Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Map of project area
 Table of Contents
 List of Illustrations
 Background to the study
 Back Cover

Group Title: Kumarian Press case studies series
Title: The Kano River Irrigation Project
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00086611/00001
 Material Information
Title: The Kano River Irrigation Project
Series Title: Kumarian Press case studies series
Physical Description: xviii, 66 p. : map ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Jackson, Cecile
Population Council
Publisher: Kumarian Press
Place of Publication: West Hartford Conn
Publication Date: c1985
Subject: Women farmers -- Nigeria   ( lcsh )
Women agricultural laborers -- Nigeria   ( lcsh )
Hausa (African people) -- Economic conditions   ( lcsh )
Agricultrices -- Nigeria   ( rvm )
Travailleuses agricoles -- Nigeria   ( rvm )
Haoussa (Peuple d'Afrique) -- Conditions économiques   ( rvm )
Rural conditions -- Nigeria   ( lcsh )
Conditions rurales -- Nigeria   ( rvm )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Nigeria
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-66).
Statement of Responsibility: Cecile Jackson ; prepared under the auspices of the Population Council.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00086611
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 11842699
lccn - 85005242
isbn - 093181619X (pbk.)

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Table of Contents
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
    Map of project area
        Page iv
    Table of Contents
        Page v
        Page vi
    List of Illustrations
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
    Background to the study
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
    Back Cover
        Page 68
Full Text

?& GenderN


Cases for Planners



Women's Roles & Gender
Differences In Development.

Cecile Jackson

Prepared Under the Auspices of The Population Council

West Hartford

Copyright 1985 Kumarian Press
29 Bishop Road, West Hartford, Connecticut 06119
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright
Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or
any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission
of the publishers.

Printed in the United States of America

Cover design by

Timothy J. Gothers

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Jackson, Cecile, 1953-
The Kano River Irrigation Project.
(Women's roles and gender differences in development,
cases for planners ; 4)
Biblioiraphy: p. 66
1. Women farmers-Nigeria. 2. Women agricultural
labbrers-Nigeria. 3. Hausas-Economic conditions.
4. Nigeria-Rural conditions. I. Title. II. Series.
HD6073.F32N64 1985 331.4'83'09669 86-6242
ISBN: 0-931816-19-X

The Project Area


Acknowledgments .......................................... .... ......... ix

Preface .....Ol e t e ..... ......... ............... ......o ......... ........ xi

SUMMARY ...................... .... ......... ... ............. ... ...... xiii

BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY ............................................... 1

The Kano River Project ....................................... ........ 1

Objectives ................ ............ .................... ....... 3
Pr ject Design .....................................................

The Land and the People. .............................................. 8

The Region ......................................... 8
The People ................................................ 9

A Brief Description of the Lives of Muslim and Pagan Women ........... 12

Muslim Village Women ............................................ 12
Muslim Farmstead Women .................................. ..... 16
Pagan Women ..................................................... 17

Methodology and Framework of the Study .............................. 19

FINDINGS .............................................................. 22

To Increase Food Production and Food Availability ...................... 22

Production .................................................. 22
Local Food Availability ........................................... 26

To Improve Employment and Income Opportunities for Women ......... 27

Formal Employment ........................................... ...... 28
Informal Employment ............................................. 28

To Maintain the Social Fabric. ......................................... 40

Age Stratification .................................................. 40
Income Differences ........................................ ...... 40
Intrahousehold Relations ......................................... 41

To Promote Improved Living Conditions, Health, and Education ......... 46

The Process of Resettlement ..................................... 46

To Promote Women's Participation In the Project and in Public Life ...... 48

Wife Seclusion ...... .................. ......................... 49
Women's Publi and adership Roles ............................ 50

CONCLUSIONS ............ .............................................. 53

Alternate Designs of the Project ........................................ 53
Conclusion ............. ..................... .......... .............. 57

GLOSSARY .............................. ...59
GIDSSA Y ....TE .......... ........... ........... ......................... 69


BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................. 66



The Kano River Project Management ......................................... 2


Table 1. Holding Size by Age of Pagan Women of Yan Tomo ................ 18

Table 2. Approximate Numbers of Respondents ............................. 20

Table 3. Small Livestock Ownership by Muslim Women ...................... 25

Table 4. Farm Work as Percentage of Total Person Days Worked by Yan Tomo
Muslim Men and Women ......................................... 29

Table 5. Types of Occupations of On-prqject and Off-project Muslim Women ... 32

Table 6. Number of Occupations per Woman for On-project and Off-project
Muslim Women .................................................. 32

Table 7. Comparisons of Small- and Large-scale Producers of Groundnut Oil
and Pressoake, April 1973 ....................................... 34

Table 8. Dally Rates of Return from Some Food Making ...................... 35

Table 9. Occupations Reported by Farmstead Women in Dogon Dagi .......... 36

Table 10. Pagan Women's and Men's Yields in Yan Tomo ...................... 39

Table 11. Number of Marriages of the Women in the Sample, All Over Thirteen
Years of Age .............................. ..... .............. ....4 41

Table 12. Presence of Own Children Among Muslim Women (Aged Thirteen
to Sixty) in Three Villages ...................................... 43

Table 13. The Incidence of Children and Women's Access to Grain ............. 45

Table 14. Number of Children Attending the Primary School in Yan Tomo in 1977 48




The author would like to acknowledge the financial help
of the Overseas Development Administration in carrying out
this study as well as the support of various kinds given by
Dr. Tina Wallace and Dr. George Abalu of Ahmadu Bello
University, and Dr. Ian Carruthers of Wye College, London.


: I


Why should development planners and scholars of
development be concerned about women's roles and gender

No project that expresses its goals in terms of
production gains or increased benefits can afford to ignore
the economic potential and needs of one-half of the
population. Guidelines for the design and evaluation of
development projects sensitive to women's roles have often
been applied only to a narrow range of "women's projects."
Our view at the Population Council is that all development
efforts could be improved if the differential impact on both
class and gender groupings were considered.

The series of case studies on Women's Roles and Gender
Differences in Development was developed to demonstrate that
such analyses are not only essential, but also feasible
within existing structures.

These case studies make clear how inattention to
women's roles and gender differences is played out as
projects are implemented. Excluding gender as a variable,
or limiting women's roles to the welfare sector, results in
unintended effects, sometimes positive, but more frequently
negative. Many of the stated objectives of the development
schemes under study were not attained because project
designs were predicated on an incomplete picture of the
society to be served and drawn into participation.

The case studies draw largely from material that
existed originally in other forms (such as exceptional Ph.D
dissertations). From these materials has been extracted the
"case:" (1) salient aspects of the culture and society in
which the development project was placed, (2) the project
dynamics themselves, and finally, (3) an assessment of gains
and losses in different goal areas. To complement
individual case studies, this series for planners includes
monographs on broader development phenomena whose effects
are seen outside the confines of specific development
schemes. As of this writing, the series includes two
monographs, one dealing with the effects of male out-
migration on rural women's roles and a second on the impact
of different styles of agrarian reform on women's roles and

These materials are intended to be used by students of
development and professionals in the field, including those
at the highest planning levels. By providing examples of
how individual development schemes have operated vis-a-vis
gender, we hope they stimulate in the reader an interest in
exploring what these effects might be in development
projects being designed, implemented, or evaluated. For
some time now, an understanding of class dynamics has been

seen as essential in designing projects for successful
outcomes. We have the same conviction regarding the
importance of understanding gender differentials. We hope
that this study serieB positively advances that notion and
provides its readers with new skills and insights by raising
questions and suggest g alternatives.

We wish to thank each of our individual authors for the
exhaustive work they have put into forming their material
into case studies. We commend Marilyn Kohn for her fine
editorial work in finalizing the material. Finally, we
acknowledge with appreciation the role of the Ford
Foundation in providing support for developing three of the
five cases and both mohographs in this series.

Judith Bruce
The Population Council

Ingrid Palmer
Editor of the Series



The Kano River Project (KRP) is a gravity flow
irrigation scheme that lies about 50 kilometers south of
Kano City and covers some 120,000 acres of Northern Nigeria
in the region called Hausaland. The first fields were
irrigated in January 1971.

The three stated project objectives were to increase
food supply, to provide employment opportunities, and to
improve the standard of living. But other implicit goals
were revealed in the project documents, including a
transformation of agriculture and of subsistence-oriented
farmers to market producers. It was also hoped that the
social fabric would not be fundamentally changed, that
inequalities between irrigators and nonirrigators would not
develop, that new skills would be acquired, and that out-
migration would be stemmed. The scheme was predicated on the
assumption that the local population would move from
isolated and dispersed farmstead types of settlement to
nucleated villages provided with services.

The project design was based on the registration of all
land ownership before irrigation development, and the
subsequent reallocation of land to the owners after an
infrastructure was provided. Wheat, the crop for new
irrigated dry season agriculture, would supply the urban
bakeries of Kano while tomatoes, another dry-season crop,
were to be processed into paste in a factory. The project
also included plans to upgrade the livestock sector.
Schools, clinics, drinking water, roads, markets and
government offices were to be provided in centers of
population concentration.

Population densities in this region of Hausaland are
high (463 per square mile) and some 113,600 people inhabited
the project area in 1974. Land has been scarce and
intensively cultivated. All operations are performed by
hand with simple tools. People live in groups of varying
sizes in walled compounds consisting of one or more
"households," that is, a group of people eating from one
pot. Labor relations in agriculture are complex. In the
seven-month dry season men engage in a wide variety of
secondary occupations, as well as temporary migrations.

Over 95 percent of Hausa are Muslim, but Pagan Hausa
still exist and have been incorporated in this study to
provide a comparison of the effects of change on Muslim and
Pagan women. Muslim Hausa women are mainly petty commodity
producers and are usually secluded. "Seclusion" implies
both a restraint on women's freedom of movement, and
discourages any contact between women and men who are not

part of their home compound. Under seclusion, men and women
inhabit entirely di ferent spheres of activity. As
seclusion is practiced here, Muslim girls marry at 11-13
years and are strictly secluded in their early married life,
unless they live in isolated farmsteads where seclusion is
less common and more lax. However, even the deeply secluded
village women process crops within the compound, and much of
this work is remunerated. In later life Muslim women
achieve much greater physical mobility.

Pagan Hausa women are own-account farmers on small
plots of land alloca ed to them, in addition to being on
household fields as part of the household labor unit. They
are also beer brewers. They farm as perpetual juniors within
the farming unit of husbands, being obliged to work both the
farms used to provide family food and the private farms of
husbands. They are usually allowed one day a week and most
afternoons to work their own farms -- allocated to them by
their husbands. Pagan women own land far less frequently
than do Muslim women hnd are obliged to contribute more to
family subsistence. Unlike Muslim women they do not inherit
land and are dependent on husbands to grant them their basic
means of production. Muslim women, on the other hand, rely
on nobody but themselves in their petty-commodity

The study was conducted between 1976 and 1978. It
consisted of a pilot survey, successive rounds of
questionnaire surveys and the collection of data by less
formal techniques from three nucleated settlements (Yan
Tomo, Kadawa and Chiromawa) and one dispersed settlement
(Dogon Dagi) in on- and off-project situations. The focus
was on the effect of the KRP on women and vice versa,
although data were gathered from men as well as women.


Food Production

The primary aim of the project was to produce more food
for the urban market even though the project area itself has
been a food deficit region for some decades. The increased
output in the form of wheat and tomatoes was expected to
come solely from the new irrigated dry-season cropping, but
results have been questionable. The wheat goes largely to
urban markets, but a substantial amount circulates locally
because women are paid in kind for harvesting/processing the
crop and because i't is increasingly used for home
consumption and in the manufacture of wheat snack goods for
the local market. The tomato crop is sold directly to
traders who transport fit to urban markets, but the gleaning
and drying of tomatoes by local women diverts a certain
amount to the local area.

The prevention of Fulani cattle moving through the
project area has destroyed the traditional symbiosis of
Hausa women and Fulani women in the making of fura, an
important midday food. There has been a loss of sylvan
produce on the KRP which has affected women in particular,
since many tree products were among their contributions to
the traditional diet. Dry-season production of wheat and
tomatoes has been at the expense of the traditional crop,
sorghum, because of cropping conflicts. Although overall
food production in the area may not have risen
substantially and the variety of the diet has been reduced,
those women and their families with access to irrigated
crops have enjoyed a more plentiful supply of food. But
this has been due largely to Muslim women's activities that
help to improve local food supplies. Their food processing
has increased as a response to new demand, generated mainly
by new wage employment.

Employment and Income Opportunities for Women

Normal employment opportunities for women on the KRP
barely exist, but changes in income opportunities have
resulted from the KRP. Muslim women of nucleated villages
are traditionally responsible for most of the cotton,
groundnut, bean and pepper picking as well as helping with
millet and sorghum harvesting. This work is paid in kind as
a proportion of crop harvested. On the KRP they now
participate in the wheat harvest as hired labor and as
family labor (usually remunerated in some form). Farmstead
women commute daily from areas bordering on the project
lands to work as hired labor on the wheat fields during the

The influx of construction workers, long- and short-
term migrant workers, and hired labor of all sorts has
increased the demand for snack foods on the KRP, and Muslim
village women have responded to this by expanding their
traditional occupation of snack making. They have also
started drying tomatoes and have adapted snack recipes to
changing tastes and the availability of different raw
materials. But water and firewood collection has declined as
a gainful occupation for older women because of the new
availability of canal water and the destruction of many

The income-earning occupations of Pagan women on the
KRP remain small-scale, own-account farming and the sale of
beer (surplus to household needs). The KRP has had deeply
negative effects on these women, who have found themselves
with smaller (own) farms to work and have been prevented
from using these farms year round because men frequently
appropriate them for the (irrigated) dry season. Pagan
women's yields are much lower than men's on the KRP for
several reasons. As land values rise wives tend to be

allocated the least productive land. Pagan women are
increasingly less able to compete with their menfolk for
fertilizers and manures. Finally, the greater demand for
women's labor on household farms, generated by the
irrigation, leaves them less time for their own (allocated)

Thus the KRP Pagan women, in comparison to their non-
Pagan sisters, contribute relatively less independently
produced grain to household subsistence and relatively more
unrewarded labor on household farms. This situation is
likely to have advers effects on their status within the

The Social Fabric

It was hoped that the structure of society would remain
the same. IBut work relations in agriculture were already
changing, and the KRP has accelerated the trend toward
smaller work groups and the greater independence of juniors
and Muslim village women. The project has also had the
effect of lowering the! age at first marriage for both sexes,
particularly' for menl. The village Muslim household is
neither a corporate ;unit of production nor a corporate
financial unit. Women in these households, though
functioning within the broad norms of seclusion, keep their
incomes separate, divorce frequently, and have great
independence in their work relations. The effect of the KRP
has been to force the male and female spheres even farther
apart. It has increased the incentives for Muslim women to
distance themselves from the household and pursue
independent occupations. Pagan women, on the other hand,
are more integrated into the household economy and are
increasingly exploited within the household as a result of
the KRP.

Improved Living Conditions, Health, and Education

The resettlement program has been unpopular and
expensive (to the residents) although the ratio of mud to
straw dwellings is now higher than in preproject villages.
A general feeling of disruption persists. Firewood is now
very scarce, water sources are more contaminated than in
preproject times, clinics are few and poorly positioned,
infant mortality remains very high,; and the education of
girls is still rare.

Women's Participation in the Project and Public Life

Women were not involved in any preproject consultation,
and no attempt has been made to integrate them into the
project in any way. For example, they were excluded from


cooperative membership, prevented from gleaning government
farms, offered very few jobs and extremely low wages. But
in indirect ways the KRP has fostered the public (or non-
household) roles of women. There are expanded economic
opportunities for secluded women, and seclusion is on the
increase as a variable institution women can work to their
own advantage. Spirit-cult services are burgeoning, owing
to the sense of change and insecurity brought by the
project, and the courtesans are increasing in number.


Without altering basic project objectives the KRP could
have been designed in such a way as to increase the positive
benefits to women and reduce the negative spin-off effects.
Had selection of cropping patterns been left to the farmers
instead of decreed in an authoritarian manner, there might
well have been greater total output as well as a selection
of crop mixes more appropriate to economic exchange
relations between men and women. Local demand for specific
crops could have received greater attention, and crops such
as cotton and beans could have been considered more
seriously. Had women's food-processing skills been brought
into the project (for example, in tomato drying and
groundnut oil making), there would have been benefits to
farmers (in higher and more stable prices) as well as to
women. Before the project, wheat was already used by women
in snack making for sale. The Home Economics Section of the
Ministry of Agriculture could have instructed women in yeast
cookery and the use of ovens to bake the bread that is
currently brought into the project area from Kano. The
cost of this would have been minimal and the potential
income generated great. Such measures would have been based
on the recognition of the interaction between men's farming
and women's value-adding processing and trading, and on the
benefits to both local and urban markets of building on that
interaction. The expansion of women's economic activities
provides derived incentives to men's farming.

In the field of livestock, Muslim and Pagan women could
have been encouraged to participate in milk retailing and
processing, taught how to manage poultry for egg production
in a more systematic way, and shown better methods of
rearing sheep and goats.

The plight of Pagan women on the KRP is especially
severe, their own-account farming (on land allocated to
them) being increasingly marginalized, their unrewarded farm
work increasing, no petty-commodity production possibilities
existing, and wage laboring limited by lack of time. Their
only prospect of improvement lies in conversion to Islam and
therefore enjoyment of own-account processing and trading in
the effective protection of seclusion which permits
independent and separate spheres for women. This is no real


option because it involves a traumatic rupture with natal
family and friends. A concentrated effort on upgrading the
agriculture lof Pagan! women would have had the effect of
meeting equity goals more effectively and improving levels
of output. A special section of the agricultural extension
program could have been created to deal with sorghum and
millet yields on Pagan women's farms as an area needing
special attention. rhis would have involved employing and
training a Pagan woman, providing credit facilities, and
ensuring access to fertilizers.

Reforestation would have benefited all women at little
cost. Gleaning time should have been allowed for in the
development I of the farming system. The agricultural
extension services should have included women, for it is
difficult for men outside the household to approach women.

The health of project residents would have benefited
more from a commitment to improve the quality of water and
from a health education program !for women than from
providing the two male-staffed dispensaries. In the field
of education, the arrangement of timetables around women's
need to use their daughters' labor could have reduced the
resistance of women toward state education for girls.

The concept of t4e household was used uncritically by
the KRP planners, and ied to erroneous conclusions about the
spread of benefits and the profitability of irrigated
agriculture. An understanding of household structure and
family systems would have allowed more realistic predictions
to be made and alerted the project planners to the part
women play in the local economy and potentially could play
in the achievement of project goals.

A better understanding would have recognized that wife
seclusion can effectively mean separate male and female
domains and does not' necessarily imply a limited role for
women, nor is it anh unchanging conservative institution
beyond the scope of planners' concern.

An examination of women's production incentives would
have permitted the development of a complementarity between
project goals and womei's priorities.



This study looks at the consequences for women of the
Kano River Project in terms of both their economic
contributions and their overall gains. As is often the case
in large-scale development projects, the project did not
explicitly address the needs of women, nor did it include
activities expressly for them. Nonetheless, the project's
interventions had a direct effect on the lives and
livelihood of the women in the area. Moreover, the Kano
River Irrigation Project is of particular interest in that
two very different groups of women, one Pagan and one
Muslim, were affected. The different cultural backgrounds
of these women led to very different impacts and


The Kano River Project (KRP) is in a part of Hausaland
that lies in Kano State and falls across two districts, Kura
and Rano. It is about 50 kilometers south of Kano City. The
project is a large-scale irrigation scheme based on gravity
flow from the Tiga Dam. Work began on the dam in 1970, and
the first fields of the pilot scheme were irrigated in
January 1971. The whole project area covers 120,000 acres
of arable land, half of which is irrigable by the waterway

The dividends of this expensive scheme were to come
from the development of dry-season agriculture as well as
from improved wet-season yield. The project assumed that
the food needs of the area were met by wet-season farming,
and therefore all dry season productions could be regarded
as surplus. Cash crops were to be grown to provide the
money that was increasingly necessary to reproduce the
household. It was assumed that irrigation would facilitate
increases in food output that were wholly surplus to
reproduction requirements, and that this surplus would repay
the capital costs. Irrigated agriculture was "surplus"

The KRP was designed by Dutch consultants, The
Netherlands Engineering Consultants (NEDECO), who conducted
a feasibility study, produced a series of project reports
describing the project objectives and design, established
the pilot scheme at Kadawa village, and constructed the
project in cooperation with the Kano State Ministry of
Agriculture. The Dutch government also made a grant toward
the project construction, but by 1976, when this study
began, all traces of Dutch involvement had been gone for
several years.

The project was directed by the Ministry of Agriculture
(Kano State) until 1972, when the Executive Committee for
the Kano River Project was formed within the Ministry.

This was follow d by the Kano State Agriculture and
Livestock Development Agency which administered the project
from 1974 to 1975 when a federal body was set up to manage
the KRP, the Hadejia-Jama ari River Valley Development
Authority. The structure of management is best shown









-Drawings of
"built up











-Seed multi-

Source: NEDECO Management Report, p. 11


In 1978 the activities of the KRP management included
running of a tractor hire unit, provision of cooperative
inputs, operation of a nursery to provide tomato and onion
seedlings, maintenance of the canal and a government farm.

The consultants collected some baseline data on the
project population, but made no provision for later
monitoring and evaluation.

Total project cost, excluding the dam and main canal
construction, was estimated at N85-90 million (in 1976, 1 N
[Naira] = 1.50; 100 kobo = 1 Naira).


The underlying purpose of the KRP was to increase
national food production and, through rising incomes,
stimulate local development. The project was so large and
the intended transformation of agriculture so extensive that
it .was also seen as a motor for regional development.

There were three officially stated objectives:

1. To increase food supply (both locally
and nationally)
2. To provide employment opportunities
3. To improve the standard of living

However, the background documents prepared by the Dutch
consultants to the project reveal significant implicit
objectives as well. The documents state that "the
irrigation project is the basis for the development of the
whole Kano area" 1 and urge us to "look upon the project
as a regional development plan rather than as an irrigation
project only." 2 The project was to be used as a vehicle
"to select a completely new pattern of agricultural
activities." 3 The development of new skills in both
irrigated and rainfed agriculture, as well as animal
husbandry and the processing industries, was frequently
mentioned. The resulting improvements in income and living
standards and greater employment opportunities were expected
to stem out-migration and attract migrants from other areas.
Another desired demographic change was a general movement
from dispersed settlements and farmsteads to residence in
nucleated villages where it would be easier to provide
services. The end goal was to raise the farmers in the area
from subsistence level to the level of market producers.

The objectives reflect an underlying ambivalence, for
this thoroughgoing change is accompanied by ambiguity about
social change. While the project designers hoped the
project would bring about new attitudes toward farming
"marked by business-like relationships, confidence in and
dependence upon forces outside the local community, and


material well being," 4 they also hoped that the social
fabric of household relations and cooperation would not be

This hope, along with the cost estimates and the
project design, rested on the assumption that Hausa
households and farming' systems were of a corporate nature:
in other words, they assumed that labor and other resources
were provided on a cooperative basis within families, and
any benefits accruing from improvements in agriculture would
be shared along the same lines. That is, the whole household
was to enjoy net increases in income from the KRP in a
corporate manner in which labor, resources, and benefits are
shared, and where husbands and wives shared a common set of
incentives, opportunities, and constraints.

Some equity between irrigating and nonirrigating
farmers was to be maintained through an extension program
aimed at upgrading agriculture in nonirrigated parts of the
project area. The project was seen to "provide economic
opportunities for irrigating and nonirrigating farmers."
However, this concern with equity issues was not explicitly
extended to women. Nor, despite the consultants' concern
for "maintaining the social fabric,'' was mention made of
women as a special-interest group; of their roles in
households and the community, or of possible change in those
relationships. This was shortsighted. Any "social fabric"
ineluctably includes each gender's role and contributions to
the economic and social structure. Certain aspects of the
project were clearly going to have particular effects on
women, and, in turn, the opportunities or impediments
created for women as well as men by the project would affect
project outcomes.

In order to highlight the project's effects on women,
it will be helpful to modify the official objectives by
incorporating the implicit objectives discussed above, as

1. To increase food production and food availability
2. To improve employment and other income opportunities
for women
3. To maintain the social fabric
4. To promote improved living conditions, health, and
5. To promote women's participation in the project
and in public life

Objectives 1, 2, and 4 are official in that they appear
in the consultants' reports as articulated goals. The third
objective is implicit in much of the project planners
descriptions of desired change, while the last objective has
been added as a heuristic device.



Land Reallocation

The main form of settlement in this area is the
dispersed farmstead characteristic of over 70 percent of the
preproject population. Land developed for irrigation had
first to be cleared of the homes of the farmsteaders;
inhabitants were then resettled in nucleated villages.
Resettlement was to provide the opportunity for land
reallocation. In the land law, the state owns the farmland.
But occupiers' rights are recognized in terms of the
Customary Rights of Occupancy which allow the holder to buy,
sell, rent, or use the land in any way he or she wishes.
The holder's rights can be revoked only for reasons of
national interest, and then compensation must be paid. Thus
farmers cannot legally refuse to sell their land to the

In designing the project, existing land ownership on
the irrigable areas was first registered. The project
planners appropriated some land for infrastructural
requirements, and then reallocated to the original owners
plots in the new layout that approximately equaled the
previous farm size, less about 10 percent for canals, access
roads, project offices, and a government farm. An attempt
was made to ensure that neighbors remained the same after
allocation. Consolidation of fragmented holdings was not
carried out, in spite of the planners' wishes, because of
farmer resistance.

Cropping Patterns

The consultants appear to have used largely technical
criteria in the choice of cropping pattern to be introduced,
with some consideration given to marketing and taste
preferences. Production input costs and prices were
estimated to gauge net profitability, since all additional
crop output was to be for sale. Emphasis was placed on
wheat (long grown in the area) and groundnuts. Although the
consultants were aware of the profitability of tomatoes,
they were conscious of the marketing problems of such a
perishable crop and of its disease risks. Wheat, they
assumed, would find a ready market for bread baking in urban
Kano. The consultants' reports included no information on
the profitability of the project as a whole. They stated
that the economic rate of return was expected to exceed 11
percent with the caveats that this figure was based on many
assumptions (not articulated) and that "the rate of return
is very sensitive to the yield projects of the various
crops." 5

The new dry-season wheat meant that continued
cultivation of sorghum (the main staple) in the wet season
would present timing problems, because sorghum is harvested


too close to the critical planting date of wheat to allow
enough time for the necessary land preparation between the
two crops. As a result sorghum was outlawed in irrigated
areas and the faster-maturing maize was planned as a
replacement for sorghum in the wet season. Cotton was
dismissed by the planners because "large-scale cotton
growing requires a processing industry which is not
available in or around Kano." 6 Other crops were rejected
by the planners for a variety of reasons: beans because of
pest problems,! millet because yields were low, soybeans
because of the absence of local demand. Vegetable crops
were considered to require great skill, and therefore seen
as unsuitable.

Estimated Labor Requirements

It was assumed that the additional labor required for
dry-season agriculture would be available from the resident
population, i The consultants' preproject investigations
concluded that "no shortage of labor has been reported for
any season; considerable under-employment exists throughout
the year." Consultants estimated that overall only 23
percent of labor input would be hired. 8 In projecting
such a reliance on family labor planners were again assuming
that the household was the micro unit of production and
consumption, and that marriages established a conjugally
funded microeconomy. They assumed that farm work would be
organized in accordan e with the already fading traditional
gandu system, a system of collective labor that would,
somehow, not be supplanted by individualist relations of
production between and within households, but merely
supplemented where necessary by hired labor. There was
considerable information available at the time of the
consultants' studies that showed gandu to be an ideal that
only about a quarter of the farmers managed to practice.

Extension Service and Cooperatives

The agricultural and animal husbandry extension program
was an all-male institution. Field workers were to advise
farmers on fertilizer use, water control, and disease
control, as well as supply the necessary inputs. No mention
was made of female farmers. In addition, field workers were
to help establish farmers' organizations, also all-male
institutions. The consultants i envisaged the new
cooperatives as marketers of produce. It was hoped that the
"tradition of cooperation in the project area community"
would "prove a very useful starting point for the
organization of farmers," and that cooperative societies,
supplying inputs as well as marketing output, would "add
tremendously to the farmers' motivation, their participation
in the project, and their socio-economic emancipation."


Part of the project aimed at improving local herds of
livestock by introducing new cattle and sheep breeds,
reducing the number of goats, and establishing fisheries in
storage reservoirs. 9 The cattle of nomadic Fulani whose
tracks passed through the project area were to be banished.
The goal was the "removal of all animals from irrigable
areas and concentration of local livestock in the
nonirrigable areas." 10 Wasteland improvement entailed
fencing, permanently removing all goats, rerouting cattle
tracks, and allowing only controlled numbers of domestic
animals to graze. Poultry was not seen as an avenue for
development because of competition from large chicken farms
nearby. An animal extension service was to spread the word
about supplementary feeding, and veterinary clinics were
also to be established.

Improved Living Conditions

Living conditions were to be improved by providing
schools, clinics, hospitals, roads, markets, and government
offices in the nucleated villages to which farmers were
resettled. Drinking water was to be provided from wells dug
in each settlement. Targets were set: one clinic per 7,000
people, primary schools within walking distance of every
child, and 166 wells to be built.

Living conditions were also to be improved by the
increase in family incomes that was supposed to result from
following on the sale of dry-season crops and/or other dry-
season employment.

The remainder of this section provides a background of
Hausa economy and society, a discussion of Hausa women's
roles, and a description of the research methodology of this
study. The next section takes each of the above objectives
in turn as part of the evaluation of the impact of the KRP.
Possible alternative designs of the project are presented in
the closing section.


The information lin this section combines historical
data, reports, other studies of the area and data collected
expressly for this study.


Evidence from archival sources suggests that land in
this area has been scarce for several decades and that
population growth has een slow. Population densities are
high (463 per square mile) and some 113,600 people inhabited
the project' area in' 1974. Since the beginning of this
century, there has been a long-term fall in food production
in Kano Province. Mortimer and Wilson 11 reported in 1965
that only 5 percent of farmers in rural Kano sold millet or
sorghum, indicating that few were producing grain surplus to
their needs.

Climate, Cropping Patterns and Other Economic Activities

The climate of the study area is characterized by a
cool dry season, followed by a hot dry season and then a
warm rainy season between May and September. Rainfall is
extremely variable both in terms of annual total and
locational distribution. The land is generally very flat
and infertile and further impoverished by continual

In the project area, farms are smaller than in other
areas of Hausaland, and intensively cultivated, with
multiple crop mixes and manuring on fields that are located
near dwelling places (making it possible to carry the manure
without great difficulty). No animal traction is used, and
all operations are performed by hand with simple tools.

The main crops h ve been millet and sorghum, the most
important staple food crops (and which are interplanted), as
well as groundnuts, I beans, maize, rice, and various
vegetables. Crops are grown mostly for home consumption,
but groundnuts and, more recently, sorghum and millet have
been grown for sale too.

Agriculture is, however, only one of the economic
activities iof the people. Prior to irrigation, only the
privileged few who had fadama farms (shaduf-irrigated fields
next to rivers) could practice agriculture into the dry
season for as many as seven to eight months of the year.

The produce of trees is an essential part of the Hausa
economy and diet, and of direct interest to women, who pick
and process many tree products. Trees are individually
owned, not necessarily by the owners of the land on which

they grow. The involvement of women in the collection of
sylvan produce was frequently noted in colonial tax-
assessment reports. 12 For example, the use of locust
beans to make stock cubes, tamarind to make drinks, flavor
porridge, and use as a leavening agent, dinya to make candy
and to eat fresh, baobab leaves to make stews, silk cotton
trees to provide kapok, and the use of sheanuts to make lamp
oil have all long been observed. The project area was noted
for its plentiful locust bean trees and date palms, and in
1929 twelve species of trees were considered significant
enough to be assessed as part of taxable income. In some
areas, sheanuts, gathered by women and children, were even
sold for export. Honey hunting was a significant occupation
for men in many districts. The use of tree products has
been especially important in years of drought, when the bush
provides many famine foods.

An important economic activity undertaken by women was
the processing and sale of processed foods. Snack foods made
from beans, groundnuts, millet, and soured milk were
traditionally bought for lunch. Beer was brewed from
sorghum for home consumption and sale.

During the long dry season, those men who did not have
fadama farms pursued secondary occupations. Some practiced
craft activities (pottery, leather work, calabash carving,
weaving, blacksmithing, and carpentry). Others engaged in
trading, ranging from selling livestock, grain, henna and
kola to selling small quantities of cigarettes, bottles of
scent, and cosmetics from a tray. Many sold their services
as builders, bicycle repairers, praise singers, donkey
transporters, headloaders and brokers, or were involved in
religious activities as teachers or pupils. During the dry
season there was also great physical mobility; many men
traveled to take up temporary employment away from their
homes. The dry season could not have been described as a
period of unemployment.

The project's consultants estimated that the preproject
resident livestock population of the project area consisted
of 10,000 cattle, 35,000 sheep, 55,000 goats, 50,000 fowl,
and 6,500 donkeys. In addition, some 30,000 nomadic cattle
and 100,000 trade cattle passed through the area each dry
season. Almost every woman kept either chickens or other
fowl, goats, sometimes sheep, and in some situations donkeys
or cattle, most of which were used for home consumption.


Muslims and Pagans in Hausaland

The Hausa are not homogeneous. The great majority are
Muslims, most of whom live on dispersed homesteads. Close
to 30 percent of the Muslims live in nucleated settlements

such as that established by the KRP.

There is also a small percentage of Pagan Hausa known
as Maguzawa. In general, Pagan women are active farmers
while Muslim women are petty-commodity producers. The most
striking difference between Pagan and Muslim Hausa is the
Muslim practice of seclusion. Kulle, or seclusion of wives,
is the ideal of Muslim men. The degree of seclusion relates
directly to! women's economic opportunities or activities
and, in turn, to the' impact of the KRP on their (and their
households') respective economies, status, and health and
welfare. References to these differences as we discuss the
general Hausa economy 'and social structures will be made. A
more detailed discussion of the different lives of Muslim
and Pagan women is included below.

Household and Work Organization

Families live in groups of varying sizes. For purposes
of the study, the group within a single walled area with one
entrance is referred to as a compound, within which one or
more separate "households" are found. The single household
residential group is the commonest type of compound in
nucleated Muslim settlements, but a considerable proportion
live in multiple household units, and in one village under
study, Yan Tomo, the latter predominate.

The multiple household units are most likely to be
composed of brothers,! or other patrilateral kin, and their
families. In Muslim compounds there may be nonkin present,
usually hired laborers; never in Pagan compounds.

Labor Irelations in agriculture are complicated and
involve both paid and unpaid family labor, reciprocal work
groups, and short-term local and migrant hired labor. Land
is privately owned by individuals or groups of kin.

The traditional form of household agricultural
organizations was the gandu (plural gandaye), whereby a
group of co-resident related men and sometimes women farm
together. The senior member organizes production on one or
more farms that are used to grow food to feed the household
during the year. Jniors in gandu were allocated private
plots of land, gayauna, to cultivate in the afternoons and
on rest days, the proceeds of which were used to generate a
private income. Pagan women were generally junior members,
subordinated both to their husbands, who may also be junior
members, and the household head.

The planners used the notion of gandu, the ideal type
of family farming re ationship, to assume that "all those
who live together ;eat together, and therefore work
together." 13 Because the household head can command
unpaid labor from the! other household men in gandu, planners
assumed the whole adult male population was available for

unpaid family labor. But gandu is far from being
universally practiced, and its practice depends on the stage
of the household's life cycle.

In fact, some family labor (notably in Muslim
households) is paid for. Muslim women's work is usually
paid for in kind. Gift-giving to other household members may
effectively constitute payment for labor. Village Muslim
women do not belong to the gandu. Furthermore, where
ordinary small-scale farmers cannot offer sufficient
incentives to junior (male) members to stay in the group,
gandu is in fast decline. Land shortage means that gayauna
are less adequate as an incentive, while gandaye are no
longer sufficient to provide both food and enough cash to
meet ceremonial obligations.

The sexual division of labor is relatively inflexible.
Women do the bulk of the crop harvesting and food
processing. Food processing is for home consumption and,
among secluded Muslim Hausa women, for own-account snack
food preparation and sale. Nonsecluded women (i.e., most of
the Muslim women living in dispersed farmsteads and a
proportion of older village dwellers) are also largely
responsible for collecting the produce of trees, water for
domestic use, and fuelwood.

In households that depend on family labor, children are
an economic asset. In Hausaland the value of children as
labor and for old-age security provides an incentive to have
large families. In the case of divorce, men customarily
keep their children, and a large number of women may have no
children with them who can be considered economically
useful. Girls five to twelve are most useful, followed by
boys five to twelve. Children under five or over twelve are
not economically useful. For secluded Muslim women in petty
trade or snack-food preparation, children, especially girls,
are an economic asset. They can hawk foods outside the
compound, enter other compounds to purchase raw materials or
other items for their mothers' enterprises, or run errands.
Traditionally those lacking children of their own "fostered"
the "spare" children of their nonsecluded relatives.
Daughters marry early, while men retain the use of boys'
labor for farm work for a longer period, since sons marry
at a much later date.

During the colonial period many officers commented on
the slow population growth of the region. Reasons given
included famine, pestilence (smallpox and measles
especially), out-migration because of land shortage, and a
low birth rate. Reproduction is a hazardous business, and
many women never succeed in having children. In this study,
as in others of Hausaland, it was found that about a third
of women at any one time are childless. The reasons for
this are complex: infertility (often from venereal
disease), divorce, high infant mortality, the trend away

from fostering. In the past, fostering was one way women
could gain access to a child. This institution was largely
a means of redistributing children from women with surplus
children to those with none.


Two educational systems coexist in Hausaland: the
Koranic schools and the government-run primary schools.
Girls do attend Koranic school, but usually for only a year
or two. Certainly they seldom sauka (complete the Koran),
and do not go traveling and learning with mallams (teachers)
as boys do. Islam as interpreted here is not a path to
acquiring formal social status for women.

The consultants' preproject report 14 asserts that 90
percent of adult women could read and/or write Arabic, but
this figure is not as impressive as it sounds. Attending
Koranic school is not the same as having Arabic literacy.
At Koranic! school the pupils are "taught" verses from the
Koran, rote fashion. Only after memorizing the Koran, which
takes years and years, do they begin to learn the Arabic
script. Few boys achieve this, and no girls do. In this
study only one woman in about 300 was found with this skill.
The consultants' report on women who have modern education
concluded that 0.9 percent of adult women have attended
primary school; and 0L7 percent of adult women have attended
an adult education class. These percentages are negligible.
There were no women in this study who had attended a primary
school or an adult education class.



Young Muslim girls begin very early to help with
housework and their mothers' occupations. By the time she
is seven years old a Muslim girl will be running errands for
her mother, helping collect wood, gleaning the fields after
harvest, and so on. But her main activity will be hawking
the goods her mother produces in the privacy of the
compound, and with a tray aloft on her head she will walk
from house! to house and round the market selling her
mother's bean cakes, 'rice sweetmeats, etc.

From an early age she will also do a little trading on
her own account, the proceeds being put aside for the
purchase of her "dowry" goods. By ten years of age or so
she will be flirting with the young men she meets on her
travels, and her parents will begin to think about her
marriage. At eleven or thirteen she will marry, at
considerable expense to her mother in particular, and her

life of mobility and freedom will be abruptly curtailed.

Seclusion implies a restraint on women's freedom of
movement, and discourages any contact between women and men
who are not part of their home compound. Seclusion is
practiced most strictly for the young married girls who are
not allowed out for any activity apart from the occasional
wedding or naming ceremony, and even this only with their
husbands' consent. Within their new homes they will usually
do little domestic work for at least a year. In the
compound other women will cook for them, as they are
supposed to be "ignorant." Nor will they engage in any
other occupation for some time, partly because of their role
as ignorant child-wives but also because they will not yet
have young children to hawk for them. However as time
passes they become more economically active.

After her first year of marriage, a woman will have to
deal with most of the domestic chores of the household and
help with her husband's farming activities. The latter may
be entirely confined to the compound where she processes his
crops--pounds sorghum and bags it up for sale, shells maize
after drying, prepares okra for drying, and so on. Or she
may be allowed out to pick groundnuts, beans, and peppers in
the fields, and to glean grains.

Young women are also quite likely to divorce their
first husbands after a few years. Divorce is extremely
common for Hausa women, and many women have several
marriages before menopause. Divorces are usually initiated
by the women themselves, although officially, of course, the
husband will dissolve the marriage.

Officially, secluded Muslim women do no farm work, and
indeed the studies by Norman 18 estimated that women
contributed less than 1 percent of farm labor (according to
their husbands). Other studies 16 reported a much greater
amount of farm work by these women. Unfortunately, there is
no preproject baseline information on the KRP area, but
other data from off-project villages, along with the reports
of older women, portray Muslim women of nucleated
settlements as being responsible for the majority of cotton,
groundnut, bean, and pepper picking as well as helping with
millet and sorghum harvesting and processing. Planting used
to be done partly by women and, in remoter dispersed
settlements, still is.

An examination of archival records indicates that
during this century there has been a shift from agriculture
to petty-commodity production for Muslim Hausa women.
Monetization of the economy seems to have been one reason
for this. This shift has led to higher incomes, more
individualism, less unpaid household work and more real
freedom for these women. Comments such as "the most
important feature of the Hausa economy is the position of

the wife. She is usually as rich !as her husband, often
richer" 17 are frequent in the anthropological literature.
By 1970, market exchange was already the basis for both
men's and women's separate account activities.

Muslim women prepare a seemingly limitless number of
snack foods for sale.! In addition many women who have the
necessary working capital trade in a relatively small way in
kerosene, salt, sweets, cigarettes, kola nuts, and the
like. Petty trade involves little work and can be added
easily to most combinations of occupations.

The relations between Muslim husband and wife are
highly monetized. colonial officers frequently observed
that Muslim husbands have no claim to their wives' earnings
and that women are not obliged to contribute to the upkeep
of the household. 18 Examples are given in various reports
of women lending their husbands money to buy their daily
food (and sometimes charging interest), of women lending
grain to their husbands when their supply is exhausted (and
again expecting interest or a gift), and indeed of women who
buy grain from their husbands at harvest time when prices
are low, store it and sell it back to them at high
preharvest prices--all to provide the meals they share with
their husbands! Women are also said to sell the manure of
their livestock to their husbands to use on household farms.
Muslim wives' overall contribution to family maintenance can
be considerable: they clothe and provide snack lunches for
the children, buy most of their own clothes and cosmetics,
purchase the goods necessary for daughters' dowries, and
help sons with marriage expenses.l But they hold their
private money separately, and there is a very clear
distinction in theirlminds between what is theirs and what
is their husbands'. In many ways the household is not a
corporate financial Iunit but a collection of separate
accounts. Even a child will have his or her own money,
earned perhaps by doing errands for childless women, selling
a few mangoes collected in season, or making up a small
batch of fried groundnuts (with the mother's help) for sale.

Muslim women fr quently own land. Some 25 percent of
147 Muslim men reported that their wives had farms (and 32
percent of women claimed to have farms). Eight percent of
the men were farming land belonging to their wives. In
terms of land tenure, we find that of the 129 Muslim women's
farms surveyed in this study, 94 percent were inherited or
purchased; the restL were on various loan arrangements.
Although land is not a significant means of production for
Muslim women, the, ri ht to inherit !land is of some value to
them. Even if few wish to farm that land, it nevertheless
gives themI a right to a share of the farm produce and
membership in the very common multiple ownership groups. In
precolonial days, Muslim women inherited land only as
residual heirs. But in the 1920s pressure from Muslim women
claiming inheritance rights developed 19 and in Emir
I ; l

Sanusi's reign it was conceded that under Maliki law women
could inherit land.

Women's reserves are held principally in the form of
enamel dishes, kwano, which almost constitute an alternative
women's currency. Every last earned seems to be spent on
yet another bowl or tray to be piled under the bed. There
is a marked intergenerational transfer of resources between
Muslim women; a woman with daughters will put a great deal
of energy into earning money to buy kwano which daughters
take with them as a store of private assets into their
marriages. The endowment of daughters by their mothers and
gifts from their bridegrooms, neither dowry nor bridewealth
in their usual meanings, provides women with assets for
their independent economic activities.

Kwano also undoubtedly serve as a bank balance (whose
value rises with inflation), and they may be resold when
cash is needed. Thus women's reserves are kept separate
from men's, and tend to circulate in a separate female

It is easy to imagine that the Muslim divorce code,
whereby men can divorce by repudiation of their wives,
places Hausa women in perpetual fear of being cast out. But
recurrent themes among those interviewed for this study were
that women divorce to marry richer men, that they expect
their prospective husbands to pay for the divorce, and that
they can and do threaten husbands with divorce. Men
without wives are scorned and have to eat with other men.
On the other hand, an alternative role for a divorced woman
is that of courtesan, a powerful and potentially profitable
position. Courtesans are thought to have supernatural

In a study of the files in the National Archives,
Kaduna, (NAK), a few mentions of wife seclusion were found
that imply that rural puritan Islamic sects were to some
degree responsible for the spread of seclusion practices
during the colonial period. These communities' strict
seclusion of women was noted as unusual at the time of these
reports (1909 to the 1930s). Some of these sects were
supposedly living near the KRP area, and indeed their
distribution was fairly widespread. 20 Different origins
of wife seclusion have been suggested. 21 But regardless of
its origins, the conditions under which wife seclusion
developed in the Kano River Project area included a high
population density and land shortage (which made labor
relatively plentiful), the model of a wealthy urban elite,
the presence of wage laborers as substitutes for women, the
increasing demands of women for payment for farm work, and
the effects of proselytizers of various sorts.

The observance of seclusion and the rising divorce rate
in recent decades are linked. Hausa men see seclusion as a


means to stabilize marriage. They see women as naturally
promiscuous!and sexually uncontrolled so that if allowed to
go about freely they will inevitably lust after men and
divorce their husbands with even greater regularity than
they do at present. i The oft-heard notion that seclusion
protects women from the lust of men is thus the opposite of
that held by Hausaimen.

Underpinning the e ideas about seclusion, and critical
to the power of women, is the Muslim males' understanding of
female sexuality. 1 An interesting comparison has been made
by Mernissi 22 of Western ideas of female sexuality as
expressed by Freud (i.e., as passive, pursued, enjoying
submission, repressed, tending to frigidity) with those of
the Muslim, world as expressed by Iman Ghazali, whose
writings do not portray the sperm as active and ovum as
passive, recognize hel female orgasm, and emphasize the
difficulty iand importance of satisfying women's sexual
desires. In thel Islamic tradition women are seen as
sexually powerful and aggressive "whence her identification
with fitna, chaos, and with the anti-divine and anti-social
forces of the universe." 23 Women are frequently compared
with Satan, Hausa men say prayers before intercourse to
protect themselves from evil, Hausa courtesans are strongly
identified with the supernatural, and so on. The sexual
pressures of polygamy on Hausa men all contribute to a
situation in which hausa women derive considerable power
from their sexuality.! Hausa women are entitled to sex from a
husband and may seek divorce if unsatisfied: as a means of
getting their own way they frequently accuse husbands of
impotence. 24 This power is compounded by the financial
and social independence that seclusion, as practiced in
Hausaland, permits women.


Muslim! women living in dispersed nonirrigated
settlements near the project area, such as Dogon Dagi, live
in rather different circumstances from nucleated Muslim
village women. The compounds are scattered throughout the
farmsteads. Only 27 percent of the women claim to practice
kulle (seclusion), so that most are working in the fields on
household and own plots during the wet season. Dogon Dagi
is not an exceptional case. In Kwari, a dispersed ward of
nearby Chiromawa village, the ward head said that there was
little kulle, that women farm their own farms, and sometimes
do all the work themselves.

Spinning and groundnut processing into oil and biscuits
are the most important nonfarm occupations, frequently
pursued only in the dry season. There is little market for
the snack-food making and petty trade practiced by secluded
Muslim village women.!

Farmstead women have far fewer kwano, and their
"dowries" are small too. As they say: "This is the bush,
there is less money here." Like Pagan women who are
involved in family farming relationships, they tend to
invest their net incomes in livestock and agriculture.


There is a small group of Pagan Hausa known as the
Maguzawa. Pagans, particularly women, lead very different
lives from Muslim Hausa. First, there is no practice of
seclusion. Second, Pagans live in compounds that are on
average twice the size of Muslim compounds; but there are
fewer (39 percent) polygamous marriages than there are for
Muslim (48 percent). Third, unlike Muslim women, who are
mainly petty-commodity producers, Pagan women are largely
involved in agriculture.

Gandaye, communally worked household farms, are more
common among Pagans, and this is believed to be due to the
decline in Muslim women's fieldwork. When a Pagan man
becomes a Muslim and his wife stops fieldwork, her gayauna
is taken from her and her husband must farm more land with
the loss of her unrewarded labor. Sons-in-gandu with
nonfarming wives also have less time for gandu obligations.

Pagan women farm as perpetual juniors within the
household farming unit, being obliged to work on their
husband's farms with no remuneration. As junior members
they are given a small gayauna, the produce of which is
theirs to sell, consume or give away. Traditionally,
Saturday through Thursday mornings are devoted to their
household's and husband's farms (gandaye), and afternoons
and Fridays to their own gayauna. We may note here that
household obligations appear to have been increasing for
some time. In colonial officers' reports of two to three
decades ago, Pagan women were said to have all Friday and
all Sunday for their private farming, as well as other

While Pagan women are "farmers," only a small
percentage of Pagan men (4.5 percent in the study village
of Yan Tomo) reported that their wives owned farms, and none
was farming land only belonging to his wife. Pagan women
inherit only land in exceptional circumstances. They depend
on land as a primary means of production but they lack both
the right to inherit and the finances to purchase land of
their own. Pagan women find that marriage is almost their
only means of gaining access to land, and that on a "use"
rather than ownership basis. Their own-account cash income
is derived from selling the crops from their private plots
and, to a small extent, from the sale of beer traditionally
brewed by them.

A Pagan woman is likely to acquire the use of more land
as she ages, as the following table shows.

TABLE 1. a

Age Average Holding Size of Pagan Women
(years)' (hectares)

Under 20 0.36
20-29 0.56
30-39 0.49
40-49 0.70
50+ 0.96


Archival evidence and accounts given by elderly women
of one study village (Yan Tomo) suggest that Pagan women's
plots have been shrinking in size for some time as land
scarcity has worsened. Also, yields on women's farms have
been falling because of land impoverishment, the tendency
for husbands to allocate poorer land to wives, and
competition for women's labor time.

Unlike! Muslim women, Pagan women are responsible for
firewood and water collection. Also, the village grinding
mill operator and Pagan women themselves stated that while
Muslim women make their husbands pay the cost of grinding
grain, Pagan women have to pay it themselves. Pagan women
contribute a great deal of unrewarded labor to the
production of household food coming from men's plots.

Intergenerational transfers are less marked among Pagan
women as mothers seldom own land privately that they can
pass on to daughters. Pagans have not traditionally
collected enamelware, !kwano.

Pagan Hausa have a saying that "our women feed us," for
in some areas it is customary for a wife to use her own
grain to feed the family before her husband's granaries are
opened. 25 While this is not true in the region of the
KRP, there is not the extreme separation of husband's and
wife's income among Pagan Hausa that we find among Muslims,
and Pagan women are expected to contribute to family
maintenance. 26 The crops produced on their own farms are
also used as gifts in kind for ceremonial purposes.

Compared with Muslim women, Pagan women have less
access to money, are less involved in trade, and are much
more involved in supporting the household.


This study was undertaken between 1976 and 1978 with a
view to understanding the different lives of Muslim
nucleated-settlement women, Muslim farmstead women, and
Pagan women. The study briefly describes the overall
effects of the project on the population of both men and
women in order to examine its impact on women in some

Nucleated Muslim households were studied in three

1. Kadawa Village at the center of the project

2. Yan Tomo Village, a satellite resettled hamlet of
Kadawa, where about half the women were Muslim
and half were Pagan (and hence providing useful
comparisons of the project's impact on secluded
and nonsecluded women)

3. Chiromawa, which is on the fringes of the project
and representative of an off-project nucleated

In addition, Muslim women living in the dispersed
farmsteads of Dogon Dagi, an off-project but affected area,
were also studied. Dogon Dagi is a ward of Chirin Village
in Rano District; its compounds are scattered throughout
the farmsteads. There are no Pagans in the ward. It is
representative of both preproject and off-project

A pilot survey was conducted in 1976 in conjunction
with two separate studies in the Chiromawa Village area: a
farm management study by R. D. Palmer-Jones, and a socio-
logical study by C. Wallace. This initial survey was
undertaken to pretest the first questionnaire in a series of
four. Respondents, totalling 276 women, were taken from
every fifth compound in the area covered by the farm
management investigation.

For the in-depth study all 98 women in Yan Tomo and 44
in Kadawa were interviewed. An additional group of 29
Muslim women living in Chiromawa and 40 in Dogon Dagi
(representing off-project women) were also studied. The
samples from Kadawa, Chiromawa, and Dogon Dagi were not
randomly selected, but were chosen to represent what was
believed to be a range of typical compounds varying in size
and socioeconomic status. Two other studies of the area
indicated that the selection was representative of the local
populations. Male household heads and adult male non-
household heads in the compounds studied were also
interviewed, but in less depth. 27

Table 2 gives the distribution of respondents by
location, year of the questionnaire, and religion.
Particular "sample" sizes in the text will be seen to vary
somewhat because of movements of women into and out of
compounds and because of losses during processing (that is,
data missing from absent women or suspect answers).


Location Religion Settlement 1976 1977-78

Chiromawa Muslim Nucleated 133 29
(off project)

Kadawa Muslim Nucleated 75 44
(on project)

Yan Tomo Muslim Nucleated 51 51
(on project)

Yan Tomo Pagan Nucleated 47 47
(on project)

Dogon Dagi Muslim Dispersed 40
and off project)

During 1977-78 four successive rounds of women's
questionnaires were undertaken. These covered:

1. Respondents' demographic family! background, marital
history, physical mobility, and seclusion practices

2. Respondents' land inheritance and land holdings

3. Respondents' farm work, domestic 'labor, and other
occupations (including costs of production, labor and
skill requirements, and work organization)

4. Contributions in cash and kind to the household

5. Responsibilities of men and women in marriage

6. Perceptions of thel KRP

7. Basic demographic information, which was collected twice
to gauge change over a period of 18 months


The farms of Pagan women were measured, and a much
greater amount of detail on agricultural activities was
obtained from these women. Much additional information was
also collected--life histories, open-ended interviews with
traders and courtesans, group interviews, case studies of
marriage expenses. The author lived on site, spoke Hausa
and generally took part in the social life of Yan Tomo for
the duration of the study.




Field and Tree Crops

The primary aim of the KRP was to produce more food,
specifically wheat, to meet the growing demands of the urban
population for bread. Irrigation was to make possible the
dry-season productionithat planners assumed would be surplus
to the area.

With many farms producing two crops a year instead of
one, a sizable rise in output could be expected. The actual
rise has not been as large as anticipated for a number of
reasons. First, in the establishment of KRP about 33
percent of the farmers lost almost all their land; 28 in a
survey of 121 women, 28 percent had also lost land during
the project reallocation. With less land, most minor crops
were sacrificed first, many of these being vegetable crops
for home consumption. | Falls in overall output of staples in
the locality were also recorded: 16 percent for millet to 85
percent foririce. Ij

Second, land productivity or yields of wet-season crops
do not appear to have increased with the extension program
component of the KRP. Problems caused by pests and weeds
that now build up due to the year-round water supply have
resulted in depressed yields. One investigator reporting on
the 1976 wet season concluded: "There was no evidence that
yields of millet, maize, or groundnuts had been increased on
fields on| the scheme as opposed to fields off the
scheme." 29

Third, the production of sorghum, the traditional
staple and nutritionally superior to maize, was reduced.
Yan Tomo Muslim and Pagan production of sorghum and millet
met only 42 percent and 67 percent of their respective grain
requirements. Sorghum was discouraged as a crop in the
irrigated areas by the KRP management, and although some
farmers continued to plant it, the area was less than that
previously planted. Pagan women, who do not irrigate their
fields, grow mainly sorghum, but their contribution to
overall production has been reduced by the assignment to men
of smaller and more difficult plots, a situation discussed
in more detail below. i The decline in sorghum production in
the wet season hasji been only partially offset by the
increased area planted to maize resulting from the KRP
instructions in the irrigated area.

Fourth, one of the consequences of the construction of
the Tiga Dam has been to reduce flooding of downstream areas
where farmers used to grow vegetables in the dry season,
using the traditional shaduf irrigation systems. Also,
downstream fishing and grazing for Fulani cattle are now
considerably curtailed with the decline of the flood. One
estimate of lost production downstream due to flood failure
was 67 percent for rice, 33 percent for cotton, 100 percent
for wheat, 90 percent for residual moisture vegetables, 75
percent for shaduf-grown vegetables, 90 percent for tobacco,
and 75 percent for calabashes. 30

Finally, the large-scale destruction of economic trees
has reduced output of sheanuts, locust beans, dinya
(plumlike fruits), dates, baobab products, and so on. The
depletion of trees has been gradual over decades, but their
widespread destruction on the KRP in recent years has
further sharply reduced an important food and fuel resource.
Overall, informants agree that women do much less collecting
of sylvan produce than they used to, and other products are
not available to replace this loss.

But have the dry-season irrigated wheat and tomato
crops compensated for these overall losses? The cropping
pattern originally designated for the KRP was wheat and
groundnuts. In practice wheat and tomatoes came to be grown
in the area.

The dry-season output has been less than expected
because many farms laid out for irrigation lie unused in the
dry season due to the high cash and labor costs of
irrigation. Although product prices rose on the KRP, input
prices also rose, and farmers sometimes found dry-season
agriculture unprofitable either in absolute terms or in the
relative sense of profit being less than returns from other
dry season alternative occupations. For instance, laborers
in the KRP area were paid almost double what laborers in
another part of Hausaland received for the same work. 31
An average of 25 percent of irrigable land was not in fact
irrigated by the farmers in 1976-77.

Where wheat is planted, late planting results in low
wheat yields. This occurs for many reasons, among them an
inefficient tractor unit that was running behind schedule,
and farmers' continued cultivation of sorghum in the wet

The markets for the dry-season crops were also
different from those envisioned by the planners. Planners
intended that wheat grown on the KRP be used for bread
baking in Kano, but in practice wheat grown on the project
is sold on the open market and little of it is used by the
flour mills that import their wheat more cheaply from world
markets. In 1974-75, an estimated 80 percent of wheat grown
in Kano State, including the KRP, was sold to traders

retailing it in Kano and other towns, and 20 percent was
kept for home consumption. 32 However, the latter figure
is likely to be an underestimate because it ignores
gleanings and the amounts paid to threshers, winnowers, etc.

If this wheat is not used in the flour mills, what is
it used for? In accordance with tradition, it continues to
be used by women in the KRP and elsewhere to make snack
foods like alkali, pankaso, and gurassa, which their
children sell for them. Although wheat was a luxury crop in
the past, it is losing this character and becoming something
of a local and regional staple. But this was not the
intention of the project, which regarded dry-season
irrigated production as wholly surplus to the project area.

When tomatoes rather than groundnuts became the second
dry-season crop, management planned a tomato-processing
factory but abandoned it when it was clear that factory
prices would not be as high as those on the open market.

The tomato crop is sold largely to traders who
transport it by lorry to Lagos and other cities. In the
study sample, only two men reported selling to traders from
small towns in the region. Like the wheat crop, the bulk of
the tomato crop will be consumed in urban areas, with a
small amount consumed locally.

Livestock and Milk

A component ofl the project was to prevent cattle
belonging to the nomadic Fulani from passing through the
area. Thus, the milk that Fulani women sold and Hausa women
used to make fura (millet paste balls) is now difficult to
obtain. Elsewhere in Hausaland fura is the single largest-
selling snack food, but now it is rare on the KRP. While
the traditional seasonal traffic of Fulani cattle through
the KRP area was banned, there were plans, as yet
unrealized, to produce fresh milk for Kano City from
imported dairy cattle. This is an example of the planners'
blindness to the food needs of the local population and to
the entrepreneurial contribution of women.

The project design also called for improving the cattle
stock and confining cattle to individual KRP compounds, and
reducing the goat population. It dismissed household poultry
keeping despite the project objective of improving the
standards of living and the contribution of home poultry
(under the control of women) to the food supply. One would
expect women to have found it more difficult to keep
livestock in the confines of the compound as feed must be
fetched for them and brought into the compound. But Table
3, comparing on-project and off-project women, shows that
despite this additional work burden, village women have
retained the animals.


Number of Percentage of On-projecta Percentage of Off-project
Animals Womenb Owning: Women0 Owning:

Fowl Sheep/Goats Fowl Sheep/Goats
0 44 41 53 37
1 16 12 10 19
2 11 14 12 14
3 8 10 10 8
4 6 7 6 10
5-10 12 14 8 12
More than 10 3 2 1 -

aAverage of Yan Tomo and Kadawa villages.
b n= 139
0 n= 135

Here, women's perseverance in the face of restrictions on
livestock production and in the absence of any assistance in
raising domestic animals has maintained an important source
of domestic food supply.

To summarize: In terms of overall production of
foodstuffs and cash crops, the result of the KRP were mixed
at best. There were losses in traditional crops--sorghum,
tree products, shaduf vegetables and other crops dependent
on downstream flooding, and the milk supplied by passing
Fulani. In some cases yields declined because of losses of
land, pests, or waterlogging. Dry-season wheat and tomatoes
and wet-season maize offset some of the losses, but the
amount produced was less than that expected by planners.
Despite KRP policies, livestock were maintained, largely
through the effort of women. The markets were also
different from what was planned; and although most wheat and
tomatoes were sold out of the project area, a sizable share
was retained for local consumption.


The project design assumed that the food needs of the
project area were met by wet-season farming, and all dry-
season farming was surplus to the area. In 1976-77, six
years after the project was undertaken, there was evidence
of rising food deficits in the region in conjunction with
the declining availability of sorghum, millet, beans and

Although there are food deficits in the region as a

whole, many! of the local project population--those directly
involved in irrigated agriculture--enjoy a more plentiful
supply of food simply 'because of double cropping and home-
consumption of wheat and tomatoes. It should be pointed out
that the majority of food consumed locally results from
women's entrepreneurship. The women's labor on the farms and
in processing their husbands' and others' crops is
invariably remunerated in kind. This and the considerable
quantities obtained through gleaning give Muslim women
access to agricultural products that might not be expected,
given their predominantly nonfarming activities. Fifty-five
percent of the sample Muslim women and all the able-bodied
Pagan women (that is, 69 percent of the whole group of
women) participated in the wheat harvest. The payment for
harvesting was as follows: 87 percent in kind, 7 percent in
money, 6 percent no payment. In addition, an average of 40
pounds of tomatoes and ,60 pounds of wheat was gleaned per
woman. These economic exchanges between men and women have
helped maintain local availability of food, which might
otherwise have declined had wheat been a new successful
"cash crop" wholly exported from the area while other food
staple production was reduced.

How women dispose of their crops also becomes
significant for the distributional impact of large outputs.
All disposal is local: it is either consumed directly by
the women themselves and their families, used to make foods
for sale to other villagers, or sold (unprocessed or after
threshing) in small amounts direct to other local residents.
An example illustrates how men largely dispose of the
balance of their crops outside the village, and women
distribute their acquired food crops within the village.
Garba, who grew tomatoes in 1976, sold all his crops to
traders from Lagos, l while his wife Aisha gleaned 12
calabashes of tomatoes', 3 of which were given to relatives
in a neighboring 'village, 4 were eaten fresh within the
compound, and the rest were dried for later use.

Tomatoes are often dried to be eaten later in the year.
There is no doubt that consumption of tomatoes has increased
for people in the project area. They are not a new food,
but they have become more popular (as gifts and gleanings)
because of the great increase in availability and the
seasonal glut. Nor !re they generally purchased; everybody
knows somebody with a tomato farm. The supply of maize,
which is eaten fresh, roasted, or boiled, has also

One might wonder how much of any increased food supply
is actually consumed by women, given that women
theoretically eat last in the distribution of food within
the household. ; Yan Tomo women have constant access to food
during their domestic work; the cook allocates the food;
separate bowlsiare used; and women do not wait for men's

The participation of women (whether secluded or not) in
wheat and tomato production and use, and in continuing
livestock production, is helping to achieve one of the aims
of the project--local food availability. This contribution
was quite unforeseen by the planners, and was vital with the
new crop-mix if local consumption was not to decline.


The assumptions of the KRP that employment and income
increases would come from own- or household farming were
misleading. Despite these misconceived assumptions other
groups of people and groups within the household (such as
junior men and Muslim women) did enjoy new gainful
employment opportunities. The pattern of economic gains was
not as expected.

Here we will only summarize the changes experienced in
men's employment and incomes insofar as they have clear and
significant implications for women.

First, compensation for lost resources was arbitrary
and inadequate. Although plots were often owned by groups
of people, only the "senior owners," almost always men, were
recorded on the registration form. Those who lost land
received paltry compensation based on the value of the
standing crop. Ownership of trees that had economic value
because of their fruits (locust bean, mango, "plum" trees,
silk cotton trees, palms, sheanuts, etc.) was not recorded
on the curious ground that separate ownership of land and
trees growing on it is quite customary. Thus, compensation
was not paid for any trees destroyed, either to the
landowner or the owner of the trees. Those farmers who lost
land or trees lost the resource base for agricultural

Second, reallocation of new, irrigable holdings was
arbitrary. Only 38 percent of project land was designated
as irrigable, and its assignment was based on the soil type
of the original holding. On reallocation no attempt was
made to even out inequities, and some farmers who had had
large bush farms (not manured) suddenly found themselves
owning an equivalent amount of valuable irrigated land,
while others had none or only part of a farm irrigated.
Pagan men of Yan Tomo benefitted disproportionately and
found themselves with a greater need for labor to cultivate
their large irrigated farms. A large proportion of this
need had to be met by hired wage labor thus increasing the
farmers' costs of production.

Some Muslim men have found profitable employment in
agricultural wage laboring, but in general incomes derived
directly from own-account irrigation have not risen as

expected because of the high costs of inputs. This is
particularly, true for'Muslim men. But we note here that
because Muslim women are rewarded for farm labor, the cost
to a husband may be an income to his wife. The much greater
than anticipated need for hired labor (70 percent rather
than 23 percent) has made farming for households more
costly, butl has created income opportunities for women both
as laborers and as producers of snack foods to feed male
wage laborers.


Of the formal employment opportunities now available in
project construction and administration, none is available
to women: the jobs require a level of education that does
not exist among rural Hausa women. Both the agricultural
and animal husbandry extension services are all-male
enterprises. A Home Economics School has recently been
built at Kadawa where some girls receive instruction, but
neither staff nor students are drawn from the KRP area. The
planned tomato-canning factory would have employed women,
but the enterprise Iwas aborted because of the large
differences between factory and open market prices offered
the farmers.

The only formal employment offered to local women is on
the government farm. However, there are jobs for only
between nine and thirty women (depending on the season) and
are available for only a few months at a time. The women
worked six hours a day, five days a week, and were paid (in
1977) around N30 a month, about half the equivalent male
wage. Two headwomen,, paid N45 a month, recruit the women
from among their friends and sisters and supervise them in
their work, which mirrors the traditional tasks of women in
Muslim farming generally. This small group of women form an
insignificant exception to the generalization that the KRP
has created no formal employment opportunities for women.


Muslim Village Women

(1) Agriculture

In line with the sexually defined division of labor, it
was found on the KRP that Muslim women's farm work is almost
entirely in harvesting, which is invariably rewarded in
kind. The little planting that women do is not remunerated,
and is on; the decline. Though threshing is generally
unpaid, 38 percent of Muslim women are paid cash or in kind
for this activity after demanding payment on the grounds
that male wage labor for threshing wheat to be marketed was
paid. Threshing for home consumption is not paid. In Table

4 we see that only 14 percent of the wheat harvest work is
done by household women. They form a considerable proportion
of the hired labor. Hence it is largely as hired labor that
they participate in the wheat harvest. Women take part in
similar proportions in wet-season grain-crop harvests. In
the wet season they work mainly with household men; in the
dry season with hired labor.


Task Household Household Hired Nonhousehold
Men Women (both sexes)

Land preparation

Millet and sorghum
(wet season) 100 100

Wheat (dry season) 31 57 88 a

Planting and
Millet and sorghum 83 1 16 100
Wheat 92 8 100

Millet and sorghum 83 16 99
Wheat 50 41 91 a

Millet and sorghum 69 15 17 101
Wheat 13 14 73 100

a Shortfalls in wheat farming are accounted for by mechanization.

The women who harvest grain are often grain food makers
as well. This suggests that the extent of grain harvesting
by some "secluded" women may be their choice, since it gives
them more access to raw grains for value-adding processing
and trade. These were not only older women past
childbearing, but also younger, nonfarmstead Muslim women.

(2) Crafts

Income derived from crafts did not rise. Broom making
was the only craft occupation that was flourishing on the
KRP (because grasses grow year round alongside canals) but
earnings were marginal. Weaving was on the decline, in
spite of the fact that "old Yan Tomo" was renowned for
weaving. In a few specialized areas, such as the making of

baby-drying cloths, women's weaving continues, but imported
manufactured, cloth has undermined handwoven cloth to the
point where even Hausa women can no longer compete. While
the KRP is not entirely responsible for the decline, the
existence of better income-earning opportunities has some
bearing on the move away from weaving. It proved very
difficult to estimate returns to craft activities. Although
crafts continued as an occupation, respondents felt that
rewards were low and demand was slack.

(3) Services

Incomes derived from the provision of services have
fallen in on-project villages. Previously the collection of
firewood and water had been an 'important cash-earning
occupation for older women. With the project, however, the
existence of canals made water collection redundant. The
destruction of trees made wood less available, the distances
for finding it greater, and the opportunity cost higher.
Among Muslims, men did more of the wood gathering for
domestic purposes than previously. For their own-account
snack making, Muslim women often paid for the wood they
needed. Among Pagans, less wood was gathered than before as
the time and cost made beer brewing less profitable. In a
few areas there is greater demand for women's services as
praise singers, "beggars," spirit cult adepts, midwives, and

In Yan Tomo the wives of long-term migrant workers
frequently pay local women to pound and winnow grain for
them. Sometimes the grain is sent to the pounders'
compounds in the traditional way, but there is a noticeable
trend for Yan Tomo women to go to "the quarters," the modern
type of housing where such women live, to do this work.
This is a new type of relationship in which the subservience
associated with domestic laboring, notably absent among
Hausa women in the past, may develop.

(4) Food Preparation for Sale and Petty Trading

The project's' impact has come via expansion of the
demand for cooked foods. Construction workers arrived and
agricultural laborers have migrated to the area, often
without their wives, to work on the dry-season crops. They
have cash, and they purchase most of their meals ready
cooked from Muslim women food sellers. In addition, there is
more money generally available to spend on food. Some women
buy more food than before for themselves, and schoolchildren
are given snack money to buy food during school hours.

However, there has been a shift within petty-commodity
production and tradehaway from grain-based cooked food to
more luxury foods, such as bean-based ones. Grain-based
foods are more perishable, and therefore more risky to trade
in than bean- or nut-based foods. Competition is fiercest

in grain-based foods, and a few women in Yan Tomo were
recorded as giving them up. Koko (a kind of gruel) has
disappeared altogether. White bread, brought down from the
Kano bakeries, is also appearing in the villages.

Nevertheless, the new dry-season wheat and women's
postharvest wheat processing work, which has given them
greater access to grains, has offered women an opportunity
to expand their trading rather than make them into foods for
sale. They have found it more profitable to retain grains
and sell them later in the early wet season when prices are

A new seasonal but also (annually) erratic occupation
is tomato processing. There is often a problem of glut in
the tomato market. In March 1977, traders from Lagos and
other big cities forced the price of tomatoes down from
N2.00 to N1.20 33 per tin by refusing to buy from farmers,
while the tomatoes visibly ripened in the hot sun. The
project's tomato paste factory had already failed because
for most of the tomato season prices were higher in the open
market and the factory could not compete. Women saw their
chance in the vacuum created. They now buy tomatoes at the
end of the season, or whenever temporary gluts occur, and
dry them. Most of the Muslim women now dry tomatoes that
they have gleaned or bought, and use these both for sale and
for home consumption. Women who sell the product claim the
money is good and they intend to do more in the future.

For all these reasons, although Muslim women are still
in traditional lines of economic activity, the new sources
of raw materials and the demands for food have not only
somewhat enlarged their petty-commodity production and
trade, but have also altered the portfolio of that
production and trade.

Table 5 shows the shifts in women's portfolios as
measured in the frequency certain occupations are mentioned.
Although it does not rank them in economic importance,
certain shifts reflecting economic opportunities can be
seen: the decline in services, petty trade, rice cleaning,
and making of grain-based foods; the increase in own-grain
selling. The marked increase in crafts, despite their lower
returns, is due to broom making, easily done from materials
close at hand.


(Percentage Frequency of Mention of Certain Occupations)

Off Project On Project

Grain-basedi foods 19 15
Nut-based foods 13 12
Bean-based foods 5 6
Other foods 3 3
Crafts 14 23
Services 16 11
Petty trade 5 4
Own-grain selling 10 16
Rice cleaning 6 3
Crop trading 6 6
Other 3 2


Occupations per Woman
Occupations per Excluding Those with
Woman No Occupation

Off project
Chiromawa 1.8 2.1

On project
Kadawa 2.7 2.9
Yan Tomo 2.9 3.1

a n=227

That women's portfolios are also more mixed is shown in
Table 6. i Women living in the project area have taken up
more occupations, much of this a consequence of greater
demand for snack foods. We also find that there are fewer
women with no occupation than in the on-project villages:
the average for two on-project villages was 4.5 percent,

compared with 13 percent for the off-project village.
Moreover, from the beginning of the Yan Tomo survey in 1977
to the end in 1978, whereas 29.2 percent had given up a
full-time occupation, 52.3 percent had taken up at least one
occupation (34 percent took up one, 12 percent took up two,
and 6 percent took up three or more).

Estimates of incomes from snack making and petty
trading are difficult to make. Some activities are done at
one time; others are spread over days at the convenience of
producer or customer, with a portion consumed at home or by
children. The best estimates come from an intensive study
by Emmy Simmons in 1971 and 1972 in another area of
Hausaland. 34 Table 7 is a detailed comparison of the
economics of small- and large-scale production of groundnut
oil and presscake (Kuli Kuli). It demonstrates that the
value added per ton of groundnuts is greater for small-scale

The estimated return on investment of several
nonagricultural occupations was 10 to 40 percent. The daily
rates of return on some of these, and the hours worked, are
shown in Table 8. 3

In 1976, a study was made by Longhurst 36 in an area
of Hausaland where agricultural range rates are half those
on the KRP. Female wages for cotton picking were 26 kobo
per day, for planting, 16 kobo per day. Daily returns from
fura making were estimated to be 15 kobo and from kuli
making 94 kobo. His figures indicate that returns from
snack making equal or exceed those from agricultural labor.


Small-Scale Large-Scale
Low Technology High Technology
Producers Producers

Cost of groundnuts per ton

Amount of oil per ton

Amount of presscake per ton



Sales value of oil produced
per ton of groundnuts
Sales value of presscake produced
produced per ton of groundnuts
Total sales value of the products
from a purchased ton of
Value addedper ton of groundnuts
Number of people associated with
processing of a ton of
Cost of capital equipment to
process one ton per day
Recurrent (variable) costs for
machines to process one ton
Other recurrent costs
Amount paid in wages/profits
for processing one ton
Retail price of ton of oil
in Zaria, April 1973















Not available

Not available
Not available

Less than 10.80


Source: E. Simmons "The Economics of Consumer-oriented
Food-processing Technology in Northern Nigeria." Samaru
Agricultural Newsletter, Vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 56-72.


Kobo Length of Day (hours)
Fura (millet-paste balls) 20.5 5-6
Koko and kuna (gruel drinks) 7.7 3-4
Dan wake (dumplings) 1.9 3-4
Kosai (fried beancakes) 29.5 5
Alele (steamed beancakes) 14.2 5-6
Kuli (groundnut oil extraction) 47.9 5-6

Source: summarized from Simmons (1976).

In this study, estimates were made in Yan Tomo of
various hourly rates of return.

Egg boiling 96 kobo
Barbara nut boiling 80 kobo
Tuwo (stiff porridge) making 80 kobo
Dehusking rice N1.00
Kuli cakes and oil
processing from groundnuts N1.10

These are higher than those reported by Simmons
because of time passed and inflation. They are also higher
than those of Longhurst, reflecting the higher agricultural
wages of the project. The overall picture gained from KRP
women's own estimate and choices is that, as in the area
studied by Longhurst, practically all snack making and petty
trading was giving higher rates of return than farm work.
With the increased number of such occupations taken up by
KRP women, their incomes have increased through their

However, it cannot be said that incomes of Muslim
village women have increased so substantially as to create a
distinct group of wealthy KRP women, nor that their
relations of production have perceptibly altered. The
increased incomes of KRP women are derived mainly from their
own increased production, not from the gifts of irrigating
husbands or others.

Secluded Muslim village women's limited agricultural
work, mainly harvesting and threshing paid in kind, and
gleaning, provides them with the raw materials to carry on
their own entrepreneurial activities of snack-food
preparation and petty trade. The KRP has increased the raw
materials available and the market to which they sell,
making their at-home activities more profitable than ever.
In turn, their activities contribute to increasing the local
food supply. It can be concluded that the KRP has not
increased Muslim women's unpaid work, and that there have
been gains in remunerated work.


Muslim Farmstead Women

The Muslim farmstead women in the dispersed ward of
Dogon Dagi represent both the preproject and off-project
situation relating to the KRP. Nearly three-quarters are
not secluded and continue to work on own and household
farms. Among the 34 studied women there was an average of
only 1.1 occupations per woman compared to 2.8 or more of
settled women in Kadawa and Yan Tomo. The breakdown of the
total number ; of occupations is shown in Table 9.


Groundnut processing to oil and biscuits (kuli) 33
Spinning 29
Petty trade (i.e., buying and selling without alteration
except debulking) 8
Domestic services 6
Making perishable foods for sale 6
Nonperishable foods for sale 18

It is significant that only 6 percent of all reported
occupations are in the perishable-food line. Cooked foods
are principally locust~bean cakes and kuli because they keep
well. This is because of the difficulties in selling where
there is no market and no "nucleus" of compounds; only those
women near migrant workers and schools have been able to
take advantage of this increased demand for snack foods.
The women frequently remarked that they have no occupations
because of the dispersal of houses. 1 Their options are very
much more limited.

One might have expected more petty trade in Dogon Dagi,
but the women complained that everyone goes in to Rano, some
30 minutes' journey, to shop and they cannot compete. Thus,
the presumed advantages of the less-secluded farmstead women
begin to look more apparent than real.

Off-project Muslim farmstead women have not been
unaffected by the KRP. Muslim farmstead women in certain
areas have increased their incomes through wage laboring on
KRP wheat fields. Many commute every day from the dispersed
settlements bordering on the KRP. Traveling time places a
special burden on these women who still have domestic work
to do.

In summary, the KRP has created gainful employment for
men and Muslim women. All men have found themselves
increasingly in the agricultural sector as farm wage
laborers and !irrigation farmers. For Muslim women
additional employment has been similar to their preproject

activities, but now yield higher returns. The diversity of
Muslim women's occupations and the ease of entry into them
has facilitated a great responsiveness to the changing
nature of local demand, and has ameliorated the potential
negative effects of ignoring women's incomes in a situation
where the household is not an indivisible financial unit.

Pagan Women

(1) Nonagricultural Activities

In Yan Tomo, Pagan women seldom follow the
nonagricultural occupations of Muslim women although they
may glean the tomato crop and dry it for both home
consumption and sale. While 69 percent of the sample of 47
women brew beer, only one was a petty trader, one a midwife,
one a hairdresser, and two spinners. They are instead
heavily involved in agricultural production at all stages.

One occupation that has certainly been curtailed on the
KRP is beer brewing by Pagan women. Previously they brewed
beer for both their own consumption and for sale. However,
the scarcity of firewood on the KRP as a result of trees
being cut down to clear land for the settlement has been a
major constraint on beer brewing. The women complain
bitterly that expeditions to collect firewood take all day
now, which further reduces the time available for brewing as
well as for working on their own farms. Had there not been
problems of firewood and time, beer brewing would still have
been unlikely to have expanded on the KRP because the raw
materials, millet and sorghum, are not sufficiently
available. Sorghum was banned by the management in favor of
maize, and millet, which is usually intercropped with
sorghum, has also declined as a result of the shift to
monoculture maize. While brewing is not of primary
importance to Pagan women as an earning activity, it is one
of their very few occupations not directly dependent on
land, a resource over which they have very little control.
Although beer is increasingly demanded by courtesans and
wage laborers, Pagan women have not been able to find the
time and other resources to respond to this.

(2) Agricultural Activities

This brings us to the crux of the matter. Since the
inception of the irrigation project, women claim to work
much longer hours than they used to on their husband's
farms. They say they used to work until noon on gandu farms
but now they have to stay until 2 P.M. or later.

During the wet season a Pagan woman will go out to her
own farms early in the morning from about 6 to 8 A.M. After
preparing and eating breakfast, she goes out to her
husband's farms (which may be either the household farms or
her husband's private farms) where she works until 2 P.M.

She then returns home and goes out to her own farms again
until 6:30 P.M. or so. As a result of the new demands made
by men for farm labor, Pagan women now have much less spare
time, that is, time to work on their own farms. The burden
of this labor will vary depending on whether a particular
woman's husband has extensive irrigated lands or rented
farms and whether his private farms are large (household
heads) or small (junior males). It is also influenced by
the number of women in the compound. | For instance, the wife
of a junior male may 'be obliged to work on her husband's
private farms, her husband's father'is private farms and her
husband's father's household farms before she can work on
her own.

On the KRP, free afternoons for own-farming are growing
shorter and shorter. Furthermore, double cropping increases
women's year round involvement in agriculture, especially in
their husbands' farming activities. Weeding in particular
requires more female attention because irrigation moisture
is left year round.

Another factor is the feeling that "everyone is now for
himself." Of the field tasks that Pagan women perform on
household or husband's farms, only picking is directly
remunerated. They sometimes receive payment for threshing.
Women depend on unpaid help from family, friends, and
children. IBut now, not just due to KRP, but to Nigeria's
recently introduced program of Universal Primary Education,
more children |are ati school, other women are pressed for
time, and male juniors become independent much sooner, many
of them seeking jobs with the KRP. Pagan women's increasing
work commitment to imen's (household and private) farms
appears to have reduced opportunities for own-account
activities and transformed them into dependent juniors, a
process intensified by the KRP.I These changes have
increased the demand for women's unremunerated labor on
household jandi husband's fields and have reduced the
assistance available for their own-account farming.

Pagan women mainly grow sorghum, since they do not
irrigate their farms.!! Their efforts to grow sorghum despite
poor prospects suggest some responsiveness to market demand.
Overall, for Pagan women the effects of the KRP on their
production \and output have been negative, as it has
exacerbatedi a long-term trend toward smaller women's farms
and declining yields.

Unfortunately, survey resources did not permit the
weighing of women's farm products, so we have to rely on
respondents' estimates of production, summarized in Table
10. If these averages are converted to kilograms per
hectare and compared with yields from the men's holdings (on
which women also labor), the following is reached:


Crop Women's Yields Men's Yields
(per hectare) (per hectare)

Sorghum 503 kg. 651 kg.
Millet 257 kg. 616 kg.
Groundnuts .43 bags 2.1 bags
Beans .31 bags .63 bags

So although women are full-time farmers as are men,
their own output of and access to grain is but a fraction of
men's. Why the difference in yields?

Only two of the 47 women even attempted to irrigate
their farms during the dry season of this survey. Some 60
percent were farming irrigated land, but this land was taken
from them in the dry season and farmed by someone else. So
Pagan men, under the force of rising land values on the
irrigation project, have broken with the tradition of
providing wives with a plot for their use alone. Wives can
use "their" farms only in the wet season. This is not the
case with junior male gayaunas (private plots), so we see
that women's farms are the least important and are the most
expendable from the household heads' viewpoint.

But there are other reasons for yield differences.
With the prevailing attitude of men to women's farms, it is
easy to understand that when allocating land the household
head is likely to give women the least desirable land.
Farms with waterlogging problems (especially acute in the
wet season) or poor soil, or plots furthest away from home,
are allocated to women. The problems of fragmentation are
felt much more by women, holding as they do an average of
two plots amounting to half a hectare. If we look at their
inputs we find that only one woman managed to get Fulani
cattle corralled on a farm, only 17 percent obtained any
manure or household sweepings for farms, and only 6 percent
applied chemical fertilizers. By comparison, all Pagan men
had at least one source of fertilizer, and all belonged to
the cooperative. No women belonged to the cooperative; they
are excluded from effective access to chemical fertilizers
and are ignored by agricultural extension workers. Even if
they have the money they are expected to do a great deal of
work on men's farms and have little time left for their own.

Pagan women are not food processors and therefore have
not been part of the dry-season circulation of wheat and
tomatoes in the way that Muslim women have; they find
themselves alienated from their farms in the dry season,

involved in much extraiwork on household farms, denied the
resources for beer brewing, and generally peripheralized.
Altogether, IPagan women have suffered greater negative
effects from the KRP than have Muslim women.


One of! the hopes of the project planners was that in
spite of the intended businesslike basis of the new market-
oriented agriculture' and the removal from dispersed
farmsteads to nucleated villages, the social fabric
governing relations and cooperation would hold. The project
was intended to minimize differences between irrigators and
nonirrigators; however, any intervention that alters the
economy will inevitably have social repercussions.


The risks and costs of irrigation have made the
traditional form of agriculture, gandu, less attractive to
juniors-in-gandu than wage laboring. This, together with
the inability of gandu leaders to pay escalating marriage
costs and provide adequate land to juniors, is leading to a
decline in the size of farming units. The authority of
elders is challenged by the increasing independence of
juniors and Muslim women, and conditions underlying social
status are changing. IThe competition for marriageable women
among these "independent" juniors is part of a tendency for
the age of women's first marriage to fall.


The registration and reallocation of land provided an
opportunity for the local ruling elite to appropriate land.
Further, irrigators do tend to have larger farms than
nonirrigators even in the wet season. 37 Although there is
no reason Iwhy an irrigator should have larger wet-season
holdings than his nonirrigating neighbor, inequities in the
distribution of irrigated land are spreading to the wet-
season distribution of land as well. Wet-season farming is
entirely rainfed, and there is no difference in techniques
used. Since the distribution of irrigable land was random
in the first instance, and irrigators lost about 10 percent
of their land in the reallocation procedure, one could even
expect irrigators to have had smaller farms cereris paribus.

Finally, there is a trend toward the renting of land of
farmers without the resources to irrigate by those farmers
wealthy and successful enough to do so. Twenty-three percent
of irrigated wheat was grown on rented land in 1975-76, and
45 percent the following season. 38 Thus within the group
of men with irrigated land, differentiation is occurring.


Marriage Patterns and Stability of the Conjugal Unit

Women are married early, divorces are common, and women
often have two or more marriages in their lifetime.
Respondents in Yan Tomo stated that there had always been
divorces, but recently they had increased. It is worth
remembering that the endowment of daughters provides women
with assets for their independent economic activities.

The Rano Area Court records were examined for a nine-
month period in 1977. They showed an annual rate of divorce
of 5 percent for all adult women. This figure might be
tripled to allow for divorces that do not reach the courts.
A survey at the beginning and near the end of twelve months
of fieldwork revealed that in 28 percent of compounds at
least one divorce had occurred, altogether involving 14
percent of the adult female population.

Table 11 shows the distribution of numbers of marriages
so far contracted by the women respondents drawn from three
villages, (Chiromawa, is just outside the project area).


Number of Marriages Chiromawa a Kadawab Yan Tomo
(percent) (percent) (percent)

1 64 47 52
2 26 31 33
3 6 11 7
4 3 9 2
5 0.75 -
6 and more 0.75 3 5

Average 1.54 1.96 1.86

a n=133
b n= 75
o n= 58

On-project women, particularly Muslims, appear to
divorce more frequently and are less likely to contract only
one marriage. The average number of marriages per woman
reported in Yan Tomo in 1977 was 2.2 for Muslim women and
1.5 for Pagan women. It could be expected that these
figures are underestimates, as it is slightly sensitive
information. In fact, this study found later that in Yan
Tomo, numbers of marriages had previously been consistently
underreported. Although seclusion is seen by men as a means
of stabilizing marriage and is intended to limit the

mobility of women, it seems to do neither. Because of the
lower age at first marriage for men than previously, and the
existence of polygamy,, women seldom have trouble remarrying.
Petty-commodity production supports the exigencies of this
impermanence of household composition, unlike own-account
farming, which is tied to a locality.

Changes in Resource Flows Within the Household

It seems that reproduction and maintenance of the
household is increasingly difficult for Muslim households
for a number .of reasons, centering on separate gender
obligations.1 All husbands and wives in the area have some
separate sources of income and separate sources of goods for
household maintenance. This is most pronounced in
households with secluded women. As noted previously, it is
the duty of husbands of secluded women to provide the
family's food requirements and to collect water and
firewood. IThe KRP is intensifying the trend, which is
shifting reproduction costs increasingly onto men. We see,
for instance, the move toward payment for grain threshing.
Farmstead and Pagai women are much more involved in
providing maintenance goods for the family, but where they
practice crafts or beer brewing or hire out for labor, they
retain control over the proceeds.

It was found that in Yan Tomo the cooking pot group may
be fairly coherent for evening meals, but at midday (when
only women' are present) pot divisions dissolve and women
cook and share in much larger groups. This is more
noticeable among Muslim women. It reflects socially the
economic exchanges among women. The solidarity of women on
the KRP can be seen by the successful strike (discussed
below) initiated by Muslim women bean pickers dissatisfied
with their pay.

In their petty-commodity production and trade KRP women
buy much more of their raw materials or cooked food from
other women (46 percent) than from men (28 percent) even
though men produce a vastly greater amount of the raw
materials that women are buying. The rest of the inputs
come from the local market. In pursuit of these exchanges,
money flows among women of different households. Thus, the
household as a corporate consumption unit on the KRP has
questionable meaning. ;

Marriages are easily the most significant item of cash
expenditure: for both men and women living on the KRP,
sometimes running into thousands of Naira and often causing
indebtedness. iThere is a difference between their
obligationsland interests. For a man the cost is incurred
largely through a series of gifts to his future wife, which
accumulate as a stock of assets. Since these assets go
neither toward a conjugal fund nor to the bride's father,
but remain the bride's own inviolable personal property,

they are neither dowry nor bride-wealth in their usual
meanings. Muslim women's surpluses from trading on the KRP
go mainly to exchanges of food and other gifts with other
women and to endowing their daughters with assets for their
future marriages. Kwano holdings were found to be highest
among KRP women, and the inflation of marriage expenses on
the KRP has brought considerable assets to some young women.

In these ways women's energies and accumulated
surpluses on the KRP are going to the reproduction of the
independent basis of their own (or their daughters')
separate economies, rather than to household savings funds.

Pagan women have not collected enamelware until very
recently, when they have been living in close proximity to
Muslims and have begun to initiate their behavior.
Farmstead women have fewer kwano and their "dowries" are
smaller too.

To understand the impact of the KRP it is important to
appreciate that the relations of economic exchange between
men and women are sharpened by the monetization of the
economy and nucleated village life, both of which have been
intensified by the KRP.

Dependence on the Economic Value of Children

Infant mortality and reproductive difficulties remain
high among the Hausa. In Yan Tomo about 70 percent of first
born babies die. Many women never succeed in having
children. Because of divorce and the common practice of
husbands retaining custody of children, a large number of
women may have no children at all. Table 12 illustrates


Number of Her Children Percent
Living in Same Compound

0 32
1 27
2 22
3 13
4 5
5 1

a Sample size: 267

Of course, the percentage of women who do not have
children of an age that is economically useful to them is
even higher. About three-quarters do not have economically


useful children at any time.

Although fostering was one way of obtaining children, the
absolute shortage makes this alternative available to only a
few. Many informants said that fostering was more common in
the past because "now nobody wantsito give out children."
The scarcity of child labor available to women, and the
spread of seclusion, places a greater premium on child

Nevertheless, we should be wary of overestimating the
value of children to women. There is some advantage in
having a child hawker, but hawkers are not altogether
necessary to women's petty-commodity trade. Many items can
be sold from the house, a child being sent in to buy.

Children are also an expense. Women without children
tend to do less farm work, perhaps because there is more
pressure oniwomen with children to accumulate for ceremonial
expenditure. Both sons and daughters, but especially the
latter, impose the need to save for the considerable cost of

Children's usefulness varies with their age. Table 13
shows that for Muslim women the presence of young children
under five is associated with access to fewer units of grain
and groundnuts. For example, 31 percent of the women with no
younger children get over 11 bundles. Only 23 percent of
those with younger children get over 11 bundles. On the
other hand, the presence of children six to twelve, is
associated with access to more units. On balance, it seems
that children are an important asset to their mothers at
certain times in their lives, but they are not a
precondition for effective economic activity.

The KRP's own demand for child labor has further
reduced the supply available to women. Male children are
extensively used for syphon irrigating the fields. Boys and
girls are being pressed into schools, as part of KRP policy
and Nigeria's general policy. In addition, spreading
seclusion reduces fostering. As seclusion spreads, there is
a smaller pool of nonsecluded women for whom children's
labor is not so significant and who might therefore be more
likely to have a "spare child." The unsecluded "country
cousin" of dispersed settlements no longer sends a daughter
to the aid of a female relative married into a village
compound. However, scarcity of child labor is not yet
critical enough to stratify women into those with children
and those without, nor is it enough to stabilize marriage on
the KRP.


Women Who Have Women Who Have
Children 0-5 Years Old Children 6-12 Years Old

No Children Some Children No Children Some Children
0-5 Years 0-5 Years 6-12 Years 6-12 Years

Access to (n a =84) (n a =56) (n a =19) (n a =20)
Grain % % % %
0-5 bundles 33 41 36 30
6-10 bundles 36 37 39 30
Over 11 31 23 25 40

Access to (nb =37) (nb =29) (nb =60) (nb =10)
Groundnuts % % % %
----------------------------------------- ---------------- -
0 bags 59 69 62 50
Up to 0.5
bags 17 7 17 0
bags+ 24 24 22 50
a n= the number of women with children in the age range
indicated who have access to grain.
b n= the number of women with children in the age range
indicated who have access to groundnuts.

The KRP planners assumed that the household was a unit
that linked families in subsistence agriculture, and that
household heads could call on the labor of juniors and women
within the household to work on the farm with no direct
remuneration. Not only were these households noncorporate
in most functions, the KRP intensified the separation of
male and female spheres. In Muslim households especially,
reproduction of the labor force has become less important as
members increasingly receive direct remuneration and thereby
acquire an effective hired-labor status. The Muslim
household as a stable unit of economic and social
reproduction has limited meaning in wider aspects also. It
is not a production or a consumption unit and it has no
conjugal fund linking husband and wife as one financial
unit. Relations of production are largely extrahousehold,
and women are mobile between households through divorce and

The KRP has strengthened an existing trend for Muslim
women to distance themselves from full participation in the
household by encouraging independent occupations of women,
accelerating the rising divorce rate, and spreading the
practice of seclusion as a final effort to retain the women
in stable marriages.

On the other hand, Pagan women living in a more


traditional !corporate household unit, and receiving benefits
only through the male householder, appear to have increased
their dependency under the KRP. Their own-account
activities Ihave been reduced, their unrewarded labor has
increased and they have not been part of the trend toward
greater solidarity among women.



The progress reports of 1971 to 1975 revealed that the
resettlement programi became extremely unpopular. The
complaints were many: burial grounds were lost,
neighborhood groups were broken up, and proper compensation
was lacking while extra costs had to be borne by the people.
Also, there was nolwater at the new household sites for
brick-making, and: at some sites no straw with which to
construct huts. 39 'These latter complaints festered for
several years, although now women appreciate that their
housing has improved: the ratio of mud to straw rooms found
in the preproject survey was 63:37 while in 1977 in Yan Tomo
this was nearly 80:201 40

But in other ways residents feel that their standard of
living has not improved. Firewood is now very scarce, and
the subject of bitter complaint. Suitable collecting areas
may be miles away. Pagan women, who use great quantities in
beer brewing, describe leaving the house in early morning
and not returning from their wood-hunting expeditions until
2 or 4 P.M. Muslim women say that in the past wood was
readily available, and gathering it was not such a time-
consuming task. iNo in Yan Tomo Muslim men are largely
responsible for coll acting wood forl domestic use. But the
women still have to provide their own wood for their private
occupations, and sometimes they are forced to buy it at high

A general feeling of disruption and disorientation
still remains in the villages years after resettlement.
This is reflected in the remark of one woman that now there
is much more trouble caused by jinns (spirits) because the
KRP has cut down all the trees (the !spirits' homes) and thus
many jinns are homeless and hungry. But it is also evident
that the KRP has caused disruption in relations of farm
production as well as in the cohesion of the household.

During resettlement a number of households split up and
became separate units. Conflicts arose between Muslims and
Pagans because the resettlement !site unified what had
previously been two separate areas reflecting long-standing
antagonism iand status differences. A feeling of anomie
pervades new Yan Tomo, which has never managed to re-create

the sense of community that, by all accounts, existed in old
Yan Tomo.

Water Quality and Health Hazards

Unfortunately, there are no preproject data on health.
The consultants' preproject reports stated that "intestinal
infections and diseases caused by parasites are fairly
common" but that the diet was good and nutritional
deficiencies rare. The consultants envisaged the provision
of drinking water, but this has not materialized. People now
drink from the surface water of canals rather than from
wells, and the level of bacteria in the former is much
greater than in the latter.

The refusal of the project management to allow health
studies to be conducted means that only guesses can be made
about the changing patterns of health. While we can present
no quantitative data on pre- and postproject health, there
is no doubt about the improvements that need to be made.
Survey data collected over 18 months showed that:

In 23 percent of compounds one child had died
In 13 percent of compounds two children had died
In 10 percent of compounds a man had died
In 9 percent of compounds a woman had died

The diet may be relatively good, but infection is a
major problem. The incidence of water-borne diseases such
as bilharzia are likely to be considerably worse than
before. People complain that they suffer more from diarrhea
than before, and that "the water here is bad." Tomkins 41
has pointed out in a study conducted not far from Kura
District that Hausa people living in nucleated villages are
susceptible to infections such as cerebral-spinal
meningitis, pneumonia, and measles (which requires high
density populations for transmission), while bilharzia,
onchocerciasis, malaria, guinea worm, and gastroenteritis
are associated with surface water sources. Unfortunately,
the KRP's resettlement of people from isolated farmsteads
into nucleated villages caused a switch of domestic water
supply to the more hazardous canal water.

Health Facilities

There are now two clinics situated in the project area,
both at the center. But people complained constantly that
the male dispensers were never "on seat," that they demanded
money for medicine, and that they were generally obstructive
(for example, one refused to speak Hausa). Nevertheless,
there were always queues of people outside the dispensaries.

There has been no attempt to upgrade or educate
traditional midwives, in spite of Hausa childbirth practices
(such as girka, whereby the puerperal mother is bathed in

scalding water) that have been seen as severe health hazards
for adult women. No health extension workers visit
compounds, and childbirth in clinics is very rare.


Preproject data indicated less than 1 percent of the
adult women had attended a modern educational program,
either primary school or adult education. Against this
backdrop the following figures may look heartening:


Class Boys Girls

However, these 88 children are a fraction of those
eligible. One year after the 1976 nationwide program of
Universal Primary Education, this study's demographic
survey showed that it is rare for more than one child in a
family to attend school. Moreover,i of the girls mentioned
in Table 14, fifteen came from "the quarters," that is, the
housing area for junior project staff who come from a
variety of other places. No adult-education classes or
extension programs exist for women. It has to be concluded
that the aim of imparting new skills has been a complete
failure as far as women are concerned.

To summarize, resettlement has been a costly business
for men and women, with questionable gains in the welfare
sector. The new villages have not been provided with the
promised facilities, education for girls remains rare, and
residents of nucleated villages are more vulnerable to both
minor and serious illnesses.

j | I
The public-private dichotomy that has been used as a
model for understanding gender relations 42 is not very
useful in the case of Muslim Hausa women because although
the compounds may be spatially private and domestic, the
economic relations of women working within them are far from
private. In addition, wife seclusion has a flexible,
normative, and practical meaning among the Hausa.


The reasons behind wife seclusion and the consequences
of the practice for women are complex, but they cannot be
sidestepped in dealing with the patterns of change of which
the KRP is part. Seclusion cannot simply be put down as
Islamic in origin, as it seems to be a very variable custom
and is very weakly practiced among farmstead Muslims. Nor
does seclusion remove women from nondomestic production.
Whatever its origins, today it is spreading in Hausaland.
Women in Chiromawa, Kadawa and Yan Tomo confirmed this. In
practice there is a range of degrees of seclusion from young
married women (who at most may go to weddings in the
evening) to women who effectively refrain only from the
market and certain farm work. Of the total sample of Muslim
women in Chiromawa, Kadawa and Yan Tomo:

90 percent go to weddings
84 percent go to the clinic
28 percent collect their own water
30 percent visit farms
40 percent visit friends day or night
47 percent visit friends only at night

Men's reports on seclusion can be expected to be
overestimates because of the shame associated with
nonseclusion. The consultants' preproject survey based on
men's reports showed an average of 52 percent.

However, even women can be expected to overestimate.
Seclusion operates as an ideal, and refers more to women's
social rather than economic roles. It is associated with
the well-to-do, who can afford to practice it.

In these terms there is now a greater attachment to the
ideal of seclusion, which we would expect because
resettlement is bringing nonsecluded farmstead women into
the secluded way of life of nucleated village women, because
of imitation by the many of the few who have made overnight
fortunes on the KRP and then secluded their wives, and
because nonfarming occupational opportunities are available
to Muslim secluded-village women.

Women almost always speak approvingly of kulle and
Smith says that they stipulate seclusion in marriage
negotiations. 43 This may be rational in that returns to
petty-commodity production and trade seem to be higher than
to farm work, and they are more assuredly at the personal
disposal of women. Further advantages are relative
convenience (there is no journey to work, visitors may be
entertained, etc.), and the ease of child care. The
ambition of some Pagan women to marry Muslim men is evidence
of the popularity of seclusion among women. To the extent
that the KRP's villagization has promoted a form of
seclusion that recognized women's economic roles, it can be

said to have advanced women's welfare.

However, the reality of seclusion seems rather
different from even ;women's estimates. One morning in
November 1977 in Yan Tomo a spot check was done on 10 Muslim
compounds. At 10:30 A.M. it was found that of 55 women:

25 had gone out to farms
9 were doing paid threshing
7 were doing private occupations
10 had gone visiting
3 were doing domestic work
1 was resting and eating

Of course, the pattern of activities varies seasonally.
In the harvest season! (November) there is more farm work.
But at no time of year can women be said to be immobilized
within the compounds.

In sum, while the ideal of wife seclusion is becoming
more widespread on the KRP, it is a variable institution
that women can work to their own advantage.


As regards public life, Hausa women today have very
little "public" existence. They do not take up roles as
Islamic teachers or leaders, and they do not even attend the
Mosque. Islam offers an important means of upward social
mobility only to men. No women are ward heads, village
heads, etc., and only extremely rarely are they even
household heads. i N rural Hausa women are teachers or
health workers. Midwifery is still a private occupation.

The consultants considered that they had investigated
the "wishes and expectations" of the project population, but
no meetings were held with women. By the very nature of
Hausa society a mixed meeting never exists. In their
characterization of women as non-decisionmakers, planners
excluded all women from any form of participation in project
planning and impleme station. Not a single woman's name
appears on the list of Yan Tomo cooperative members. And yet
the direct consequences for Pagan women and the indirect
consequences for Muslim women (especially those in nucleated
villages) of the KRP are such that a more comprehensive
analysis of the likely results of so-called altering
agriculture should have involved women in some consultation.

The invisibility of women to the project planners
meant that| relations between women and the KRP management
became antagonistic. Women objected in particular to not
being allowed to glean the "government" farm, for they have
been forcibly turned off the fields of the "government" farm
and accused of stealing. By custom, any woman may glean

anywhere, and women obtained considerable quantities of food
from gleaning. Insofar as farmers needed to move rapidly
from one crop to the next because of the importance of
planting dates, gleaning opportunities generally have

Those women who have worked as wage laborers on the
project's own farms have not been slow to react either.
Since 1971 women were employed by the management for
harvesting cotton and groundnuts on the project farms.
Whereas men had permanent jobs, women were hired only as
casual laborers. That they were especially exploited is in
no doubt. At first the gang of women picking cotton was
paid a daily rate, but this soon changed to a piece-rate
system when it was noted that women pickers were achieving
barely 40 pounds a day. Immediately afterward the average
production of women was still recorded as 40 pounds a day,
although some were picking 60 pounds. 44 Around the same
time, in February 1972, 14 permanently employed men
harvested 18 acres of cotton in 3 months, picking an average
of 30 pounds a day each. The men refused to go on to a
piece-rate system. So women were paid less and worked
harder. After this experience, the management employed
women pickers only.

But experience of wage laboring in those early years
led to an organized form of resistance in 1977 when an
agribusiness firm renting fields in the irrigated area
attempted to pay female bean pickers an appallingly low wage
rate. The response was a strike for higher wages during
which women picketed the bean field and managed to persuade
other women brought in not to take the jobs. Eventually
they succeeded, and the wage rate was doubled. 48 In this
way some women forced their own visibility, but it was too
late for other women, especially Pagan women, because the
design of the narrow and male-centered agricultural program
was already implemented. Because Muslim women have nothing
to lose (no farms, no jobs) they cannot easily be
threatened, and because they are relatively independent of
the KRP and of family responsibilities they can take risks.
Being excluded from project planning and participation in
decisions concerning the management of the KRP has probably
been little loss to them. Indeed, certain ill-informed
integration and regularization of women's activities might
well have eroded the economic standing they enjoy within the

If women have no public authority, do they have any
influence in the public sphere? And if so, what has been
the impact of the project on this?

Courtesans exist in most of the larger villages of
rural Hausaland, and they have become especially numerous in
the KRP villages because there are many men without wives
and many men with money. They are women between marriages

who usually remarry out of courtesanship with ease; they
live in compounds together, entertain men and provide beer
in return for gifts and favors. While they may be the butt
of village officials and religious leaders, and blamed for
any disaster such as drought, they are also admired and
feared in general. This is a public role for women that
offers a completely different relationship with men
(curiously less commoditized than marriage, and unlike
prostitutioni in the West) based more on equality and
companionship, a role that has become available to more
women as a result of the KRP.

Bori is a kind of spirit cult of which women are the
main custodians. Bori troupes dance and go into trances for
entertainment at weddings; bori Ipractitioners diagnose
illnesses, prescribe remedies through dialogue with the
spirit world, and are herbalists. I Bori is a respected
institution and influential people patronize it. Bori
adepts can earn considerable incomes and are powerful
individuals in the local community. The cult shows no sign
of decline. I Indeed, people say there is more need of it now
than before because there are so many jinns around today.
There is now more "entertainment bori" and "medical bori"
because of the troublesomeness of "modern spirits." With
much of their health work involved with mental troubles,
this situation resembles that seen elsewhere when economic
and social upheaval creates generallanxieties. So in one
quite unpredictable way, the KRP has strengthened women's
social role beyond their compounds while the formal
structures of the project have done nothing to advance
women's participation in public life and public services.



Without any alterations in basic project objectives, it
would have been possible to alter the design in such a way
as to increase the positive effects. Had the KRP planners
known more about the different groups of women they could
have designed production incentives aimed at both the
"secluded" trading women and farming Pagan women.

The KRP was directed toward dry-season irrigated
agriculture whose product would go primarily to feed urban
populations. Certain social sector investments had to be
included in the project to induce people to resettle in
nucleated villages.

A fundamental criticism of the project can fairly be
made at the outset. It is that crops were selected in too
authoritarian a manner with too little respect for a farming
system that was already undergoing transition. In addition,
there were issues of poor drainage and waterlogging, pests
(which now have a year round larder), and crop diseases that
rendered such rigid planning inappropriate.

A farming systems approach that would allow a "wait and
see" response to farmers choosing for themselves the most
profitable cropmix and overall volume of output would have
permitted a better allocation of resources. Given the
planners' uncertainties about women's roles, a more flexible
approach would have allowed the traditional division of
labor to integrate women's activities--performing paid and
unpaid fieldwork, buying men's produce, processing it, and
selling it locally (which partially determined the final
profitability of men's farming). The farmers clearly needed
time to accommodate the higher production costs before
realistic profit levels could be gauged.

With women's economic activities affecting farming
profitability, it would have been more beneficial to the
expressed goals of the project to have had a more holistic
approach incorporating the economic relations of exchange
between men and women as well as the value adding and local
marketing outlets of additional agricultural produce created
by women's enterprise. Within this framework, some specific
alternative design components are discussed.

The relationship between men's farming and Muslim
village women's processing work could have been fashioned to
benefit both sexes at little extra cost had the project the
built-in flexibility to respond with extension and marketing
facilities to patterns and levels of output emanating from
local relations of production.

Uncertainty over farming profits might have been
reduced had local demand for specific crops received greater
recognition. The outlawing of sorghum appears to have been
unwise in view of local consumer preference, the additional
labor cost of hasteniAg the succession of crops, and the
fact that all irrigable land was not in fact irrigated by
the farmers. The rejection of cotton as a possibility was
also precipitous, given the prevailing spinning and weaving
activities of both men and women. The benefit-cost ratio of
cotton crop could have been quite high had local income
generation and the reduction in pests (provided by a break
in the succession of food crops on all land) been included.
Beans were also rejected as a crop for expansion, yet as it
happened, the demand for this ingredient in local food
snacks increased under the impact of rising incomes around
the nucleated villages.

One crop that the project originally intended to turn
into a major crop was groundnuts. This was a partial
success until market prices fell too low to be profitable to
farmers. It would have been more of a success story for
farmers had, women fond it more profitable to undertake
groundnut oil processing by means of labor-saving
appropriate technology, and had they been assisted in the
sale of the output beyond the local community. As it
happened, tomatoes, which had initially received an
uncertain regard from planners, emerged as something of a
substitute. :This was partly due to the response of women in
drying them, aided by the failure of the tomato-processing
factory in Kano City when its purchase price was too low for

This is a good example of women's "invisible" compound
activities compensating for the failure of a component of
the project. The tomato crop comes at a hot dry time of
year when drying is simple. Every season the crop
encounters a market glut problem. Had women been shown how
best to dry tomatoes to obtain a nonperishable high quality,
it would have benefited tomato farmers even more by leveling
out prices.i Capitalh investment in women's compound-based
tomato processing would have been much lower and the returns
greater as well as more distributed, than from the canning

The case of wheat highlights the need for planners to
obtain baseline data in order to strengthen their ability to
predict outcomes and anticipate problems. Wheat was already
used by local women in the making of traditional snack
foods. The intention wvas to extract more wheat from farmers
to send to the bakeries of Kano City. Had local women been
taught the i skills involved in yeast cookery and been
assisted with appropriate equipment, local demand for wheat
and bread would have been more "revealed" and added to the
demand for wheat from Kano City.

A large potential market for bread exists in the many
villages of this heavily populated zone. The task of
devising modifications to ovens and indicating their proper
use could have been a function of the Home Economics section
of the Ministry of Agriculture with little extra cost. Not
only would such a policy have generated more local income,
it might also have encouraged farmers to give up sorghum in
favor of wheat because of market price incentives instead of
because of arbitrary commands.

Hausa women are traditionally the main keepers of small
livestock. Instead of focusing only on imported breeds,
cross-breeding, and milk production for urban areas, some
resources might usefully have been diverted to teaching
women how better to manage their sheep and goats and how to
keep poultry for egg production in a simple but systematic
way. Even within the milk-production plans, women could
have been given the opportunity to handle milk processing
into butter and to include the retailing of milk as part of
the traditional midday snack of millet balls served with
milk (fura). The Animal Production section could have
integrated this facet into its program. There is an
established demand for milk waiting to be met.

The position of Pagan women clearly worsened with the
project. They had less time to cultivate their own farms,
and were locked into much lower farm productivity than their
menfolk because they are not remunerated for work on men's
farms and had no independent access to credit with which to
hire labor or purchase fertilizer. The labor requirements
of the new dry season meant that they had less time for
their previous nonagricultural gainful work such as beer
brewing and crafts. Working for wages on other farms was
only a limited option. Given the ability of men to command
Pagan women's labor and the trend toward declining farm size
and yields for such women, it should have been clear that
neglect of this situation could lead only to inefficient use
of project land.

The project provided no options for Pagan women to
increase or even maintain their economic standing. Their
only "option" was social--a nearly unthinkable conversion to
Islam, and then becoming petty-commodity producers like
their Muslim sisters. But conversion means a serious and
inevitably traumatic rupture with the convert's natal family
and friends because the divide between Muslim and Pagan is
so great.

A remedy within the project's scope would have been a
special effort toward improving sorghum and millet yields on
Pagan women's farms. This would have created production
gains for women in a crop from which they retained proceeds,
and would have increased the supply of a crucial element in
the local diet.


Credit could have been made available to Pagan women to
encourage them to improve wet-season yields and to undertake
irrigated agriculture on their private farms. They possess
the necessary skills through working on husbands' irrigated
farms, but their limited access to fertilizers and hired
labor are serious bottlenecks that can be ameliorated only
through credit and extension assistance. A Pagan woman
could have been employed and trained as an agricultural
extension agent to minimize communication problems. An
improvement in yields on women's private farms would help to
establish their private income and some economic
independence. Credit to enable more women to buy grains at
harvest and store them against a price rise later in the
year would also have benefited Pagan women. The principle
involved here is the targeting of incentives and enabling
facilities on individuals, not only on households. Without
this, at least some Pagan women will continue to seek Muslim
husbands and the coveted state of seclusion in order to gain
more economic independence.

There are several other points at which the KRP could
have taken action in the interests of both women and the
project. Reforestation should have been begun in 1971 to
replace the trees removed in the construction of the scheme
that had been used to supply firewood and a range of
nutritious nonstaple foods. Gleaning could have been
organized and encouraged, for it not only creates an
effective income for women, but also improves the yields for
men. The objection to gleaning was the time taken when land
preparation was urgent, but the granting of a short period
for gleaning would have greatly improved the relations
between women and the project management.

The extension services were staffed entirely by men
and directed toward men. It has been pointed out that these
services could have helped Muslim women to increase the
range and productivity of their processing and trade, and
Pagan women their own farming. If women are to benefit from
the most capable extension resources, and if improvements in
women's activities in food supply are to be closely
integrated with men's, then both sexes should be served by
the same system. The purpose of helping to raise
profitability and income should be applied equally to men's
and women's activities. The existence of secluded women
demands that the extension service include women officers.

The net welfare benefit of resettling in nucleated
villages to obtain better health and education services was
dubious. It was seen that more health hazards were incurred
from greater population density and the use of canal water
for domestic purposes. A commitment to improve the quality
of water and the fielding of women paramedics would have had
a greater effect on community health!than providing a single
male-staffed dispensary in Yan Tomo and Chiromawa. A
program of health education for women would also have added

a component of two-way exchange on health information and
provided a health monitoring system. When people are moved
to a new environment it is particularly important to design
preventive health measures and not rely on curative

Although the demand for child labor, particularly
daughters' labor, in trading varies, the traditional
pattern of women and men using children in their economic
activities should have been taken into account when the
primary-school program was implemented. Women often need
their young daughters for short periods on a daily basis to
do the hawking of their food. The arrangement of school
timetables around the needs of mothers might have reduced
resistance to the education of girls.

Such improvements to the welfare infrastructure might
also have helped to minimize the state of disorientation
that many resettled people felt by signaling that planners
had an understanding of the uncertainty that always prevails
when new modes of work and living are adopted.


Some of the broader lessons for planners from the KRP
experience are such fundamental notions as the household
must not be used uncritically; the intrahousehold relations
of men and women are highly variable and affect project
outcomes; an examination of women's production incentives
and a better use of existing data can reveal a
complementariness between project goals and women's
priorities; and wife seclusion can effectively mean separate
male and female domains and does not necessarily imply a
limited role for women, nor is it an unchanging conservative
institution beyond the scope of planners' concerns.

Women are not a homogeneous interest group. The
incentives necessary to engage village Muslim women and
farming Pagan women in new production schemes are quite

The KRP gave no incentive to trading women to invest in
household-level production, nor did it 'link their activities
to the project's agricultural production goals. The total
neglect of women's interests in the project's design must
have confirmed to the Muslim women that their own interests
lay in maintaining their distance from the "household"
economy, and instead putting their energies into reproducing
and expanding a separate economic world of women and into
endowing their daughters as much as possible for their
future economic independence. Pagan women had much less
choice, and were badly hurt by the project.

I i











(pl. Gandaye)














steamed bean cakes

snack food made with wheat

spirit cult

locust bean cakes


plum-like fruit eaten fresh and used to
make candy

irrigated land next to a river

pastoral tribe

millet paste balls usually served with

a kind of family farming organization

private plot of land allocated to
participants in a gandu

a Hausa childbirth practice whereby
the puerperal mother is bathed in
scalding water

snack food made with wheat

currency (100 kobo = 1 Naira)

a kind of grain-based gruel

fried beancakes

groundnut oil extraction




enamel bowl

Pagan Hausa


snack food made with wheat

complete the Koran

millet/sorghum staple porridge






1 Netherlands Engineering Consultants, (NEDECO), Reports
on the Kano River Project, (The Hague, 1976) Part VIII,
Main Report, p. 14.

2 Ibid., Part VI, Rural Development, vol. 1, p. 22.

3 Ibid., Part VIII, p. 13.

4 Ibid., Part VI, vol. 1, p. 67.

5 Ibid., Part VIII, p. 51.

6 Ibid., Part IV, Agronomy Report, p. 16.

7 Ibid., Part VI, vol. 1, p. 21.

8 Ibid., Part IV, p. 133.

9 Ibid., Part VIII, p. 46.

10 Ibid., Part VI, vol. 1, p. 77.

11 M. Mortimer and J. Wilson, Land and People in the Kano
Close-settled Zone, (Ahmadu Bello University Dept. of
Geography, 1965) Occasional Paper no.1.

12 NAK KATPRO 1503, Kaura District--Reassessment of, 1928.
(NAK is National Archives, Kaduna, followed by the file

13 C. Wallace, Rural Development Through Irrigation Studies
in a Town on the Kano River Project (Ahmadu Bello
University, Center for Social and Economic Research, 1979),
Report. No. 3, p. 77.

14 NEDECO, Part VI, vol. 1, p. 15.

15. D. Norman, An Economic Survey of Three Villages in Zaria
Province, (Ahmadu Bello University) Samaru Miscellaneous
Paper 37.

16 D. S. Gill, A Socioeconomic Study of Peasant Agriculture
in Northern Nigeria (F.A.O., Rome, mimeograph, 1963).

17 NAK ZARPROF 1486a.

18 NAK ZARPROF 1486, A Report on Agricultural Cooperation
in Zaria Province; L. E. Giles, A.D.O. KANOPROF 279A.

19 E.g. NAK KANOPROF 1458/1925, Kano Province, Kano
Emirate, Kiawa District, and KANOPROF 6166/1909.

20 Ibid.


21 M.G. Smith, Baba of Kano--A Woman of the Muslim Hausa.
(London: Faber & Faber, 1954), and Polly Hill, "Rural
Hausa," C.V.P., 1972.

22 F. Mernissi, Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in a
Modern Muslim Society (New York: John Wiley, 1975).

23 Ibid., p. 11.

F.A. Salamone, "The Arrow and the Bird: Proverbs in
the Solution of Hausa Conjugal Conflicts," Journal of
Anthropological Research 32, (1976) 360-363.

J. Barkow, Hausa and Maguzawa: Processes of Group
Differentiation in a Rural Area of INorth Central State,
Nigeria, Ph.D. dissertation (University of Chicago, 1970).
28 I i i
Yan Tomo Pagan women and men were insistent during long
and careful questioning about the past, that not in their
own living memory nor in the time of their parents did women
contribute crops to the household. Two respondents claimed
that they knew Pagans did so elsewhere, and the regions
named were in southern Hausaland where population densities
are lower and land less scarce. In the densely settled
region of i this study, women'si farms have become
progressively smaller and thus theiri ability to contribute
to household food supplies reduced to a point where this
obligation has lapsed. The close proximity of Muslims is
also likely to have influenced this; change; in the Zaria
region Pagans seem to live in more discrete units than
around Kano.

SFor further details see C. Jackson, Change and Rural
Hausa Women: A Study iin Kura and Rano Disticts, Northern
Nigeria, Ph.D. dissertation (London University, 1981).
Many of those who lost all but an insignificant plot of
land were small farmers. The planners assumed they would
use their compensation to replace lost plots, but as noted
earlier, land was simply not available in many areas.
Furthermore, compensation was too low to enable many men to
replace lost land. See J. Baba, Induced Agricultural Change
in a Densely Populated District; A Study of Existing
Agricultural Systems Iin Kura District and the Projected
Impact of the Kano River Irrigation Project, Kano State,
Nigeria, j Ph.D. dissertation, Ahmadu Bello
University, Department of Geography, (1975).
R. Palmer-Jones, The Role of Groundnuts in a Large-
Scale Irrigation Project, Seminar Paper (Ahmadu Bello
University, Bagauda I.A.R. 1978).
R. Stock, The Impact of the Decline of the Hadeija River
Floods in Hadeija Emirate, paper presented at the
conference on the Aftermath of the Drought in Nigeria,
Bagauda Lake, 1977.

31 R. Longhurst, personal communication.

32 L. A. Williams, R. J. Redden, and T. W. Hajilu, "Wheat
Produce and Production in Kano State," National Accelerated
Food Production Program, Benchmark Survey for Wheat, 1976.

s3 1 = N1-2 in September 1981.

SEmmy Simmons has tried to estimate returns on similar
small-scale consumer oriented food-processing technology and
has estimated most occupations yield 10-40 percent on
investment, greater than returns from agriculture. E.B.
Simmons, "The Economics of Consumer-oriented Food-processing
Technology in Northern Nigeria" Samaru Agricultural
Newsletter Vol. 15, No. 2 (1973), "The Small-scale Rural
Food-processing Industry in Northern Nigeria," Samaru
Research Bulletin, 258 (1976).

35 Summarized from Simmons, "Small-scale Rural Food-
processing Industry."

SR. Longhurst, Rural Development Planning and the Sexual
Division of Labour; A Case Study of a Moslem Hausa Village
in Northern Nigeria, World Employment Programme Research
Working Paper, NEP/10/WP/10. (I.L.O., 1980).

37 R. Palmer-Jones, Irrigation Development and Irrigation
Planning in the North of Nigeria (Ahmadu Bello University,
Department of Agriculture, Economics, and Rural Sociology)
p. 44.

38 Ibid.

39 NEDECO, Progress Report, March 1973, p. 5.

40 Ibid., June 1972
41 A. Tomkins, Defining Health Problems of a Rural Savannah
Area--Zaria, Seasonal Dimensions to Rural Poverty Conference
(Institute of Development Studies, Sussex University, 1978).
42 M.Z. Rosaldo, "Woman, Culture and Society--A Theoretical
Overview," in M.Z. Rosaldo, L. Lamphere, (eds.), Woman,
Culture and Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press,

43 M.G. Smith, The Economy of Hausa Communities of Zaria,
HMSO Colonial Research Series, No. 16, 1956.

44 NEDECO, Monthly Report, December 1971, p. 3.

48 C. Jackson, "Hausa Women on Strike," Review of African
Political Economy, 13 (1978).


i :


Baba, J. Induced Agricultural Change in a Densely Populated
District; A Study of Existing Agricultural Systems in
Kura District and the Projected Impact of the Kano
River Irrigation Project, Kano State, Nigeria. Ph. D.
diss., Ahmadu Bello University, 1975.

Barkow, J. Hausa and Maguzawa: Processes of Group
Differentiation in a Rural Area of North Central State,
Nigeria. Ph. D. diss., University of Chicago, 1970.

Giles, L.E. KANOPROF 279A. Kaduna: National Archives.

Gill, D.S. A Socioeconomic Study of Peasant Agriculture in
Northern Nigeria. Rome: FAO, 1963.

Hill, P. "Rural Hausa." C.V.P., 1972.

Jackson, C. Change and Rural Hausa Women: A Study in Kura
and Rano Districts, Northern Nigeria. Ph. D. diss.,
London University, 1981.

_, "Hausa Women on Strike." Review of African
Political Economy 13 (1978).

Kaduna. National Archives. A Report on Agricultural
Cooperation in Zaria Province. ZARPROF 1486.

_. Kaura District--Reassessment of.
NAK KATPRO 1503, 1928.

_. KANOPROF 1458/1925.

_. KANOPROF 6166/1909.


Longhurst, R. Rural Development Planning and the Sexual
Division of Labour; A Case Study of a Moslem Hausa
Village in Northern Nigeria. World Employment Programme
Research Working Paper NEP/10/WP/10. Geneva: ILO,

Mernissi, F. Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in a
Modern Muslim Society. New York: John Wiley & Sons,

Mortimer, M., and Wilson, J. Land and People in the Kano
Close-settled Zone. Occasional Paper No. 1. Zaria:
Ahmadu Bello University, 1965.

Netherlands Engineering Consultants, (NEDECO). Reports on
the Kano River Project. The Hague: 1976.

Norman, D. An Economic Survey of Three Villages in Zaria
Province. Samaru Miscellaneous Paper 37. Zaria:
Ahmadu Bello University.

Palmer-Jones, R. Irrigation Development and Irrigation
Planning in the North of Nigeria. Zaria: Ahmadu Bello

,_. The Role of Groundnuts in a Large-scale
Irrigation Project. Seminar Paper. Zaria: Ahmadu
Bello University, 1978.

Rosaldo, M. Z. "Women, Culture and Society--A Theoretical
Overview." In Women, Culture and Society, edited by
M.Z. Rosaldo and L. Lamphere. Stanford University
Press, 1974.

Salamone, F. A. "The, Arrow and the Bird: Proverbs in the
Solution of Hausa Conjugal Conflicts." Journal of
Anthropological Research 32, (1976).

Simmons, E. B. "The Economics of Consumer-oriented Food-
processing Technology in Northern Nigeria." Samaru
Agricultural Newsletter 15, 2 (1973).

_. "The Small-scale Rural Food-processing
Industry in Northern Nigeria." Samaru Research
Bulletin 258 (1976).

Smith, M. G. Baba of Kano--A Woman of the Muslim Hausa.
London:' Faber & Faber, 1954.

The Economy of Hausa Communities of Zaria.
HMSO Colonial Research Series No. 16, 1956.

Stock, R. iThe Impact of the Decline of the Hadeija River
Floods in the Hadeija Emirate. Bagauda Lake: Conference
on the Aftermath of the Drought in Nigeria, 1977.

Tomkins, A. Defining Health Problems of a Rural Savannah
Area--Zaria. Sussex: Seasonal Dimensions to Rural
Poverty Conference, Institute of Development Studies,

Wallace, C. Rural Development Through Irrigation Studies in
a Town on the Kano River Project. Zaria: Ahmadu Bello
University, 1979!

Williams, L. A.; Redden, R. J.; and Hajilu, T. W. "Wheat
Produce and Production in Kano State." National
Accelerated Food Production Program, Benchmark Survey
for Wheat, 1976.


Women's Roles and Gender Differences in Development: Cases for Planners

The Nemow Case, by Ingrid Palmer
February 1985 $6.75 ISBN: 0-931816-16-5

Sex Roles in the Nigerian Tiv Farm Household, by Mary E. Burfisher and Nadine R. Horenstein
February 1985 $6.75 ISBN: 0-931816-17-3

Agricultural Policy Implementation: A Case Study from Western Kenya, by Kathleen Staudt
February 1985 $6.75 ISBN: 0-931816-18-1

Kano River Irrigation Project, by Cecile Jackson
Pub. date July 1985 $6.75 ISBN: 0-931816-19-X

The Ilora Farm Settlement in Nigeria, by Heather Spiro
Pub. date July 1985 $6.75 ISBN: 0-931816-20-3

The Impact of Agrarian Reform on Women, by Ingrid Palmer
Pub. date July 1985 $6.75 ISBN: 0-931816-21-1

The Impact of Male Out-Migration on Women in Farming, by Ingrid Palmer
Pub. date July 1985 $6.75 ISBN: 0-931816-22-X

Kumarian Press offers a discount on purchases of full sets of these volumes. For more information,
to ask for our catalog or to place an order, write or call

630 Oakwood Avenue, Suite 119
West Hartford, CT 06110
(203) 524-0214

University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs