve algunas de las motivaciones que
justifican la asistencia de los Estados Unidos y la forma en que las
universidades latinoamericanas reaccionen ante tales moviles. Vamos
a hacer de las formas de ayuda. Estas pueden agruparse en dos tipos:
el intercambio de personas por un lado, y el financiamiento de inver-
siones por el otro.

El intercambio y la asistencia tecnica

Del intercambio y asistencia tecnica se ocuparan tambien otras ponen-
cias cuando traten de los Cuerpos de Paz, de los centros binacio-
nales, de las escuelas privadas y secundarias de tipo estadounidense,
y mas especialmente de los investigadores estudiantes en la America
Latina, y de los becarios latinoamericanos en los Estados Unidos. Mis
comentarios se referiran a la asistencia tecnica prestada a las uni-
versidades por otra categoria de personas y financiada por el gobier-
no de los Estados Unidos.
Como primer media hay que partir del supuesto de que tanto los
Estadounidenses que viajan como experts a la America Latina van car-
gados de prejuicios y models y esquemas, como los Latinoamericanos
que vienen a los Estados Unidos. Este aspect es esencial al analizar
el intercambio de personas, porque cada uno es dado a pensar que lo
logico es lo que cada uno ha vivido, lo propio. Quierase que no, es
casi impossible identificarse con una cultural extrana, vivir y re-
accionar segun ella. Los valores y las normas son diferentes.
La asistencia tecnica es solicitada en la majoria de los casos, por
las universidades mismas. En otros es insinuada por las entidades
financieras, como una condicidn de seguridad para las inversiones. En
el caso de la asistencia tecnica solicitada libremente existe de por
medio la expresion espontanea de la necesidad que las diferentes uni-
versidades experimentan al llevar a cabo sus programs de mejoramiento.
En el segundo caso, el de una asistencia tecnica exigida, las circuns-
tancias cambian diametralmente. Es evidence que las universidades y
sus rectores de buena o de mala gana acceden a que dentro del pres-
tamo o de la donacidn o bien previo a ello, exista asistencia t6cnica.
A pesar de que puedan existir razones de peso de parte de la entidad
financiera para exigir o insinuar esta supervision, el mismo hecho
result contraproducente. Los administradores universitarios son los
primeros en reconocer la necesidad de determinado tipo de asistencia
tecnica, pero no por eso hay que obligarselos a aceptar.
Es precise distinguir dos campos principles en los cuales se presta
la asistencia tecnica. Yo los dividiria en el campo de las ciencias
sociales y en el campo de las ciencias exactas y naturales. Esta dis-
tincion es important en lo que se refiere a mis apreciaciones criti-
cas por cuanto que las ciencias sociales representan un campo much
mas delicados que el de las ciencias naturales. En aquellas la relacion
de los experts es principalmente con los sistemas sociales y con los
valores, motivaciones, etc. de las personas y de sus grupos. En cambio,
en el campo de las ciencias naturales se trata de disciplines con











aplicaciones tecnologicas mas que todo en maquinarias y equipos. Es
claro, sin embargo, que una asistencia tecnica a las universidades se
da a la institucion social como tal, por mas que su contenido sea
tecnologico. Mis reflexiones con respect a la asistencia tecnica, se
pueden resumir en dos titulos. El primero podria ser el colonialismo
academico" haciendo uso de un termino ya bastante comun y bajo cuya
denominacion trataria diferentes subtemas mas o menos conexos, y el
segundo seria el de "desperdicio institutional."

Colonialismo academic

El termino se deriva claramente del colonialismo economic y poli-
tico de que se habla tan profusamente y cuyas consequencias han su-
frido tantospafses en el mundo y aun en la actualidad sufren a pesar
de haber alcanzado muchos de ellos su independencia political. Con
todo en el sentimiento de sus lideres, de sus dirigentes, de sus ju-
ventudes, existe aun un series de manifestaciones de una dependencia
muy preponderante, no solo desde el punto de vista economic, sino
tambien desde el punto de vista politico y cultural.9 Este es el caso
tambien de la America Latina como lo habia dicho anteriormente. Se
podria denominar, entonces, colonialismo academic al fenomeno perci-
bido principalmente por los intelectuales y por la comunidad academi-
ca de las universidades latinoamericanas consistent en el dominion
intellectual ejercido o buscado por los extranjeros, a traves de sus
ideologias, de sus valores, de sus prioridades en sus programs de
investigation, de sus publicaciones, y todo ello hecho possible por la
abundancia de medios financieros. Para mi, este tema es bastante difi-
cil y contradictorio. Por ejemplo, existe una perception, tanto de
parte del profesorado, como principalmente de parte del alumnado de
que no solo a traves de la asistencia tecnica, sino de los mismos
programs de studio y de las formas de organization universitaria se
han filtrado los patrons culturales de los EE.UU., y que por el mis-
mo hecho de ser de los Estados Unidos, son malos, no sirven, constitu-
yen una copia que debe avergonzar a los latinoamericanos colonialismo
cultural). Simultaneamente los grades y los titulos academicos que
mas se aprecian en las universidades nuestras son grades y titulos
academicos obtenidos fuera de la region, ya en los Estados Unidos, ya
en Europa. Por otro lado cuando se trata de la asignacion de textos y
de libros de studio y consult para una asignatura en particular,
ellos generalmente provienen de pauses diferentes de los latinoameri-
canos. 0 sea que existe una reaccion, existe un estado de inconfor-
midad, pero al mismo tiempo hay un reconocimiento explicito de la
superioridad cientifica de otras regions del mundo. Veamos ahora
algunas causes o manifestaciones del mismo fenomeno: Los prejuicios.
Como se decia antes, lo logico, lo seguro, lo normal, es lo que cada
uno ha experimentado, y otras formas diferentes son ciertamente arries-
gadas, son heterodoxas, son daninas. Quierase que no, es dificil
para un expert extranjero hacerse a una cultural nueva.10 Hay valores
y normas diferentes. Mas aun, este expert, en muchas ocasiones, viene
a ayudar a introducir cambios culturales con su consejo, y ciertamente
tropieza con problems series y complicados. Por mas quese escriban
libros con todas las normas y los procedimientos que deben seguir los
ciudadanos de los Estados Unidos, los cientificos sociales en el ex-
terior, y especificamente en America Latina, estos formulismos de poco
sirven. De todas maneras, ellos son identificados como pertenecientes











a otra cultural y se crea una barrera infranqueable. Las ciencias socia-
les desposefdas de todo valor son una utopia, aun cuando como procedi-
miento cientifico es ciertamente el unico camino.
Orlando Fals Borda se queja del traslado de los models de equili-
brio usado en las ciencias sociales en los EE.UU. a las condiciones
de desequilibrio de las sociedados latinoamericanas, por cuanto ello
obscurece el analisis de las realidades locales:

Alla tenemos una sociedad que esta en intense transici6n. No esta
tan bien establecida, ni organizada como la de Norteamerica vivimos
en una sociedad de conflicts, nos encontramos en el perfodo
crucial, y fascinante al mismo tiempo, cuando se construye un orden
social nuevo. Por tanto, lo que necesitamos para emprender el
cambio present es un modelo de desequilibrio. Esto implica un
reto a los cientificos sociales en los pauses en desarrollo: El
probar que un modelo de desequilibrio puede ser tan cientificamente
valido y productive como el modelo de equilibrio . la ciencia
social en las sociedades en transici6n ganaria mayor profundidad
y tendria mayor progress si la misma ciencia y quienes la practican
estuvieran comprometidos en el desarrollo y en el cambio. Ahora se
reconoce mas y mas esta necesidad y ella debe ser promovida. Los
cientificos de EE.UU. pueden ayudar a este esfuerzo siempre y
cuando sean concientes de sus propios prejuicios e inclinaciones
ideologicas. Para muchos latinoamericanos parece injustificable
el ensenar y practicar el tipo de ciencia te6rica indiferente y
fria que se enseia en este pals. Dentro del context latinoameri-
cano muchos de los viejos arguments en pro de la objetividad se
convierten en principios para mantener el status quo, contra el
cual estan comprometidos a luchar las fuerzas progresistas.11

Lo anterior ilustra una de las dificultades que los cientificos so-
ciales de los Estados Unidos tienen al estudiar la America Latina e
indica algunos de los obstaculos que se les presentan en sus inves-
tigaciones y que contribuyen a former la imagen del colonialismo.2
El poder. Quien va como expert figure siempre rodeado de una au-
reola de poder, de una distincion por su sabiduria y con una cierta
complacencia de superioridad. Las reacciones a esta imagen del exper-
to son bastante sutiles y en muchas ocasiones no se manifiestan ex-
presamente. Quien tiene poder lo ejerce sobre sus subditos. Si es
poder intellectual, sobre quienes son sus discipulos; si es poder poli-
tico, sobre quienes son sus vasallos; si es poder econdmico, sobre
quienes son sus clients. Esta imagen de poder en el expert de los
Estados Unidos, en nuestras universidades, have recorder y rememorar
las innumerables formas de dominaci6n que, a traves de la historic,
los EE.UU. han ejercido en la America Latina. Se le asimila, por lo
tanto, con un gobierno, con unos intereses economicos, militares,
anticomunistas y se olvida que es un cientifico y colega universi-
tario.13 Al mismo tiempo la sabiduria del expert, y eventualmente su
manifiesto complejo de superioridad, parecen hacer contrastar la ig-
norancia e incapacided de los nacionales, estableciendose asi mas
claramente la imagen colonial.
Estos aspects constituyen los obstaculos mas series en las rela-
ciones entire las Universidades y los EE.UU.
La Igualdad. El haber sido expuestas nuestras universidades y nues-
tros pueblos a los ejemplos y a los patrons de vida y de desarrollo











de los Estados Unidos (lo mismo que de otros pauses) ha constituido un
serio problema de ambicidn y de frustration. Hay dentro de este fen6-
meno un factor de arrogancia, no solo propia de quien en este caso
consideramos inferior con respect del que se consider superior, sino
tambien de este ultimo con respect a sus protegidos, asus aconsejados
o a sus ayudados. Esta arrogancia crea un conflict; el conflict del
entendimiento sobre bases igualitarias. Buscaria uno como un ideal
dentro de cualquier tipo de relaciones el de la igualdad, y no parece
possible que ella se desarrolle ante el fendmeno de la arrogancia que
se ha anotado. Asi hay contradicciones intelectuales bastante series
en las relaciones de los experts con respect a los pauses latino-
americanos. Por ejemplo, el ideal de construir una sociedad democra-
tica por medio de la educacidn y el disfrute de igualdad de oportun-
idades sin discriminacidnde ninguna clase son ideales aceptados abier-
tamente para la vida national. Sin embargo, al menos la filosofia
de la igualdad de oportunidades esta en conflict con los hechos in-
ternacionales. Por mas que ella deba inspirar las relaciones intrana-
cionales, no parece que sea aplicable a las relaciones internacionales.
Cualquiera se resisted a entender esta situacion. Los experts prove-
nientes del pals mas rico del mundo predican este tipo de ideales, pero
son criterios que tienen aplicacidn solo dentro de los linderos de
cada pals, perpetuandose asi una justificacidn para la estratificacion
mundial de las oportunidades.
Un valor educativo olvidado. Los Estados Unidos parecen estar con-
vencidos, de que en terminos de educacion, es muchisimo mas lo que
ellos pueden ofrecer a los pauses latinoamericanos, que lo que estos
paises pueden brindarles. Creo que esto es un hecho: por un lado exis-
te una mayor capacidad economic para ofrecer becas y ayudas finan-
cieras a estudiantes latinoamericanos para venir a los Estados Unidos,
mientras que los pauses del sur del continent no gozan de los recur-
sos adecuados para corresponder en igual form. Los pocos estudiantes
estadounidenses que van a la America Latina, no hacen generalmente
dentro de programs especialmente disenados por sus universidades como
parte de un laboratorio o experiencia curricular, en la misma forma
que estudiantes de medicine frecuentan un hospital o los de arte tie-
nenvisitasguiadas a los museos artisticos. Por otro lado, desde el
punto de vista de desarrollo cientifico y de facilidades educativas la
supremacia de los Estados Unidos es un hecho contundente.
Vale la pena preguntarse a este respect, el para que educamos y cual
es el rango de la convivencia international dentro de los valores edu-
cativos. Al discutir este asunto nos distraerfamos del tema, pues
habria que examiner que es la education, cual es su fin, y que activi-
dad consider cada uno haber sido a mas educativa en su vida estudian-
til. Si se respondiese a este ultimo interrogante, rara vez las ex-
periencias educativas destacadas correspondent a la riqueza de biblio-
tecas o de laboratories. La gula de un professor, la amistad de un com-
panero, la actividad de una organizacion, el haber vivido en una deter-
minada region o rodeado de determinadas circunstancias serian respues-
tas mas comunes. Es decir, sobresaldrian ante todo las vivencias hu-
manas. En este sentido el intercambio estudiantil deberia ser un ca-
mino de mayores desarrollos para un future. Si buscamos construir una
sociedad international mas unida, es necesario estrechar los lazos de
la comprension desde las epocas mas tempranas de la vida. Un expert
de avanzada edad, a no ser un caso es ecial, se adapta o se acomoda
muy dificilmente a una nueva cultural. En cambio una persona joven











que todavia no ha formado (o conformado) todos sus habitos y muchos de
sus patrons culturales, puede con major facilidad similar de una y
de otra y conservar una disposicion d6cil y flexible. Estos aspects,
creo yo, pueden tener mayor valor en las relaciones entire los EE.UU.
y la America Latina. En los EE.UU. ha existido el problema de los
grupos minoritarios que como problema interno tiene cierto paralelis-
mo con el que venimos discutiendo. Hay una analogia bastante clara.
Tambien en EE.UU. se habla de colonialismo academic, como aquel ejer-
cido por las mayorlas (los blancos), sobre las minorias (como los
negros y los chicanos). Estos conflicts debilitan la unidad national,
como aquellos la convivencia international y la construction de una
sociedad mas amplia. Para los ciudadanos de los EE.UU. de cualquier
condicion y raza que ellos sean, la experiencia de una convivencia en
temprana edad con la cultural latinoamericana desarrollarla una capaci-
dad de adaptaci6n que ayudaria al entendimiento oportuno con los otros
sectors de este pals. Este es un gran valor educativo, pues la super-
vivencia vale mas que la riqueza, la educaci6n de la voluntad esta
por encima de los conocimientos cientificos, y la formacion de acti-
tudes propicias para el entendimiento y solidaridad universales cons-
tituye un imperative en el mundo de hoy.
Hay una tendencia en los ciudadanos de los EE.UU. que van a la Ame-
rica Latina, por trasladar alla sus propios sistemas escolares (High
Schools y Colleges solo a veces) con el fin de que sus hijos puedan
estudiar sin retrasos, ni traumas culturales. Los privan asi de la
experiencia que aqui venimos comentando. Tambien dentro de los EE.UU.
se observa un fenomeno parecido y han existido instituciones difer-
entes para los unos y para los otros. Se esta buscando la integration
racial,empezando inclusive por los mas jovenes y a pesar de que los
niveles academicos parezcan sufrir, se cree en el valor de la educa-
cion para la integracion. Igual esfuerzo se require a nivel inter-
nacional.

El desperidicio institutional

Teniendo en cuenta que es necesario hacer varias revisiones a las
formas como los experts trabajan principalmete en el campo de las
ciencias sociales en los pauses latinoamericanos, voy a hacer ahora
algunos comentarios sobre aspects que yo denominaria de "desperdicio
institutional."
Muchos de estos experts no pueden calificarse como entire los mejo-
res. Los mejores, en sus respectivos campos, estan muy ocupados, o
cuando salen--por corto tiempo--muchos prefieren otras regions o
pauses. Por su parte los latinoamericanos estan con frecuencia espe-
rando de los asesores una "supersabiduria," sin darse cuenta que ella
no es un bien abundante. Por supuesto se produce una frustration.
Un segundo aspect que vale la pena sugerir aqui es el hecho del
tiempo que se gasta para conseguir los experts. Las universidades
especifican las condiciones que deben tener, el campo en el cual deben
ser versados. Esto es facil. Pero identificar y comprometer a unos
experts es cosa bien diferente. Hay contratos de por medio, se corren
riesgos de parte y parte. El expert necesita atractivos academics y
financieros, y asi pasan los meses hasta que en muchas ocasiones se
debe tomar una decision rapida con el fin de que su llegada no sea
extemporanea, ni inoportuna o que la apropiacion presupuestal vaya a
perderse. Llegado el expert o los experts debe invertirse una buena











dosis de tiempo en ponerlos al corriente de todas las circunstancias
y a veces en interminables entrevistas y sesiones.
Un tercer aspect seria el de la odiosa comparacion entire los nive-
les de remuneracidn del expert o los del tecndcrata o professional
native. Salta a la vista la diferencia abismal en salaries, cuando
apenas si es perceptible la de responsabilidades y a veces discutible
la del nivel intellectual. Esta desigualdad salarial muy explicable
constitute, sin embargo, un tropiezo serio y a veces crea o fomenta
un sentimiento de injusticia o cuando menos de despilfarro del dinero
de la asistencia tecnica, que toda ella va a ser contabilizada en la
cuenta de las donaciones a los pauses latinoamericanos.
Un cuarto aspect se refiere al hecho de que el expert recoge una
series de informaciones o las hace recoger, luego las traduce, inter-
preta y consigna en un informed como fruto de su trabajo. En esta forma,
la obra realizada por muchos nacionales parece simplemente como una
obra de recopilacion y para ayudar al expert, es decir de subordina-
cion intellectual ante la supremacia y la gula del mismo.
Yo estoy seguro que desde el punto de vista de la asistencia tecni-
ca uno de los problems de injusticia que existed es el hecho de que
algunos experts tiendan a atribuirse el exito de cualquier action
que se logre llevar a cabo, tanto en las universidades latinoameri-
canas como en otros campos. Inclusive me atreveria a decir, con temor
a equivocarme de plano, que cualquier exito en la America Latina es
atribuible direct o indirectamente a los experts extranjeros. En una
u otra forma una institution o un expert de los Estados Unidos estu-
vo alli present, produjo un informed y quedo la constancia. Si se
establece una escuela vocacional piloto en agriculture, el informed
del expert respective, la menciona y queda en los archives de las
entidades del gobierno de los Estados Unidos (o internacionales). Por
ese solo hecho parece que dicha escuela piloto no hubiera podido
establecerse sin la ayuda extranjera. Todo expert debe escribir su
informed y debe decir en que cosas ha ocupado su tiempo y cuales han
sido los resultados de su mission. En una obra conjunta es bastante
dificil atribuir a una determinada persona el exito parcial o total
de una empresa. Al poseer el expert un idioma relativamente universal,
como es el ingles, parte de la opinion public de habla inglesa queda
convencida de que los latinos no hacen nada a no ser que los 'gringos'
hayan ido a aconsejarlos y a veces hasta a poner en march sus insti-
tuciones. Esta es una situation que yo consider relativamente injusta:
que algunos experts para defender y justificar su trabajo y sus hono-
rarios escriban informs en los cuales se atribuyan o busquen atribuir-
se veladamente el exito de muchas empresas latinoamericanas. Esto en
vez de ayudar al entendimiento lo desmoraliza. No puede uno atribuirse
tan sencillamente los exitos que correspondent a un grupo de personas
o al trabajo de today una institucion. Tampoco puede un expert atri-
buirse el patrimonio de una idea. Es probable que el haya ayudado a
suscitar o a revivir una idea antigua, que el haya sido la occasion
para que las fuerzas se movilicen alrededor de una idea tal vez secu-
lar, que no se habia puesto en ejecucion. Pero hay much diferencia
entire ser la ocasion y ser el autor. Me da la impresidn de que hay
muchos experts autores y muchos latinoamericanos 'realizadores' de
las ideas de aquellos. Leanse los informes del intercambio cultural,
algunos de la Fulbright y aun otros informes muy antiguos, no s6lo en
educacidn. Por ejemplo, me llamo particularmente la atencion el sigu-
iente infome de hace un poco mas de veinte anos:











Durante el perlodo 1947-49, mientras habia un especialista del
Children's Bureau de los EE.UU. en las regions fronterizas con
Mejico, la mortalidad infantil de los menores de un ano en la
ciudad de Nuevo Laredo disminuyo de 223 por mil en 1946 a 112 por
mil en 1949. Muchas de estas muertes eran debidas a tuberculosis
y a enfermedades venereas. Al contribuir los Estados Unidos al
control de las enfermedades en la frontera mejicana se protegia
tambien la salud de los ciudadanos estadounidenses en esa region.
Mas aun ello sirvio como un proyecto laboratorio del cual los
Estados Unidos saco valiosas experiencias para combatir dichas
enfermedades en nuestro propio pals.15

La forma forma como se describe este informed revela que mas que un
interest por ayudar a Mejico se trata de un interest por ayudar a Esta-
dos Unidos. En segundo lugar de no haber sido por este especialista,
el exito extraordinario en la disminucion de la mortalidad infantil
(un 50% practicamente) no hubiera sido possible. Nada se dice de la
labor de los medicos mejicanos, si los habia. Estilos semejantes se
encuentran en muchos otros informes. A veces los latinoamericanos son
los culpables de informes relativamente unilaterales, pues se cree
que exagerando o permitiendo que se exagere la labor del expert, la
asistencia tecnica no se disminuira. Se quieren ocultar los factors
de desperdicio.

La financiacidn de inversiones

Son muy pocos los comentarios que debo anadir a lo dicho anteriormente
y en lo que respect ahora a la financiacion de inversiones. Es un
hecho evidence que las universidades latinoamericanas, al menos algu-
nas, han estado recibiendo del gobierno de Estados Unidos, principal-
mente a traves del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, y de la A.I.D.
dineros para la construction de ciudades universitarias, u otras
inversiones de menor importancia. De la poca experiencia que en 6sto
tengo, debo confesar que esta financiacion ha hecho possible no solo
el mejoramiento de dotaciones, sino tambien de la ensenanza en varias
universidades colombianas. Esta experiencia me ha dado tambien la
oportunidad de conocer y presenciar los diferentes procedimientos que
se emplean para poder lograr estas ayudad financieras. Fuera de un
plan de desarrollo institutional que consider muy just, hay una
series de visits y de evaluaciones de los experts de las entidades
financiers. Cuando todas las cosas marchan aceleradamente, en un
period relativamente corto de tiempo, se han cumplido las tramitacio-
nes iniciales para la presentaci6n y aprobacidn del proyecto de presta-
mo. Pero cuando no es asf, se suceden y se suceden las visits y
los informes de los especialistas hasta el punto de que llegan ano
tras ano y le da a uno la impresidn de estar asistiendo a una cadena
interminable de turismo international con respect a un pequeno pro-
grama de desarrollo de pocos millones. En otras palabras me parece
que uno se ocupara como planificador o como administrator universi-
tario, uno o varies anos, entreteniendo y recibiendo a los visitantes
que vienen a conocer la institucion y a escribir informes sobre la
misma. Con esto no quiero critical el hecho de que un proyecto haya
que evaluarlo y que la evaluaci6n tenga que ser seria. Quiero decir,
mas bien, que este comportamiento con frecuencia observado en rela-
cion con proyectos de desarrollo de las universidades, muchas veces











significa claramente una muestra de desconfianza en los latinoameri-
canos que trabajan en planeamiento universitario o que escriben y pro-
ponen algo. Tiene que ir una mission de experts con el fin de cercio-
rarse de que verdaderamente lo que han puesto sobre el papel es una
realidad. Dicha mission sostiene conferencias con various Ministros, con
various rectores y con varias personas que se consideran influyentes.
Pasa este proyecto y su mission y le toca el turno a uno similar o al
menos bastante relacionado con el que hace dos o tres meses o semanas
se estaba examinando. Una mission semejante en su composicidn o al
menos en su comportamiento vuelve a visitar a las mismas personas,
vuelven a hacerse las mismas preguntas, se anuncian los resultados en
la prensa local. Parece que las infomaciones anteriores no fueran
valederas, de tal forma que lo que ha hecho una mission reciente lo
tiene que repetir la mission subsiguiente. En aras de la necesidad de
la consecuci6n de una financiacion, los latinoamericanos continuan
con su cortesia traditional: esperan, gastan horas interminables, son
corteses y dan las diferentes informaciones que se les solicitan.
Valdria la pena que las entidades extranjeras e internacionales se
coordinasen un poco mejor.
Tambien la ayuda financier para construcciones y para dotacidn en
nuestras universidades tropieza con problems ideologicos. El hombre
de todas las epocas y de todos los rincones de la tierra ha sido sen-
sible a las injusticias. Nuestros jovenes universitarios, nuestros
profesores y en general la comunidad universitaria, oye decir por ejem-
plo, que en los ultimos 17 anos las inversiones directs de los Esta-
dos Unidos en la America Latina fueron de $7,473 millones, pero que
en el mismo periodo las utilidades y dividends obte.nidos ascendieron
a $16,000 millones,16 y no se puede ser indiferente ante tal hecho y
ante la pobreza de los latinoamericanos y de las universidades que
ahora solicitan unos millones para su desarrollo y para la educacion
de la juventud.
La asistencia tecnica y financier, en general, han contribuido a
desarrollar una actitud latinoamericana de espera. La asistencia fi-
nanciera international y la misma asistencia tecnica se convierten en
una condicion 'sine qua non,' en una especie de factor preponderante
dentro de la actividad del desarrollo economic y social. Los latino-
americanos nos hemos ensenado o hemos sido obligados a vivir en fun-
cion de la ayuda international y en especial de los EE.UU. Cuando te-
nemos un problema parece que no tratamos de resolverlo principalmente
a traves de nuestros propios recursos y esfuerzos sino que lo primero
que se nos ocurre es la ayuda international: ZComo podrfan los Esta-
dos Unidos prestarnos ayuda? ZC6mo podrian financiarnos unos experts
qle nos indiquen como hacer esto, como hacer aquello, y como nos po-
drianprestarunosdolares para comprar un equipo y para adelantar unas
obras? En las relaciones entire las universidades latinoamericanas y
la asistencia externa hay que evitar todo lo que desaliente la acti-
vidad internal. Este aspect es muy entendido por los gobiernos y enti-
dades prestatarias de ayuda y dificilmente controlables y medibles en
la realidad.
La asistencia externa y la ayuda international son motives de pres-
tigio rectoral en una universidad o en cualquier otra institution. El
powder mantener la ayuda international es una muestra de la bondad de
un program o de la bondad de la administracidn universitaria. Ello es
interpretado, por unos como un aspect positive de la institucion, la
cual, despues de haber sido visitada, estudiada por una mission de











experts se ha hecho merecedora de la ayuda. Para las instituciones y
para sus programs, la evaluacion constitute una prueba de fuego que
vale la pena soportar. Ella siembra confianza y afianza el prestigio
de la misma y de sus gestores. Esta position result bastante parado-
jica con la posicion de los opositores a la influencia extranjera en
nuestras universidades, quienes ven en ello o bien una manifestacion
de inferioridad cientifica reconocida o bien un peligro inminentepara
la autonomia universitaria e inclusive para la soberania del pais,
por tratarse de agents de otros pauses con intereses diferentes como
se ha anotado antes. Sin embargo, la asistencia tecnica y la ayuda
international son consideradas como indispensables por los pauses
latinoamericanos a pesar de los problems existentes. Son situaciones,
a veces ininteligibles: si se acepta la asistencia tecnica y finan-
ciera se suscitan polemicas y dificultades y si se pierde, entonces
se critical a la institucion o en sus rectores. De tal forma que hay
que buscar una manera o un camino para balancear estas fuerzas al
parecer encontradas.17

Conclusiones

Deciamos al principio que para analizar el tema de las relaciones
entire el gobierno de los Estados Unidos y las universidades, debia
tenerse en cuenta el que las universidades latinoamericanas eran ins-
tituciones participes de una problematica national o de una proble-
matica latinoamericana y que por tanto el tema de estas relaciones nos
llevaba propiamente a uno mas amplio, mas general, es decir a las
relaciones entire pauses desarrollados y pauses subdesarrollados. El
tema de la universidad es important, pero el general es fundamental
y por lo tanto su adecuado tratamiento deberia tener prioridad. En
gran parte aquel se original en este.18
No obstante lo anterior, podemos recapitular en los parrafos que
siguen algunas recomendaciones para el caso de las universidades.
A no dudarlo existen problems de relaciones entire las universidades
y el gobierno de los Estados Unidos por las razones que hemos expuesto
en los parrafos anteriores. No podria pensarse que se trata en todos
los casos de razones objetivas, que obedezcan a series anormalidades
por parte del gobierno de los EE.UU. Con todo, cuando existen percep-
ciones de esta naturaleza y susceptibilidades claras contra un pro-
grama, es aconsejable buscar caminos temporales diferentes a los di-
rectos. Tal vez uno de ellos fuera la cooperaci6n international, a
traves de los organismos de las Naciones Unidas. Dentro de estos or-
ganismos el gobierno de los Estados Unidos cooperaria por prestar su
ayuda a las universidades latinoamericanas. Los organismos de las
Naciones Unidas provocan menos controversial que el gobierno de los
EE.UU. en nuestras universidades: las ordenes procedentes de Paris o
de Santiago no crean las sospechas a que estarian sometidas las direc-
tivas de Washington. Mas aun, a traves, de la Unesco, por ejemplo,
los latinoamericanos escogerian las universidades con las cuales tra-
bajarlan o colaborarian y los individuos y el equipo, en cualquier
parte del mundo. El intercambio por tanto, se haria no ya exclusiva-
mente con los Estados Unidos por obligacion. Pero al tratarse del pals
con los mejores y mas abundantes recursos en equipos y personas, estoy
seguro que de los Estados Unidos provendrian la majoria de los fac-
tores externos para el mejoramiento de las universidades latinoame-
ricanas. Ya no podria arguirse que los experts o las instituciones











cooperantes son agents del servicio secret de un pais, sino indivi-
duos u organizaciones al servicio de una entidad international en la
cual participan todas las naciones del mundo. Inclusive los latino-
americanos tendrian la capacidad de contratar a otros latinoamericanos
en estos proyectos, lo cual traeria como consecuencia, un beneficio
notorio para toda la region.19
Una tercera conclusion seria la necesidad de entender con sentido de
igualdad el mutuo beneficio que estas relaciones aportan. Para ello
las relaciones directs entire las universidades latinoamericanas y el
gobierno de los Estados Unidos, no parecen ser, hoy por hoy, el camino
mas seguro y expedite. Por lo tanto, seria much mas convenient el
buscar vias diferentes y diversas. Asi otros organismos internaciona-
les de character privado como la Asociacion Internacional de Universi-
dades, o compromises interuniversitarios que mantengan relaciones di-
rectas de sistema universitario a systems universitario o de univer-
sidad a universidad, pueden ser alternatives. Estas relaciones deben
evitar usar las modalidades de afiliacion o de hermandad institutional
y la creacidn o traslado de sus programsa" a las universidades de la
America Latina: lo primero seria un paternalismo y lo segundo una co-
pia de lo que hacen ciertas empresas industriales poderosas que crean
sus subsidiariess" en el exterior. Las universidades de los Estados
Unidos, sobre todo las buenas universidades, deben tener en cuenta que
al desarrollar sus relaciones con las latinoamericanas, lo hacen por-
que lo necesitan, porque es parte de una educacion international, de
sus programs de educaci6n comparada o de investigation. Nunca debe
tener el sentido de ir a cumplir deberes de caridad en las universi-
dades latinoamericanas. El sentido debe ser diametralmente diferente.
De igualdad universitaria, de mutuo respeto y beneficio.
Otro medio para lograr los objetivos educativos de las universi-
dades y un mejor entendimiento entire las naciones puede ser el camino
estudiantil. En las universidades latinoamericanas creo que se deben
seguir con bastante curiosidad los movimientos estudiantiles de las
universidades de los Estados Unidos. No necessariamente como una apro-
bacion loca de la violencia, sino por el hecho de que la juventud de
este pals parece estar cada vez mas conciente de buscar nuevos patro-
nes culturales y nuevos tipos de relaciones internal y externas. Esta
actitud de la juventud podria tal vez sintonizar con preocupaciones
de la juventud latinoamericana y facilitar en sumo grado las relacio-
nes entire las universidades. Al fin y al cabo el beneficio de estas
relaciones debe medirse en la education de los estudiantes mismos. Si
ellos son los interesados, ciertamente programs de esta naturaleza,
bien en las ciencias sociales, naturales, en las profesiones o en
cualquier otro campo universitario, alcanzara ciertamente muchos pro-
gresos, porque existira buena voluntad y un sentido de igualdad entire
la juventud. Es evidence que si la actitud de los estudiantes latino-
americanos en los Estados Unidos o de los estadounidenses en la Ameri-
ca Latina eventualmente cambiase y se tornase en arrogante, la situa-
ci6n no serfa la ideal. Sin embargo, desde un punto de vista de poli-
tica de relaciones, los estudiantes, o la base estudiantil, parece ser
un camino adecuado en el moment actual.
Una ultima consideraci6n podria ser una redefinicion del papel de
las universidades. No en vano ellas han recibido tal nombre. Sus ob-
jetivos no tienen linderos nacionales. Son el conocimiento, la cien-
cia, el hombre en cuanto tal y no el hombre en cuanto ciudadano de
este o de aquel pals. Se ha dicho que la universidad tiene que cumplir











una funcidn social. Sobre ello se ha hecho mas 6nfasis en los pauses
relativamente subdesarrollados, que en los pauses relativamente desa-
rrollados. Es dificil ponerse de acuerdo en los cambios sociales re-
queridos. Pero creo que existe cierta unanimidad en que las condicio-
nes de vida del hombre en las diferentes latitudes son muy diferen-
tes y que es necesario un cambio que facility la accion de una justi-
cia social international que asegure al hombre condiciones satisfac-
torias para el disfrute de los bienes. Se reconoce que el mundo esta
dividido entire naciones pobres y naciones ricas y que las barreras
nacionales y las diferentes ideologias y ambiciones han creado un
estado de tension y una carrera armamentista. Dentro de este context,
opino que las universidades deberfan redefinir su misi6n hacia un cam-
bio social a escala mundial, y no tanto a escala national. El enfa-
sis en esta nueva dimension de la universidad creo que haria much mas
facil las relaciones entire las universidades latinoamericanas y las
universidades de los Estados Unidos, por cuanto participarian de una
mission semejante con contenido expresamente social.

Notas

1. No me es possible hablar con conocimiento de causa de toda la re-
gion. Puedo solamente aportar algunos puntos de vista personales
sacados de mi experiencia con algunos de los programs que han exis-
tido en mi pals, Colombia, o de programs en otros palses latino-
americanos que he conocido no tanto personalmente como a traves de
publicaciones y documents. Debo dejar en claro, ademas, que al
haberseme otorgado esta amplia libertad para reflexionar sobre el
tema, espero que los participants sepan comprender las dificul-
tades de aportat pruebas concretas sobre los puntos que voy a co-
mentar, pues en muchas ocasiones pueden no existir.
2. Apter, David. The Politics of Modernization (Chicago: The Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, 1965), p. xi. (Mi traduccidn)
3. Ver por ejemplo el trabajo de Ernest Palola, Changing Centers of
of Power in Higher Education. A Challenge to Institutional Leader-
ship (Berkeley: Center for Research and Development in Higher
Education, University of California, 1968).
4. Unidn Panamericana, La Educacion Superior en America Latina y la
Cooperacion Interamericana. Informe y Recomendaciones (Washington,
D.C.: Union Panamericana, 1961).
5. Para tener una idea sobre este aspect puede verse el siguiente
document: Pan-American Union, Inter-American University Cooper-
ation. A Survey of Programs of Cooperation Between Institutions of
Higher Education in the United States and Latin America (Washing-
ton, D.C.: Pan American Union, 1968). En este trabajo no hay eva-
1 mciones sobrelos proyectos, sino simplemente descripciones. Para
una evaluacion de un program vease: Johnson, Walter and Francis
J. Colligan, The Fulbright Program: A History (Chicago: The Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, 1965).
6. Union Panamericana, op. cit., p. 3.
7. Iozano, Fabio. "Liberalismo y Socialismo," El Espectador, Magazine
Dominical (Septiembre 28, 1969), p. 6.
8. Conference on the Ideals of American Freedom and the International
Dimensions of Education. Education for Freedom and World Under-
standing. A Report of the Working Committees, March 26-28, 1962











(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education and Wel-
fare, 1962), p. 4.
9. Vease a este respect una series de trabajos publicados por la
revista Seminar de Nueva Delhi bajo el titulo: "Academic Colonial-
ism: A Symposium on the Influences Which Destroy Intellectual
Independence," en Seminar, No. 112 (December, 1968), pp. 9-43.
LO. Vease Walter Adams and John A. Garraty, Is The World Our Campus?
(East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University, 1960), que pre-
senta una evaluaci6nde estos fen6menos.
L1. Borda, Orlando Fals. Prejuicios Ideologicos de los Norteameri-
canos que estudian la America Latina. Conferencia pronunciada en
la Universidad de Columbia, Nueva York, Diciembre 2, 1966. Pu-
blicaci6n enmimedgrafo, Bogota, D.E.: Universidad Nacional, Facul-
tad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Sociologfa. Lectura
adicional No. 252.
12. Graciarena, Jorge. Poder y Clases Sociales en America Latina
(Buenos Aires: Paidos, 1967), p. 276 y 279, ilustra el papel de
la America Latina como exportadora de datos sociologicos para ser
industrializados fuera de la region en un product final sin
significado para ella y siguiendo disenos teoricos elaborados por
extranjeros y fundamentados en las teorfas en boga en los pauses
"avanzados."
L3. Ilchman y Benveniste afirman que el expert desempena, en el exte-
rior, al menos cuatro funciones o papeles a saber: 1) el de agent
del conocimiento professional, 2) el de agent de su cultural nacio-
nal, 3) el de agent de una organization o regimen en particular,
y 4) el de agent de un poder superior dentro de la estratifica-
cion political mundial, "Witting or Unwitting Agents: Dilemmas of
Professionals Abroad" en Benveniste, Guy and Warren Ilshman (Edi-
tors), Agents of Change: Professionals in Developing Countries
(New York: Praeger Publishers, 1969), p. 33.
.4. Vease Jack C. Westoby, "Professionals and Technical Assistance, "
in Benveniste and Ilchman, op. cit.
.5. The U.S. Advisory Commission on Educational Exchange, Trading
Ideas eith the World, International Educational and Technical
Exchange Report (March, 1949), p. 10.
.6. Datos tomados del discurso del Canciller Chileno Gabriel Valdez
ante el Parlamento Latinoamericano. Revista Ercilla, Santiago
(Agosto 1969), No. 1.783, p. 53.
7. Un informed de la Comision Economica para la America Latina, habla
sobre el complejo de Ariel en la America Latina. Este complejo con-
sistirfa en una reaction de los pauses latinoamericanos contra
los valores de las sociedades industrializadas, precisamente por
el deseo de ser diferentes de los Estados Unidos.
. Las reacciones comunes y corrientes en la America Latina
contra la concepcidn de una sociedad funcional, cientifica y
tecnica se basan en arguments de diferente indole, continue
el informed, pero pasan por alto el hecho de que el verdadero
peligro no viene de una invasion de las ciencias y la tecnolo-
gia y del predominio de un enfoque instrumental, sino mas bien
de puntos de vista diametralmente opuestos. Economic Commission
for Latin America, Education, Human Resources and Development
in Latin America (New York: United Nations, 1968), p. 93, 94.
8. En este sentido Raul Prebisch ha sido uno de los Latinoamericanos
que ha comprendido de mejor manera el fenomeno de la dependencia











y ha propuesto soluciones y political de desarrollo a nivel latino-
americano. Sus recientes palabras a los delegados de la Junta de
Comercio y de Desarrollo en Ginebra en Febrero de 1969 son las
siguientes y revelan ironicamente el punto que queremos demos-
trar:
Europa y Estados Unidos, estan tratando de luchar contra la
influencia de Hong-Kong, el Hong-Kong flu, que viene de la
'periferia' al centroo'. El centro ha tenido que reconocer esa
realidad. Puede ser que la tecnologia medical, dentro de algunos
anos, inmunice a los centroo' de estas pestes perifericas, pero
dado el progress notable de las comunicaciones, de los sateli-
tes que permiten saber en los centros lo que ocurre en la peri-
feria, sobre todo los dramas de la periferia, y en la periferia
los dramas de los centros, surge el fenomeno, nuevo en la his-
toria, de cierta unidad emotiva en el mundo entero que lleva a
los hombres de cualquier pais a sentir las tragedies de otros,
a contaminarse si se quiere de sus tragedies. Cuando veo que
las nuevas generaciones europeas y de los EE.UU. siguen los
problems del mundo en desarrollo, que son insensibles a lo
que esta pasando, me pregunto si podra inmunizarse el centro
de lo que esta sucediendo en la periferia. Me pregunto lo mis-
mo cuando compruebo que hombres de la periferia abnegados,
valientes, de gran vision, de gran sacrificio personal, equi-
vocados o no, ya han pasado a ser sfmbolos en los pauses del
centro. Simbolos de la necesidad de crear con sacrificio, nue-
vas actitudes y de reaccionar contra ciertas formas prevale-
cientes; simbolosquedenotanque esta tendencia a la unidad
emotiva del mundo, a la unidad en las acciones y en los senti-
mientos es muy fuerte y a mi juicio irreversible. No se lo que
va a pasar, pero si pregunto a los hombres del centro si ellos
screen que no se necesita una estrategia para atacar los pro-
blemas del desarrollo; si ellos screen que van a poder inmuni-
zarse, con nuevos descubrimientos cientificos y tecnologicos,
de las miserias y de las convulsiones del mundo periferico.
Citado por Alfonso Palacio Rodas, "La Columna del Cofrade," El Es-
pectador (Bogota, Colombia), Octubre 12 de 1969, p. 2.
19. Como corroboracion de lo que aqui acabo de proponer, transcribo
algunos aportes del document de Vina del Mar, elaborado por los
Cancilleres de los pauses Latinoamericanos y entregado al Presi-
dente de los Estados Unidos, Richard Nixon en 1969. El revela el
punto de vista de los gobiernos de la region:
a) La cooperation debe ser labor conjunta de las parties inte-
resadas. Su volume, modalidad y forma de coordinacion deben
adecuarse a los objetivos nacionales de cada pais de acuerdo
con lo que establezcan sus planes de desarrollo economic y
social. b) La cooperacion tecnica debe canalizarse a traves
de los organisms nacionales de coordination de cada pais y
en su caso de los organisms regionales y subregionales. c) La
cooperation tecnica debe dirigirse al apoyo y complementacion
de los programs nacionales de cada pals y organismosen-
cargados de su ejecucion y no a la substitucion de los mismos.
d) La cooperacion tecnica multilateral debe ser reforzada y
substancialmente incrementada. e) Emplear, en los possible, en
los programs de cooperation tecnica a experts latinoameri-
canos. . El Espectador, Bogota, Junio 8 de 1969, p. 12A yss.











DISCUSSION: CHAPTER 3

Dr. Franco: My professional life has had more to do with university
planning than with a theme so extremely political as the one which is
the subject to this conference. Nevertheless one has to take advantage
of such an opportunity to study the political process, a process which
is necessary if planning is to have a clear and exact means of imple-
mentation. In my initial comments, I would like to stress a few points
from my conclusion which recognize that the universities of Latin
America are institutions which are manifestations of more general
Latin American problems. The theme of the problem of universities is
very important, but it is not the most important of all, for there is
another problem which is much more serious and fundamental, namely,
the problem derived from the general situation of rich and poor coun-
tries. I have sought to explain ways to avoid some of the difficulties
which I have discussed in my work. Among these, I propose that the
forms of aid from the United States to Latin American universities be
channeled through international organizations. Another general conclu-
sion relates to students. I give considerable emphasis to the state of
mind of people and their facility for assimilating other cultures and
appreciating them. It seems to me that both Latin Americans and North
Americans are quite prejudiced on this matter, and these prejudices
cannot easily be erased except by living together in conditions condu-
cive to mutual understanding. Finally, I would like to refer to the
university itself. The word university suggests a certain universal-
ity--that the university should not have boundaries or frontiers--but,
in fact, the university is localized in one place. It is a product of
a particular situation and is bound up with a socio-political task and
not simply an educational one. I believe that in the modern world the
universities, including those in the United States, are acquiring a
greater sense of their social mission than ever before.
This morning we discussed why so many Latins sponsored by founda-
tions or the United States government return home with ideas that are
relatively hostile to the United States. I believe that the explana-
tions that were given this morning are valid but I believe that a more
important explanation is that students who participate in the culture
and drink at the font of knowledge of a powerful nation and then con-
front the reality of their poor and dependent country encounter a
significant cultural shock. The idea that one who goes to the Soviet
Union is perhaps already well convinced that the Soviet Union or some
similar country really is good, while he who goes to the United States
believes that it is not bad represents more than just a sense of mys-
tique. The one who goes to the Soviet Union has a relatively clear
idea of why he is going and why he is returning, while many who go to
the United States do not have any clear idea. If the Soviet Union
were the most powerful nation of the world and we were convinced of it,
possibly our attitude toward it might change. In much the same way
that human nature reacts against a powerful dictator only to feel sorry
for him when he has been overthrown, we seem to build our preferences
for one country over another.

Dr. Garibay: I would like to comment on some points mentioned in
your very interesting paper. I am not sure that relations between
bureaucratic entities, such as various offices of the United States











government, and organisms which threaten to become bureaucratic, such
as the administrative departments of many Latin American universities,
would be improved significantly by the intervention of an interme-
diate organization such as the international organization of UNESCO
which is also inclined toward bureaucracy. It seems to be hardly
worthwhile to seek assistance of intermediaries who often do not thor-
oughly know the national realities of the institution to be supported.
There already exists such a group, CHEAR, and from what I can see, it
shows results inferior to the quality of its members, perhaps because
of the predominance of the United States' perspective.
Regarding an earlier comment that Latin American scholars return
home highly critical of the United States, I would say that it would
be difficult for them to behave otherwise after having been immersed
in universities in the United States which currently are the best
place in the world to hear ferocious and constant self-criticism.
I think that if this aspect is not given consideration, we will not
find the true significance and cause of the criticism mentioned. If
our students return home speaking unfavorably of the United States,
it is because they learned to do so while they were there.

Dr. Sanchez: On the basis of my contacts with leaders of many uni-
versities in Latin America it seems safe to say that there is con-
siderable official United States government intervention in Latin
American universities. There certainly have been groups of univer-
sity personnel from the United States in our countries who come as
representatives of their universities, but in reality they behave as
functionaries of the Department of State. Of course that is not neces-
sarily a bad thing, but what is unsatisfactory is that this relation-
ship is not clearly set forth. The problem is that it appears to be
an inter-institutional relationship, between university and university,
when really it is a relationship between two universities, one of
them sponsored by the Department of State. To me this is the danger-
ous situation. Has this type of governmental intervention been suc-
cessful? I think not.
We have also mentioned the idea of national councils as coordinating
units to get Latin American universities to work together. I have a
high regard for the notion of coordinators but not commanders. Such a
situation seems fraught with danger. Coordination is fine but super-
direction, unification of command, and "pyramidalization" are not.
Universities may organize themselves vertically, although they are
parallel, but when the vertical interrelationships lead to a central
point, it is pyramidal organization, and pyramidal organization is
fascism.

Dr. Tiller: United States universities have to depend upon funds
from outside the institution for much of their research and creative
activity. This may change in the future, but up to the present we
would find that in the sciences, engineering and health, where much of
the money is concentrated, often 75 to 90 per cent of the activities
may be financed in one way or another by the federal government. We
are finding a similar situation in our programs with Latin American
universities which have received lots of money through AID, the foun-
dations, or other outside sources of funds. I would not be optimistic
enough to expect this to change in the near future. The United States
university that would like to operate in a different manner is faced











with the reality of dependence on transitory financing. In the United
States, one of our grave problems is that we have used one system for
scientists, which permits them a great deal of freedom and independ-
ence. However, when we come to the much more difficult and serious
problem of international affairs and social sciences, we make practi-
cally no money available that would permit college professors to think
and investigate freely and independently. This places us in a dilemma,
for we do not have the funding to pursue desirable kinds of activities
in collaboration with Latin American universities. My own institution
has tried to remain as independent as possible of government funds in
terms of its relationship with Latin American institutions, but that
is always difficult with the omnipresent bureaucrat looking over your
shoulder. And it requires a certain degree of adeptness which, in
essence, requires the devotion of inordinate efforts to bureaucratic
maneuvering rather than to productive activities. I think that this
is one of our structural weaknesses.

Dr. Albornoz: Dr. Franco's paper gives me the impression that he is
thinking mainly of students who come to the United States with funds
from sources in the United States. In reality, the Latin American
nations have made substantial contributions of their own money for
study in the United States. The experience of ICETEX in Colombia or
the Banco del Estudiante in Venezuela are examples, and I would hazard
a guess, that a much greater proportion of the students who have done
post graduate work in the United States have been supported with Latin
American funds.
As for the alleged anti-Americanism of most Latin Americans who have
studied in the United States, I doubt that there is much empirical
evidence. Virtually all the managerial class is pro-United States in
Latin America. We do not have to come to the United States to study
anti-Americanism. Much of it is a response to a social and economic
reality that we can find by examining our own Latin American institu-
tions. Anti-United States sentiment is not academic. Rather it is
something that goes along with an emerging middle class and the sec-
tors which have contact with the means of mass communication. It is
related to the role of United States government representatives in
Latin America, many of whom do not even speak our language. I have
encountered dozens of representatives of the United States government
interested in promoting industrial development in Latin America who do
not speak Spanish. The result is that they often establish a simple
contact with a local board or with an individual merely because he
speaks English. Soon such a person becomes an expert who serves as
liaison for the academic or business interests of the visitor. Often
an academic contact is with someone who has learned English but lacks
the academic qualifications; many times he cooperates badly and sel-
dom in the interest of the nation or the foreign professor. As for
Professor Sanchez's remarks about national councils of universities,
there is a tremendous reform effort in Venezuela which is seeking to
develop a National Council of Universities which could hardly be
regarded as fascistic in orientation.

Dr. Sanchez: I am not against national councils, I am against pyram-
idal councils, which is quite another thing. Of the two aspects, I
favor coordination and oppose placing all authority in the councils.








78


Dr. Albornoz: There is a dangerous phenomenon taking place in
Venezuela as far as the development of the country is concerned. It is
the creation of two parallel systems of higher education, the state
system and a private one. If a Consejo Superior is not created to har-
monize and centralize the two interests, they may not function in the
national interest.

Dr. Arnove: There is one thing that we seem to be overlooking.
I find it very difficult to foresee national university planning
boards coordinating without authority, without priorities, or without
some decision-making power. I think that perhaps we could address
ourselves to the question of what the make-up of such entities should
be if they are to serve as national conduits for foreign assistance.
The structural pattern and mechanisms that exist to channel the funds
should be scrutinized.

Prof. DaRocha: Naturally, what is needed in the United States in
order to avoid friction and misunderstanding, in my judgment, are
universities skilled in these relationships with Latin America, like
this one, like the University of Houston, and like a number of others.
Thus, there is not necessarily a direct governmental relationship but
one which uses an appropriate university as its intermediary.






















CHAPTER 4


THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT AND
LATIN AMERICAN UNIVERSITIES

Frank M. Tiller






IT MUST BE MADE CLEAR at the outset that there is no well-defined and
coordinated viewpoint on the part of the U.S. Government concerning
Latin American higher education. Instead, the amorphous, overlapping
group of agencies, with personnel marching in one door and out another,
defies the kind of coordination which might lead to a well defined
U.S. position. Large numbers of individuals, associations, government
agencies, commissions, committees, and sundry national and interna-
tional organizations all contribute in bits and pieces to policy
relating to Latin American universities. Perhaps this state of affairs
has some redeeming features. Hopefully, more depth and continuity may
become part of the multifaceted U.S. program someday in the future.
An overview of statistics underlying the relationships among insti-
tutions of higher education in the Americas is presented here. People,
monies, programs, and institutions are loosely catalogued and com-
pared. Although the figures indicate a relatively large and increas-
ing mutual involvement, the vast majority of both Latin Americans and
people from the U.S. do not take part in these educational exchanges.
Of those who do participate, there is greater concentration among
high officials and prominent professors of Latin America. A rela-
tively small number of U.S. institutions account for a preponderant
fraction of people from the United States who are involved.
The major national and international agencies and private institu-
tions involved in Latin America are discussed in broad terms. The
Department of Health, Education and Welfare inventory of international
programs names five primary agencies and 20 backstopping agencies
which have operated under agreements to furnish personnel and services.
The five primary agencies are: AID (Agency for International Develop-
ment), USIS (U.S. Information Service), the State Department, DOD
(Department of Defense), and the Peace Corps. The OAS (Organization
of American States), the IDB (Inter-American Development Bank), and
private foundations account for substantial activity involving the
presence of people from the U.S. in Latin American universities and
vice versa.











The Status of Inter-American Educational Programs

An overview of the exchange of scholars

Higher education in Latin America and the U.S. is interwoven in an
intricate manner. From 10,000 in 1958-59, the number of Latin Amer-
ican and Caribbean students and scholars in the U.S. reached 23,400
in 1968-69.1 During the same period, over 4,000 U.S. students and
professors traveled to Latin America.2
On the professorial and administrative side, 684 Latin Americans
and 751 people from the U.S. were involved in the exchange process.
Although these figures seem to indicate a large involvement, they
seem less impressive when one considers the percentage of the popu-
lation that they represent. The 684 Latin American faculty members
came from a group of approximately 250 institutions3 and represented
about 2.5 per university.4 By contrast, the U.S. contingent corre-
sponds to about one for every three or four institutions (including
junior colleges). Although a breakdown of the 751 U.S. professors
was not given in Open Doors, it seems likely that a small group of
universities furnished the largest proportion of participants; a
significant number of junior and liberal arts colleges and many uni-
versities effectively did not take part in the exchange.5
Statistics from Open Doors indicate that about 30 U.S. institutions
received half of the visiting foreign scholars; about 40 supplied
half of U.S. faculty abroad, and close to 50 enrolled half of the
foreign students. One out of every two foreign graduate students was
located in the six states of California, Illinois, Massachusetts,
Michigan, New York, and Pennsylvania. While these statistics are for
foreign students and scholars from all countries, it is probable that
Latin Americans do not vary appreciably from the world average.
The number of faculty and students not involved in exchange pro-
grams is more impressive than those who are. Of the roughly 8,000,000
university students and perhaps 900,000 full and part time professors
in the U.S. and Latin America (1968-69), the fraction in any one year.
having contact with the other system is quite small.6
About one Latin American student in 50 attended U.S. universities,
and approximately one professor out of 150 visited or studied in the
U.S. Many others were involved as tourists. More than 98% of Latin
students, and 99% of professors did not go to the U.S. On the other
side of the coin, the number of people from the United States in-
volved in exchanges, either as students or staff, was in the range
of tenths of a percent.
Of the approximately 15,000 Latin American students studying in
the U.S., 4,543, or a little over 30%,were in graduate or profes-
sional degree status. On returning home, a relatively large propor-
tion of these 15,000, which represents about 10% of the number of
Latin American professors, will probably be employed as part or full
time teachers. Statistics were not available on the total number of
degrees obtained by Latin American students each year in the U.S. or
from Latin American universities. It is doubtful that as many as
a fourth of the 15,000 enrolled students are awarded degrees each
year, leading to a top limit of 4,000. That figure compares with an
estimated 60,000 degrees offered in Latin America in 1966.7 At the
graduate level, the fraction of degrees obtained in the U.S. has











probably been quite high in comparison with those offered through
Latin American graduate schools.
At the rector and high official level, the percentage visiting the
U.S. is quite high. A number of programs have been designed to bring
together authorities from both U.S. and Latin America. The Council
for Higher Education in the American Republics (CHEAR)8 has provided
a means for regular contact of rectors and presidents. The annual
Seminar on Higher Education in the Americas administered by the Uni-
versity of Kansas, has systematically given a large number of rectors
and prominent professors an opportunity to compare the structure and
functioning of the respective university systems. Through a series
of regional seminars carried on under the direction of the Council of
Rectors of Brazilian universities, the University of Houston has pro-
vided hundreds of Brazilian university personnel with opportunities
to debate the relative problems of the U.S. and Brazilian systems.
AID has regularly given travel grants from the State Department for
visiting with U.S. university faculty and administrators. The sum
total of all programs directed toward important Latin American per-
sonnel can thus be said to be partially the cause and partially the
result of the contact that Latin American rectors have had with the
U.S. system of higher education.

Formal cooperative university programs

In its survey of cooperative programs involving U.S. and Latin Amer-
ican institutions of higher education, the Pan American Union referred
to about 75 Latin American universities which participated.0 Exclud-
ing student exchange, there were close to 40 U.S. institutions men-
tioned. Major support for programs included in the PAU survey pri-
marily came from the Agency for International Development (AID), the
Ford Foundation, and the Rockefeller Foundation. Lesser support was
provided by the Department of State, Fulbright-Hayes funds, the
National Institute of Health, the Kellogg Foundation, the Organiza-
tion of American States, the National Science Foundation, the National
Aeronautics and Space Agency, and the U.S. Public Health Service. In
1963, AID listed 33 U.S. universities not included in the AID report
that were reported by the OAS as being utilized by the Ford, Rocke-
feller, or Kellogg Foundation. Approximately 50 U.S. institutions had
formal contracts (1968-69) for rendering services in Latin America.11
The Ford Foundation hs close to 150 active programs relating to
Latin America in 1968. About 35 Latin American and 15 U.S. univer-
sities and other organizations were recipients of one or more grants.
During the fiscal year October 1, 1967, Ford made $11 million (out of
$54 million for international grants) in new obligations and had $40
million (compared to $159 million for the international field) of
unpaid grants in force at the end of the year. In addition, the Foun-
dation spent $4.2 million which was administered directly by its own
personnel rather than grants.
In addition to contractual obligations, a number of universities
have agreements whereby they send students principally to Mexico for
either the academic year or summer programs. The number of institu-
tions with Latin American programs of one sort or another was listed
as 310 in 1965.13 The number of centers was considerably less but
still relatively large. While there are examples of outstanding work











being done in different centers, none could be truly considered as
"comprehensive" or large in scope.

The U.S. cultural exchange program

The Fulbright-Hayes program, as administered by the Committee on
International Exchange of Persons, and bi-national commissions located
in the individual countries is important for the exchange of scholars
and students. Originally enacted in 1946, the Fulbright Act was mod-
ified in 1961 as the Mutual Education and Cultural Exchange Act
(Fulbright-Hayes), Public Law 87-256. The committee of International
Exchange of Persons (CIEP), representing the conference Board of Asso-
ciated Research Councils, in cooperation with the Board of Foreign
Scholarships, assists in administering the awarding of grants to U.S.
and foreign nations. Fixing fundamental policy and execution of the
program involves a complex network of selection committees represent-
ing the U.S. academic community. The Bureau of Educational and Cul-
tural Affairs, the overseas commissions and foundations, CIEP and its
executive staff, the National Academy of Sciences as the secretariat,
the four societies forming the Conference Board, the Institute of
International Education, and the Office of Education all participate.
The objectives of cultural exchange as stated in the original act
are to increase mutual understanding and to strengthen the ties which
unite us with other nations by demonstrating the educational and cul-
tural interests, developments, and achievements of the people of the
United States, and other nations.1 In general, reports from the
field coming from ambassadors and charges d'affaires strongly indi-
cate that the basic purpose of the act is being fulfilled. Neverthe-
less, it is distressing to note that appropriations for exchange were
disastrously reduced in fiscal 1970 at a time when there was a crit-
ical need for increased understanding of why the citizens of Country
A favor mixed public-government enterprises, the peasants of Country
B eagerly accept American help which proves to be ineffective, the
scholars of Country C reject the U.S. educational system while in
Country D the reverse is true, and so on through an endless maze of
developmental problems.
The Fulbright-Hayes Act provided a major impetus to cultural
exchange and has helped support research. However, the drastic cuts
of 1969-70 are a direct indication that the government believes that
international exchange is diminishing in importance to the nation.
The cultural and educational programs can be classified into rather
15
broad groups such as:
1. exchange of persons;
2. exchange of educational materials and exhibitions;
3. development grants, loan, and contracts for educational develop-
ment;
4. promotion of scientific and scholarly research and exchange of
knowledge;
5. participation in official international organizations; and
6. special programs.
Among the international organizations supported by the U.S. in the
inter-American area alone are the Organization of American States,
Inter-American Development Bank, Pan American Health Organization,
Inter-American Indian Institute, Inter-American Institute of Agricul-
ture Sciences, and the Pan American Institute of Geography and History.











The Organization of American States

The Organization of American States carries on a broad range of activ-
ities involving higher education. Galo Plaza spoke to the Hispanic
and Luso-Brazilian Council in London in May 1969 about the role of
the OAS.16 In addition to its political role, the Secretary-General
emphasized the increasing support that the OAS has been giving to
social and economic development, hoping that such aid will lead to
peace and stability. The Inter-American Committee for the Alliance
for Progress (CIAP) received special mention as an effective agent
in development-related areas to about 3,000 Latin Americans. It sends
40-odd missions in response to governmental requests each year.
An innovation mentioned by Galo Plaza was the Resolution of Maracay
which placed greatly increased emphasis on education, science, and
technology, thereby balancing those areas with the previously favored
economic and social divisions. A multilateral fund was established to
support regional training programs, particularly at the post-graduate
level.

The Inter-American Development Bank

In recent years, the Inter-American Development Bank has taken an
increasing interest in cFnstructing and equipping physical plants
and training personnel. The figures below illustrate increased
financial assistance by the Social Trust Fund for 1967-68. In addi-
tion to assisting with campus development, the Bank hoped to help
universities improve their fiscal procedures and thereby strengthen
internal administration and management. After exhausting the Trust
Fund in 1965, the Bank decided to make educational loans from other
resources. Including non-Bank contributions, the total project costs
were estimated at $240 million.
Number of Amount in Number of
Year loans millions universities
1967 22 30 30
1968 42 110 171

U.S. Foreign Aid to Latin America

U.S. foreign aid to Latin America was minimal until 1956 when the
first increases appeared. In 1956, European aid was beginning to drop
off, and had been replaced by dramatically increased emphasis on Asia.
With the advent of the Alliance for Progress in 1961, assistance to
Latin America began to increase and has remained constant for most of
the 1960's.18
U.S. commitments to foreign assistance can be divided into a num-
ber of categories, of which about half goes directly to AID in the
form of dollars. For 1968, the commitments were as follows:19











Total U.S. Assistance to Foreign Countries, 1968

Millions of Dollars

AID (Agency for International Development) 2,178
Public Law 480 1,424
Inter-American Development Bank 300
Peace Corps 106
International Development Association 104
Asian Development Bank 20
Other 61
4,193

AID commitments for Latin America totaled $532.1 million in fiscal
1968. Distribution of this allocation is shown in the following
figure:
AID Commitments to Latin America, 1968
Millions of Dollars

Development Loans 427.5
Supporting Assistance 26.1
Technical Assistance 78.3
Other .2
TOTAL 532.1

Dollar costs of U.S. university programs are financed through the
technical assistance category with local costs sometimes being car-
ried by funds available from sale of surplus agricultural products
under Public Law 480.
In many instances, the U.S. Government has chosen to support inter-
national groups such as the Organization of American States, UNESCO,
or the Inter-American Development Bank, for channeling funds. In such
groups, the U.S. retains an important voice, but decisions are essen-
tially multi-national in character.
In 1969, the Department of Health, Education and Welfare published an
inventory of the international programs supported by agencies of the
U.S. Government.20 There were five foreign affairs agencies (AID, DOD,
Peace Corps, the State Department and USIS) financing programs for
international purposes. Five agencies serving as primary sources of
financing utilized 20 other agencies on an inter-agency contract basis
as "back-stoppers." AID alone had 41 agreements with 14 agencies.
The foreign operations relating to education of those five agencies
amounted to $393 million of which about half was accounted for by AID
and 10% by the State Department (Cultural Affairs).

The U.S. Government and Higher Education in
Latin America

Policy-Making and Development Programs

Governmental agencies enter into the policy making processes in a
variety of ways. Committees, commissions, informal and formal groups,
and academic and governmental personnel meet under a variety of cir-
cumstances to debate diverse subjects. In most cases, whether consist-
ing of paid or unpaid consultants, the groups pass out advice and











recommendations which may or may not be utilized. In some cases the
committees may have decision-making powers, particularly in the area
of selecting grantees for travel and research. A sufficient number of
divisions of the Federal Government are involved to make exchange and
coordination of views difficult.
In the interlocking process, parallel and overlapping programs have
produced a situation in which no one source coordinates or propounds
basic policy. International, educational, developmental, and cultural
programs assume more of the appearance of a dart board than a care-
fully constructed geometric pattern. Lack of research and evaluation
of existing educational projects makes it difficult, if not impos-
sible, to assess quantitatively and objectively the presence of the
U.S. in Latin American higher education.
In discussing the search for multilateral leadership in the early
days of the Alliance, Nystrom and Haverstock21 emphasized the built-
in difficulties of implementing overall developmental plans involv-
ing different agencies of the U.S. Using as an example the develop-
mental plans for Colombia, which had been considered a model in 1962,
the authors trace some of the difficulties and frustration attendant
to the attempt at implementation. After the Punta del Este meeting in
1961, development of national plans was considered one of the major
prerequisites for implementation of formal support. Unfortunately,
like much of what came out of the ill-planned documents of Punta del
Este,22 the idea of national planning was conceived independently of
the means for activating the program. Responsibility fell upon the
U.S., which had neither the organization, experienced personnel, nor
a sufficient depth of accumulated knowledge based upon research and
program experience to respond to the vast and urgent demands of its
neighbors. A coordinator was appointed in 1962 to bring order to the
existing situation. No effective coordination developed because each
agency acted independently and there was probably inherent unspoken
skepticism and lack of confidence in the ability of any new group to
solve the most sophisticated of man's problems, namely, socio-economic
development. The Peace Corps and the Export-Import Bank operated with-
out regard for each others activities; Food for Peace was related to
where surplus agricultural products were sold; the United Nations
Special Fund surveyed economic opportunities in countries including
Cuba; and many other organizations, public, private, and inter-
national, conducted their own programs.
Inconsistencies which have developed within U.S. Government policies
and agency operation are intermingled in this overlapping, non-
coordinated program of the U.S. government in Latin American higher
education. Uncounted billions are poured out for problems related to
war and international tension. The very existence of many nations
depends upon control of prejudices, national emotions, and solutions
to human problems by brute force. Yet in the very face of the most
obvious danger, the U.S. government refuses to invest the funds and
effort so necessary to investigate the root causes of why John, Ivan,
Pierre, Wong, and Pedro are not progressing satisfactorily in the
economic sector.
Technological and scientific research and development attract bil-
lions of dollars. Universities invest heavily in fine laboratory build-
ings. Social and human problems are given only the scraps from a rich
table. The wrong emphasis at this time can produce national disaster











in the future. A program is needed for more immediate results and the
seeds for future progress must be sown now.
The Agency for International Development (AID) and the U.S. State
Department have not followed the examples of the technological com-
ponents in mobilizing the academic community. A great wealth of
research, books, reports, consultants, and technical groups are
available to the Department of Defense (DOD) and other government
groups involved with technology. By contrast, AID and the State
Department are in a highly underdeveloped condition. While Congress
has been reluctant to fund international research activities, that
alone could not explain why AID and the State Department have not
sought to include larger research and investigative allotments in
their university programs.
The government agencies and the universities involved in world and
social problems must seek to correct the present imbalance between
funds invested in the growth of technology toward the solution of
man's social problems.
Innumerable groups that are constantly in transition make independ-
ent decisions affecting policy-making in Latin American universities.
The complexity of the interlocking programs, diverse objectives of
national and international agencies, shifts in private initiative,
changes in agency personnel, varying political stances, and the lack
of evaluation of programs impede careful analysis of the "presence
of the U.S." in the Latin American university scene. The U.S. Govern-
ment does not occupy a position in which there can exist a unified
approach toward higher education in Latin America. Nowhere in the
governmental mechanism is there a single national policy. Consider-
ing our limited knowledge and understanding of socio-economic prob-
lems, it is probably fortunate that there is a dispersion of power
and decision-making.

Alternative priorities

An observer from another world would be puzzled over the gyrations
and inconsistencies of the U.S. in relation to public policy govern-
ing international education, exchange and research. The greatest
single problem facing this nation involves a small Asiatic nation
where hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizens and billions of dollars
are enmeshed in an intricate web of misunderstanding and distrust.
Over $100 billion per year is invested in past, present, and future
wars. A great American fortune lies overseas at the mercy of fre-
quently unknown foreign whim. Millions of U.S. workers labor to pro-
duce vast quantities of exports. A long list of essential minerals
and peasant foodstuffs originate in lands far from the homeland. The
great industrial power of the world is so woven into the fabric of
Japanese electronics, Middle East oil, Brazilian coffee, Ecuadorian
bananas, Mexican braceros, and European holidays that an untangling
process would be bruising and self-destructive.
That same great power places a man on tbP moon with precision and
ease. By the criterion of one modern commentator, U.S. business
became the "third power" in the world.23 General Motors and Sears
Roebuck had sales in 1969 greater than the gross national product of
90 million Brazilians.24











Medical scientists conquer polio with funds provided by the govern-
ment and the public. Technological progress is unlimited. Interdisci-
plinary research slowly comes to bear on urban blight, transportation,
and pollution. Sophisticated techniques are adopted in systems analy-
sis and information sciences, thereby producing both engineering and
managerial miracles. Citizens, through trade associations, profes-
sional societies, unions, chambers of commerce, collectors of license
plates, and groups ad infinitum display rare organizational ability.
An observer from the other world would wonder at the disparities
between the technological and international humanistic agencies of
the U.S. government. Why, he would ask, would a brand new group of
scientists and engineers joined together in NASA and, given the
responsibility for space exploration, sew up thousands of professors
and their students with research funds while the venerable and ancient
State Department stands quietly at one side, and while Congress uncon-
scionably cuts cultural and educational exchange and refuses to launch
the International Education Act?
After the entry of the U.S. into World War I, it is said that a
representative of the American Chemical Society called the War Depart-
ment and inquired if their 42 year-old organization might be of ser-
vice in the national cause. After an interval of a day or so, a War
Department spokesman replied, "Thanks, but we won't need your services.
We have a chemist." Our observer would perhaps think that organiza-
tions of academic personnel devoted to world affairs were in a sim-
ilar position with respect to Congress today, some fifty years after
the ACS experience with government.
A decade ago, Milton Esman wrote,

Whenever, as a nation, we have sought great achievement, we have
proceeded empirically to develop knowledge, scientific theory,
and professional skill adequate to cope with the problem. . .
Yet, in this most complex and delicate of all undertakings
.the rapid development of responsible and progressive soci-
eties in diverse cultural environments . we have not done
so. .
Neither our national government nor our academic institu-
tions have begun to approach, in a sustained and serious way,
the challenge of adopting and establishing educational facil-
ities for the training of persons who will be representing our
interests and our values in critical areas overseas . .25

Our observer would wonder if anyone had listened during the 1960's

Conclusion

Foreign aid and organized cultural and educational exchange on a mas-
sive basis are still relatively new to the U.S. Twenty years encom-
pass most of the activity which has been generated. The Alliance for
Progress lasted less than a decade. It is not surprising that there
is less than perfection in the overall process.
In recent years, forces have been at work to study and analyze what
has taken place and how it could be improved. In 1964, Coombs6
expressed the prevailing attitude among practitioners concerning the
"Fourth Dimension of Foreign Policy, Educational and Cultural Affairs"











when he stated there could be an uphill struggle, but the inter-
national programs would keep growing. Five years later, it becomes
possible to ask if international programs will indeed continue to
receive even minimal support from the U.S. Government.
On one side, useful debate is leading to new ideas for bringing
better order into the structure of international exchange. The
United States Advisory Commission on International Education and
Cultural Affairs and the Board of Foreign Scholarships sponsored
a joint review for the purpose of preparing recommendations to be
made to the Administration and Congress. Establishment of reasonable
goals and objectives, effective means of administration, and required
levels of support were among topics considered.
On the other hand, it is relatively obvious that the voices speak-
ing out in defense of internationalism are presently being out-
shouted by indifference and economy. The future is distinctly clouded
and uncertain. The presence of the U.S. in Latin American higher edu-
cation will be profoundly affected by what takes place in present
debates.
What are the fundamental difficulties of establishing and maintain-
ing a consistent viewpoint of Latin American higher education? Dur-
ing the past ten years, there has been ample opportunity for the uni-
versities to adapt themselves to changing national needs. In rela-
tively few of the nation's 2,700 institutions of higher education,
notable efforts have been made and success attained in instituting
an international orientation.
Education for world affairs suffers in that it is interdiscipli-
nary and nontechnical. Individual departments dominate the univer-
sity scene; and in the push for resources, the interdisciplinary
areas are apt to suffer. The U.S. government is scientifically and
technologically oriented. Appropriations for scientific research have
increased manyfold in a decade. Space has been handsomely endowed.
The social sciences and humanities have been neglected as nonessen-
tial to the national welfare. Thus, at both the national and local
levels, international education faces the entrenched forces of the
disciplines on one hand and technology on the other, formidable foes
indeed.
Add the lack of education and understanding of world affairs on the
part of congressmen, senators, and businessmen to the disciplinary-
technological strength and it is apparent that the future of inter-
national education remains a question mark. International education
has no effective lobby.
The Agency for International Development and the State Department
have not organized themselves for adequate response to development.
On the home front, they have not mobilized academic resources for
investigation and analysis of world problems. AID has utilized uni-
versities as contractors, and on a small scale has supported research.
In contrast, the technological agencies have deep roots in the uni-
versity structure. They provide funds for research, scholarships for
graduate students, co-op and summer jobs for undergraduates. Most
scientifically oriented graduate programs would collapse if Federal
aid were withdrawn.
Overseas, AID has not developed an organization tuned to long-term
socio-economic progress. The continued turnover of personnel is not
conducive to the creation of lifetime experts which are so sorely











needed in many places. AID and the State Department should find a
means for providing funds and incentives for individuals who would
dedicate their lives to analysis of and solutions to foreign problems.
The Defense agencies support external companies, academic personnel,
and consultants. AID and the State Department should consider the
possibility of following a similar path.

Notes

1. Open Doors (New York: Institute of International Exchange, 1969),
p. 13.
2. Ibid., p. 17-18.
3. Socio-Economic Progress in Latin America, Seventh Annual Report,
Inter-American Development Bank (Washington, D.C., 1967), p. 319.
The 228 institutions reported did not include independent facul-
ties.
4. The term university is used synonymously with the institution of
higher education.
5. The University of Houston, for instance, sent about 20 individuals
to Latin America for periods in excess of four weeks during 1969.
Half came from other institutions; only one person came from a
small liberal arts college.
6. Office of Education, Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
Progress of Public Education in the U.S.A., 1967-1968 (Washington,
D.C., OE-10005-68, A, 1968), p. 20, Table 18.
7. Socio-Economic Progress in Latin America, Table X, p. 364. [715
graduates from selected fields. (Table VIII, p. 362, Administra-
tion, economics, law, medical and health sciences, agriculture,
engineering, and architecture) having 68.8% students in all fields.]
8. Council on Higher Education in the American Republics, Institute
of International Education, 809 United Nations Plaza, New York
10017.
9. George R. Waggoner and Ana Herzfeld, "Ninth Seminar on Higher Edu-
cation in the Americas," April 3-May 15, 1968, University of
Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas.
10. Inter-American University Cooperation (Washington, D.C.: Pan Amer-
ican Union, 1968), p. i.
11. AID-Financed University Contracts as of March 31, 1968 (Washington,
D.C. Contract Services Divisions, Agency for International Devel-
opment, 1968), p. 1.
12. The Ford Foundation, Annual Report (New York, 1968), p. 129-133.
13. The International Programs of American Universities (Honolulu,
Hawaii: Institute of Advanced Projects, East-West Center, 1968),
p. 35.
14. University Lecturing Advanced Research Abroad Under the Fulbright-
Hayes Act--General Information, 1967. Committee on International
Exchange of Persons, Conference Board of Associated Research Coun-
cils, 2101 Constitution Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20418.
15. Philip H. Coombs, The Fourth Dimension of Foreign Policy (NewYork:
Harper and Row, 1964), p. 144-146.
16. Galo Plaza Lasso, "Latin America's Future," Bank of London and
South America Review, 3: 546 (1969).
17. Socio-Economic Progress in Latin America, Seventh Annual Report
1967, Part 3 Higher Education (Washington, D.C., Inter-American











Development Bank, 1967); and the Eighth Annual Report 1968, Social
Progress Trust Fund, Statement of Loans as of December 31, 1968,
p. 392-409.
18. Principles of Foreign Economic Assistance (Washington, D.C.:
Office of Program Coordination, Agency for International Develop-
ment, 1965), p. 2.
19. The Foreign Assistance Program, Annual Report to the Congress,
Fiscal 1968 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Printing Office, 1968), p. 2.
20. U.S. Office of Education, Inventory of Federal Programs Involving
Educational Activities Concerned with Improving International
Understanding and Cooperation (Washington: Government Printing
Office, June, 1969).
21. J. Warren Nystrom and Nathan A. Haverstock, The Alliance for
Progress (New York: D. Van Nostrand Co., 1966), p. 39-40.
22. Alliance for Progress, Official Documents Emanating from the
Special Meeting of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council
at the Ministerial Level, Punta del Este, Uruguay, August 5-17,
1961 (Washington, D.C.: Organization of American States).
23. Jean Jacques Servan-Schreiber, The American Challenge (New York:
Atheneum, 1968), p. viii, 102.
24. "The Dimensions of American Industry," Forbes, Volume 103, No. 1
(January 1969), p. 101, 116.
25. Esman, Milton J. "Needed: An Education and Research Base to Sup-
port America's Expanded Commitments Overseas" (Graduate School of
Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh, 1961),
p. vii.
26. Coombs, loc. cit., p. 34-36.











DISCUSSION: CHAPTER 4

Dr. Tiller: Certainly we need to recognize that in the United States
there is no coordinated view of programs with Latin American univer-
sities. Rather, there are amorphous overlapping groups of agencies
with personnel marching in one door and out the other. Those people
who do attempt to carry on long-term programs find themselves contin-
ually dealing with someone new who may have little understanding of
Latin America. It would be my guess that in the programs which we
carry on with support from the United States government, perhaps as
much as 25, 35 or even 40 per cent of administrative time is spent in
simply explaining to new faces within the Department of State and AID
just exactly what we are attempting to do. The continual change of
personnel within the United States contingent makes it extremely dif-
ficult to consider any kind of mature, sophisticated type of program.
So we are continually touching on the surface rather than attacking
the real problems vigorously.
There is a huge variety of citizens and agencies of every type in-
volved in the process of decision-making. It is perhaps fortunate that
the decisions tend to be made on a very widely separated basis, be-
cause I do not think we have the wisdom at this time really to develop
what might be termed a coordinated policy. But I think that it is un-
fortunate that this is not a conscious decision. The United States
government has not consciously said that in our present state of
knowledge it would be best to support a multi-faceted, loosely coor-
dinated approach to our programs with Latin America. It has simply
happened that way. It is not anything that has been planned. In fact,
the term "loosely coordinated" reflects an optimistic analysis of
U.S. programs.
Like Dr. Sanchez, I do not believe U.S. programs should be directed
from a single source, for I would hate to see a single center in the
United States directing all programs in Latin America. I would like to
see a single source at least having the information available as to
what is going on, but I am afraid even that is unlikely in the near
future and that fragmentation will continue.
We have very, very few individuals in the United States who have
experience in Latin America at a young age and who are thoroughly con-
scious of what Latin American culture means. It is unfortunate that
when we teach someone to perform a particular task in Latin America,
we can seldom match sufficient understanding of the culture with the
necessary technical knowledge to be able to accomplish the task well.
This is partially due to the fact that the universities of the United
States are European rather than Latin American oriented.
There are from 200 to 250 Latin American institutions of higher edu-
cation. From 600 to 700 of their professors reside in the United
States each year. On the average there are two or three per institu-
tion visiting the United States. If we look at United States univer-
sities and the number of our professors who go to Latin America, we
find that there is not more than one for every three or four of our
institutions. And if we recognize that many who do go represent a
relatively small number of institutions, it is apparent that 95 to 98
per cent of all institutions of higher education in the United States
have very little contact with Latin America. As far as the university
world is concerned, we find that not over 30 or 40 of the 3,000 odd




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