• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Title Page
 Map of project area
 Table of Contents
 List of Illustrations
 Acknowledgement
 Preface
 Summary
 Background to the study
 Findings, analysis, and implications...
 Conclusions
 Endnotes
 Appendix
 Bibliography
 Advertising
 Back Cover














Group Title: Women's roles and gender differences in development, cases for planners ; 2
Title: Sex roles in the Nigerian Tiv farm household
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00086607/00001
 Material Information
Title: Sex roles in the Nigerian Tiv farm household
Series Title: Women's roles & gender differences in development, cases for planners
Physical Description: xix, 62 p. : ill. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Burfisher, Mary E
Horenstein, Nadine R., 1954-
Publisher: Kumarian Press
Place of Publication: West Hartford CT
Publication Date: c1985
 Subjects
Subject: Tiv (African people) -- Economic conditions   ( lcsh )
Women, Tiv   ( lcsh )
Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria   ( lcsh )
Rural development -- Nigeria   ( lcsh )
Sexual division of labor -- Nigeria   ( lcsh )
Mounchi (Peuple d'Afrique) -- Conditions économiques   ( rvm )
Femmes tiv   ( rvm )
Agriculture -- Aspect économique -- Nigeria   ( rvm )
Développement rural -- Nigeria   ( rvm )
Division sexuelle du travail -- Nigeria   ( rvm )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Nigeria
 Notes
Bibliography: Bibliography: p. 59-62.
Statement of Responsibility: Mary E. Burfisher, Nadine R. Horenstein.
Funding: Women's roles and gender differences in development, cases for planners ;
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00086607
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 11550096
lccn - 84028547
isbn - 0931816173 (pbk.) :

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Map of project area
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
        Page v
        Page vi
    List of Illustrations
        Page vii
        Page viii
    Acknowledgement
        Page ix
        Page x
    Preface
        Page xi
        Page xii
    Summary
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
        Page xix
    Background to the study
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
    Findings, analysis, and implications of the differential impacts of the project
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
    Conclusions
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
    Endnotes
        Page 40
        Page 41
    Appendix
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
    Bibliography
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
    Advertising
        Page 63
    Back Cover
        Page 64
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SEX ROLES
in the
NIGERIAN TIV
FARM
HOUSEHOLD








Women's Roles & Gender
Differences In Development

SEX ROLES
in the
NIGERIAN TIV
FARM
HOUSEHOLD
Mary E. Burfisher
Nadine R. Horenstein


KUMARIAN PRESS
West Hartford














Copyrght@ 1985 Kumarian Press
29 Bishop Road West Hartford, Connecticut 06119
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright
Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or. transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or
any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission
of the publishers.






Printed in the United States of America






Cover design by

Timothy J. Gothers









Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Burfisher. Mary E.
Sex Roles in the Nigerian Tiv farm household.
Bibliography: p. 59.
1. Tivi (African people)-Economic conditions.
2. Women, Tivi (African people) 3. Agriculture-
Economic aspects-Nigeria. 4. Rural development-
Nigeria. 5. Sexual division of labor-Nigeria
I. Horenstein, Nadine R., 1954- II Title.
DT515.45.T58B87 1985 331.4'83'089965 84-28547
ISBN:0-931816-17-3




KUMARIAN PRESS
29 Bishop Road
West Hartford, CT 06119











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CONTENTS



Acknowledgments ............................................. ix

Preface ....................................................... xi

SUM M ARY ................................................... xiil

BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY .................................... 1

Introduction .............................................. 1
The Land and the People...................................... 2
The Tiv Farm and Environment............................... 5

The Tiv Farm Household ................................ 5
The Farm System ...................................... 6
Farm Resources: Land and Credit ........................ 7
Prices and Marketing ................................... 8
Local Political Structures ................................ 8
Division of Labor on Staple Crops ......................... 9
Female and Male Income Sources and
Responsibilities .................................... 10

Project Activities ........................................... 14

The Project Area ....................................... 14
Crop Development ...................................... 16
Credit ................................................ 17
Services ............................................. 17
Market Development .................................... 17

Analytic Framework and Methodology ......................... 18

Schematic Framework .................................. 18
Method of Analysis and Data Sources ...................... 20

FINDINGS .................................................... 82

Analysis and Implications of the Differential
Impacts of the Project ................................... 22
Changes in Labor Requirements ............................. 22
Changes in Income ......................... .............. 27
Implications .............................................. 31

CONCLUSIONS ................................................. 34

Alternative Designs for the Project ........................... 34
Summary and Conclusions ................................... 37

ENDNOTES .................................................... 40















APPENDIXES ....... ................ ... ................ 42

Appendix I: Labor Requirements of Ten Crops on
Typical Farm ..... ......................... ............ 42

Appendix II: Division of Labor in the Production of
Staple Crops ...... ... ...........48

Appendix III: Net Return by Crop ......... ................... 54

Appendix IV: Farm Labor Profiles by Crop .. ................... 55

Total Farm Labor Profile by Crop, Pre-Project ................ 55
Total Farm Labor Profile by Crop, Post-Project ............... 56
Female Labor Profile by Crop, Pre-Project ................... 56
Female Labor Profie by Crop, Post-Project ................... 57
Male Labor Profile by Crop, Pre-Project. ................... 58
Male Labor Profile by Crop, Post-Project .................... 58

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............. .......... ......... 59











LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS



TABLES
Table 1. Female and Male Labor Contributions
to Staple Crops .......................................... 11

Table 2. Changes in Labor Requirements by Activity
for Men, Women, and the Total Farm ........................ 23

Table 3. Area, Yields and Income in the Post-Project Farms ............ 28

Table 4. Changes in Labor and Net Returns by Crop
for the Total Farm, Men and Women, Pre- and Post-Project ...... 30
CHARTS
Chart 1. Total Farm Labor Profile (Pre-Project) ...................... 24

Chart 2. Total Farm Labor Profile (Post-Project) ..................... 24

Chart 3. Femal Labor Profile (Pre-Project) ......................... 25

Chart 4. Femal Labor Profile (Post-Project) ......................... 25

Chart 5. Male Labor Profile (Pre-Project) ........................... 26

Chart 6. Male Labor Profile (Post-Project)........................... 26

DIAGRAMS
Diagram 1. Schematic Framework ................................. 19















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


The authors wish to thank the people who provided valuable
insights and needed encouragement. We thank especially
Judith Bruce, Abe Weisblat, and Donna Vogt for the time they
took to comment on our ideas and follow our progress. In
addition, we are grateful for the written comments of Kate
Cloud, Nancy Hafkin, Richard Longhurst, Ingrid Palmer, Emmy
Simmons, Melinda Smale, Dunstan Spencer, Kathleen Staudt,
Leslie Whitener and Donald Vermeer. We want to thank Liz
Davis for her statistical assistance and Cheryl Christensen
and the Africa and Middle East Branch. Also, our special
appreciation to Deloris Midgette, Victoria Valentine and
Denise Morton for their help and patience in typing our
study.













PREFACE








Why should development planners and scholars of
development be concerned about women's roles and gender
differences?

No project that expresses its goals in terms of
production gains or increased benefits can afford to ignore
the economic potential and needs of one-half of the
population. Guidelines for the design and evaluation of
development projects sensitive to women's roles have often
been applied only to a narrow range of "women's projects."
Our view at the Population Council is that all development
efforts could be improved if the differential impact on both
class and gender groupings were considered.

The series of case studies on Women's Roles and Gender
Differences in Development was developed to demonstrate that
such analyses are not only essential, but also feasible
within existing structures.

These case studies make clear how inattention to
women's roles and gender differences is played out as
projects are implemented. Excluding gender as a variable,
or limiting women's roles to the welfare sector, results in
unintended effects, sometimes positive, but more frequently
negative. Many of the stated objectives of the development
schemes under study were not attained because project
designs were predicated on an incomplete picture of the
society to be served and drawn into participation.

The case studies draw largely from material that
existed originally in other forms (such as exceptional Ph.D
dissertations). From these materials has been extracted the
"case:" (1) salient aspects of the culture and society in
which the development project was placed, (2) the project
dynamics themselves, and finally, (3) an assessment of gains
and losses in different goal areas. To complement
individual case studies, the Series for Planners includes
monographs on broader development phenomena whose effects
are seen outside the confines of specific development
schemes. As of this writing, the Series includes two
monographs, one dealing with the effects of male out-
migration on rural women's roles and a second on the impact
of different styles of agrarian reform on women's roles and
productivity.









These materials are intended to be used by students of
development and professionals in the field, including those
at the highest planning levels. By providing examples of
how individual development schemes have operated vis-a-vis
gender, we hope they stimulate in the reader an interest in
exploring what these effects might be in development
projects being designed, implemented, or evaluated. For
some time now, an understanding of class dynamics has been
seen as essential in designing projects for successful
outcomes. IWe have the same conviction regarding the
importance of understanding gender differentials. We hope
that this study series positively advances that notion and
provides its readers with new skills and insights by raising
questions and suggesting alternatives.

We wish; to thank each of our individual authors for the
exhaustive work they have put into forming their material
into case studies. We commend Marilyn Kohn for her fine
editorial work in finalizing the material.




Judith Bruce
Associate
The Population Council

Ingrid Palmer
Editor of the Series









SUMMARY


PURPOSE OF STUDY

This paper provides a planning methodology that takes
into account sex role differences in the farming household.
It examines the expected impact of a development project
which was designed with the assumption of an aggregate or
corporate household. It then compares this expected impact
to the impact which might be expected using the proposed
planning methodology in which project impacts are
disaggregated by sex.

The study focuses on the division of labor, income and
financial obligations among one ethnic group in the project
area--the Tiv--and the implications of these divisions for
the ability and incentives of each sex to adopt technologies
introduced by the agricultural development project. In the
analysis, ethnographic information on sex roles in the farm
household is used to disaggregate the intended impact of the
project on the total farm into the impact on each sex in
order to test two hypotheses:

The amount and seasonality of female and male
labor requirements are affected different-
ly by project interventions because of their
different labor roles regarding crops and
tasks by crop.

Women's and men's income levels and income-
earning opportunities are affected different-
ly by project interventions because of their
different sources of income and different
household expenditure responsibilities.


BACKGROUND

There are several reasons why sex role differences are
particularly relevant within the context of Sub-Saharan
agriculture. First, a variety of studies indicates that the
chief constraint on agricultural production in this region
is labor availability at critical times of the year. Labor
bottlenecks manifest themselves during peak farming periods
when several operations such as planting, ridging, thinning
and weeding must be performed simultaneously. Labor
availability to meet these peak requirements places a limit
on the amount of land that a family can farm and also on the
ability of a farm household to adopt labor-increasing
technologies.









These problems relating to Ithe availability and
seasonality of farm labor can be exacerbated by sex role
differences. In mbst areas of Sub-Saharan Africa, cultural
traditions have created a sharp sexual division of labor in
the household. Men and women typically control different
crops and carry out different tasks; for example, women
might do all the weeding and men might do all the field
preparation. In addition, studies have shown sometimes
substantial differences in the amount of time spent by each
sex on farm and household labor, suggesting some rigidity in
the household pooling of family labor across different tasks
in order to meet total labor requirements. Thus, sex roles
relating to labor in the farm may lead to project outcomes
different from those anticipated by conventional planning,
which uses the total farm as the unit of analysis.

Second, in addition to their different labor roles,
women and men in the African farming household typically
have different sources of income and different financial
responsibilities. Wom n's and men's sources of assets and
income are generally inked to their different obligations
and labor roles, with each sex earning and controlling
income from different crops and activities. Women are
frequently responsible for their own and their children's
food and clothing, and women's contribution to their
families' nutrition may be crucial at certain times of year.
Men's earnings frequently go toward large farming and family
expenses and toward their own personal expenses.

For instance, among the Tiv of Nigeria, a woman earns
and controls' income from yams, a crop for which she performs
most of the labor. A woman uses yams to feed her family,
and she then uses the proceeds from the sale of surplus yams
to meet other responsibilities for household expenses. Men
earn and control income from millet and rice, crops which
are used for home consumption but which are also important
marketed crops.

Different i sour es of income and financial
responsibilities can mean a lack of incentive for one sex to
contribute \ labor to crop production that financially
benefits the other sex. Different returns to labor for each
sex can also exacerbate labor bottlenecks in the face of
conflict over labor allocations. For example, where women
are typically responsible for producing food crops for home
consumption, they ma ibe less interested than men in
increasing their labo in cash crop production, which is
frequently a male income-earning activity. In general, the
sources of income for each sex have an important influence
on the extent to which increased labor will be made
available for competing farm activities, suggesting that if
the different incentives of each sex are not calculated, the
project may have different results than would have been









expected on the basis of conventional analysis.


Finally, a growing body of research has documented
that, while there is much variation, women have important
roles in food production in Sub-Saharan Africa, and in some
areas they are the primary producers. Women are estimated
to perform 60 to 80 percent of all agricultural work and to
provide up to 70 percent of the region's food. In Nigeria,
which provides the setting for this study, women have
historically had important roles in food processing and
petty trading. They have also contributed to food
production and this role is now increasing, with male
migration to urban areas considered to be a crucial factor
in this regard.

Even in the northern Muslim areas of Nigeria, where a
woman's movement outside the home is circumscribed by the
practice of wife seclusion, women have been discovered to
play a central role in the region's economy through a
"hidden" trade in food, processed by women in their homes
and sold at competitive prices by market intermediaries,
usually their own children. Women in this area also have a
significant but generally unrecognized role as hired farm
laborers.

In Nigeria, as in most of Sub-Saharan Africa, the
significance of women's roles in agriculture and the sharp
differences between male and female roles suggest that
efforts to increase farm production and productivity need to
give explicit attention to both female and male farmers.
In particular, if one role of development projects is to
identify and remove key bottlenecks to the more efficient
use of resources, much may be missed if more detailed,
within-household analyses are not done.


METHODOLOGY

In this study, farming systems research methodologies
are used to understand both the internal structure of the
farm household and the wider farm context in order to
analyze how women and men are affected differently by
project interventions. Determination of differential
project impacts is made by linking new labor requirements
with current labor roles for each sex and changes in income
with the sources of income and the nature of financial
responsibilities for each sex. This analysis permits an
assessment of the differential project impacts on each sex,
and of the potential constraints in the adoption of new
technologies and cultural methods because of sex role
differences.









OBJECTIVES OF THE PROJECT

The project is intended to improve agricultural
productivity and increase farm incomes in Nigeria's "middle
belt," which forms an important food' producing reserve for
the nation. The proj ct's central activities relate to the
development of nine major crops. The project plans to
improve yields, thus increasing both local food supplies for
domestic consumption and the marketable surplus to generate
additional income. it also targets development of the
area's livestock, forestry and fisheries sectors. As an
integrated development project, it provides for
comprehensive development of roads, water supplies, training
programs, and commer ial services in order to provide
farmers with the necessary training, inputs and credit for
effective project participation.


FINDINGS

Labor requirements: On the typical 2.5 hectare farm,
total labor requirements were expected to increase by 14
percent annually. Wen female and male requirements were
disaggregated, it was found that there were significant
differences and that women would carry a disproportionate
share of this increase. Female labor requirements on the
typical farm were expected to increase by 17 percent, as
compared to an expected 6 percent increase for men. This is
due to the fact that Women have primary responsibility for
harvest, post-harvesh and storage activities, and the
project increases production by improving yields rather than
expanding acreage. furthermore, the different roles of
women and men results in contrasting labor profiles. The
project interventions result in a major shift in women's
labor profile, indicating potential bottlenecks at different
times of year. Men's iabor profile shifts only slightly, in
accordance with the favorable shift anticipated using
aggregated data (see Table 2; Charts 1-6).

Income:, Net : re urns per person and per hectare are
estimated from single Lrop budgets using projected farm-gate
prices for inputs and butputs and projected yields. Based
on the total farm, net returns were expected to increase by
31 percent. Disaggregating by sex, the analysis finds that
women's returns are also expected to increase by 31 percent,
while men's increase by 28 percent. The changes in total
earnings, however, mask some important asymmetries between
increased labor and increased income for each sex on some
crops. The disaggregation by sex of the change in daily net
returns provides a mea urement of the incentive of each sex
to contribute !labor to a particular crop. Women have a
central role in controlling food crops; thus they control
more of the increases in production, or returns, from the









project than men. It is important to note, however, that
the actual cash component of net returns will most likely be
much smaller than the in-kind component. Men's net returns
may have a greater cash component due to their greater
responsibility for crops which are marketed (See Tables 3
and 4).

Implications of the non-corporate household: Because
of the sex role differences in the Tiv farming household, a
development project cannot depend upon pooled family labor
as a resource or on shared family income as an incentive for
the adoption of new technologies. The different roles of
each sex cause them to have different constraints and
flexibilities and thus causes the project to affect them
differently. Some of the major implications are:
The effect of increasing women's labor
disproportionately to men's may impair the
ability of women to meet new labor
requirements, and reduce the productivity of
women relative to men in the family
household.

Many activities of the farm household such
as water hauling, cooking, and food
processing are not addressed by the project.

While both sexes in this project have the
potential for increased incomes from those
crops which are marketed, increased labor
requirements are not always associated with
increased income.

Non-financial incentives such as women's
responsibilities for family nutrition and
the need for leisure time also play a crucial
role in determining if, and to what extent,
new technologies are adopted by members of
the farm household.

ALTERNATIVES FOR PROJECT DESIGN

At the project design stage, there is a need for sex-
disaggregated socio-economic baseline data. This would
facilitate the analysis of work patterns, labor requirements,
and financial interactions and obligations within the house-
hold. If the household is viewed as an integrated production
and consumption unit, then all relevant activities of the
household members can be taken into account, without making
the often misleading distinction between farm and non-farm
activities. If this framework were applied to the project,
these alternative project designs might be suggested:


xvii









A home economics program which includes
processing and storage techniques could do
much to counterbalance the increased labor
component for women caused by, the project.
(Although according to project documents
there are provisional plans to establish an
itinerant home economics team in the
project's fifth year, the delay in starting
this program and its provisional nature is an
indication that the project is not
emphasizing some important farm household
needs, particularly those farm
activities not undertaken by men.) To the
extent that pr cessing and storage of non-
project |crops may create a Ibottleneck for
women in November and December, improving
their efficiency in these tasks could ease
another important constraint to their
adoption of project technologies. In
addition, developing food processing
technologies could develop, or improve, the
potential for tpe sale of processed food as a
source of cash income for women farmers.

There is also a need for the project to
underscore the outreach of extension services
to women farmers. This is a very typical area
in which projects fail to serve women.
Project interventions are more likely to be
adopted by both female and male farmers if
the primary ag nt of change, the extension
service, jis targeted toward them both.

Future plans, which include residential train-
ing and building, forestry, and road-building
activities, should recognize the role of
women and thereby maximize the impact of
interventions.

Improvement of marketing channels should take
into account the need to provide both sexes'
crops with market development assistance, and
the project should consider that price and
marketing conditions in the project area
may cause differential access to income from
marketed crops.

The local political structure, which is used
by the project as a communication channel
with local peo le, does not< provide equal
representation |for women and men. The project
should ensure that women have direct access
to project personnel and do not have to rely



xviii










on men for communication of their interests.
This might be done by including any existing
women's organizations on the local project
committee.

Other factors which could be considered in
order to maximize the impact of the project
are:

Women's access to land as affected by the
land tenure system and population growth and
migration;

Education and its potential impact on child
labor and hence on women; also, educational
efforts should attempt to reach both sexes;

Farm credit availability. (At this point
credit is not available to either sex in any
significant manner. However, women's lack of
direct land holding rights and their lack of
direct political access have the potential
for weakening their credit worthiness if
credit develops in the future.)


CONCLUSION

Distinguishing between women's and men's roles, and
considering the implications of these role differences, is
crucial to the process of improving productivity and income.
Too long perceived as a social welfare issue, the concept of
women's role in development needs to be perceived for what
it is: an important productivity issue that should be a
standard part of the planning process. If one goal of
development is ultimately the integration of both women and
men, then the different needs and incentives of each must be
explicitly recognized and addressed so that projects and
program can become responsive to the people they are
designed to assist.









BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY




INTRODUCTION

Declining per capital food production in many areas of
Sub-Saharan Africa during the past two decades has led to a
closer examination of traditional farming systems and of the
factors that may be impeding efforts to improve agricultural
productivity. One of the factors which is beginning to
receive increased attention on a theoretical level is sex
role differences in the farming household and their effects
on the allocation of household resources. On an operational
level, however, few development projects explicitly take
this factor into consideration. Instead, projects whose
objectives include increasing farm productivity and income
are designed using the aggregated labor and income resources
of the farming household as a basis for analysis, and
assuming a corporate household entity as decision-maker in
the allocation of household resources.

This paper provides a planning methodology that takes
into account sex role differences in the farming household.
It also provides a quantitative comparison between the
project impacts of a development project using a convention-
al planning methodology based on the aggregated farm house-
hold, and the proposed methodology, in which project impacts
are disaggregated by sex.

The study uses data from the planning documents of an
actual project in central Nigeria. However, since the
purpose of this study is to provide a framework for studying
sex role differences in the farm household, and not to
evaluate the outcome of a specific project, the project will
remain unidentified. The project's goals are to increase
agricultural productivity and improve farm family incomes.
It includes a basic technological package of improved inputs
and new or improved cultivation methods. It also provides
for a variety of other services such as training, extension,
and water, road, and forestry development. The project
bases its analysis of project outcomes on a hypothetical 2.5
hectare farm on which a combination of early, full season,
and late crops are grown.

The study focuses on the divisions of labor, income and
financial obligations among one ethnic group in the project
area--the Tiv--and the implications of these divisions for
the ability and incentives of each sex to adopt technologies
introduced by the agricultural development project.










In the analysis, ethnographic information on sex roles
in the farm household is used to disaggregate the intended
impact of the project on the total farm into the impact
on each sex in order to test two hypotheses:

The amount and seasonality of female
and male labor requirements are affected
differently by project interventions because
of their different labor roles regarding
crops and tasks by crop.

Women's and men's income levels and income-
earning opportunities are affected different-
ly by project interventions because of their
different sources of income and different
household expenditure responsibilities.


The analysis is carried out without changing the pro-
ject's assumptions concerning adoption rates, yields and
prices. However, the homogeneity and non-differentiation of
household resources are called into question throughout the
analysis.

The analysis su gests that gender specific roles and
responsibilities may result in different responses to
production-increasing Itechnologies because of the different
constraints land incentives of each sex. These sex role
differences may cause development projects to have
unintended effects or to face constraints not anticipated by
conventional] project analyses based on the total farm
resources. Thus, projects may 'fail to reach their
objectives. Project planning that takes sex role
differences into accou t can help in designing projects that
are more responsive to the different needs and interests
of both women and men farmers.


THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE

There are several reasons why sex role differences are
particularly relevant, within the context of Sub-Saharan
agriculture. First, a variety of studies indicate that the
chief constraint on agricultural production in this region
is labor availability at critical times of year. 1 Labor
bottle- necks manifest themselves during peak farming
periods when several operations such as planting, ridging,
thinning and weeding must be performed simultaneously.
Labor availability to meet these peak requirements places
a limit on the amount of land that a family can farm and
also on the ability of a farm household to adopt labor-
increasing technologies.









These problems relating to the availability and
seasonality of farm labor can be exacerbated by sex role
differences. In most areas of Sub-Saharan Africa, cultural
traditions have created a sharp sexual division of labor in
the household. 2 Men and women typically control different
crops and carry out different tasks, such as women doing all
weeding and men doing all field preparation. In addition,
studies have shown sometimes substantial differences in the
amount of time spent by each sex on farm and household
labor, suggesting some rigidity in the household pooling of
family labor across different tasks in order to meet total
labor requirements. 3 These labor role differences may lead
to project outcomes different from those anticipated by
conventional planning which uses the total farm as a unit of
analysis.

Second, in addition to their different labor roles,
women and men in the African farming household typically
have different sources of assets and income and different
financial responsibilities. Women's and men's sources of
assets and income are generally linked to their different
obligations and labor roles, with each sex earning and
controlling income from different crops or activities.
Women are frequently responsible for their own and their
children's food and clothing, and women's contribution to
their families' nutrition may be crucial at certain times of
the year. 4 Men's earnings frequently go toward large
farming and family expenses and toward their own personal
expenses. 5

For instance, among the Tiv of Nigeria, a woman earns
and controls income from yams, a crop for which she performs
most of the labor. A woman uses yams to feed her fam-
ily, and uses proceeds from the sale of surplus yams to meet
other responsibilities for household expenses. Men earn
and control income from millet and rice, crops which are
used for home consumption but which are also important
marketed crops.

Different sources of income and financial responsibili-
ties can mean a lack of incentive for one sex to contribute
labor to crop production that financially benefits the other
sex. Different returns to labor for each sex can also exacer-
bate labor bottlenecks in the face of conflict over labor
allocations. 6 For example, where women are typically
responsible for producing food crops for home consumption,
they may be less interested than men in increasing their
labor in cash crop production, which is frequently a male
income-earning activity. In general, the sources of income
for each sex have an important influence on the extent to
which increased labor will be made available for competing
farm activities, suggesting that if the different incentives
of each sex are not calculated, the project may have









different results than would have been expected on the basis
of conventional analysis.

Finally, a growing body of research has documented
that, while there is much variation,i in general women have
important roles in food production in Sub-Saharan Africa,
and in some areas they are the primary producers. Women are
estimated to perform 60 to 80 percent of all agricultural
work and to provide u to 70 percent of the region's food.
In Nigeria, which provides the setting for this study, women
have historically had important roles in food processing and
petty trading. They have also contributed to food
production and this role is now increasing, with male
migration to urban areas considered a crucial factor in the
growing farming responsibilities of Nigerian women. 7

Even in the northern Muslim areas of Nigeria where
women's movement outside the home is circumscribed by the
practice of wife seclusion, women Have been discovered to
play a central role in the region's economy through a
"hidden" trade of food, processed by the women in their
homes and! sold at competitive prices by market
intermediaries, usually their own children. 8 Women in
this area also have a significant but generally unrecognized
role as hired farm laborers. 9

In Nigeria, as lin most of SUb-Saharan Africa, the
significance of women's roles in agriculture and the sharp
differences between male and female roles suggest that
efforts to increase farm production and productivity need to
give explicit attention to both female and male farmers. In
particular, if one role of development projects is to
identify and remove key bottlenecks to the more efficient
use of scarce resources, much may be missed if more
detailed, wi'thin-house'old analyses are not done.

The rest of Part I provides an overview of the Tiv farm
and environment including the operations of the farm, land
and credit resources, the marketing system, the local
political system, and the sex roles in the Tiv farm
household. It goes bn to describelactivities planned by
the project, and then discusses the methodology of the
study and sources of data. Part II provides an analysis of
the data, and examines implications for project design. A
brief summary and conclusions of the study are presented in
Part III.









THE TIV FARM AND ENVIRONMENT

The Tiv Farm Household

The Tiv are an agricultural people who farm the
savannah lands to the north and south of the Benue River in
central Nigeria. They comprise about one-half of the
population of 500,000 included in this agricultural
development project, which is being implemented north of
the Benue River, about 140 kilometers east of its confluence
with the Niger River.

The Tiv live in scattered, isolated compounds through-
out the project area that are bound together by strong
family ties and physically linked by the myriad of paths
that criss-cross the countryside. The compounds are each
made up of between three and forty huts with the average
composed of about ten huts.

The number of people living in a compound also varies
considerably, with the average having approximately 17
members. The people living in the compound form an
extended patrilineal polygamous family consisting of a
compound head, his wife or wives, their children, unmarried
adult daughters, adult sons and their wives and children.

The size of the farm reflects the number of
agriculturally active people in the compound. In theory,
the compound head has control over the size and location of
the fields of each person in the compound. In practice,
however, discussion of allocation of fields takes place
among all the adult males of the household. All compound
members have a right to sufficient land to meet their
food and financial obligations; these rights are protected
by traditional sanctions. Tiv women and men both hold major
roles in crop production activities, and women are active in
food processing and trading. Children assist parents in
farm tasks and carry much of the responsibility for early
child care, thus freeing adult women for other kinds of
work. In 1976, Nigeria introduced Universal Primary
Education, which is expected to provide free primary school
education to all children. The project area, however, is
located in one of Nigeria's most educationally disadvantaged
states. Child labor is therefore likely to still be an
important component of the Tiv's farm labor resources.

The ranking of co-wives and the age of household mem-
bers are among the factors that affect one's status within
the household. However, information on these role
differences is extremely limited.










The Farm System

The Tiv have a r putation for being excellent farmers.
They produce a wide variety of crops using flexible systems
of undersowing, relay cropping and intercropping. Crops are
produced on two kinds of farms: bush farms located at a
distance from the family compound, and compound farms, or
kitchen gardens, immediately surrounding the family
compound. On the bush farms, farming follows a bush/fallow
cycle with a four to six year crop cycle and a five to ten
year fallow period. aam, the principle crop grown by the
Tiv, is the first crop in the cycle. It is followed by
millet and sorghum.i

Cassava is the last crop in the cycle, and if cassava
yields are considered high a second crop might be planted
before the field goes into fallow. Occasionally a second
yam crop is planted following the sorghum rotation if the
soil fertility is adeqUate. These yams are then staked on
the sorghum stalks left standing in the field for that
purpose.

The Tiv practice intercropping; crops that are commonly
intercropped on the Ibush farm are melons, groundnuts,
bambara nuts and benniseed. However, principle crops are
usually grown sole or as a single dominant crop and the
various admixtures have an insignificant effect on crop
yields.

The compound farms benefit from household waste and ash
disposal so that they remain fertile enough to support
continuous crop production. A wide variety of crops are
planted in the compound farm. It is usually rotated between
maize and sorghum but also produces such crops as cocoyam,
tomato, pepper, okra, pumpkin, sorrel, peanuts, cowpeas and
various other vegetables. These crops are given great care,
occasionally receiving hand watering until the onset of the
rainy season.

There is little livestock production on the Tiv farm
because of the presence of the tsetse fly in this region.
However, some small stock such as chickens, pigs, and goats
are raised as scavengers around the compound to provide
meat for home consumption.

Other income activities of the farming household in-
clude processing and trading of agricultural products,
spinning and weaving, And pottery making.









Farm Resources: Land and Credit

The Tiv are for the most part subsistence farmers.
Thus, in addition to labor, which is discussed in Chapter
Two, farm resources are limited to land and some
seasonal needs for capital. Farming is undertaken almost
entirely by hand, and the scarcity of hired help limits farm
size.

The land tenure system of the Tiv is typical of many
patrilineal groups in Sub-Saharan Africa. Every adult Tiv
male has a right, by virtue of his membership in a compound
group, to enough land to provide each of his wives with a
farm. Every married Tiv woman has a right to a farm of
sufficient size to feed herself, her children, and her
husband. A husband is allotted land to allocate to his
wives by the compound head.

As the Tiv population increases, the need for land also
increases. It is the responsibility of the head of the
compound to control enough land to support the compound. He
does this by expanding fields outward against the land of
the neighbor who is most distantly related to him. This
concentric expansion creates a great deal of local friction.

A Tiv woman's rights to land are dependent upon her
relationship to a husband. A woman has land rights only when
she is married and living with a man, although a widow
continues to have land rights if she remains resident in her
husband's compound. Unmarried women have no land rights.
They work on their mother's fields or may be allocated small
fields by their brothers. Although national law relating to
women's land rights is changing to provide them with more
security, the customary land tenure systems prevail.

Small holder farm credit remains a difficult problem in
Nigeria. Commercial banking is not well developed; in 1981
the country had fewer than 800 branches for a total
population of over 80 million. Commercial banking services
in rural areas are particularly poor. Even where banks are
ready to supply credit, few farmers are able to offer
adequate security for the loans they need to improve their
farms and their productivity. In turn, farmers with little
security are reluctant to take out credit. Generally, few
farmers have access to the limited commercial credit that is
available; most depend on local or traditional sources for
their seasonal credit needs.

Little information is available on credit sources among
the Tiv. However, traditional associations for men and
women are widespread in rural Nigeria. One such association
used by women is a contribution club or esusu whose aim is
to assist its members in small-scale capital formation.










Women who join these clubs contribute small amounts at
regular intervals to the pool of funds. Members then have
access on a rotating basis to the money pool for investment
or profit-making purposes. These associations may exist in
the Tiv area, although no specific information is available.


Prices and Marketing

Tiv farm production is composed entirely of food crops;
some of it is marketed and a large proportion is used for
home consumption. Since 1977, several of the food crops
have been covered by Nigeria's expanded marketing board
system. Under the system, farmers can sell their produce
either to marketing boards at floor producer prices or to
local traders and consumers. There are currently seven
marketing boards, each with responsibilities for handling
specific food or export crops. In 1980, official producer
prices for millet increased by 81 percent, sorghum by 73
percent, corn by 35 percent and rice by 24 percent.

It is estimated, however, that throughout Nigeria only
about 10 percent of most food crops are marketed. Road
conditions are so poor that it is difficult for most farmers
to transport produce to the market. Much of it must be
headloaded for long distances on bush paths.

In the area in which the Tiv live, most of the produce
that is marketed is traded in a large number of local,
unconnected markets. Prices can vary substantially between
markets. Because food storage capacity is limited, and
characterized by high Losses, much of the farm produce is
marketed at harvest time. Thus, there are also
pronounced seasonal price movements within markets.


Local Political Structures

The political organization of the Tiv is unusual in its
degree of decentralization and egalitarianism. The basic
unit is the compound,j made up of an extended patriarchy.
The compound head is usually the oldest male of his
generation. He has responsibility for deciding all matters
of importance concerning the family, including the
allocation of fields to male compound members who in turn
assign fields to their wives.

Above the compound is a kindred composed of several
compounds, or extended family groups. The authority in the
kindred is an elected older or elders, usually the head of a
compound, with both political and spiritual
responsibilities. An elder is usually an older man, who is
judged to have the qualities necessary for peace-keeping










among the Tiv because of his personality, ability, and
knowledge.

The affairs of several kindreds are governed by a
council of elders, consisting of a democratic council of all
family group elders. This council meets extensively to
discuss all problems of concern to the community. Only
agnatic male members of the lineage may become elders of
the council. Women are excluded because they are believed
to lack the necessary spiritual qualities.

Women can exercise informal power within the compound
because of their control over the food supply. They hold a
great deal of authority in domestic affairs. However, they
lack direct access to and a means to participate in
recognized political structures.


Division of Labor on Staple Crops

Tiv women and men both have major roles in crop
production activities, and these roles are sharply
differentiated by sex. While few farming activities are
carried out solely by women or men, there is a definite
sense of which tasks are appropriate to each sex, and few
tasks are performed by both men and women. Grass pulling to
clear new fields is one of the few examples of a task
performed by both sexes, but even here men will stop pulling
grasses as soon as enough field is cleared for them to
switch to mound building in preparation for planting yams.

Much of the work on the farm's staple crops is done by
both men and women, with each performing different but
generally complementary tasks. For example, preparation of
rice fields involves hand weeding of the fields by the women
and construction of trenches and ridges by men. Harvesting
of rice, millet and sorghum is done jointly by women and
men, with men cutting the stalks, women cutting off and
bundling the heads of grains, and men transporting the
bundles to the compound. In the case of yams, both sexes
may be responsible for planting (although it is mostly done
by women) but each does it in a different way. Women drop
the seed yam into a hole made with their digging stick while
men maneuver the seed yam into place with a short handled
hoe.

Two major tasks in the farming household, women's
weeding and men's preparation of mounds and ridges, are
carried out by each sex for all crops, regardless of who
controls the disposition of the crop. In general, however,
the total labor input into a crop is related to control over
its disposition. Yams provide the clearest example of this.
Once yam mounds are built, women handle all other










responsibilities for yam production, harvesting, and
processing, and6 they control the disposition of the crop
between household consumption and its sale in the market.
They also control any income from its sale.

In Table 1, the labor roles of male and female farmers
in the production of the nine crops targeted by the project
are presented. From the table it can be seen that Tiv women
have a dominant labor 3ole for yams, sorghum, cowpeas and
maize. These are important subsistence crops in this
region, and yams are also important as a marketed crop. Men
provide more labor than women on millet and melons which are
both home-consumed and marketed. Both sexes contribute
about equally to rice, cassava and benniseed, which are also
important asiboth food crops and as marketed crops.

The figures fin Table 1 represent the proportion
provided by each sex of the total time required for each of
the tasks associated with a crop. The proportions assigned
to each sex are estimates based on the available
ethnographic literature, which are applied to data provided
by project documents on the number of person days required
for each task. Some of the categories of activities used by
the project lump together a number of component activities.
Of these "lumped" categories, field preparation includes
clearing land, any weeding that must be done prior to
planting, and construction of mounds or ridges for some
crops. Harvesting includes harvesting activities in the
field and transportation of the crop back to the compound.
Processing varies by crop, and includes such
activities as threshing, drying and shelling.


Female and Male Income Sources and Responsibilities

In a semi-subsistence economy where much of what is
produced is' consumed on the farm, income must be more
broadly defined to include not only cash income, but also
income in the form of agricultural produce or other physical
goods and services. It is clear, therefore, that not only
cash income, but also the exchange of goods and services
within the farm household is an important component of
income.

Among the iTiv, within-household exchange reflects the
Tiv's values of the communal responsibility to share, as
well as payment in kind for the performance of specific
tasks. For example, women frequently receive millet from
men to process and sell on their own account in return for
their labor input on men's fields. 'Similarly, men usually
receive some variable quantity of yams from women's fields
in return for the participation in clearing yam fields.










TABLE I: FEMALE AND MALE LABOR CONTRIBUTIONS TO, AND
INCOME FROM, STAPLE CROPS.


Field
CROP Prepara-
tion


Plant- Weed- Harvest-
ing ing ing


Pro-
cess-
ing


Stor- Income
age


F: 50% F:
M: 50% M:


F F


80%
20%


Millet M


F: 20% F F: 50%


F: 50% F: 20% 3


Sorg-
hum


Cas- F:
sava M:

Maize F:
M:

Rice F:
M:

Benni- M
seed

Water F:
melon M:

Cow- F:
peas


F: 25%3
M: 75%

F


1 Income refers to the value of the total crop,


both the


marketed and home-consumed proportions, valued at market
prices projected by the project.


2 Women produce and control most of the cassava,
are beginning to produce and sell some amounts


but men


3 Men control most of the income from the crop although
women produce small amounts for home consumption or sale.


Yam


80%
20%


20%
80%

75%
25%

90%
10%




50%
50%


F: 25%
M: 75%


25%
75%

25%
75%

10%
90%


25%
75%


75% 2
25%


50%
50%

75%
25%

90%
10%

50%
50%

50%
50%

25%
75%


F F:
M:

F F:
M:

F F:
M:

F F:
M:

F F:
M:

F F:
M:

F F


F: 50%
M: 50%


20%
80%

40% 3
60%


25% F










In certain cases there are also more formal monetary
relationships between embers of the household. Foodstuffs
can be sold within the household; for example, a woman may
buy millet or sorghum from her husband to make beer, or a
woman can sell cassava for her husband and make a profit.
Also, loans' are madd between spouses, frequently with
interest attached. However, the liquid assets or income of
the total household are not an adequate measure of the
household's ,capacity or incentive' to respond to new
opportunities, such as those presented by an agricultural
development project, since surpluses from these resources
are not as mobile between sexes as planners usually suppose.
See Appendix'III for information on net returns by crop.

Intra-household financial and exchange relationships
can be quite complex. The giving of an unspecified part of
one's crop to the other sex in exchange for labor input, and
the arrangement of loans between spouses at various rates of
interest suggest how difficult it is to quantify these
relationships, or concepts such as total income or returns
to labor on a subsistence or semi-subsistence farm.

In this analysis, we use ethnographic material on the
Tiv to postulate a plausible division of income within the
household (see Table 1). The division reflects the value of
the proportion of each crop over which each sex has control.
This control stems from the disposition of the crop between
home consumption and sale, and the use of the crop or income
from it to meet obligation toward household support. In the
case of yams, for example, women are estimated to control
80 percent of i the yam crop and to give 20 percent to men
for men's use in entertaining and ceremonies. Women thus
earn 80 percent of the value of the yam crop while men earn
20 percent,i but women's and men's returns per day of labor
input into the crop can differ because of their different
labor roles.i

Within Tiv society, a woman owns the produce which is
grown on the farm allocated to her by her husband and
controls the disposition of her crop between sale and home
consumption.I While this allocation continues, she
determines the use made of this land. Tiv women are
responsible for producing, and thus they control, the major
portion of the Tiv's subsistence food. They derive income
from salesI of surplus produce, either in its natural
state or in processed form, and use this income to help
provide for themselves and their families, in accordance
with their obligations

Yams are considered to belong to women and are in
the effective control of the senior wives or mothers-in-
law. A man can request surplus yams from his wives for
gift or for sale since he contributed to their production









by hoeing the mounds. A woman also has a right to all the
seed yams produced on her farm and can sell those which are
not needed for next year's crop.

Sorghum is also controlled by women, although it is
planted by men, as are all side crops which are intercropped
in women's yam field or grown in kitchen gardens. These
side crops are used in sauces and are an essential nutritive
component of the family diet. Some sorghum is traded locally
in the form of grain, or it is processed into beer and sold.
Women control all the cassava grown in their yam fields and
can earn income by selling the surplus at the market. Since
cassava is not a valued dietary staple among the Tiv, much
of it tends to be marketed. As cassava has become more
important as a cash crop, men have begun to grow more of it
on their own fields. Women may sell cassava given to them
by the men and receive a portion of the profit. In colonial
times benniseeds were as important cash crop and proceeds
were used by men to pay taxes. More recently, rice has
become an important cash crop and men have taken increasing
responsibility for its production.

Men have primary responsibilities for millet although
women may be entitled to a portion of the crop in return for
their labor input in weeding and harvesting. Women also
grow small quantities of millet with their yams, and derive
income from brewing and selling millet beer. The millet
controlled by women may also be a surplus after the family
has been fed or that which is purchased in small amounts
from other women.

Women can also earn money from trade in a large variety
of side crops (sauce trade) or in food prepared from these
crops. Trading is considered a woman's task, and thus women
sell not only those crops produced on their fields but also
at least a portion of the output from men's fields. Men
also spend considerable time hunting during the dry season.

Each sex's sources of income are linked with
responsibilities toward family support. In Tiv society,
women have primary control over the crops used to provide
the family's food. Their responsibility to feed the
family either directly from produce from their own
fields or from their husband's fields or indirectly
through the sale and purchase of crops stems from this
control. With income earned through petty trading women
have the responsibility to provide clothing for themselves
and their children. They also purchase items such as soap
and other household items with their earnings.

Men have specific responsibilities toward their wives,
including allocating fields, clearing land, hoeing yam
mounds, and providing seed yams for each wife's first yam









crop. In addition men control millet, rice, and some
cassava. They also earn income from weaving and fishing,
and contribute to family food supply through their hunting.

It should be noted that status within the family is an
important determinant of duties and income. A compound
head, a husband, or a senior wife has specific
responsibilities which flow from his or her status within
the community and the family. Age also affects status
within the household.

In this study we do not disaggregate the impacts of the
project among individuals of the same sex because of the
scarcity of information.


PROJECT ACTIVITIES

The project is| intended to improve agricultural
productivity and increase farm incomes in Nigeria's "middle
belt" which forms an important food producing reserve for
the nation. The project's central activities relate to the
development of the area's crop production. The project
plans to improve yields of nine major crops, thus increasing
both local food supp ies for domestic consumption and the
marketable surplus to generate additional income. It also
targets development of the area's livestock, forestry and
fisheries sectors. As an integrated development project, it
provides for a comprehensive development of roads, water
supplies, training programs, and commercial services to
ensure effective project participation.


The Project Area

The project covers 9,400 square kilometers in north-
central Nigeria, 140 kilometers east of the confluence of
the Niger and Benu'e Rivers. The project area is
characterized by a gently undulating topography bounded on
three sides by major rivers: Mada in the west, Dep in the
east and Benue in the South. The rivers are bordered by
extensive flood plains.

Rainfall is 'about 1,200 millimeters annually. It
occurs during :the Idng wet season from March to October,
which is followed by an intense dry season with dust-bearing
harmattan winds from November to March. Soils in the area
are of low to moderate fertility. They cannot sustain
cropping for long periods and recuperate slowly during
fallow. Soils in the project area have been declining in
fertility because population growth and inflation create
pressures to intensify production.










Communal forests cover over 32,000 hectares; however,
uncontrolled cutting and subsequent extensive weed growth is
downgrading wood production and quality. About 70 percent
of the population in Nigeria depends on fuelwood as their
primary source of cooking and heating energy. Wood supply
in the project area has been in short supply since the
1930s, and government forestry efforts have not been very
effective.

The population in the project area is ethnically
diverse, with over 20 tribal communities. Besides the Tiv,
major groups are Alago, Kanari, Eggon, Migili and Fulani.
Almost half the population are Tiv, who live in small,
isolated hamlets linked by strong family ties. Most of the
other ethnic groups live in large concentrated villages.

There has been steady immigration to the area since the
civil war. Total population growth between 1973 and 1980 is
estimated at 4 percent per year. In 1980, the population
was estimated at about 500,000. Eighty percent of the
population is engaged in agriculture, with about 60,000 farm
families averaging 6 to 7 members cultivating 150,000
hectares.

Services and communication in the area are not well
developed. Education and medical facilities are
rudimentary. In 1976, about 6,000 students, or three
percent of the population, were in primary school. The area
has one hospital and two health centers. Water supplies are
generally inadequate with only the state capital having a
piped water supply and electricity. The rural population
relies on seasonal, and often contaminated, streams and
wells. Communications in the area are by road and small
river transport, and road conditions are poor.

Farmers' services are minimal, and remain almost
entirely in the hands of the public sector. Supply of
inputs by the Government or private traders is limited.
Effectiveness of the small extension staff is severely
hampered by lack of resources. Credit is available only
from traditional sources.

The project area is administered by two Local
Government Councils. Local authority is vested in
traditional headmen and chiefs who act as arbitrators in
minor disputes, organize community undertakings and
generally attend to local needs. The traditional authority
is widely respected and exerts considerable influence on all
sections of the community.










Crop Development

The central project interventions are the improved
farming practices and technologies relating to crop
production. Farmer'ss yields are expected to increase
through the !introduction of a basic service package (BSP) of
improved seeds, seed dressings, fertilizers and
insecticides, supported by a more intensive and better
trained extension service.

Although recognizing that farmers grow a whole range of
crops with annually changing proportions, the project uses a
hypothetical 2.5 hectare farm with a typical cropping
pattern for the area:, as the basis for its analysis of
changes in labor requirements and income levels. The crops
targeted by the project are the major crops grown in this
area: yams, cassava, sorghum, millet, maize, melon, rice,
cowpeas, and benniseed.

It is expected that varying proportions of each crop
will continue ito be cultivated under traditional methods.
Overall, some 32 percent of the cropped area is expected to
benefit from new or improved cultivation practices.

Labor availability to meet peak labor requirements is
recognized las a key constraint to expanding production in
the project area. The new cultivation practices introduced
by the project increase the annual labor requirement of the
hypothetical 2.5 hectare farm by 14 percent but they are
planned so as to take account of potential labor bottlenecks
that could'develop during peak farming periods when many
tasks h ave to be performed at once. This is to be done
by encouraging a slight decrease in early season crop
planting which make high demands; on labor during peak
farming months but offer low returns. See Appendix I for
labor requirements of individual crops.

This shift is expected to distribute the increased
labor demands of!th project interventions throughout the
year rather than ii the peak months of June through
September. !The increased volumes of production are expected
to lead to increased family income, in terms of both
increased home consumption and increased marketed surplus.

Traditionally, most inputs have been procured,
distributed and sold through the private sector. Fertilizer
has been a state government responsibility and it is sold at
heavily subsidized prices. However, procurement has been
sporadic and its limited availability has led to an active
black market trade. The project expects to improve
distribution and availability of inputs by establishing 209
Farm Service Centers (FSC), located to achieve an optimum
balance between ac cess and delivery of supplies to










hinterlands which, in Tiv areas, may be up to 150 kilometers
from the nearest road.


Credit

Since fertilizer is heavily subsidized, seasonal credit
is not expected to be a prerequisite to achieving the
anticipated adoption rates for improved practices. Input
sales are to be made on a cash basis and short-term
financial requirements are expected to be met from local
sources. An important proportion of this credit is found at
the family level.


Services

The condition of the road network is critical to
successful delivery of inputs and the evacuation of produce.
The extent of the road network in the project area is
considered adequate. However, the condition of the roads is
poor and they are frequently impassable during the rainy
season. The project is expected to undertake both
improvement of existing roads and construction of new roads.
Because of the importance of roads to the project's success,
road maintenance activities are expected to begin at the
start of the project.

The project will attempt to make potable water
available to all rural families. Most small hamlets, in
which the Tiv live, are situated near perennial streams, and
the most pressing water supply problems are in the medium
and large villages. The local government councils currently
have a well construction and maintenance program. Project
activities would integrate and expand the well program.

In support of these activities, the project provides
for extension and training programs for farmers.


Market Development

Despite the significantly greater volume of production
expected as a result of inputs, and new or improved
cultivation practices, the project assumes that crop prices
are not expected to decline because of rising food demand
from Nigeria's urban population. The increased production
is expected to be readily absorbed into the economy with no
significant impact on local market prices.










ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY

The activities 'of a farming household and the
operations of a development project take place within a
complex social, political and economic environment. The
nature and dynamics of this environment have an important
influence oh the tech ical relationship between the farming
household and the project, and consequently on the ability
of the project to achieve its objectives.

The farming systems research methodologies are useful
in understanding the operations of the small farm within its
wider context. It reflects a holistic perspective of the
whole farm/! rural household and the technical and human
environmental The objective of these methodologies is to
understand the farmi g unit as an integrated production
and consumption unit and to understand the constraints and
flexibilities of the farmers as they try to reach their
goals.

In this study, farming systems methodologies are used
to understand both the internal structure of the farm
household and the wider farm context in order to analyze how
women and men are affected differently by project
interventions. In particular, the analysis focuses on sex
role differences within the household with regard to labor
roles, sources of income, and financial responsibilities.
These differences can give rise 'to a within-household
pattern of constraints and flexibilities different from that
of a corporate unit;under one management voice and with
perfect mobility of resources. It can also result in
different relationships between them and such factors as
credit availability and local political representation.
These, too,' can contribute to differential impacts of a
project.

Schematic Framework

In order to apply elements of the farming systems
approach to our analysis of project/farmer interactions, we
developed a schematic framework. The framework identifies
variables relating to the farming household, the development
project, and the i wider farm context that influences the
project intervention process. The framework is intended
to focus on the 'different roles of women and men in the
farming household and on the differences between the
interactions of women and men with the project and the
farm context. Specifically, the framework is used to
highlight changes in total labor requirements, in
labor requirements by crop activity, and in returns to
labor (income) by crop and crop activity.










DIAGRAM I: SCHEMATIC FRAMEWORK


results in


PROJECT IMPACTS BY SEX

labor (eg. change
labor allocation
and/or requirements)

income (changes in
income levels avail-
ability of income-
earning opportunities)


interacts with


Extension


EXOGENOUS VARIABLES

National
Policies Physical
Migration Environment Community
Education Cultural Norms Structures


FARMING HOUSEHOLD

farm size, family size
and other endogenous
variables

male/female labor
allocations for ag.
household and other
activities

male/female income
sources and financial
responsibilities


PROJECT
VARIABLES

Organization
Administration


PROJECT
I-NTERVENTION
Technology

New cultivation
practices

Inputs
(eg. seeds
fertilizer)







20


Exogenous variables are those that may be influenced
but not controlled by the development project. These
include: national policies, particularly those relating to
prices, marketing and distribution; migration, which alters
the composition and functioning of the household;
education/training which has implications for the ability to
have access to, or utilize, project !information, as well as
for the availability, of household labor; the physical
environment, which determines crop mix, planting strategies,
and applicability of new technologies; cultural norms, which
define appropriate roles and responsibilities for the
household members; and community structures which establish
hierarchies and systematic ways for community members to
live and work together. All of these variables have an
impact, to a greater or lesser degree, on: the organization
and administration of a project, the structure and
functioning of the farming household and the final impact of
the agricultural project. In turn, the changes effected by
the project can feed back and affect the exogenous
variables. For example, increased income opportunities in
the project area can lead to reduced out-migration or even
in-migration.

Project variables include project organization and
administration. Project organization includes representa-
tion of the interests of women and men on the project staff
and in decision-making positions within any local groups and
organizations that may be utilized by the project for
management, communication of interests or concerns, and
decision-making. Project administration includes considera-
tion of how project services are delivered; for
instance, whether residential training is likely to be feas-
ible for a woman with daily household responsibilities, and
whether credit is dependent upon land as collateral or
issued for only certain kinds of farm operations.

The way the project is organized and administered
determines how and to whom the project's interventions are
delivered. In this case study, the project interventions
are: improved crop varieties and cultivation practices,
fertilizer, training and extension, and infrastructural
development.


Method of Analysis and Data sources

In this study, determination of differential project
impacts is Imade by linking new labor requirements with
current labor roles for each sex, and changes in income with
the sources of income and the nature of financial
responsibilities for each sex.

Data on labor requirements of the hypothetical total










farm for the crops being affected by the project were
provided by project documents. This included farm labor
requirements in person days, by month and by crop activity
(such as planting, weeding, etc.), from before and after the
project. The project documents also provided information on
net returns from each of the crops being affected by the
project, from before and after the project. Although some
portion of each crop is consumed on the farm, the project
documents measure income as the value of the total crop, at
present and projected prices, whether it is consumed at home
or marketed.

Information on the appropriate sex role for each task
is drawn from the field research of Paul and Laura Bohannan,
Donald Vermeer, and others. Data was collected from the
early 1950s through the mid-1970s. In combining
ethnographic data and information in project documents, it
appears that little change has occurred during this period
in the farming practices of the Tiv in this sparsely
populated area, although population pressures to the south
of the project area have resulted in a modification of the
Tiv's crop rotation practices. In the project area, crop
mixtures, cropping methods, the use of simple tools, limited
marketing of produce and little out-migration indicate
little change in the fundamental structure of the farm
household. In the future, however, continued in-migration
could eventually contribute to population pressure in this
area, too.

In the analysis, the ethnographic information on the
farm household was combined with the data on labor
requirements provided by project documents. In some cases,
however, categories of activities used by the project had
the drawback of lumping together in one category many
different kinds of component tasks and in some cases
combining in one category distinctive female and male
contributions. In order to maintain the distinction between
female and male labor inputs, a proportion of each activity
had to be assigned to each sex in some cases. These
proportions are based on an understanding of the cropping
cycle, appropriate sex roles, and the component tasks of a
farming activity, with the assumption that these proportions
will not change. Necessarily, however, the proportions are
approximations, and data results must be interpreted in that
light. These assessments are discussed more fully in
Appendix II,









FINDINGS: ANALYSIS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE
DIFFERENTIAL IMPACTS OF THE PROJECT



CHANGES IN LABOR REQUIREMENTS

One of the primary objectives of the agricultural
development project is to increase farm productivity and the
production of major drops. The introduction of improved
technical production packages is expected to significantly
increase yields' and output levels. As a consequence of
these technical developments, the annual labor requirement
of the hypothetical 2.5 hectare farm will increase by
fourteen percent (see Table 2). Much of this labor increase
is concentrated in harvest and storage activities, with
significant increases in post-harvest and land preparation.

The relatively large increases in labor requirements
for harvesting and sto age reflect the fact that the project
increases production by improving yields rather than
expanding acreage. Consequently, labor requirements for
land preparation and planting do not increase as much as
labor requirements for handling the increased volume of
production.

Since women have the major role in harvest, post-
harvest and stor ge activities, they carry a
disproportionate shard of the increase in the farm's total
annual labor requirement. Over the year, their total labor
input on a typical farm will increase by 17 percent compared
to a 6 percent increase for men.

Just as critical as changes in total labor requirements
are the changes in seasonal labor requirements for each sex.
Because women and men have different labor roles, their farm
labor profiles, which indicate labor requirements for each
month of the year, are different from each other's profiles
and from that of the total farm. Consequently, labor
bottlenecks appear at different times for each sex,
indicating different patterns of flexibilities and
constraints in female and male labor availability.

In the project area, labor peaks for the total farm
prior to the project occurred in June, July, and August,
with continued high labor requirements during September to
December. January through May was a relatively slack period
for labor on the project crops (see Chart 1). The effect of
the changed labor requirements as a result of the project is
to even out the total farm labor profile throughout the
year. This is accomplished by slightly decreasing labor
requirements during the previously off-peak months of April,











May, and September through December (see Chart 2).

Prior to the project, women's peak months corresponded
with the peak months of the total farm (see Chart 3). As for
the total farm, the effect of project activities on women's
labor requirements is to decrease June's peak labor
requirements and increase labor requirements for non-peak
months. However, the dominance of women's roles in the
activities for which labor is most increased by the project
(harvesting, post-harvest and storage) results in very great
increases of 35 to 50 percent in their labor during October
through December. Except for August, November and December
become women's new peak labor months. Labor requirements in
these two months surpass even the labor required during the
peak weeding period, which is usually considered to be
women's most time-consuming farming activity see (Chart
4). In addition, women's labor requirements in two
months, August and December, surpass the number of days in
those months. This could be mitigated, however, by the
presence of several women in a polygamous household.


TABLE II: CHANGES IN LABOR REQUIREMENTS BY ACTIVITY FOR MEN,
WOMEN, AND THE TOTAL FARM

Change in labor Change in labor Change in labor
ACTIVITY requirement for requirement for requirement for
women men total farm

Preparation 11 -4 0
Planting 5 0 4
Weeding 2 N.A. 2
Harvesting 37 6 26
Post-harvest 11 -35 22
Storage 41 -12 37
Fertilizing N.A. 2 2
Staking 1 N.A. 1
Spraying N.A. 3 3
Total 17 6 14

N.A.= not applicable

1 Staking is a new activity, accounting for one percent of women's total
labor, post-project.
2 Fertilizing is a new activity, accounting for seven percent of men's total
labor, post-project. We make the assumption that this new activity will be
undertaken by men.

3 Spraying is a new activity, accounting for one percent of men's total labor,
post-project. We make the assumption that spraying will be undertaken by men.

Source: Based on Bohannan and Bohannan, Vermeer and Project Documents











CHART 1
TOTAL FARM LABOR PROFILE (PRE-PROJECT)


PERSON DAYS/HA
50.0


PROCESSING
40.0 STORAGE
HARVESTING
WEEDING
PLANTING i
PREPARATION
30.0



20.0



10.0



0.0


:::::::::: ::
:::::::!::::::
11111111111


P r............
iiiiili.............
...........
:2;: 1 "U" :111,iiiiii

........ .........
...........i
..........


JAN FEB MAR APR


.AY JUN


JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


CHART 2
TOTAL FARM LABOR FILE (POST-PROJECT)

PERSON DAYS/HA
50.0


40.0



30.0



20.0



10.0



0.0


JAN FEB MAR APR


MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


SOURCES: Bohannan and Bohannan, Tiv Economy; Vermeer,
Agricultural and Dietary Practices Among the Tiv, Ibo
and Birom Tribes, Nigeria; and Project Documents



::;::::;::;::
:::::::::::::
,,,,,,,,,,,,,

uiiiiieiii;
:::::::::::::
ffii:iiiiiiti
:::::::::::r:
ii
i!!!!!!!!!!!!
iliiiiiililii iiii
iiii


Wgill









CHART 3
FEMAT.E LABOR PROFILE (PRE-PROJECT)


PERSON DAYS/HA
45.0

40.0 PROCESSING
STORAGE
35.0 HARVESTING
WEEDING iiiliiii
30.0 PLANTING
PREPARATION

25.0

20.0

15.0

10.0 i

5.0 =

0.0


JAN FEB MAR APR


MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


CHART 4
FEMALE LABOR PROFILE (POST-PROJECT)

PERSON DAYS/HA
45.0
STAKING i..
40.0 PROCESSING
STORAGE
35.0 HARVESTING
WEEDING
30.0 PLANTING




20.0

15.0
10.0 .........:....





..........': ;..; ........ ..;;;;;M i
5.0 :M:::::::::: : M:::::::::MM:: :::::::



0.0


MAR APR


MAY JUN JUL


AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


SOURCES: Bohannan and Bohannan, Tiv Economy; Vermeer,
Agricultural and Dietary Practices Among the Tiv, Ibo
and Birom Tribes, Nigeria; and Project Documents


':iM ""' iiiii iii
............llir il
::::..... ............:
....... ......:I1I illii~ll
MMMM:::::
':T::'; -M M I WNW


;:::::::::::
;:::::::::::::
i giiii ... ..ii
I'i!


JAN FEB








CHART 5
MALE LABOR PROFILE (

PERSON DAYS/HA
35.0


30.0
STORAGE
PROCESSING
25.0 -HARVESTING
PLANTING =
PREPARATION |
20.0


15.0


10.0 -


5.0


0.0
JAN FEB MAR APR M









CHART 6
MALE LABOR PROFILE (

PERSON DAYS/HA
35.0


30.0 SPRAYING -
FERTILIZATION1
PROCESSING
25.0 STORAGE
HARVESTING
PLANTING -
20.0 PREPARATION


15.0


10.0


5.0 -


0.0


PRE-PROJECT)


AY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


POST-PROJECT)


JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL I AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


SOURCES: Bohannan and Bohannan, Tiv Economy; Vermeer,
Agricultural and Dietary Practices Among the Tiv, Ibo
and Birom Tribes, Nigeria; and Project Documents









Prior to the project, men's peak months of April, June,
September and December differed from the peak months of the
total farm (see Chart 5). The project has a more evenly
distributed impact on men's seasonal labor requirements than
it has on women's. Men's greatest labor increases occur in
their non-peak months of May, August, and November, and
represent slightly increased requirements for field
preparation and new labor requirements for fertilizing and
spraying. The project changes men's peak labor months only
slightly, to April, June, November, and December (see Chart
6).

The greatest conflicts for Tiv women are likely to
appear in May, June, and October. In all three of these
months, about one-third of women's labor is allocated to
crops for which men control all, or part, of the income.
Specifically, in May and June, women's labor on men's
millet, rice and melon crops competes with planting and
weeding their own yam, maize, and sorghum crops. In
October, women's labor on men's millet, rice, and melon
competes with various tasks associated with their yam,
cassava, and maize crops.

For Tiv men in the project area, conflicts are greatest
in April, June, November, and December. In April and June,
men's labor input on women's maize and sorghum crops
conflicts with preparation and planting of melons, rice and
millet and, in June, with millet harvest. Their arduous
work in preparing yam mounds and yam planting in November
and December conflicts with their rice harvest and with
benniseed production. Men are furthermore likely to have
less incentive than women to adopt spraying and fertilizing
practices for yam, maize, and cowpeas, which are women's
crops.


CHANGES IN INCOME

The second major objective of the project is to improve
farm incomes. In the absence of data on actual farm incomes
and expenditures, potential monetary benefit to farmers is
estimated by the project from single crop budgets that
calculate net returns per hectare and per person day. (See
Table 3.) These calculations are made using projected farm-
gate prices for inputs and outputs based on estimated yields
under traditional or improved cultivation. The net return
is thus the value of the total crop at projected market
prices not the cost of seeds, fertilizers and insecticides.
The change in net return per person day can be defined as
the change in average productivity because it measures
changes in output (returns) due to changes in input (labor).
Specifically, it divides the net return, which is the value
of total production, by the number of days worked, and







28


measures the percent change in these values from before and
after the project.



TABLE III: AREA, YIELDS AND RETURNS ON THE POST-PROJECT
FARM 1


Total area Area under Change in Change in
CROP under cluti- improved yields under total net
vation 2 cultiva- improved returns of
tion practices crop


HECTARES PERCENT

Yams .625 .333 125 65
Cassava .375 .083 150 11
Rice .125 .050 125 8
Early
Maize .500 .333 133 45
Melon .062 .029 100 43
Sorghum .688 .200 100 15
Late
Maize .125 .075 192 107
Cowpeas .125 .075 500 650
Benniseed .188 .092 160 77


1 Based on post-project cropping pattern for typical 2.5
hectare farm.

2 Includes traditional, improved and advanced cultivation
methods.


In this analysis, changes in labor requirements and net
returns per person day, are differentiated for women and men
in the farm household. In Table 4 these are compared with
changes anticipated on the basis of a corporate household.
Data on changed labor requirements is broken down by crop.
(See Appendix IV for labor profiles of the total farm, women
and men, based on labor input by crop.) Data on changes in
net returns per person day takes the labor impact of the
project one step further; it looks at incentives by linking
changes in labor with changes in income.










As discussed earlier, the measurement of income is
based on the concept of control over returns, that is,
control over the disposition of, and income from, a crop in
order to meet obligations.

The linkage of control and meeting one's financial
obligations means that a calculation of each sex's net
returns, based on the proportion of the crop they control,
reflects not only the opportunity to earn income but also
the necessity to use that production, or returns, to meet
specific obligations. This is a particularly important
consideration in the context of subsistence farming and
where local markets are not well developed. In this
context, obligations toward family support are more strongly
linked with production of particular crops.

In considering changes in net returns per person day
across all crops, the differences between the total farm,
women and men are not great. Women's returns per day of
labor are increased by 31 percent, which is the same
percentage increase anticipated for the total farm. Men's
returns per day of labor are increased by 28 percent.

The reason women fare marginally better than men in
this regard is because of their central role in controlling
food crops (see Table 1), and the fact that these crops
comprise most of the production increased by the project.
Thus, women control more of the increase in production, or
returns, from the project than men. This causes their daily
net return to increase more than men's, who provide more
labor on some home-consumed crops like maize and cowpeas
but, because the crops are controlled by women, men do not
get increased returns from their increased labor.

At the same time, it is important to note that the
actual cash income component of net returns will most likely
be much smaller than the in-kind (actual crop) component.
This will vary with the crop, but may be particularly true
for women's crops, since women's major responsibilities
involve production of food crops for family consumption.
But this depends on what women consider surplus for sale, as
well as on market opportunities. Men's net returns,
however, may have a larger cash income component due to
their greater responsibilities for crops which are marketed.

These indicators of total change also miss some
significant differences in returns on individual crops.
Data in Table 4 illustrate the relative differences in
incentives on each crop between the aggregate and
disaggregated farm and also between women and men.
Particularly pronounced is the lack of incentives for men to
contribute to crops used by women to feed the family, and
the differences in incentives to increase labor on benniseed










TABLE IV: CHANGES IN THE LABOR AND NET RETURNS BY CROP FOR
THE TOTAL FARM, WOMEN AND MEN1
CROP TOTAL FARM


Change in
labor input


Yams
Cassava
Rice
Early
Maize
Millet
Melon
Sorghum
Late
Maize
Cowpeas
Benniseed


24
-1
-21

5
-3.1
24
4


43
257
37


Change in
net returns2

33
11
37

38
0
15
11


44
108
29


WOMEN MEN

Change in Change in 2 Change in Changes in 2
labor input net returns labor input net returns


Yams 25 33 17 43
Cassava -1 12 2 9
Rice -20 33 -23 40
Early
Maize 4 9 0
Millet -12 0 -13 0
Melon 27 13 18 21
Sorghum 2 13 6 0
Late
Maize 43 45 144 0
Cowpeas 238 122 280 0
Benniseed 61 9 10 61

1 Net return measures the value of total production at
market prices projected by the project, net of costs of
inputs, based on the cropping patterns of a 2.5 ha
hypothetical farm.

2 Change in net return per person/day is calculated as Y2- Y1
L L1
Y1
L1

where yl is net return pre-project, y is net return post-
project, Llis number of person/days of labor pre-project and
L2 is number of person days of labor post-project. For
income date, (Y) see Table 1 and Appendix 5. For data on
the labor requirements of women, men, and the total farm, by
crop, see Appendix VI.

Sources: Bohannan, Vermeer, and Project Documents.










and melon, which are marketed crops from which men derive
their income.

The juxtaposition of the change in labor requirements
with the changes in net daily returns, as presented in Table
4, is also an important factor to consider because labor
availability is a critical constraint to production in this
area. Comparing the two figures illustrates the magnitude
of the labor increase that is required to achieve the
anticipated increases in returns, a magnitude that one sex
may find difficult to absorb. A comparison of the changes
in annual labor input for each crop for the total farm, and
for women and men, in order to achieve the expected increase
in returns indicates substantial differences for benniseed,
yams, early maize and melons. As discussed above, however,
changes in the seasonality of labor are as critical to
consider as changes in total labor.

IMPLICATIONS

The introduction of new technologies inevitably changes
labor requirements for most crops and tasks. By increasing
the volume of production, these interventions also increase
the returns from crops. However, the existence of sex-
differentiated labor roles, income sources, and financial
responsibilities results in different impacts of project
interventions on women and men. These differential impacts
have implications for project design and for the achievement
of project objectives.

One implication of the role differences in the Tiv farm
household is that the introduction and adoption of new
technologies and other innovations cannot depend upon pooled
farm family labor as a resource or on shared family income
as an incentive. Our analysis demonstrates how the labor
requirements and financial incentives of the project can
differ for each sex because of their different roles.

A second implication is that different roles can create
conflicts in labor allocations between men and women which
can have a negative impact on the achievement of project
objectives. For Tiv women in the project area, conflicts in
labor allocation are likely to be most critical during peak
farming months, when demands on their time from all farming
activities are greatest. Conflicts may also occur in months
where the project has created significant new demands for
their labor but where a high proportion of this labor is
used on male controlled crops. Women's sources of income
and financial responsibilities are likely to be an important
determinant of how these conflicts are resolved. Of course,
the within-household exchange between women and men, already
described, may over time be developed and expanded further
to facilitate the diffusion of incentives to the partner who










shares in the additional labor requirement.

A third implication of differing roles in the Tiv farm
household relates to the fact that technologies increase the
productivity of some tasks and not others. Overall, women's
labor requirements on crops targeted by the project were
increased more than men's because many of the tasks for
which women have sole or primary responsibility, such as
harvesting and processing, were not improved by the project.
Disproportionate labor increases for one sex may mean that
sex is simply unable to absorb the magnitude of the new
labor requirements 8f the project. The absence of
improvements on certain crops or tasks can also result in
differences in each sex's productivity within the household,
in terms of returns per day of labor.(

Related to this is the fact that many farm household
activities are not addressed by the project. In addition to
production of major crops, there are a number of "non-
project" activities such as gathering fuel wood and water,
food preparation, and child care which are also critical to
the survival of the household.

While project documents provide little information on
the time spent by family members on activities other than
the project crops, these requirements and obligations are
likely to be considerable. For women in particular, some of
these commitments such as cooking, gathering of fuel wood,
water hauling and child care, may not be flexible enough to
permit a greater allocation of time to the project's crops.
Fuel wood, for instance, is in short supply in the Tiv area
according to project documents. In a more densely populated
location about 180km. southwest of the project area, fuel
and water collection consumes one to three hours daily.
Preparation of the foods the Tiv eat requires one to two
hours per meal with one to three meals prepared daily. 10
In addition, the greatest additional labor demands created
by the project for Ti' women, in October through November,
coincide with the harvesting and storage requirements for
women's side crops, which are not considered or improved by
the project. These crops are used for sauces and represent
an important nutritional component of the diet.

If there are conflicts between!non-project activities
and the additional labor demands of project activities,
adoption of project interventions may be reduced. It is
consequently important to consider labor input on non-
project activities, particularly during the peak labor
periods. 'In this context, the links between project and
non-project activities, between labor expended and income
earned, and the contribution of Icertain tasks to the
fulfillment: of various obligations need to be carefully
examined.










Linking changes in labor and changes in income for each
sex can also highlight areas in which a potential exists for
reduced incentives of one sex to adopt more labor-intensive
technologies for the other's crop. For example, Tiv men are
expected to increase their labor on cowpeas by 280 percent,
but they derive no income from this crop. Women are
expected to increase their labor input on benniseed, a male
cash crop, by 61 percent although their financial incentive
is limited (see Table 4).

Incentives play a crucial role in determining if, and
to what extent, new technologies are adopted by members of
the farming household. The "diversion of incentives" can
undermine a project. 11 The lack of incentive to
contribute, or to increase labor inputs, particularly when
this labor would compete with one's own income-generating
activities, can result in the withdrawal of one sex's labor
input or refusal to adopt new technologies or innovations.
This in turn can be a constraint on raising agricultural
production and raising standards of living in rural areas.
On the other hand, incentives can create shifts in labor
role, at times resulting in the economic marginalization of
one sex. Studies have documented for example how men may
shift into a woman's crop that has become more lucrative.
Among the Tiv, rice was a woman's crop until its market
value increased in the early 1970s. Now men dominate its
cultivation and earnings.

Finally, non-financial incentives can also be important
in providing a context within which to judge women's and
men's contribution to a particular task and their use of
time. Since women have primary responsibility for providing
food for the family, they may place priority on subsistence
food crop production despite the significant labor
requirements.

The value of leisure time and the relative status of
household members in terms of their labor, productivity
and income are among the non-financial incentives that may
also be important to consider in the project context.









CONCLUSIONS


ALTERNATIVE DESIGNS FOR THE PROJECT

There are several general and specific project design
changes that could alleviate the effect of, or at least take
into account, the within-household divisions of the Tiv, and
contribute to the achievement of the project objectives.

The most general change that should be made is the
incorporation of an explicit recognition of the central role
of Tiv women in many of the project's crops and of the
differences in female and male labor roles, income sources
and financial responsibilities. In particular, the almost
total absence of references to the different needs and
incentives of women fa mers in the project area implies that
the project is unlikely to ensure their participation or
their receipt of project benefits, apart from their
membership in the amorphous total farm. Experience
indicates that when women are not explicitly considered in
project plans, there is usually an underlying assumption
that their interests are incorporated in male farmers'
interests, 12 and it is unlikely that women will be given
explicit recognition in later project stages. 13

The most pressing need is for the project to address
the inequitable distribution of increased labor requirements
between women and men, and the potential for women not to
adopt technologies due to their inability to absorb labor
increases of this :magnitude, particularly in their
processing and storage activities. Rather than decrease the
volume of production, the project could focus on increasing
efficiency and productivity in women's tasks.

According to project documents, there are provisional
plans to establish an itinerant home economics team, but not
until the fifth year of the project.! The delay in starting
this program and its provisional nature is an indication
that the project is not emphasizing some important farm
household needs, particularly those farm activities not
undertaken by men. More importantly, the lack of home
economics program exacerbates the problem of Tiv women
absorbing much of tHe increased labor requirements due to
the project. Without a home economics component, without
food processing or food storage innovations, Tiv women in
the project area will be expected to handle far greater
volumes of' farm production with no improvements in these
tasks' productivity. The burden represented by the heavy
labor increases associated with these tasks could be a major
disincentive for women to adopt project technologies on both
their own and on men's crops. Clearly the Tiv division of
labor will necessitate project activities to improve the










farm's ability to handle the anticipated increase in the
volume of crop production.

Improving processing and storage techniques could
provide several advantages in addition to improving women's
capacity to handle the increased production. To the extent
that processing and storage of non-project crops may create
a bottleneck for women in November and December, improving
their efficiency in these tasks could ease an important
constraint to their adoption of project technologies. In
addition, developing food processing technologies could
develop, or improve, the potential for the sale of processed
food as a source of cash income for women farmers.

There is also a need for the project to underscore the
outreach of extension services to women farmers. This is a
very typical area in which projects fail to serve women. 14

Project interventions are more likely to be adopted by
both female and male farmers if the primary agent of change,
the extension service, is targeted toward them both. The
primary means of communication in this project is a mobile
audio-visual module. Recognizing women's central role in
the production of many of the project crops, particularly in
yams, and the lack of incentive for men to innovate in some
of their crops, these services need to be targeted
explicitly to reach both women and men, to provide
information relevant to their complementary work on crops,
and particularly to reach the appropriate sex with the
project information most relevant to them.

In the project's fourth year, one-week residential
training will be offered to farmers at project headquarters.
Residential training presents logistical problems for women,
who also have responsibilities for child care and daily
housekeeping and cooking tasks. If these in-depth training
courses are not to exclude female farmers, explicit
attention must be given to identifying and resolving
conflicts that may prevent women's attendance. For example,
visiting extension workers could be briefed to
counterbalance this effective discrimination.

The project's well building, forestry and road building
activities have the potential both for improving the
infrastructure needed to support crop development, and for
saving time for women in non-project activities such as
water-hauling and fuel collection. The project documents do
not explicitly recognize the implications of reducing
women's labor on non-project activities for the ability of
women to adopt project technologies. However, this is an
important point to raise because it will help the project to
better define priorities and design for these support
activities.










While the project can exert little control over the
local and national farm context, its ability to achieve its
objectives will be enhanced if it takes these factors into
account because they may exacerbate differential impacts of
the project on women and men in the farm household.

The price and marketing conditions in the project area
may cause differential access to income from marketed crops.
For example, Tiv women and men earn their income from
different crops; improvement of marketing channels should
thus take into account the need to provide both sexes' crops
with market development assistance. To the extent that
marketing in the project area becomes more organized,
perhaps through a reorganization of the presently weak
cooperative, the dominant role of Tiv women in market
trading should be explicitly recognized and women should
be encouraged to participate in market development.
Finally, the project causes yams, a women's crop, to have
the greatest absolute! increases in value of production.
Women's control over this important source of food and
income should be recognized and supported or yams will
become a male crop, as rice did in the 1950s.

The local political structure, which is used by the
project as a communication channel with local people, does
not provide equal representation for women and men. Only
men may be elected to the council of elders. Because men's
and women's interests and responsibilities differ, however,
the project should ensure that women have direct access to
project personnel and do not have to rely on men for
communication of their interests. This might be done by
including any existing women's organizations on the local
project committee.

The Tiv land tenure system, in which women depend on
their husbands for access to land, can potentially erode
women's access to ladd, their ability to earn a living
and the local production of women's food crops. According
to project documents, population growth and migration to the
area are increasing population density and land pressure.
Improved agricultural productivity might also contribute to
increasing land values. Rising land values and increased
crop commercialization have in some areas led to a diversion
of land toward greater production of marketed crops or
toward men's sale or lease of their land without allocating
sufficient !land to their wives. Women thus lose access to
fields and livelihood, and their families' nutrition may
suffer. Women's control over land and their participation
in household decision-making can be safeguarded or improved
by ensuring that their productivity and income are improved
equally with men's by project activities.










Education in the project area can affect project
results through its effects on child labor availability
and because of the need for non-formal adult literacy and
numeracy training. Nigeria's passage of the Universal
Primary Education Act is likely to increasingly draw child
labor off the farms where they assist in planting and
scaring birds. Tiv children also have major child care
responsibilities, which are likely to revert to adult women.
These added responsibilities on Tiv women make project
efforts to improve women's productivity in project and
household activities even more imperative.

The project area is located in an educationally
disadvantaged state and it is likely that both women and men
adults have a high rate of illiteracy. Educational efforts
through the extension program and other projects should
attempt to reach both sexes with the necessary training
and education for their different farm and household
roles.

Farm credit in the project area is also not as likely
to have important differential implications because of its
limited availability for both sexes. However, women's lack
of direct land holding rights and their lack of direct
political access can potentially weaken their credit
worthiness, if credit becomes an option in the future.
Therefore the project should strengthen women's informal
credit institutions.

In general, it will be important for the project to
periodically assess and monitor the extent to which improved
practices are being adopted and how these practices are
distributed between crops. This distribution will influence
changes in annual and seasonal workloads by sex, and likely
personal income returns. The project's estimates of the
proportion of a crop cultivated by improved means is
speculative. Because of the linkage between labor and
incentives, there is a case for establishing a farm systems
component that would provide farmers and project management
with a two-way exchange on the most profitable division of
traditional and improved methods for each crop. Similarly,
women's and men's access to extension and credit services
needs to be monitored.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

It is in the context of the current food and
agricultural situation in Sub-Saharan Africa that more
detailed farm level analysis is so urgently needed.
Problems of stagnant or declining agricultural productivity
in many countries of the region cannot be dealt with at the
macro level only. Agricultural development projects can
provide a more localized focus for a country's development










effort. But if these projects are meant to be a positive
force of change in the lives of rural people, then planners
will need to better understand the structure and dynamics of
the environment in which they are operating. A critical
aspect of this understanding is the sharply differentiated
roles and responsibilities of women and men which alter the
resources and constraints of the total farm and which affect
the ability and incentives of each sex to adopt project
technologies.

In our analysis we test and accept the hypotheses that
the amount and seasonality of female and male labor
requirements, as well as their income levels and income
earning opportunities, will be affected differently by
project interventions because of their different roles and
responsibilities in the farm household.

This suggests that the intended impact, anticipated on
the basis of total farm resources, is different enough from
that anticipated on a isaggregated basis to warrant within-
household analyses f' farm operations at the project
planning stage.

Agricultural development planners are often confronted
with an inadequate data base concerning those people they
wish to target--subsistence farmers. Much of the inadequacy
stems from definitional problems at the national level: the
conventional definition of labor force tends to cover only
those who are wage earners. Data concerning women suffer
from even greater limitations because of the statistically
arbitrary line between economic and non-economic activities.
The latter category encompasses activities for which there
may be no direct financial remuneration, such as processing
and preparing food forl the family, or childcare, but which
are crucial to the livelihood of the household and represent
important resources of the total farm household. There are
also inadequacies concerning the specificity of data:
geographical and ethnic variations need to be taken into
account.

At the project design stage there is a need for sex-
disaggregated socio-economic baseline data. This will
facilitate the analysis of work patterns, labor requirements
and financial interactions and obligations within the
farming household. If the household is viewed as an
integrated production and consumption unit, then all
relevant activities can be included, without making the
generally misleading distinction between farm and non-farm
activities. This' categorization tends to obscure women's
predominant! role inI activities which are not strictly
related to crop production and to bypass activities that may
have an effect on the farm household's response to project
interventions.










Midterm evaluations of projected impacts on members of
the farming household will be all the more effective if
comprehensive baseline data are available. If this is not
the case, the evaluation can point out weaknesses in project
design that may be related to sex role differences and
suggest ways in which subsequent phases of the project can
better target individuals within farm households.

From a methodological perspective, a farming systems
approach that incorporates all of the household's production
and consumption activities, rather than only crops improved
by the project, can be useful in addressing weaknesses in
planning since it provides a framework for analyzing the
linkages between individual farm households and their
environment. It is crucial, however, to use this approach
to go beyond the household as a unit of analysis and to
assess the intra-household divisions of labor and income.

Distinguishing between women's and men's roles and
considering the implications of these role differences is
crucial to the process of improving productivity and income.
Too long perceived as a social welfare issue, the concept of
women's role in development needs to be perceived for what
it is: an important productivity issue that should be a
standard part of the planning process. If one goal of
development is ultimately the integration of both women and
men, then the different needs and incentives of each must be
explicitly recognized and addressed so that projects and
program can become responsive to the people they are
designed to assist.










ENDNOTES

1 See John C. DeWilde, Experiences with Agricultural
Development in TropiCal Africa, Two volumes, (Baltimore:
John Hopkins Press, 1967); John C. Cleave, African Farmers:
Labor Use in the Development of Smaliholder Agriculture (New
York: Praeger, 1974); D.W. Norman, David Pryor, and
Christopher Gibbs, Technical Change and the Small Farmer in
Hausaland, Northern \igeria African Rural Economy Paper,
No. 21, (Michigan State University, 1979); Cheryl
Christensen et al, Food Problems and Prospects in Sub-
Saharan Africa: The Decade of the 1980's, U.S. Department
of Agriculture, FAER No. 166, 1981.

2 See for example Ester Boserup, Women's Role in
Economic Development (New York: St! Martin's Press, 1970)
and Nancy Hafkin and Edna Bay, eds., Women in Africa:
Studies in Social and Economic Change (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1976).

3 United Nations Economic Commission for Africa,
Human Resources Division, "Women: The Neglected Human
Resource for African Development," in Canadian Journal of
African Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, J1972. See also Brenda
McSweeney, "Collection and Analysis of Data on Rural Women's
Time Use," in Sondra Zeidenstein, ed., Studies in Family
Planning: Learning About Rural Women (Nov./Dec. 1979).

4 Kathleen Cloud, Sex Roles in Food Production and
Food Distribution !System in the Sahel, Agency for
International Development, December 15, 1977.

5 Ruth Dixon, Assessing the Impact of Development
Projects on Women, AID Program Evaluation Discussion Paper
No. 8, Office of Women in Development and Office of
Evaluation,i U.S. Agency for International Development,
Washington, D.C., 1980.

6 Ingrid Palmer, The Nemow Case, The Population
Council, 1979.

7 See A. U Patel and Q. B. Anthonio, "Farmers'
Wives in Agricultural Development: The Nigerian Case,"
University of Ibadan, Nigeria, (paper prepared for the 15th
International Congress of Agricultural Economics, Sao Paulo,
Brazil, August 1973); and Tomilayo Adeyokunna, "Women and
Agriculture in Nigeria," Department of Agricultural
Economics, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria, February
1980.

8 See Polly Hill, "Hidden Trade in Hausaland," Man.
Vol. 4, No. 3, September 1969; and Simmons, 1975 (check with
author).


40










9 Richard Longhurst, Rural Development Planning and
the Sexual Division of Labor: A Case Study of a Moslem
Hausa Village in Northern Nigeria, Geneva: ILO, 1980.

10 Celia Jean Weidemann, "Case Studies of Five Rural
Families in Eastern Nigeria: Implications for Planning Home
Economics Extension Programmes," Home Economics Research
Bulletin, No. 1, May 1977.

11 See for example Raymond Apthorpe, "Some Problems
of Evaluation," in Carl Wistrand, ed., Cooperatives and
Rural Development in East Africa, (New York: Africans
Publishing Corporation, 1970).

12 Barbara Rogers, The Domestication of Women (New
York: St. Martin's Press, 1979)

13 Ruth Dixon, Assessing the Impact of Development
Projects on Women, AID Program Evaluation Discussion Paper
No. 8, Office of Women in Development and Office of
Evaluation, U.S. Agency for International Development,
Washngton, D.C., 1980.

14 See for example Kathleen Staudt, "Development
Interventions and Differential Technology Impact Between Men
and Women,' (paper presented at the Third World Conference,
University of Nebraska at Omaha, October 24-27, 1979).









APPENDIXES

APPENDIX I. LABOR REQUIREMENTS OF THE TEN CROPS ON
TYPICAL FARM
The charts below give labor profiles by crop and crop
activity under both traditional and improved farm practices.
These tables are useful in that, for individual crops, they
show the breakdown nd timing of activities, and the
differences in total labor requirements for each activity
using different techniques. The improved cultivation
practices include the use of high yielding varieties,
fertilizers and pesticides. Under these methods, there are
new tasks such as fertilizing and additional time
requirements for other tasks due primarily to the increase
in yields and produce ion. These tables also compare the
labor requirements' of different crops. For example, to
produce one hectare of yams (see Chart 1) requires many more
person days than one hectare of melons (see Chart 10).



APPENDIX I
CHART 1: YAMS
PERSON DAYS/HA
50.0
STORAGE ;
HARVESTING 1
0.0 WEEDING
40.0STAKING I
FERTILIZATION ."
PLANTING -
PREPARATION [
30.0








0.0 1 *M T r In T T .p TI I T I T
---- < ,.. .. ., ,,, ^ ; ,? ,


JAN FEB MAR APR
T-TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents


MAY JUN


AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


1










APPENDIX I


CHART 2 : CASSAVA
PERSON DAYS/HA
35.0

30.0


25.0


20.0


15.0 -

10.0 -


5.0


0.0


PROCESSING
HARVESTING
WEEDING
PLANTING
PREPARATION


JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents


APPENDIX I


CHART 3 : RICE
PERSON DAYS/HA


PROCESSING
STORAGE
HARVESTING
WEEDING
FERTILIZATION
PLANTING
PREPARATION


'S
I..



i


>.' l..| f,: f"


T I
JAN FEB MAR APR


Li



K-tn



:nr Ir


T I T I
MAY JUN


1-k
4


T I T I T I T I T I T I
JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents


40.0

35.0

30.0

25.0

20.0

15.0

10.0

5.0


~ -I-,
V A-
x'
*JJ
,ll
-, I

-5. '













CHART 4 : EARLY MAIZE
PERSON DAYS/HA
25.0


20.0


15.0 -



10.0 '


5.0 r



0.0 .


APPENDIX I


SHELLING
STORAGE
HARVESTING
WEEDING
FERTILIZATION
PLANTING
PREPARATION


T I T I T I T I T 1 T I I
JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


T-TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents







CHART 5 : EARLY MILLET
PERSON DAYS/HA
20.0



15.0



10.0 -
f *t i i


5.0



,\ f\


iii
T

c-l


T T
JAN FEB MAR APR
T-TRADITIONAL


SOURCE: Project Documents


APPENDIX I


THRESHING
STORAGE
HARVESTING
WEEDING
PLANTING
PREPARATION


3:


T T T T T
IMAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


U.V


I ], a.


--- ----~


m T













CHART 6 : SORGHUM
PERSON DAYS/HA
20.0
THRESHING
STORAGE
HARVESTING
15.0 WEEDING
PLANTING
PREPARATION




10.0 -



1 .... i ,



0.0
T I T I T I
JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL


APPENDIX I


AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


T=--TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents


APPENDIX I


CHART 7 : LATE MAIZE
PERSON DAYS/HA
45.0 I


SHELLING F
STORAGE
HARVESTING
WEEDING
FERTILIZATION
PLANTING
PREPARATION


T I T I T I T I
JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT


NOV DEC


T=TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents


40.0

35.0

30.0

25.0

20.0

15.0

10.0

6.0












CHART 8 : C
PERSON DAYS/IL
70.0 I


60.0


50.0

40.0


30.0


20.0


10.0


OWPEAS




SHELLING
STORAGE
HARVESTING
WEEDING
SPRAYING ,ii.
FERTILIZATION '
PLANTING! -
PREPARATION I


APPENDIX I


JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP
TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents


CHART 9 : BENNISEED
PERSON DAYS/HA
35.0

30.0 -STORAGE
THRESHING
HARVESTING
25.0 WEEDING
FERTILIZATION
PLANTING
20.0 PREPARATION

15.0


10.0

5.0


0.0


ME M


JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN
T=TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents


T I T T I
OCT NOV DEC


APPENDIX I


ST I T I T I
JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


r













CHART 10 : MELON APPENDIX I
PERSON DAYS/HA
50.0


PROCESSING
40.0 STORAGE
HARVESTING .
WEEDING
FERTILIZATION 9
30.0 PLANTING
PREPARATION [


20.0



10.0



0.0
T I T I T I T I T I T I T I T I
JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC
T=-TRADITIONAL
I=IMPROVED
SOURCE: Project Documents








48

APPENDIX II. DIVISION OF LABOR IN THE PRODUCTION OF STAPLE
CROPS
In Appendix II below, the contributions of male and
female farmers to the production of crops being affected by
the agricultural development project are discussed in
detail. Tiv women have a greater labor input than men into
yams, sorghum, cowpeas and maize, all of which are important
subsistence crops in this region. Men have a relatively
greater labor input into millet and! melons. Both sexes
contribute about equally to rice, cassava and benniseed,
which are important hs both food !crop and as locally
marketed crops.

Yamns

Yam is the first crop grown in the bush/fallow cycle.
One field for each woman is cleared from the bush at the
beginning of the dry season in October and November. During
the first few days of field clearing, the whole compound
helps to pull up grasses.

Within a few, days, the men shift to cutting down
sapling and low branches of larger trees and later to
building yam mounds. Women continue to pull up grasses and
are also responsible for burning and killing large trees by
ringing them with live cinders. As the mounds are built,
women, their daughters and sometimes men, plant the seed
yams. When the yams are planted, meni's involvement with the
crop is finished. omen are responsible for staking,
weeding, harvesting, processing and storage.



Female/Male Labor Contribution to Yam Production
Crop Field Planting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
Prep.:
Yam IF: 50% |F: 0% F F F F F
M: 50% IM: 20 |



The first weeding of the yam field is in March, shortly
after the start of the rainy season. As the women work in
the yam fields they plant a number of crops on the sides or
at the bottom of the mounds. The number of side crops can
be large and may include staple crops such as cassava or
maize, and! many varieties of vegetables. Intercropped
plants on women's yam mounds provide many of the vegetables
used in stews and sauces, which are an important nutritional
component of the Tiv diet. Side crops also represent an
important, independent source of what are otherwise male
controlled crops grown on the men's fields. For instance,
,
(










women who grow millet, a male crop, thus have their own
source of that grain for brewing into beer for sale.

After harvest, yams are sorted and stored in airy,
thatched shelters. Seed yams for the following year are
stored in elevated platforms inside the compound. Yam is
the most important food crop in this region and is prepared
for eating in a variety of ways.


Millet

Millet, considered a male crop, is the second crop in
the bush/fallow cycle, although some may be intercropped
with the woman's yams. Men handle field preparation for
millet which involves breaking down and leveling the old yam
mounds. When the field is ready, men plant the seed, with
some assistance from women, by broadcasting it and turning
over the soil to bury it. Occasionally, it is planted by
dropping the seeds into holes made in old mounds with the
heel of the foot.


Female/Male Labor Contribution to Millet Production
Crop Fieldp. Planting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
Prep. I I I I
Millet M IF: 20% F F: 50% F F: 50%
IM: 80% M: 50% M: 50%



Women do all weeding for millet. Both men and women
work on millet harvesting with men breaking down the stalks
while women cut off and pile the heads of grain. Men tie
the heads of millet into bundles which women carry back to
the compound. Millet is sometimes stored in shacks on the
bush farm, but more commonly it is stored in the rafters of
a man's reception room or in the cooking hut, and issued to
wives every few days for meals. Women prepare millet by
grinding it into flour and cooking it with water as a
porridge. It is also consumed as beer.


Sorghum

Sorghum produced on the bush farm is commonly
interplanted with millet when the millet crop is weeded or
thinned in early summer. Sorghum is occasionally sole
planted on the bush farm if the stalks are to be used to
stake a following yam crop. Sorghum is also rotated with
maize on the compound farm.










Men contribute most of the labor to field preparation
for sorghum by building the ridges on which sorghum is
planted. Men are also responsible for most of the planting
with some assistance from women. Planting is done by
broadcasting the seed over the field with no subsequent
turning of the soil.


Female/Male Labor Contribution to Sorghum Production
Crop Field Planting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
Prep. I I
------------- ------------------ ----------------------
Sorghum M FI: 20% F F: 50% F F
M: 8 % M: 50%
- - _- - - ---- 7 -- --__ _ _-- -- --


Women do all weeding for sorghum. Both men and women
work on sorghum harvesting which, like millet, is done by
having the men break down and cut the stalks while the women
cut and bundle the heads of grain and carry them back to the
compound. SorghumI intended for home consumption is stored
unhusked on platforms until the rainy season, when it is
stored inside in calabashes. Sorghum is an important cash
crop for women in this region and surplus is traded, often
in processed form. Sorghum may be processed in various
ways. It can be ground into flour and cooked with water,
and it is a preferred grain for making beer.

Cassava

Cassava! has become an increasingly important crop in
this region since early in this century because of its
resistance to drought and its ability to grow in poor soils.
It is important as a food crop, but as its significance as a
cash crop has increased, so has men's involvement in its
production. Cassava is the last crop in the bush/fallow
cycle, but it is also interplanted with most other crops
throughout the cycle,I particularly with women's yams or on
the compound farms.

Both men and women contribute to field preparation for
cassava. Women's contribution is in clearing bush farms and
compound farms on which cassava is interplanted while men's
contribution is in building ridges.

Either men or women plant cassava that is grown alone,
but women are responsible for planting cassava grown in yam
fields or in the compound farm. Women do all the weeding.
Cassava can be stored in the ground until it is needed for
consumption or Isale. It also stores well in its processed
forms, as flour or, gari; processing is a task performed by
women.










Female/Male Labor Contribution to Cassava Production
Crop Field Planting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
IPrep. I I I
Cassava F: 25% F: 75% F F: 75% F F
IM: 75% IM: 25% M: 25% I




Maize

Maize is grown in many different places on the Tiv
farm. Most of it is grown on the compound farm where it is
rotated with sorghum. It is also grown as a side crop in
women's yam fields and it is occasionally grown in rice
fields.

Women contribute to maize field preparation by clearing
the yam and rice fields and preparing the compound farm.
Men build the ridges in which the maize is planted. Maize
grown in the yam fields or compound farm is planted and
harvested by women while men share responsibility for maize
in rice fields. Women weed all fields.

Maize is stored on the cob, frequently on the rafters
of huts. It is processed by stewing it with other
vegetables, making flour or boiling it on the cob.


Female/Male Labor Contribution to Maize Production
Crop Field Planting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
Iprep. I I I I
Maize F: 25% F: 90% F IF: 90% F F
M: 75% M: 10% M: 10% |




Rice


Female/Male Labor Contribution to Rice Production
Crop Field P Planting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
IPrep. I I I I
Rice F: 10% F F IF: 50% IF: 50% F
M: 90% M: 50% M: 50%










Rice is important as both a food and a cash crop in
this region. Once considered to be a women's crop, it has
become an important cash crop for men over the past 30
years. Rice is grown on alluvial flood plains or irrigated
areas near the main streams and rivers. These areas are
generally not suitable for other crops so that rice is often
grown in sole stands. Field preparation involves removing
all weeds by hand, for which women are responsible, and
building trenches and ridges, which men perform. Women
plant the rice by dropping seeds into holes made with their
big toe or by broadcasting the seed thinly. Women do all
the weeding: while men are responsible for the almost
constant work on ditches, and repair of beds and ridges.
Both women and men work together on harvesting and husking
rice. At harvest, rice is tied into bundles and stacked in
a central area for drying and threshing. Rice for the
family's consumption is stored in palm baskets and surplus
is sold as paddy immediately after harvest.


Benniseed


Female/Male Labor Contribution to Beniseed Production
Crop Field Pla ting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
S Prep. I I I
------------------------------------- ------------------------
Benni- M F: 0% F IF: 50% F F
seed I M: 50% M: 50% 1 |



Benniseed was formerly an important cash crop in this
region, produced to raise money for taxes. At present it is
grown mainly for home consumption And local trade. When
sole cropped, benniseed is planted on fallow land following
the cassava rotation.! It is frequently planted alone or
interplanted with sorghum.

One of the advantages of benniseed production is that
it requires relatively little labor. Field preparation is
done by men. Both sexes plant the seed by broadcasting.
Women do all weeding and both sexes work on the harvest.
Benniseed is harvested by plucking and bundling the spikes
and hanging them to dry. When thoroughly dry, the benniseed
is pounded, in a mortar and winnowed. It is stored in a
woman's hut in large clay pots.

Watermelon

Watermelon is grown by the Tiv for its seeds, called
"egusi" seeds. These are dried, dehusked and either ground
for soup or chewed as a confectionery. Watermelons have
\ ii










become important as a cash crop in this region. Until
recently most watermelon was grown on the compound farm, but
as its cash value increased it began to replace the men's
millet crop on the bush farm.

Watermelon seeds are planted in flat areas around the
compound farm, which is prepared by women, or on the bush
farm in ridges prepared by men. The rapid growth in the
plant's groundcover reduces the need for weeding, which is
done by women. Women harvest and process watermelon grown
in the compound farm but men's role in harvesting is
becoming more important as watermelon replaces their millet
crop.


Female/Male Labor Contribution to Watermelon Production
Crop Field IPlanting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
Prep. I II
Water- F: 25% F: 25% F F: 25% F F
melon M: 75% M: 75% M: 75%




Cowpeas

The cowpea is a vegetable grown for its dried pea and
for its fresh green leaves. Most of the cowpeas produced in
this region are planted as a late crop and are interplanted
with sorghum on the compound farm. Some early cowpeas may
be interplanted with other vegetables on the sides of
women's yam mounds. Except for mound building, women have
primary responsibility for preparing the fields of the
compound farm and contribute to preparation of yam fields.
Women weed, harvest and process cowpeas; these are
responsibilities that women hold for most of the fruits and
vegetables that are grown or gathered on Tiv farms. Cowpeas
are shelled by beating with sticks or breaking pods by hand.
They are then soaked and washed to remove the outer skin.
Dried cowpeas are stored in calabashes in women's huts.


S Female/Male Labor Contribution to Cowpea Production

Crop 1Field |Planting Weeding Harvesting Processing Storage
|Prep. I 1 |
Cowpea F: 25% F F F F F
M: 75%






54


APPENDIX III: NET RETURNS BY CROP

The chart below provides data on the net returns by
crop of each of the crops targeted by the project. Net
returns refers to' tle total net value of each crop,
including both marketed and home-consumer production.

Calculations for net returns are based on price and
yields projected by the project documents. Traditional pre-
project refers to the net value of traditionally cultivated
crops before ithe project. Improved post-project and
traditional post-project refer to the value of a crop after
the project. :It is expected that after the project some
proportion of each crop will continue to be cultivated using
traditional methods while some proportion of each crop will
be cultivated using the improved seeds and cultivation
practices provided by the project.




APPENDIX III

NET RETURN BY CROP FOR TYPICAL 2.5 HECTARE FARM
NET RETURN (NAIRA)
90.0
TRADITIONAL PRE-PROJECT 450
80.0 IMPROVED POST-PROJECT
TRADITIONAL POSTiPROJECT =
400
70.0 -
350
60.0 -

50.0 300

40.0 250
30.0 200

20.0 1 100

10.0 -1500

0.0 50
BENNISEED CASSAVA RICE EARLY EARLY MELONS SORGHUM MAIZE COWPEAS YAMS
MAIZE MILLET


SOURCE: Project Documents











APPENDIX IV: FARM LABOR PROFILES BY CROP

The following charts show the farm labor profiles for
the total farm, women and men from before and after the
project, based on days spent on each crop. The number of
person days per month in these profiles may differ slightly
from the profiles in Chapter 4, which indicate person days
spent on each crop activity. These differences are due to
rounding errors.










CHART 1 APENDIX V
TOTAL FARM LABOR PROFILE BY CROP (PRE-PROJECT)
PERSON DAYS/HA


COWPEAS
- MELONS
BENNISEED
- RICE
LATE MAIZE
- EARLY MAIZ
CASSAVA
SORGHUM
MILLET
YAMS


15.0

10.0 I-

5.0

0.0 "..---
JAN FEB


. 111111 -I




.:.. ... .






-7I




MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


40.0

35.0

30.0

25.0

20.0











APENDIX IV
CHART 2
TOTAL FARM LABOR PROFILE BY CROP (POST-PROJECT)
PERSON DAYS/HA


COWPEAS Z
- MELONS
BENNISEED
- RICE
LATE MAIZE |
- EARLY MAIZE fnn
CASSAVA
- SORGHUM
MILLET .
YAMS |





---
--. ., .... .
_. ..... ...- I ..,.


,. ,, .
,...,...







.', ., ..
. '
,. ,'
; A


JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN
!


JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


SOURCE: Project Documents


APE:
CHART 3
FEMALE LABOR PROFILE BY CROP (PRE-PROJECT)
PERSON DAYS/HA
45.0 wp
1 0WPEA8 I


NDIX IV


MELONS i
BENNISEED
RICE
- LATE MAIZE
EARLY MAIZE ||
CASSAVA
SORGHUM
MILLET
- YAMS


20.0 h


II III III i p -. -
1i1 ill IIII r*. 1.L.A

111111 '-

1 -''


1lllll


JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC



SOURCES: Bohannan and Bohannan, Tiv Economy; Vermeer,
Agricultural and Dietary Practices Among the Tiv, Ibo
and Birom Tribes, Nigeria; and Project Documents


40.0

35.0

30.0

25.0

20.0

15.0

10.0

5.0

0.0


40.0

35.0

30.0

25.0


15.0


10.0 ":

5.0


'~' '~ '"' ~""" ~""


I











CHA 4 APENDIX IV
CH RT 4
FEMALE LABOR PROFILE BY CROP (POST-PROJECT)
PERSON DAYS/HA
40.0 COWPEAS
MELONS
35.0 BENNISEED
RICE
LATE MAIZE
30.0 EARLY MAIZE 11111
CASSAVA
SORGHUM
MILLET M
YAMS
200 .0 -

1s.o -^ : -; []* )|


6.0 .r-....... .


0.0




SOURCES: Bohannan and Bohannan, Tiv Economy; Vermeer,
Agricultural and Dietary Practices Among the Tiv, Ibo
and Birom Tribes, Nigeria; and Project Documents




CHART 5 APPENDIX IV
MALE LABOR PROFILE BY CROP (PRE-PROJECT)
PERSON DAYS/HA
35.0

5.0 LATE MAIZE (U
BENNISEED
RICE H'
S EARLY MAIZE :i
25.0
CASSAVA
SORGHUM
20.0 MI
YAMS

18.0 -

10.0 -

1111i1nnr : -:,._1 i


0.0- -- -
JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG 8EP OCT NOV DEC

SOURCES: Bohannan and Bohannan, Tiv Economy; Vermeer,
Agricultural and Dietary Practices Among the Tiv, Ibo
and Birom Tribes, Nigeria; and Project Documents










APENDIX IV
CHART 6
MALE LABOR PROFILE BY CROP (POST-PROJECT)
PERSON DAYS/HA
35.0
MELONS.
30.0 OOWPEAS
LATE MAIZE -
BENNISEED :..
25.0 RICE
EARLY MAIZE
CASSAVA
20.0 SORGHUM
MILLET
YAMS
15.0

10.0 1i1101

5.0 "1 '" '
.1111111 = .. ,, .... -

0.0 -
JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC


SOURCES: Bohannan and Bohannan, Tiv Economy; Vermeer,
Agricultural and Dietary Practices Among the Tiv, Ibo
and Birom Tribes, Nigeria; and Project Documents










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