Village Life in Lahore District
(A Study of Selected Economic Aspects)
University of the Panjab, Lahore
Village Life in Lahore District
(A STUDY OF SELECTED ECONOMIC ASPECTS)
Dr. S. M. Akhtar
A. R. Arshad
This report on some economic aspects of life in
the six selected villages is the fourth and the last in
the series of a study concerning village life in Lahore
District undertaken by the Social Sciences Research
Centre. The first report by Dr. B.A. Azhar, the first
Chief Research Officer of the Socio-Economic
Research Project (August, 1956-February, 1957),
re-named Social Sciences Research Centre, was an
introduction to the Project, giving the general
characteristics of the sample villages and discuss-
ing the methodology adopted and the limitations
of the study. The second and third reports covered
the sociological and the political aspects, respective-
ly, of life in these sample villages. While the report
on the sociological aspects was published under the "
guidance of Dr. W. L. Slocum, Visiting Professor
in the Department of Sociology, University of the
Panjab, I had the pleasure of writing the preface
to the report on the political aspects, besides looking
through its text, in my capacity as Acting Head of
the University Department of Political Science.
The economic life of the peasants has followed a
set pattern that has known little noticeable change
over a long time. They have continued farming
at the subsistence level and have stoutly defended
the traditional self-sufficiency of the village with
its consequent social and economic stagnation.
However, with the linking of some of the villages to
towns and cities by metalled roads, wide-spread
apathy seems to be gradually giving way to modern
ideas. But there remains a good deal of leeway
to be made.
This report does not claim to present a full picture
of our rural economy, though the facts given in it
are fairly representative of the conditions in the
rural areas of the former Province of the Punjab.
The account of the various economic activities,
ranging from the growing of food and fodder for the
family and the cattle of the poor tenant to the
hoarding of gold by the more well-to-do among the
cultivating classes, is mainly descriptive, and we let
facts speak for themselves.
The collection, processing and initial interpreta-
tion of the data on which this report is based
was done by Miss Nasim A. Khawaja, Mr. A. R.
Arshad, Mr. Faqir Ullah Jan, Mr. Inayat Ullah,
Mr. Mazhar Hussain, Mr. Muhammad Ali Chau-
dhry, Mr. Muhammad Afzal and Mr. Rashid Ahmed
Shergill. However, their drafts had to be consi-
derably changed and in some cases entirely re-
written, if only to bring about uniformity of ex-
pression and cohesion of style. The junior author
of this report, Mr. A. R. Arshad, Assistant Research
Officer in the Centre, actively assisted me in revising
and finalising the report.
DR. S. M. AKHTAR
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Land Tenure, Size of Holdings and Fragmentation
2. Patterns of Inheritance in Punjab Villages
3. Irrigation Practices
4. Farm Operations
5. Farm Implements
6. Seeds, Manure and Fertilisers
7. Land Utilisation and Output of Crops
8. Marketing of Agricultural Produce
0. Income of Cultivators
1. Rural Credit and Indebtedness
2. Hired Labour
Appendix: A Shariat Law
Appendix : C
Appendix : D
(i) Table Showing Average Debt per Family for Selected Villages of
the former Punjab ..
(ii) Table Showing Percentages of Families under Debt
Gold Hoarding in our Economy ..
Glossary of Terms used in the Text of the Report
LIST OF TABLES
Nature of Tenure
Frequency Distribution of Owners and Cultivators (in Acres)
Area Cultivated under Different Tenures in the Six Sample Villages
Average Unit of Ownership and Cultivation
Number of Fragmented Holdings in the Sample Villages
Average Distance between two Fragments and Main Plot to each Fragment
Time of Division of General Property among Heirs (Tenure-wise) ..
Method of Division of Farm Property among Heirs (Tenure-wise) ..
Method of Division of Household Property among Heirs (Tenure-wise)
Right of Inheritance of Ancestral House among Heirs (Tenure-wise)
Time of Division of Property among Heirs (Caste-wise)
Method of Division of Farm Property among Heirs (Caste-wise)
Method of Division of Household Property among Heirs (Caste-wise)
Right of Inheritance of Ancestral House among Heirs (Caste-wise)
Total Annual Rainfall (in Inches)
Twenty years' Rainfall Data for Lahore District (in Inches)
Area Irrigated by Different Sources (in Acres)
Degree of Responsiveness
Extent of Preparatory Tillage (Wheat)
Methods of Sowing .
Frequency of Watering in Sample Villages ..
Extent of Preparatory Tillage (Gram)
Extent of Irrigation (Gram).
Extent of Preparatory Tillage (Cotton)
Methods of Sowing ..
Extent of Irrigation (Cotton)
Extent of Preparatory Tillage (Sugar-cane) .
Extent of Interculture
Extent of Irrigation (Sugar-cane)
Extent, Cost and Age of Desi Plough ..
Percentages of Sample Families Possessing Munah Hal, its Cost and Age
Percentages of Families with a Yoke, its Cost and Age ..
Percentages of Families Possessing Sohaga, its Cost and Age
Percentages of Families with Karah, its Cost and Age
Percentages of Families with Carts, their Cost and Age ..
Percentages of Families with Cane-crusher, its Cost and Age
LIST OF TABLES
37. Percentages of Families having a Fodder-cutter, its Cost and Age
38. Seed Rate per Acre ...
39. Seed Rate Used per Acre
40. Percentage Area Sown with Improved Varieties
41. Percentages of Farmers Producing Seed on the Farm (Kharif Fodder)
42. Percentages of Farmers Producing Seed on the Farm (Rabi Fodder)
43. Area Manured under Different Crops
44. Relative Importance of Various Types of Manures for Various Crops
Quantity and Cost of Manures and Fertilizers Used per Acre
Percentage of Cultivable Area with Sources of Irrigation
Area Sown by the Sample Families in the Year 1956-57
Area Sown under Different Crops
Total and Average Yield of Major Crops
Average Yields of Major Crops in each Village
Average Crop Yields per Acre and Nature of Land Tenure
Comparison of Yields
Quantities Marketed of Major Crops
Distance of Market from the Sample Villages
Proportions of Produce Sold Locally and in the Market..
Bullock Population and their Prices
Male Buffalo Population and their Prices
Extent of Bullock Power with the Cultivators
Buffalo Population and their Prices
Buffalo Calf Population
Cow Calf Population and their Prices
Total Value of Various Categories of Live-Stock
Periods of Useful Life of Different Draught Animals
Milk Yielding Period and Capacity
Percentages of Animals Disposed of Locally or in the Market
Disposal of Milk and Ghee
Availability and Utilization of Veterinary Facilities
Percentage Mortality Rate among Live-Stock in Sample Villages
Gross Annual Income per Sample Family from Different Sources
Annual Income per Sample Family from Other Sources
Net Annual Income per Sample Family in Selected villages
Payments to Moeens, Artisans and Labourers
73. Annual Income per Capita and per Working Member of Sample Families for Different
Selected Villages .....
74. Total Debt Out-Standing for Different Classes of Sample Cultivators
75. Average Debt per Family ...
LIST OF TABLES
1S. No. Page
76. Frequency Distribution of Families in Different Intervals of Debt ...... 90
77. Total Debt Incurred, Outstanding and Repaid during 1956-57 .. ..... 90
78. Amount of Debt Incurred for Different Productive Purposes and their Percentages to
Total Debt ........ ... 91
79. Amount of Debt for Non-Productive Purposes .... .. 93
-80. Details of Expenditure Made at Marriages ......... 94
81. Total Debt Classified According to Source .... ... 95
82. Percentages of Debt Incurred through Various Sources by Different Economic Classes .. 96
83. Total Debt Classified According to Nature of Security Demanded by Different Sources of
Credit .............. 97
84. Total Debt Classified According to the Rate of Interest and Period in which Debt is to
be Paid ........... ... 98
85. Average Annual Wages of a Permanent Hired Labourer.. .. .. 99
86. Average Wages of a Labourer Per Working Day ....... 100
87. Different Rates of Wages Paid for Different Types of Work .. .. 101
.88. Distribution of Gold Hoardings in Different Economic Groups During 1947-57 108
.89. Reasons for Dishoarding During 1947-57 .... 110
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1. The Man with a Hoe (Cover Page)
2. A Tube-Well in Operation at a Farm
3. Preparing Land for Planting Cotton
4. Levelling the Farm with a Tractor and a Karah
5. A Cultivatotr's Proud Possession-a Healthy Pair of Bullocks
6, Milk being Carted to the Town
S .. 22
.. .. 38
.. .. 68
1. LAND TENURE, SIZE OF HOLDINGS AND FRAGMENTATION
The Methodology and its Limitations
Since Mr. H. Calvert wrote his two pamphlets(!)
in the twenties of the present century, there has
been no survey of holdings on the same pattern.
There have been some publications on the problem,
but they were based on the general interviewing
method and not on the Revenue Records, the most
authentic source of Land Records. The estimation
of the size of cultivators' holdings and owners'
holdings was a part of a general sample survey of the
six villages of Lahore District. After the collection
and processing of the data, it was found that farmers
had generally over-estimated their ownership
holdings, and they could not exactly tell how much
they actually owned. Moreover, the sample was
already quite small, and out of that we collected
only 25% of the families in each village. This
meant that the percentage of agricultural families
in the general sample was even smaller. Under
such circumstances the results obtained could hardly
To obtain summary figures over a period of time
the Lal Kitab (Village Note-Book) of all the six
villages was consulted. The Lal Kitab gave us
the total number of cultivators and owners under
different tenure at four years' intervals. But there
was no frequency distribution of owners nor of the
cultivators under different class intervals.
Finally, the latest Record of Rights of the sample
of owners and cultivators in the six villages was
copied in detail and the services of an expert were
engaged to calculate the exact shares in the land.
In cases of joint ownership or cultivation the
total area was divided by the number of persons
shown as owners. The mortgager was consi-
dered owner of the land as shown in the
Records of Rights, but the mortgagee-cultivator
was considered as peasant-proprietor, for he does
not pay any rent to the mortgager. As a result the
number of peasant-proprietors became larger than
the number of the original owners. When the
figures are studied, this factor should always be
kept in mind.
In order to make the figures representative of the
universe from which the sample was collected the
data were divided into two groups. First, 3 villages
(Group A) were selected from a total number
1 (a) "The Size and Distribution of Agricultural Holdings in the Punjab," Board of Economic Enquiry (Punjab), Lahore
1925. In this inquiry, Calvert took five villages from each Kanungo's circle, statistics were taken from the Jamabandi (the
Village Book of Rights). The inquiry covered 2,347 villages out of a total of 34,119 in the province-a sample representing
about 6% of the total population. The total area involved was 2,073,000 acres, while the total cultivated area of the
province was about.29 million acres. Thus about 7 % of the area came under the sample. He pointed out that "it may be
accepted that the statistics refer to villages fairly evenly distributed throughout the Province."
(b) "The Size and Distribution of Cultivators' Holdings in the Punjab", Board of Economic Inquiry (Punjab), Lahore
1928. This second inquiry was on the same pattern as the first one and was also based on the Jamabandi. In the case of joint
cultivation, the area was divided by the number of cultivators. Moreover, the area held in the colony districts (e.g. Lyallpur,
Montgomery) by the residents of older districts (e.g. Jullundur, Ambala) was excluded. About this inquiry Calvert wrote: "Each
village or small group of villages has a Patwari to keep its records, and over a group of Patwaris there are Kanungos or Revenue
Inspectors. The latter are thus in charge of definite areas, so that five villages in each Kanungo's circle should afford results
from a fairly evenly distributed number of units. The actual area concerned was called for, so that figures for cultivators and
for areas are actual." The sample was almost of the same size as in the first inquiry in respect of area and cultivators.
of 210 villages in the district, while the 3 villages
in Group B were selected from 138 villages (each
group having a certain range of population).
Where weighted representation was desired, the
figures -were multiplied by 70 in Group A and 46
in Group B, and averages were struck.
It should be borne in mind that, although the
figures were given proper weightage, they cannot
be regarded as representing the whole Lahore
District. The reason is that the sample was selected
from villages with populations ranging between 300
and 900 souls. Those with populations below 300
or above 900 were excluded.
Another limitation of the study is that some
persons owned or cultivated land in other villages,
which could not be taken into consideration due to
lack of resources and time.
The inquiry deals with six villages in all. The
main figures are given below :
Total number of owners .. 442
Total number of cultivators 672
Total area held .'. ..' 4605.73 acres
Simple average per owner
(for six villages) .. 10.42 acres
Weighted average per owner
(for whole universe) .. 10.77 acres
Simple average per cultiva-
tor .... 6.85 acres
Weighted average per culti-
vator .. .. 6.97 acres
The number of different kinds of cultivators has been
given in Table No. 1
TABLE No. 1
Nature of Tenure
Peasant- Percent- P.-P.-cum- Percent- Tenants Percent- Total Percent-
Category Group Proprie- age Tenants age age age
A .. 75 32.5 27 11.7 129 55.8 231 100.0
B .. 118 26.8 195 44.3 128 29.1 441 100.0
Total .. 193 29.6 222 28.0 257 42.4 672 100.0
It will be seen that peasant-proprietors were
29.6% of the total cultivators, peasant-proprietors-
cum-tenants 28 %, and the rest were pure tenants.
The availability of land for tenancy cultivation
depends on three factors. Firstly, some of the
owner-cultivators were unable to cultivate their
entire holding due to a scarcity of means, and
therefore they rented out a portion of their land.
Secondly, there were persons who had enough land
to be able to live on the rent of it. Hence they
did not cultivate it themselves. Thirdly, some
owners of land for one reason or another were
unable to cultivate their land, e.g. disabled
persons, widows, orphans, etc., and hence they
gave it to tenants.
Frequency of Distribution
Table No. 2 on the next page, sets out the fre-
quency of distribution of non-cultivating owners
and cultivators (both owners and tenants) according
to the size of their holdings.
TABLE No. 2
Frequency Distrhibtion of Owners 'atid Cultivators (in Acres)
Nature Less 1.0. 5.0 10.0 15.0 20,0 25.0 20.0 35.0 40.0 45.0 50.0 75.0 100.0
of Group than to to to to to to to to to to to to and Total
Tenure 1.0 4.9 9.9 14.9 19.9 24.9 29.9 34.9 39.9 44.9 49.9 74.9 99.9 above
Owners .. A 15 42 37 19 8 4 3 2 1 2 1 1 1 .. 136
B 73 166 27 14 4 .. 2 2 15 .. 3 .. .. .. 306
Total 88 208 64 33 12 4 5 4 16 2 4 1 1 .. 442
Percentage 19.9 47.1 14.4 7.4 2.7 0.9 1.1 0.9 3.9 0.4 0.9 0.2 0.2 .. 100.0
Cultivators .. A 16 37 27 46 40 20 38 5 .. .. 2 .. .. .. 231
B 91 164 98 42 24 9 4 2 .. 1 4 .. 2 .. 441
Total 107 201 125 88 64 29 42 7 .. 1 6 .. 2 .. 672
Percentage 15.92 30.0 18.6 13.1 9.52 4.32 6.22 1.03 .. 0.15 0.88 .. 0.3 .. 100.0
The above table reveals that the number of tors was 64.52%. These owners and cultivators
cultivators was about 52.0% more than that of had only subsistence holdings as defined by the
owners. In both village Groups the number of Land Reforms Commission (i). Only a very small
cultivators exceeded that of owners. This reflects percentage of holdings (3% cultivators, 0.4%
the existence of a great competition among the owners) fell into the category of economic holdings
cultivators for the renting of land. Furthermore, (50 acres) as defined by the Commission.
the table indicates that only 1.34% of the cultiva- O g
On the other hand, owners owning between 10 and
tors cultivated more than 35 acres of land, while cultivators for
30 acres of land were 12.1 % and cultivators for
about 16.0% cultivated less than one acre. Investi- t
the same frequency were 33.1%.
gation could not be made into this matter, but
presumably these people had supplementary sources Relative Importance of Different Tenures
The area cultivated by peasant-proprietors,
81.4% of the owners owned less than ten acres peasant-proprietors-cum-tenants and tenants in all
each while the corresponding figure for the 6ultiva- the six villages is given in Table No. 3 on next page.
(1) Report of the Land Reforms Commission for West Pakistan, January 1959, p. 66.
It may be noted here that the category of "subsistence" and "economic" holdings as defined by the Land Reform Com-
mission are mainly meant to regulate the sub-division of landed property. The size of the economic holding would differ under
different local conditions. No attempt has been made to determine scientifically the size of the economic holding for the villages
TABLE No. 3
Area Cultivated under Different Tenures in ,he Six Sample Villages
(Area in Acres)
GROUP PEASANT-PROPRIETORS PEASANT-PROPRIETORS- TENANTS TOTAL
Village Number Area Number Area Number Area Number Area
ISW .. 14 72.25 17 53.02 54 269.73 85 395.0
B .. .. .. 58 642.00 58 642.0
J .. 61 442.60 10 207.34 17 69.81 88 719.75
Sub-Total of Group A 75 514.85 27 260.36 129 981.54 231 17,56.75
F .. 29 412.75 47 560.11 110 667.52 186 1640.38
Q .. 51 126.93 138 454.12 .. .. 189 581.05
G .. 38 346.30 10 160.26 18 120.99 66 627.55
Sub-Total of Group B 118 885.98 195 1174.49 128 788.51 441 2848.98
Grand Total of Groups A 193 1400.83 222 1434.85 257 1770.05 672 46.05.73
It will be seen that in Group A, village B had tenants
only and no other tenure. This was so because the
village was owned by only one landlord.
Another point worth noting is that village F in
Group B had the largest total area, of which only
about one quarter was being cultivated by peasant-
proprietors. Similarly in village ISW the peasant-
proprietors formed about one quarter of the total
cultivators. Both these villages were mainly
inhabited by Rajput families who usually had
large holdings and generally rented them out
for cultivation. In the villages where land was
unevenly distributed the number of tenants was
larger than any other type of cultivators. Village
ISW in Group A and village F in Group B illustrate
this point. But where land was more evenly
distributed, very little surplus remained for renting
out. Such villages were dominantly peasant-pro-
prietor villages, as village J in Group A and village G
in Group B. If it is assumed (1) that about 12.5
acres of land are sufficient to keep in full employ-
ment an average cultivating family with its
traditional equipment, it will be seen that most of
the holdings fall below this limit.
Size of Holdings
Table No. 4 below shows the average unit of
ownership and average unit of cultivation.
(1) Report of the Land Reforms Commission for West-Pakistan, January, 1959, p. 64, and Calvert: "The Size and
Distribution of Cultivators' Holdings in the Punjab" Board of Economic Inquiry (Punjab), Lahore 1928, p. 4.
TABLE No. 4
Average Unit of Ownership and Cultivation
OWNERS CULTIVATORS SIMPLE AVERAGE'
Number Total Area Number Total Area Owners Cultivators
A .. .. 136 1756.75 231 1756.75 12.92 7.61
B .. .. 306 2848.98 441 2848.98 9.33 6.46
Total .. 442 4605.73 672 4605.73 10.42 6.85
The average unit of cultivation estimated for the over it is only for 5 villages out of 6 that figures
whole area comes to 6.85 acres as compared with could be collected. This section therefore is
Mr. Calvert's (1) figure of 8.7 acres for Lahore limited in its applicability, hence its totals, per-
District. centages and averages are not comparable with
Degree of Fragmentation those given in the section on Size of Holdings."
The inquiry regarding fragmentation of holdings Table No. 5 below gives a picture of the degree
is based on a smaller number of sample families of fragmentation of holdings in five of the six sample
than the one regarding the size of holdings. More- villages under investigation.
TABLE No. 5
Number of Fragmented Holdings in the Sample Villages
Name of village
TOTAL AGR. HOLDINGS
Number Percentage Area
73.37 30 2.45
210.13 55 3.82
98.58 15 6.57
189.80 133 1.40
64.00 4 16.00
41 56.20 635.88 237 2.68
(1) See reference No. 2 in the foot-note on page 1 (page 17 of Calvert's pamphlet).
It is evident that the worst degree of fragmentation
existed in village Q, in which not a single'holding
was found in a compact form. Moreover, the
average size of the fragment was the smallest in
this village. Next in order came village B, where,
although the average holding was fairly large, no
,holding was found to be free ,of fragmentation.
Village ISW was mainly inhabited by refugees who
had been allotted land in small pieces, so that the
extent of fragmentation was quite large. The
fragmented holdings as a percentage of the total
holdings, however, were less than in villages Band Q.
The condition of village Q was particularly bad with
respect to the magnitude of fragmentation. This
size of individual fragments was found to have been
reduced even to a few Marlas(1) in many cases.
Village G had the least number of fragments and the
smallest proportion of fragmented holdings.
Table No. 6 indicates the average distance between
two consecutive fragments and the average distance
from the village or the main plot to each fragment.
It will be seen from the table that about 60% .of
the plots had a distance of over a quarter mile
from each other. Of these, 10% lay over one mile
apart from each other. Again over 60% of the
lots were at a distance of more than a quarter
mile either from the village site or from the main
plot belonging to the cultivator. Out of these
about 6% were at a distance of over one
mile. Such distances indicate the amount of
travelling that a farmer has to undertake when
moving from one plot to another from his
house during the course of agricultural operations.
It may be mentioned here that in the villages under
investigation, the cattle sheds were usually located
at the village site so that the farmer had to start
from the village for his daily work. In some
cases, however, the cattle sheds were found in one
of the plots which could be regarded as the main
plot or the base of his operations.
It is important to keep in mind that it is not the
distance between the plots or between the village
and the plots which is the source of difficulty for
the agriculturist. The disintegrated nature of the
farm causes many obstacles in the efficient carrying
out of the agricultural operations like watering,
ploaghing, manuring, fencing and general looking
after of the crops and their protection against pests
and diseases. These involve waste of time, effort
(1) Meanings of words in italics have been eXplained eitherintthe text or are'given inrthe Glossary, i.e. Appendix D of
10 8 4
.. 2 9 6
2 2 .. .. 4
9 11 3 11 4
2 2 ..
.. 25 26 22 7 23 25 2 3
4 2 5 1 4
8 6 14 2
8 6 14 21
2 2 .
8 41 19 30 20
Grand Total .. 39 56 32 22 36 28 13 11 237 16 64 37 38 39 3 11 1 209
Percentage .. 16.5 23.6 13.5 9.J 15.2 11.8 5.5 4.6
TABLE No. 6
Average bistaiee betvtea two FragMients and Average Distance from the Village or Main Plot to each Frtglient (Furlongs)
AVERAGE DISTANCE BETWEEN TWO CONSECUTIVE AVERAGE DISTANCE FROM MAIN PLOT OR VILLAGE
Distanie 0-0.0 1-1.9 2-2.9 3-3.9 4-5.9 6-7.9 8-11.9 12 and Total 0-0,9 1-1.9 2-2.9 2-3.9 4-5.9 6-7.9 8-119 1.2and Totl
Village Above Above
- -- -
100.0 7.7 30.6 17.7 18.2 18.7 1.4 5.3 0.5
2. PATTERNS OF INHERITANCE IN PUNJAB VILLAGES
of household property and the ancestral house.
In studying the custolns and laws of inheritance
in the sample villages, the inquiry has. been con-
fined to the basic customs and traditions of succes-
sion. Data were collected only about the succes-
sion of household property, farm property and
the ancestral house.
The tables in this chapter show that there are no
hard and fast rules which govern the succession
Only in the case of landed property the Law imposed.
by the Government must be observed.
Time of Division of Property
The time of division of property varies with the
system of land tenure, the individual's economic
and social circumstances and local customs..
Table No. 7 analyses the practices regarding the-
division of property tenure-wise.
TABLE No. 7
Time of Division of General Property among Heirs (Tenure-wise)
Nature of tenure A.F.D. (1) Percentage A.M.S. (2) Percentage Miscellaneous Percentage Total Number
Tenancy .. 9 43 6 28 4 (WCAB) (3) .. 21
2 (OS) (4)
Peasant-Proprietorship .. 21 78 5 19 1 (No pro- .. 27
Peasant-Proprietorship-cum- 6 40 2 13 7 (WCAB) 46 15
Landlordism .. 6 60 2 20 2 (OS) .. 10
Total .. 42 57.5 15 20.5 16 21.9 73
As indicated by the above table, 43 %, 78 %, 40 %,
and 60 % of the tenants, peasant-proprietors, owner-
tenants and landlords respectively, divided the pro-
perty after the death of the father. The reasons for
the division of property after the death of the father
could not be ascertained. Presumably it is because
the father's death creates a vacuum in the family
system which is difficult to fill. The absence
of the guiding and co-ordinating authority upsets
family unity. This conclusion is supported by
an Indian Survey, thus: "However, the three genera-
tion family with married brothers living together
during the lifetime of their father was common.
As in the land-owning class, among these classes
too, the presence of the father kept them
(1) AFD-After father's death. (2) AMS-After the marriage of sons. (3) WCAB-Whenconflict arises among
brothers. (4) OS-Only son.
(5) Indian Sociological Society: SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN, September, 1955; page 110.
-Among tenants 43 % divided the property after
the death of the father. It may be that by splitting
up into nuclear families they are able to get sufficient
land to cultivate, which otherwise would not be
possible. This is specially true of those villages
where the whole land belongs to one landlord, and
tenants can migrate to other villages in search of
In the case of owner-tenants the leading cause of
partitioning the property is "when conflict among
brothers arises". This conflict can arise due to
many reasons such as slackness of one brother in
the farm-work, lack of reciprocal behaviour, pro-
digal habits of one of them, friction on the choice
of a mate, etc.
Division of property after the marriage of sons
is natural and logical. On the one hand married
people want independence in social and economic
matters, while, on the other hand, marriage in itself
implies the setting-up of a new nuclear family.
Thus sometimes after marriage either parents divide
their property among their sons, or the married sons
themselves seek division.
In the table we have one case where the inter-
viewee had no property, hence no question of
There are two cases of an "only son" among
tenants and two among landlords. In such cases
also the question of a division of property after
marriage or after the death of the father does not
Division of Farm Property
The division of landed propertyWamong heirs has
two aspects, social and legal. A father during his
lifetime can divide the farm property among sons
if some conflict among them arises and/or if they
are married. But the legal ownership is vested in
them only after the death of the father. The two
main customs in the division of farm-property are
"according to the Shariat Law(')" and "equal
among sons". The table below shows how the land
is shared by heirs under different tenures :-
TABLE No. 8
Method of Division of Farm Property among Heirs (tenure-wise).
Nature of tenure A. S. A. (2) Percentage E. A. S. (3) Percentage Miscel- Total
Peasant-Proprietorship .. 14 60 9 39 .. 23
tenancy. .. 7 44 9 50 .. 16
Landlordism .. 7 64 3 27 Eldest 1 11
Total .. 28 56 21 42 .. 50
(1) For Shariat Law see Appendix A
(2) A S. A.-According to Shariat Act (3) E. A. S.-Equal among sons.
The farm property was divided according to the
Shariat Law in 60%, 44% and 64% cases of peasant
proprietors, owner-tenants and land-lords respec-
Of the rest, about 40%, followed the custom in
vogue before the introduction of the Shariat Law.
Division of Household Property
The household property can be divided either
during the lifetime of the father or after his death,
The general practice seems to be that at the time of
division some prominent members of the family
or caste are invited to distribute it according to the
local custom or as the family tradition may require.
This is done in order to avoid any conflict among
the heirs. How the household property is divided
under different tenures is revealed by Table No. 9
given below :
TABLE No. 9
. Method of Division of Household Property among Heirs (tenure-wise)
Nature of tenure E. A. S. (1) Percentage Miscellaneous Total answers
Tenancy .. .. .. 21 '96 1- (resides with 22
Peasant-Proprietorship .. 25 100 25
Peasant-Proprietorship-cum-Tenancy .. 14 100 .. 14
Landlordism .. .. .. 7 88 1 (resides with 8
Total .. 67 97 2 69
The table shows that out of a total of 69 cases
67 (97 %) are in the category of EAS, i.e., the house-
hold property is equally divided among all sons.
This applies only to the ancestral property (house-
hold commodities, utensils, assets and liabilities,
cattle and grain, etc.) and not to the dowry of
daughters-in-law, which goes to the concerned
married sons only. This is a uniform custom in
all kinds of tenures. It is interesting to note that
females are not given anything from the household
property. However, if brothers have unmarried
sisters they will also share the marriage expenses
more or less equally.
Right of Inheritance of Ancestral House
The ancestral house is included in the ancestral
house-hold property. At the time of the division of
household property the question of accommodation
for different heirs arises, and how this is solved is
shown in Table No. 10 on next page.
(1) For explanation see foot-note on page 9.
TABLE No. 10
Right of Inheritance of Ancestral House, among Heirs (tenure-wise).
One who The youngest One who re- Total
Nature of tenure pays among son sides with Miscel- number of
sons parents laneous answers
1 2 3 4 5 6
Tenancy .. .. .. 3 (15%) 15(75%) .. 1 (No house) 20
Peasant-Proprietorship .. .. 15(60%) 6 (24%) 2 2 (Eldest) 25
Peasant-Proprietorship-cum-Tenancy .. 6 (40%) 3 (20%) 4 2 (Eldest) 15
Landlordism .. .. .. 6 (85%) 1 (15) .. ..7
Total .. 30(45%) 25 (37%) 6 (9%) 6(93%) 67
It is clear from the above table that 30 (45%)
and 25 (37 %) of all the cases fall under the categories
"One who pays among sons", and "The Youngest
son" (ultimogeniture) respectively.
The figures also point out that 85% of the land-
lords gave away the ancestral house to the son "who
pays" the fixed price of the house, which is settled
at the time of its division. It means that the an-
cestral house is the joint property of all the sons.
If it is not commodious enough for all the sons,
the price of the house is settled through some mem-
bers of the Baradari (family or caste) enjoying the
confidence of all. Whosoever among the sons is
willing to pay that price gets the house, and all the
others are compensated in cash according to their
In the case of one tenant there was no "ances-
tral house" to inherit. Presumably this family
lived in a house provided by the landlord. Another
respondent, a tenant, gave the simple reply : "I do
Among peasant-proprietors we have two cases
of primogeniture regarding the inheritance of the
ancestral house, while among owner-tenants, there
is only one such case. We cannot explain their
preference for the eldest son in these cases. Pre-
sumably some personal factors were at work.
Among tenants, we find a different usage. 75%
of them gave away the ancestral house to the young-
est son (ultimogeniture), presumably because he re-
sided with his parents and supported them when
they got old. The older sons migrated to other
villages in search of land and set up their indepen-
Different castes follow different customs and
usages of inheritance. Caste prejudice and caste
rigidity also lead to discrepancies in inheritance
*TABLE No. 11
Time of Division of Propertyamong Heirs (caste-wise)
_^ _^ _________ ^ ___ _____ __ - I -" "" ^ "
Caste A. F. D.(1) A. M. S.(1) Miscellaneous Total number
Kamboh .. .. ... 2 3 (WCAB)(1) 5
Rajput .. .... 8 7 .. 15
Jat .. .. .. 16 .. (WCAB) 17
Araeen .. .. .. 10 3 6 (WCAB) 2 (no 21
Awan .. .. .. 5 .... 5
Others .. .... 3 3 .. 6
Total .. 42(62%) 15(21 %) 12(17%) 69
In 62 % of the cases in allcastes out of the total, the
property is divided after the death of the father. In
this regard the most conspicuous case is of the Jats:
here, in 16 out of 17 cases (94%) the property was
divided after the death of the father. This shows the
extent of the influence of the father. Thus the idea
of a joint family prevails only during the life-time
of the father.
In 21 % of the cases in allcastes, the property is
divided after the marriage of the sons. The "miscel-
laneous column" consists of 10 cases of 'WCAB'-
when conflict among brothers arises. It was observed
that conflict usually arose after the marriage of the
sons. Thus, in all we have 25 cases out of 69 in
which property was divided after the marriage of the
sons. Even this figure does not exceed that in the
*This and the following three tables do not agree with
classes too have been included under "others".
'A.F.D.' column, which is 42. Thus, it can be safely
concluded that in different castes in the sample
villages there are yet possibilities of working jointly.
This could be a great help for a future planner of
joint, co-operative or collective farming. The mem-
bers of castes in which the property is divided after
the death of the father would appear to be less
quarrelsome and hence co-operative. It may be
easy to persuade such families to adopt co-operative
farming of one kind or another. On the other hand,
where conflict often leads to the division of property,
greater efforts may have to be exerted to persuade
them to adopt joint or co-operative economic or
social programmes. There can be various reasons
of conflict among brothers into which we need
the tenure-wise tables, for here, sometimes, non-agricultural
(1) For explanation of these terms, see foot-note-on page 8.
Method of Division of Farm-Property Caste-wise
It has already been indicated in the tenure-wise
analysis that the two most current methods of shar-
ing the landed property are "according to the
Shariat Law" and "equal among sons". The
different castes show a similar picture. The details
of the analysis are given in Table No. 6. From these
figures we gather that 56% of the surveyed families
divided the farm according to the Shariat Law,
while 42% distributed it equally among all sons.
In one case, the rule of primogeniture was followed.
It was found during the inquiry that this property
was awarded by the British Government in return to
some services rendered by the ancestors of the pre-
sent owner and the owner was put under the obliga-
tion to transfer it only to the eldest son.
TABLE No. 12
Method of Division of Farm Property among Heirs (caste-wise).
Caste ASA(1) EAS(1) Miscellaneous Total number
Kamboh .. ...... .. 2 2 2
Rajput .......... 12 2 .. 14
Jat ........ 5 6 .. 11
Araeen .. .. ... 6 10 .. 16
Syed .. ...... 1 .. 1 (Eldest) 2
Awan .. .. ... 4 1 .. 5
Total 28 21 1
(56%) (42%) (2%) 50
Division of Household Property Among Heirs (caste-wise)
The distribution of household property may differs will be seen from Table No. 13 on
differ in different castes. How much it the next page.
(1) For explanation see foot-note-on page 9.
TABLE No. 13
Method of Division of Household Property among Heirs (caste-wise).
Caste EAS(1) Miscellaneous number of answers
Kamboh.. .. ...... 5 1 (O.S.)(2) 6
Rajput .. .. .. .... 16 1 (O.S.) 17
Jat .......... 17 17
Araeen .. .. .. .. .. 18 1 (EAS & mother) 20
1 (one who resides
Awan .. ........ 5 .. 5
Others ......... 10 2 12
Total .. .. ... 71 6 77
Where there is only one son, the question of a
division of household property does not arise, he
being the sole owner of the property (see column
3 in the above table). There were two such cases,
one in the Kamboh Caste and the other among
Rajputs. Two other exceptions from the general
pattern may be noted. In one case (Araeens)
the mother also shared the household property
with her sons, while in the other, all the property
was given to one who lived with his parents after
his marriage. The reason could be the wish to avoid
disintegration of the joint family or to compensate
the one who would support the old parents. It
should be borne in mind that this is only done in the
case of household property, while as regards other
property, all the brothers equally share the heritage.
The general and most important custom in all
castes is that the household property is divided
equally among the sons. If commodities are
(1) and (2), For explanations see pages 8 and 9.
indivisible, they are valued in terms of money, and
the one who pays the value of the piece takes the
commodity, while the others get the cash. Some-
times the number of the commodities is not enough
to go round. Then the share of each heir is fixed in
terms of other commodities by some respected
persons of the Baradari (brethren) and the division
The group "others comprises Christians, Nau-
Muslims (Musalis), Syeds, Qureshi, Weavers,
Teli, etc. Here, two families had the only son as
the heir, while the remaining families divided the
household property equally among sons.
Right of Inheritance of Ancestral House
Some of the tenants and Moeens were too poor
to have their own houses and lived in houses
belonging to other people. In return for this
concession, tenants were required to do some Begar
work (unpaid work.) Table No. 14 on the next
page explains the position.
TABLE No. 14
Right of Inheritance of Ancestral House among Heirs (caste-wise)
One who pays One who resid- Youngest Total
Caste the value of es with parents son Miscellaneous numberof
the share after answers
1 2 3 4 5 6
Kamboh .. .. .. 1 3 1 (O.S.)
1 (No house)
1 (No custom) 7
Rajput .. .. .. 8 .. 6 2 (O.S.) 1
Jat .. .. .. 6 2 7 2 (Eldest) 17
Araeen .. .. 9 3 6 1 (Eldest) 20
Awan .. .... 5 .... 5
Others .. .. .. 1 3 5 3 (O.S.) 12
Total .. .. 29(37%) 9 (12%) 27(34%) 13 (17%) 78
The above table shows that, in one case of
Kambohs, the ancestral house was given to that son
who would agree to reside with the parents after
his marriage. In one case there was no house, while
in another case no set custom was reported. In 3
out of 4 eligible cases among Kambohs, the youngest
son was heir, and this supports the thesis that the
youngest son was the most probable owner of the
house in the Kamboh caste. Among Rajputs
there was one case of primogeniture, among Jats
two and among Araeens one.
It is interesting to note that customs differ con-
siderably among castes. Out of a total of 78 cases
only 37 % fall under the category one who pays "-
that is equal among sons, and only 12% fall under
" one who resides with parents ", while 34% favour
the youngest son. However, "one who pays"
and the youngest son" taken together comprise
71 % of the total.
In the Islamic social order, social justice is the
foremost question and other considerations are
only secondary. In the Shariat Law of Inheritance,
therefore, social justice is the primary goal and all
other objectives can be sacrificed to it.
The most important category of property in the
sample villages to which the Shariat Law applies is
landed property. This law has far-reaching
social and economic effects on the community.
Its most important effect on agriculture is that it
leads to sub-division and fragmentation of
holdings. Before Independence, succession was
generally governed in the former Punjab by custo-
mary law. Under this customary law, the females
of an agricultural family were not entitled to get any
share of the land, and the landed property was
distributed among brothers only. In some cases
widows or other females who were dependents of
the deceased were allowed to benefit from the
property during their lifetime or until they got
married. In this way, the landed property remained
in the original family and did not go into many
hands, thereby affecting the size of the holding.
Moreover, relations between brothers and sisters
remained cordial, because there was no rivalry for
After the establishment of Pakistan, when
Muslim Personal Law was made applicable to all
Muslims and the Shariat Act of 1948 was passed,
the succession began to be governed by the Shariat
Law of Inheritance requiring the distribution of
property among males as well as females.
The problems of fragmentation and sub-division
arise in all laws of inheritance. It is admitted that
the operation of Shariat Law is responsible to some
extent for the sub-division and fragmentation of
holdings which in the case of small holdings may
further aggravate conditions. But if the mortality
rate remains as it is now, and the marriage patterns
too remain in the form of endogamous relationships
(parallel cousin marriages and cross-cousin mar-
riages), then ultimately the land remains in the same
family. However, the size of the farm is affected,
but this, too, is rectified to some extent by the
shares brought in by wives, mothers, and other
females in the family.
On the social side, this law seems to strengthen the
family ties. There is an increasing tendency
among the landowners towards parallel cousin
marriages and exchange/cross-cousin marriages.
Usually such marriages involve both matrimonial
and blood relationships, thereby reducing the
incidence of divorce.
An attempt has been made by some to prove that
the Islamic Law of Inheritance leads to polygamy.
This is due to a misunderstanding of the social
situation and the social relations. An ordinary man,
cannot marry the daughter of a rich landowner in
order to strengthen his economic position, due to the
wide disparity existing between the social status of
the two families. A man with a small h holding cannot
marry more than one wife who may bring land to
him, in order to enrich him. If he is a bachelor, he
may marry in a landowning class of his own status.
But under ordinary circumstances, no other family
would be ready to marry a girl to him as his
second or third wife. It may be said that he can
marry a widow, having landed property. Here,
too, under normal circumstances, an old widow
would find no charm in a marriage with a poor man-
If she is young, the members of her family and the
members of the family of her deceased husband
would try to remarry her within their own family,
having more or less the same social and economic
status. Thus, in either case the Islamic Law of
Inheritance cannot be held responsible for the
encouragement of polygyny.
The right to inherit land by women has caused
some complications in the marriage and family
laws. These laws, as they exist, need amendment..
The law of inheritance requires written evidence and
sufficient documentary proof of marriage or divorce
to work satisfactorily. The Commission on Marriage
and Family Laws has observed : Quite a large
number of cases in the matter of marriage,
divorce and inheritance arise because of utter lack
of evidence either of marriage or of divorce(l)".
Marriage and divroce cases should be properly
registered, not only to check fraud and escape
under Section 498 of the Pakistan Penal Code
for Abduction, but also to overcome such diffi-
culties which "arise in cases relating to inheritance-
very often one of the claimants to a large amount of
(1) The Gazette of Pakistan, Extraordinary, Government
Family Laws, June 20, 1956, Karachi, p. 1260.
of Pakistan, Report of the Commission on Marriage and
property dubs the defendants as illegitimate oins,
and the case is difficult to decide for lack of all
documentary evidence(1)". Similarly, "the expedi-
tious disposal of suits relating to inheritance is
necessary in order to protect the rights of mothers,
sisters, daughters, and orphans".(2)
It is generally claimed that marital relationships
tie up families and groups and, therefore, generate a
healthy, peaceful and amiable environment in the
village community. The Shariat Law of Inheritance
seems to encourage inter-family and intra-village
marriages among the landowning classes. Such
a pattern of marital relations, it has been observed,
considerably weakens the factions, reduces rigidity
of factional behaviour and prevents factional
network from spreading. On the other hand,
death and birth records as they exist today
are inadequate in the changing patterns of
succession. It has been observed that sometimes
it is hard to establish the relationship of males
and females in of order their kinship. It may be
suggested that birth and death records should also
carry thenames of mothers and grandmothers.
The most important impact of the Shariat law is
on agricultural holdings, especially small and
undersized holdings. One solution suggested for
sdch a situation is to encourage joint or cooperative
farming. This would require in the. first, place
consolidation of all scattered holdings, and secondly
encouragement of inter-family, inter-caste, and,
ultimately inter-community joint cultivation. This
problem bristles with a large number of difficulties.
Small landowners are afraid of big landowners.
Then there are such hurdles as slackness, factional
behaviour, caste prejudices, false dignity, inter-
family notions of Sharik or partners. To overcome
them great efforts are required for social reform,
education, propaganda, active initiative and
demonstration on the part of the government
The fundamental purpose underlying this law is
to prevent concentration of wealth in a few hands,
and thereby to eliminate economic, political and
social monopolies, which may undermine the rights
and the dignity of the mass of the people. Thus the
Shariat Law of Inheritance prevents the emergence
of capitalism in its worst form as reflected in the
accumulation of unlimited wealth in a few hands,
resulting in a monopolistic control of factors of pro-
duction. On the other hand it inhibits the spread
of communist ideas which usually flourish among
poverty-stricken masses with no stake in the existing
(1) Ibid. page 1208.
(2) Ibid. page 1222.
3. IRRIGATION PRACTICES
Need for Irrigation
Water is the life-blood of agriculture. It is the
prime need of the agriculturist who has to produce
food to meet the requirements of the expanding
population of the country besides providing other
means of livelihood. Irrigation may be artificial or
natural. The land which receives water from
wells, tube-wells, tanks, etc., is called artificially
irrigated land, while that which is entirely dependent
upon rainfall is called Barani, i.e. naturally irrigated
land. According to an expert estimate almost
one third of the world's surface has a rainfall of
only 10 to 20 inches and the likelihood of crop
failures is great, because the annual average is made
up of years in which the rainfall is too scanty to
produce even a moderate yield of grain as well as
of years in which it is adequate to produce fairly
good yields of grain.
Rainfall exercises an immense influence on the
agriculture of an area, but the fact must be borne
in mind that it is not only the amount of rain which
matters,-the time at which it is received is also
of great importance. A moderate shower towards
the beginning of the sowing season would be a gift
indeed, whereas excessive rain at harvest time
may lead to incalculable damage to the crops. It
may be stated that, as timely rainfall lies beyond
human control, much reliance cannot be placed
on this source with a view to attaining agricultural
prosperity. It is well known that West Pakistan
lies in a zone of the Monsoon rains which vary
from year to year and may fail sometimes.
The total annual rainfall during 1955 and 1956
in the Tehsils of Chunnian, Kasur and Lahore (the
area in which the villages under investigation are
situated) was as follows :-
TABLE No. 15
Total Annual Rainfall(l)
Year Chunnian Kasur Lahore
1955 .. 11.18 19.34 23.16
1956 .. 18.07 21.73 28.95
It will be seen from the above table that the rain-
fall in Chunnian and Kasur was hardly sufficient,
while in Lahore it could be called adequate.
If the annual rainfall figures over a number ot
years are examined, they show that the variations
from year to year are well marked. This also
explains the variations in crop yields from year
TABLE No. 16
Twenty Years' Rainfall Data for Lahore District (in inches)
(1) Official data from the District Court, Lahore. (West Pakistan)
Considering the position with regard to the
,quantity of rainfall received at the time of sowing
and during the growing season of foodgrain crops
t(September to April) the average annual amount of
rainfall for 1955 and 1956 was:
It has been estimated by experiments at the
Water-Requirements of Crops Farm, Lyallpur,
that for the normal growth of wheat at least 3
rirrigations of 3" each are required, excluding
irrigation for the sowing of the crop. It would thus
seem that Chunnian had adequate rainfall, while it
was not so in Kasur and Lahore. This incidentally
also shows the wide variations from place to place
in the same District. It may, however, be men-
tioned that, in addition to soil moisture, the tem-
perature at the time of grain formation affects the
yield in the case of cereals. For instance a rapid
rise in the temperature at the end of March and
in early April results in a shrivelling of the grain
-and thus reduces the yield.
Means of Irrigation
The means of irrigation in our sample villages
were both artificial and natural, but the former
was more common. Four sources of irrigation,
i.e. (a) wells, (b) canals, (c) canal supplies supple-
mented by well-irrigation and (d) tube-well irriga-
tion, are set out in Table No. 17, separately for
-each sample village.
The interval of watering determines the crop
.growth and final yield. "Irrigation implies the
practical and economic regulation of water supplies
in quantity and time to coincide with crop require-
ments ". (1) The average interval between two
water turns of the well-irrigated area is 9.3 days
and that of the canal-irrigated 11.5 days.
TABLE No. 17
Showing Area Irrigated by Different Sources
Name of Total Area Source of
the area cultivated irrigation
B .. 802 646 Canal.
Q .. 502 462 Well and Tube-
F .. 1,804 1,419 470 acres by wells
and the rest by
ISW .. 355 335 Canal.
J .. 712 588 Canal.
G .. 1,153 962 Canal.
Total cultivated area
The interval of watering is variable from season
to season and for different crops. In summer,
watering should not be delayed beyond seven days,
while in winter the interval can be from ten to
twelve days. However, the fact that a cultivator
cannot water all the standing crops in one water
turn must be borne in mind. He is guided by the
condition of the crop. If the average interval is
taken as eight days all crops cannot get water after
eight days, and even if half the standing crops
which need water are watered in one turn the
(1) Extract from the First Five Year Plan, 1955-60, Government of Pakistan, Draft, Vol. 2 Part I, May, 1956, p. 30.
interval will be sixteen days, which is too long a
period, particularly in summer, and therefore,
adversely affects the yield of crops. The farmers
who had tube-wells were not recording* the interval
between two turns nor the duration of the turn. A
comparison, therefore, could not be made between,
canal and tube-well irrigation.
There were 46 Persian wheels in use for irrigation
with 88 % of the total number of farmers interviewed.
All these were Pakka wells and the average depth of
a well came to 34 feet. As regards the year of
construction of these wells, 30.6% of the respon-
dents were not definite and only 18.5% of them
could say something about it. According to their
reports, the average age of a well works out to
38.4 years. The same percentage of respondents
stated that the wells were built by their ancestors.
The rest, i.e. 32.4%, either could not tell the exact
time or just did not care to answer. Many of them
had no idea of the original cost of the wells. The
average original cost of digging the wells alone
worked out to Rs. 962-8-0, on the basis of the
replies of 14.8% of the cultivators.
When asked as to what it would cost to build
a well and equip it with a Persian wheel, 63 % of
the cultivators gave some estimates the average of
which works out to Rs. 3,258.
Asked about the cost of annual repairs, only
37% could give a definite amount, the average of
these figures comes to Rs. 35-14-0. As many as
22.2% could not give any estimate. The per-
centage of those who said that nothing had been
spent till then was 11.1%. 7.4% of the respondents
said that something had been spent, while 22.3%
did not answer at all. The repairs include mending
and replacement of the chain, buckets and other
parts of the Persian wheel. The cost of a well in
addition to the depth of the water table depends
upon the prevailing price of the material used. Inr
an earlier inquiry, (1) the cost of a well and equip--
ment in 1931/32 was found to be Rs. 1,000..
These costs are for iron Persian wheels only.
Only 30 % of the owners could tell the number of
years a well normally lasted, on the basis of which
its average age was estimated at about 140 years.
18.5% said that it lasted for an indefinite period,.
while the same percentage of farmers did not know-
anything about it. The rest of the respondents did,
not give any answer.
Renting of Persian Wheels
Only two cultivators got the Persian wheel ont
rent from the landlord. In both cases, rent was.
paid in kind. While one paid at the rate of 4 Maunds
of wheat a year, the other gave 8 Maunds to the-
landlords as rent. One of them had been using a
rented Persian wheel for seven years. The other
did not say anything about the period. It was.
a practice among the farmers to make a practicable
arrangement for the working of the well among.
themselves according to local conditions. This-
includes the time and duration of the working of
the well besides the payment in kind or cash to
The farmers who depended upon canal irrigation
were asked as to what they did when their crop
needed water while their turn was yet far off. To-
this 51.1% replied that they did nothing except
pray to God for rains ; 14.7% said that they
managed to borrow water from those who had
enough to spare it, on promise of returning it when
There were three (3.4 %) cultivators who somehow
managed to get water in such a critical situation.
Two of them said that they sought the help of the:
landlord which was always forthcoming in such
cases. Still another stated that he requested the help
of the village Munshi (Landlord's Manager). The
*It will be useful if tube-well owners maintain complete records of the cost of irrigation and other data. This can be a
useful guide for others who are anxious to go in for tube-well irrigation: The Agriculture Department may provide a register
with required forms and should check them during their visits to the area.
(1) H. W. Emerson and E. P. Moon, Durrana Langana, a Village in the Multan District" Board of Economic
Inquiry (Punjab), Lahore 1938.
reason for this is obvious. These two cultivators
belonged to village B which was a landlord
village ; so naturally the landlord had to supply the
Eleven cultivators (12.5%) said that they could
supplement their water needs from wells. Out of
them eight used water both from canals and wells
while three used only wells. The percentage of
those who never faced such a difficulty of water
shortage was very small, i.e. 4.7%. They stated
that for them such a situation never arose. 13.5 %
of the respondents did not answer the question.
Economy in the Use of Water
As has already been stated, the quantity of
irrigation water for the raising of crops was very
limited. Since irrigation water determines the crop
production, a successful farmer is one who can make
the best use of the available water supply.
Different methods, for the economical use of
water, have been under experimentation at the
Agricultural College and Research Institute,
Lyallpur.() & (2) These experiments have yielded
encouraging results. The Extension Staff of the
Agriculture Department, however, has not yet been
able to popularize these methods among the far-
mers. Earlier, the Canal Department, on.the basis
of experiments, had recommended the use of the
Khal Kiyari(3) system so that water was not
wasted in irrigating the bigger fields. It was,
therefore, considered desirable to investigate the
extent to which this method was being practised.
The percentage of those who were familiar with this
system was 77.2 %, and the rest, i.e. 22.8 %, did not
know the system at all. Out of the 77.2% (who
knew the Khal Kiyari system), 65.8% practised it,
while 34.2%, though familiar with it, did not
practise it. The following reasons were given by
them for not practising it :
1. "It is impracticable."
2. "We have enough water and do not need
3. "The holdings are small."
4. "Not interested."
5. "It requires more work, labour and time."
6. "I am not self-cultivating."
Another question put to sample cultivators was
whether they tried to preserve rain water or not,
to which only 36 (40.9%) replied that they did so in
one form or another. Out of them 14 respondents
(15.9%) preserved it through producing mulch.(4)
As many as 18 respondents (20.4 %) said they kept
intact the banks of the field, and thus held in the
rain water. 3 farmers (3.4%) made Khalas
(Channels) for directing the water, and 11.4% did
not state what methods they adopted. It is,
therefore, clear that in general the farmers do not
know the proper technique of operations for the
preservation of rain-water, and those who practise
it attempt it only partly.
The percentages of farmers who cleaned the
common water course at various intervals are
given below :-
7-10 days .. .. 10.0
Twice a month .. .. 30.5
Once a month .. .. 42.5
After two months .... 10.2
After three months .. .. 6.8
It shows that the majority of the farmers did the
cleaning within a month. It need hardly be pointed
out that the more frequently water courses are
cleaned the better is the flow of water and the
better is the efficiency of irrigation.
(I) "The Water Requirements of Crops Scheme, Lyallpur, West Pak", Annual Report for the Year 1st July, 1946 to 30th
(2) Agriculture Department, leaflets Nos. 202, 184, 223.
(3) In order to prevent the waste of water in the water channels and in the bigger fields, it has been recommended that in
one square (25 acre block) the water channels be so laid out that each water channel divides the acre field into two halves.
Khal means water channel and Kiyari means plot.
(4) It is a soil condition in which a fine layer of soil is made to cover the underlayers to prevent loss of moisture by
evaporation. This is produced by repeatedly working the plough-and running the plank (Sohaga) over the field.
The cleaning of farm water channels was done
at various intervals. The percentage of those
who did it within eight to fifteen days was 58.2%
and those who cleaned the ditches after one month
was 19.2". 13.6% did the cleaning within 2 to 4
months, while 9.0% said that they cleaned the farm
water channels after every 6 months.
All this shows that people do not have a set
pattern of cleaning water courses and water channels.
They did the job at their own sweet will. It is
generally considered good to clean them once a
As a matter of fact, no definite standard can be
set for cleaning the common water courses or
the farm water channels. It depends upon the
local conditions. In the case of the common
water course the cleaning is done whenever it gets
silted up. The farmers who are served by this
water course do it jointly. In summer it must not
be neglected for more than a month.
In the case of the farm water courses, the cleaning
is done to remove silt as well as weeds which grow
on the sides of the water courses and obstruct the
free flow of water. A conscientious farmer would
ensure that the water channels are kept clear. To
some, the standard of cultivation of a farmer is
indicated by the cleanliness of the water channels.
In the opinion of agricultural experts a tube-well
is an effective means of water supply for irrigation.
As the inadequacy of water is one of the causes of
low agricultural production, therefore, it was
thought appropriate to find out the response of the
farmers to the question whether they would like to
install tube-wells. The general opinion of the
farmers was in favour of tube-wells. A large
minority, however, did not favour them due to the
fact that in their areas the water was saline and
harmful for their fields. Some farmers were ready to
contribute towards the installation of tube-wells in
the villages, though the number of such persons was
small. To be specific about their opinions, it may
-be useful to reproduce here the answers given by
them. The percentage of those who positively
answered in favour of tube-wells was 30.6 % while
ihose who did not favour them, because of the saltish
underground water of their area which is unfit
for crop raising, was quite high, i.e. 48.9%. It is
desirable, therefore, that a regular survey of the
availability and nature of underground water be
made by the Irrigation Department or the Under-
ground Water Development Organisation.
There was a small percentage of people (3.4%)
who had enough water for irrigation purposes,
hence the need for additional water did not arise
for them. 2.2% said that they could not afford
a tube-well, while 10.2% did not know its utility
and 4.7 % did not reply. Only two farmers out of
the sample interviewed had their own tube-wells,
but actually there were six tube-wells in the sample
On being asked whether they would like to instal
a tube-well on their farm or not, only 22.7 % gave a
positive answer. 13.7% remained silent, while
63.6% replied in the negative. From those who
wanted to have a tube-well, another question was
asked as to what they would like to spend in this
connection. Only one of them was ready to bear
all the expenses. Four persons were willing to
invest something, and their total proposed contribu-
tion came to Rs. 3,550. Since the installation of a
tube-well requires a large investment (approxi-
mately Rs. 12,000), it is obviously not possible
for the small farmers to go into this enterprise.
What is suggested is that joint enterprises by a
number of farmers who have adjacent holdings
should be organized for this purpose. Two
farmers said that they could not contribute anything.
Two stated that they would pay the amount in
instalments of Rs. 20 each per month if the Gov-
ernment first installed a tube-well for them. Nine
persons did not want to spend anything. Others
made no answer.
It would appear from this analysis that the lack
of irrigation water is one of the major problems of
the farmer. All farmers are anxious to ensure its
regular supply. In addition to the existing facili-
ties, sinking of more tube-wells would go a long way
towards solving this problem. The main bottleneck,
however, is the lack of funds. If credit could be
supplied on some institutional basis, the farmer
would be willing to cooperate in the installation of
-.a vQ *
A tube-well in operation at a farm.
~-~P~s-y-.-TsL"I~, ~W~ hiFQi~LI~JL~
B:i:' ~ j-~g~j
'" "' **
4. FARM OPERATIONS
In this chapter an investigation has been made
into farm practices current in the sample villages.
Only important farm operations of the major crops
have been made the subject of study. The object
is not only to find out the extent to which these
practices were being carried on by the farmers, but
also to ascertain how far the improved methods
recommended by the Agriculture Department were
being followed. The total number of heads of
families interviewed was 176 (25% of the total
population), out of which 97 were agriculturists.
For the present analysis only those farmers were
included who cultivated the land by themselves,
their number being 77. But all of them did not
grow all the crops under study, and the number
differed in the case of each crop. There were a few
farmers who did not respond in each case.
Table No. 18 below indicates the degree of
TABLE No. 18
Degree of Responsiveness
No. of cultivators
No. of respondents
Percentage response ..
It will be seen that a high proportion of the
interviewees responded to the questions. The
results in the case of each crop are analysed below.
Wheat (Triticum Vulgare)
The cultivation operations of wheat start with the
preparatory tillage. Good preliminary cultivation
is essential. According to Milne and others "six
to twelve or even more ploughings are generally
given"('). Roberts and others hold that "five to
six ploughings are given as preliminary cultivation
for this crop"(2).
According to the opinion expressed in the group
interviews, eight to eleven ploughings are con-
sidered sufficient for preparatory tillage(3). In
fact, it is difficult to set any normal standard, for
the conditions of the soil differ from place to place
and from field to field. It may, therefore, be assum-
ed that seven to eight ploughings(4) are sufficient
for the normal preparatory tillage, and this has been
done for purposes of comparison. When improved
implements are available the position may be
quite different. It was, however, observed that
the use of improved implements was negligible in
the villages under reference.
During the course of this investigation, 71 farmers
were examined. To categorise them according to
the above-assumed normal standard table (No. 19)
was framed which will show the extent of prepara-
(1) D. Milne, Ali Mohammad, and Zafar Alam, Handy Notes for Agriculturists and Horticulturists," p. 1 (Place and
Year of Publication not indicated)
(2) Sir William Roberts and S.B.S. Kartar Singh, "A Text-book of Panjab Agriculture," Lahore 1951, p. 226.
(3) To have an idea of the common opinion of the group of farmers, group interviews were conducted videe details of the
method No. 1).
(4) 'Ploughing' as applied in this paper includes the running of a Sohaga (running of a plank).
TABLE No. 19
Extent of Preparatory Tillage
NUMBER OF PLOUGHINGS
3 AND LESS 4-6 7-8 9 AND MORE
No. of farmers .. .. 1 34 16 18
Percentage .. .. .. 1.50 49.27 23.15 26.08
If the normal and above-normal groups are com-
bined, the table shows that about 50 % of the farmers
carried on their ploughing in a satisfactory manner,
while slightly less than 50% did not prepare the
fields so thoroughly. However, there was only
one farmer who neglected his work. It is interest-
ing to note that among the farmers responsible for
above-normal operations, there were three farmers
in village ISW who ploughed their fields 20 times,
one in village G and two in ISW who did pre-
paratory ploughings fifteen or sixteen times.
The investigation staff could not record the specific
reasons for such a high number of ploughings.
Their general observation, however, is that the
extent of preparatory tillage depends upon the
condition of the soil as left by the crop which pre-
cedes wheat. If the field is infested with weeds
like Dub (Cynodon dactyly) a number of plough-
ings have to be done for its complete eradication.
This operation is performed just before the actual
sowing, which usually receives two ploughings.
Less than two ploughings may be taken as below
normal, and more than two as above normal. The
present analysis shows that an overwhelming majo-
rity, 83.09 % of the farmers, fell under the category of
normal, 7.04 % of the farmers ploughed more than
two times, i.e. they were above normal. There was
only one farmer who gave one ploughing for prepar-
ing the seedbed. It was found that 8.45 % of the far-
mers did not give any ploughings for the purpose
of seedbed preparation, for their fields were water-
logged. Although the water was no longer standing
in these fields, at the time of preparation the
soil was still too wet for operating the plough.
It was thus observed that the farmers were usually
careful in preparing the fields thoroughly for sowing
The next operation in the growing of wheat is the
sowing of seed. Generally three methods are
(i) Pora (Dropping the seed through a tube
fixed behind the plough).
(ii) Kera (Dropping the seed by hand in the
furrow just made by the plough).
(iii) Chhatta (Broadcast).
The Agriculture Department recommends that
wheat should be sown by Automatic Rabi Drill,(1),
or if this implement is not available it should be
done by the Pora method (a tube fixed behind the
Munah plough and seed dropped by hand through
it). The group opinion was also in favour of Pora.
They seemed to be unaware of the drilling method
suggested by the Department of Agriculture. The
group opinion is also supported by the well-known
(1) This is an improved drill introduced by the Agriculture Department and can be purchased locally or through thdAgri-
cultural Assistant of the villages. Its price is about Rs. 160 ,.
Punjabi Proverb : "Pora Badshah, Kera Vazir,
Chhatta Faqir", which implies that Pora is the
superiormost, Kera the second best and Chhatta
the inferiormost method.
The investigation showed that there were certain
sample farmers who carried on sowings by more
than one method. The following table shows the
existing position in the sample villages with regard
to the extent to which the different methods of
sowing were followed :
TABLE No. 20
Methods of Sowing
Pora Kera Chhatta Pora and of the
partly 3 methods
No. of farmers .. .. .. 18 5 33 1 14
It will be seen that Chhatta, which is the inferior-
most method, was most commonly followed. Only
just over one quarter of the respondents resorted
to the superiormost method, i.e. Pora.
The reasons for using the inferiormost method
are not known. The majority of the farmers were
probably unaware of the drilling method, but the
other two methods, Pora and Kera, were well-known
among the cultivators. It may, therefore, be con-
cluded that, due to the negligence and reluctance
on the part of the farmers, they failed to put in the
necessary effort. This is rather disappointing since
there was no shortage of family labour.
From the above the conclusion emerges that the
methods of sowing followed by the majority of the
farmers were defective. There is a need for a good
deal of propaganda in the villages by the Agriculture
and Village-AID Departments to popularise the
When the farmers have done satisfactory pre-
paratory tillage and seed-bed preparation, it is
difficult to understand why they manifest such gross
carelessness in sowing which affects the germination,
stand, growth and ultimate yield of the wheat crop.
Inter-culture in Punjabi means "Godi Karna".
The main advantage of inter-culture is that it helps
to maintain tilth and keeps down weeds. One or
two hoeings to keep down weeds and to conserve
soil moisture are necessary. But this useful opera-
tion is not practised to the desired extent in our
sample villages in the case of wheat. Out of the 71
farmers interviewed there were only seven persons
(3 in village ISW and 4 in village Q) who did inter-
culture. The Khurpa, a locally made hand-hoe,
was used for this purpose.
The next and the most important operation in the
cultivation of wheat is watering. The importance
of water in agriculture is well established. The
methods of irrigation and the difficulties which the
farmers usually face in this connection have been
discussed separately under the title of "Irrigation
Practices in the Sample Villages." The present
analysis will show the extent to which watering was
done to the wheat crop. It is not possible to give
the normal water requirements of a crop in terms
of the number of waterings since the volume of
water per watering differed with the source of supply,
In the case of well-irrigation, the head of water was-
low and the irrigation was 1-J" in depth, whereas
in canal irrigation it was about 3".
Since both well and canal sources were used it has
been assumed that 4 to 5 waterings were normal.
Less than this was considered to be below normal().
These waterings included one watering for Rauni
(watering applied shortly before sowing). "The
yield increases with an increase in irrigation water.
Maximum yield of the early and normal sown crops
was obtained with three irrigations of 3" each after
sowing"(2). The above result was achieved through
experiments and shows that an adequate quantity
of water is very necessary for a good yield.
The following table (No. 21) shows the position
regarding the frequency of watering in the sample
TABLE No. 21
Frequency of Watering in Sample Villages
Number of Waterings
less than 4
4 to 5
The table indicates that about half of the farmers
interviewed gave the normal number of waterings
and over 10 % gave more than the normal amount
of water. The rest of them gave inadequate water
to their crops. Six farmers did no watering at all.
The reason was that the land was flood-affected or
Sailaba (seepage land near the rivulet Rohi Nullah)
and it was neither possible nor proper to water such
From the scientific point-of-view it would have
been better if the quantity of the water supplied had
been estimated according to volume rather than
according to the number of waterings. This was
not possible in the present investigation, but experi-
ments conducted on the "Water Requirements of
Crops" Farm at Lyallpur could form the basis for
such an enquiry, possibly to be undertaken by the
1. Milne, op. cit. p. 2.
2. The Water Requirements of Crops Scheme, Lyallpur,
June, 1947, p. 5.
3. Sir Willian Roberts, op. cit. p. 229.
Some people argue that a normal wheat-crop
can be raised with only two irrigations (3" each)
after sowing. This, however, depends upon the
time of applying the irrigation and the time of rain-
fall during the growing season of the crop.
"Farmers know that excellent crops can be grown
with two waterings after sowing, if all conditions
are favourable and the waterings can be given at the
proper time. A delay of a week in the March
irrigation may often cause very serious loss in yield.
Three irrigations after sowing are, therefore, general-
ly necessary. It will be noted that in case only two
are given there is an interval of 3 months between
Rauni and Kor. This is impossible in salt-affect-
ed land or in soil of poor condition or for early
sown wheat, without a serious drop in yield.
Early sown wheat should receive Kor irrigation in
December."(3) On calculating in terms of depth
West Punjab, Annual Report for the Year 1st July 1946 to 30th
No. of farmers
6 to 9
,of irrigation it was found that 46.47% of the
farmers gave twelve to fifteen waterings to their
fields, while 12.69 % gave even more.
In below-normal cases, farmers faced certain
difficulties which have already been mentioned
The overall position regarding the watering
operations may be stated thus : The farmers knew
how much water was required. They followed the
operation earnestly if their resources permitted,
because they knew that an adequate quantity of
water was mainly responsible for a good yield. The
watering position with regard to the wheat crop,
on the whole, was satisfactory; but it should not be
forgotten that canal water was scarce in these villages
and it was with additional supplies from wells and
tube-wells that farmers were able to give more or
less satisfactory irrigation to this crop.
Gram (Cicer arietinum)
According to Milne "a fairly deep tilth should be
obtained" for the sowing of gram, "though the soil
need not be pulverised. Three or four ploughings
before sowing should be given".(1) The group
interviews also endorse this statement, as the
farmers considered three or four ploughings as
adequate for the preparatory tillage for this
-crop. There is a Panjabi proverb to this effect :
'*,t. IyL b ei- S -3-A rustic does
not care to follow a path and gram does not require
The following table (No. 22) indicates the
-actual practice in the sample villages. It shows
that the majority (62.06%) of the farmers
followed the below-normal practice. In this
group there were 44.83 % of the farmers who gave 2
ploughings before sowing. Two farmers gave one
ploughing each, and eight farmers did not give
any. Only 29.31 % of the farmers fell in the cate-
gory of normal preparatory tillage, i.e. giving 3 or
4 ploughings. The rest of the farmers gave more
TABLE No. 22
Extent of Preparatory Tillage
Number of ploughings
0-2 3 to 4 5 and more
Group .. normal Normal normal.
No. of farmers 36 17 5
Percentage .. 62.06 29.31 8.64
than 4 ploughings, thereby coming into the above-
normal group. In this group too, there was one
farmer in village Q who gave 8 ploughings.
The farmers giving no ploughing usually had
Sailaba land (seepage soil), where seed was often
sown broadcast without any previous cultivation,
and merely covered by ploughing once or twice.
The farmers doing above-normal preparatory tillage
could not give any definite reasons for this practice.
A considerable number of farmers prepared the
seed-bed thoroughly. There were 63.79 % of the
farmers who gave 2 ploughings for preparing the
seed-bed. 15.52% gave one ploughing and 3.45%
gave 3 ploughings. The number of those who
did not give any ploughing for this purpose
was 17.24% of the total. The majority, however,
followed the operation in a satisfactory manner.
Gram is generally sown by Pora or Kera methods.
As has been pointed out by Milne, the seed is
generally dropped behind the plough by Kera or
Pora. The group interviews also indicated that
the farmers considered Kera as the proper method
of sowing. But the result of the actual investigation
into their practices differed from these views. There
were only 22.41 % of the farmers who followed Pora,
(1) Milne, op. cit. p. 23.
and 6.89 % who followed Kera, while 8.64 % sowed
partly by broadcast and partly by Kera or Pora,
that is, they sowed some of their fields by broadcast
and some by Kera or Pora. The rest of the farmers
(62.06 %) followed the method of broadcast. This
shows that the majority resorted to the inferior
method. This situation was directly correlated to
the preparatory tillage and seed-bed preparation.
The 13.79% of the farmers who did not give any
ploughings for preparatory tillage had to follow the
method of broadcast. The other (i.e., 48.27%)
farmers used the broadcast method presumably
due to sheer negligence.
The observation of Milne () that "the gram
crop is seldom intercultured", is also true of the
villages under reference. The investigation showed
that there were only 2 farmers, one in village ISW
and one in village Q, who gave interculture to their
crop. The other 56 (96.55 %) farmers did not carry
out this operation.
According to expert opinion, (2) in the irrigated
lands one or two waterings may be given to gram
after sowing. Since it is a deep-rooted crop, the
application of irrigation during the early stages of
growth is injurious. Gram is largely grown on land
dependent on rainfall, i.e. Barani. If, however,
additional irrigation is possible, waterings during
the flowering and fruiting period are beneficial in
areas of light rainfall, particularly in dry seasons.
In the villages under investigation, gram was most-
ly grown under Barani-cum-irrigation conditions.
Almost all the farmers who grew gram gave the
answer that the crop was sown on rain moisture,
but one or two irrigations had to be applied for the
crop to mature.
The following table (No. 27) will show the
extent of irrigation applied to this crop in the
(1) Milne, op. cit p. 23.
(2) Roberts, op. cit. pp. 298-99.
(3) Milne, op. cit. p. 43.
(4) Roberts, op. cit. p. 416.
TABLE No. 23
Extent of Irrigation
Number of waterings
0 1-2 3-5
No. of farmers.. 15 37 6
Percentage .. 25.86 63.79 10.34
The above table indicates a highly satisfactory
position as regards watering. The majority of
the farmers applied water almost according to the
requirements. Only about one quarter of the
farmers did not irrigate their fields. It is quite
possible that the rainfall, in conjunction with the
condition of the land, fulfilled their requirements..
The 10.34% of the cases in which 3 to 5 irrigations
were applied will certainly fall under the category
of above-normal. But it is difficult to give any
explanation for this. For the farmers could not
give reasons for such an abnormal practice. Pre-
sumably they had surplus water at hand and they
applied it to this crop.
Cotton (Gossypium Genus)
Cotton is one of the most important fibre crops.-
Wheat, cotton and sugarcane form the main pattern
of crop rotation in the Punjab. The farm opera-
tions followed by the farmers depend on the crop-
which this crop follows.
The general practice in the Punjab as observed
by Milne(3) and Roberts(4) is that between two
to four ploughings are given by way of preparatory
tillage to this crop. A larger number of ploughings-
is necessary when cotton is preceded by sugarcane.
In this case the soil has to be ploughed and broken,
to disintegrate the sugarcane stumps.
The group interviews conducted by the investiga-
tion staff showed that the sample farmers in this
Preparing land for planting cotton.
area considered 5 to 7 ploughings as necessary for
the preparatory tillage for this crop.
The following table (No. 24) indicates the
frequency of preparatory tillage practised in the
TABLE No. 24
Extent of Preparatory Tillage
Number of ploughings
Less than 3 3 to 6 7 & more
Group .. Below Normal Above
No. of farmers.. 12 39 12
Percentage .. 19.05 61.90 19.05
The above table shows that the majority of the
farmers followed the normal practice. They
ploughed their fields as many times as required.
About one fifth of the farmers, however, ploughed
more frequently than normal, and a similar pro-
portion fell in the category of below-normal. It
is interesting to note that in the latter case there were
two farmers in village G who did not give any
ploughings to their fields for preparatory tillage.
The significant point is that their yield was almost
the same as that of some of the farmers who had
given normal ploughings. This shows that plough-
ing is only one of the factors determining yield.
Regarding the extent of preparatory tillage, it can
be concluded that the position was satisfactory
and the majority followed the normal practice.
Usually one or two ploughings are considered
necessary for seed-bed preparation. The present
analysis shows that 93.65% of the farmers gave
normal ploughings. There were only 6.35% who
did not give any ploughings for the purposes of
seed-bed preparation, but this number is quite
The seed is often sown broadcast, but the Agri-
culture Department recommends sowing in lines
by drill or Poira. This method was originally in-
troduced in the Punjab by Mr. Milne in the year
1907. The lines according to him should be
" about 2' to 2' apart in the case of Desi Cottons,
about 3' in the case of bushy American Cotton ".(1)
Though cotton is largely sown broadcast,
Roberts(2) finds no great objection to this
methods on well-irrigated lands. The reason is
that there the size of fields is so small, and they
are further sub-divided into very small compart-
ments (Kiaris) for irrigation, that the subsequent
hoeing must be done by hand. The cultivators
on the canal land, on the other hand, sow larger
areas of cotton. Here broadcast sowing is not
recommended. If the crop is sown broadcast it
can only be effectively intercultured by hand, which
is a very expensive method. In fact it is never
intercultured effectively and the yield suffers in
This would mean that line-sowing is definitely a
superior method, but broadcast sowing has to be
resorted to where fields (Kiaris) are too small, as on
Out of the six sample villages four were canal-
irrigated, one was well-irrigated and in one
both well-and-canal-irrigation was practised. The
following table (No. 25) shows the existing posi-
tion with respect to the method of sowing. An
overwhelming majority of the farmers followed
broadcast. Less than one tenth followed Kera
and Pora methods. A few farmers sowed some of
their fields by broadcast and some by Pora or Kera.
Except in village Q, the method of sowing was
not satisfactory. The other 5 villages were irrigated
by canal water, and in canal-irrigated areas the
more effective method was that of sowing in lines.
Village Q was well-irrigated and there the broadcast
(1) Milne, op cit. pp. 44-45.
(2) Roberts, op. cit. pp. 418-19.
TABLE No. 25
Methods of Sowing
Porat Kera Broadcast Partly P,
No. of 3 1 57 2
Percentage 4.76 1.59 90.48 3.17
may not be so objectionable. It is interesting
to note that there was one farmer in village ISW
(canal-irrigated) who followed different methods
for the different varieties of cotton. He followed
the broadcast method in the case of Desi cotton
and the Pora method in the case of Narma (Ameri-
.can) cotton. He seemed to have got the idea that
it did not matter if he followed an indigenous
method for an indigenous variety. But for a foreign
variety, the method recommended by the Agri-
culture Department should be followed. This
underlines the desirability of an enquiry into the
attitudes of farmers towards improved methods
Interculture is very essential. At least two or
three hoeings are necessary. A country plough or
horse-hoe can be used conveniently for interculture
if the crop is sown in lines.
The present investigation shows that there were
52.38% of the farmers who did interculture once
only, 31.76 % did it twice and only 3.17% thrice. The
rest of them (12.69%) did not perform this opera-
tion. Most of the farmers used the Munah (indi-
genous) plough for the purposes of interculture,
though the crop was sown broadcast. This is not
considered the correct way of interculture as it is
not thorough, and many plants get uprooted.
Hand-hoeing was not practised, which should be
done in the early stages of the crop. If the crop is
sown in lines, hoeing can be done more efficiently
by the Terphali (3-tined hoe) or by the Munah
It is a commonly held notion that farmers do not
give any interculture to the cotton crop. The
state of affairs in the samplW villages under survey
showed that 87.31% of the farmers gave one to
three hoeings. It is, however, disappointing that
hand-hoeing in the early stage of the crop was not
done, which is effective as it helps the crop to
establish itself fully in the early stage. The local
proverb, if l 01; i u '- 'the more
hoeings to the cotton the more flower buds are
formed' shows that farmers fully realize the im-
portance of this operation. In the case of a line-
sown crop hoeing with bullock labour can be
done more easily, and without damage to the
crop. It seems that the line-sowing method had
not been fully demonstrated to the farmers and
that they, therefore, were not convinced of the
utility of it. The extension staff of the Agriculture
Department should pay more attention to this.
The drill for sowing and the hoe for interculture
should be given on loan to the farmers, and supply
arranged for those who want to buy.
Milne regards 5 to 7 irrigations as quite
enough. The results obtained at the Water
Requirements of Crops Scheme" Farm, Lyallpur,
showed that 7 x 3" (7 waterings of 3" each) waterings
yielded 12.53 Maunds of Kapas (seed cotton) per acre.
While the effect of Nitrogen as fertilizer shows that
only 5 x 3" waterings in conjunction with 120 lbs.
Nitrogen per acre resulted in 15.59 Maunds yield
This experiment does not give any optimum
standard. However, taking the watering indepen-
dently, 21' water in 7 turns shows better results
and gives an approximate idea of the water require-
ments. In the light of this, 5 to 8 waterings have
been regarded as normal. Table No. 26 shows the
extent of irrigation applied in the sample
TABLE No. 26
Extent of Irrigation
Number of waterings
No watering Less than 5 5-8 9 and more
(below normal) (normal) (above normal)
No. of farmers
The table shows that the majority of the far-
mers supplied an inadequate quantity of water to
this crop. There was only about one quarter of the
farmers who applied the required quantity of
-water. Three farmers over-irrigated their fields,
and one farmer did not water his field at all.
The most important reason for applying irrigation
-below standard appeared to be the inadequacy
of the canal water supply.
In each water turn, the farmers tried to cover as
much cropped land as possible. However, as the
quantity of water was limited, less land could be
covered. The quantity of water supplied by the
Irrigation Department was so inadequate that
it hardly covered more than one third of the
cropped area. The farmers usually depended on
rains for the area which could not be irrigated by
.canal water due to a shortage of supply. The
result was that often the crop was poor.
:Sugarcane (Saccharum Officianarum)
It was suggested in group interviews that twenty
.to twenty-five ploughings were necessary, as against
ten to fifteen as recommended by Milne.(') It
may be pointed out that in the group interviews,
the farmers expressed their opinions about what
the number of ploughings should be and not what
they actually did. The number of operations
suggested in the group interviews appeared to be
unnecessarily high. The general practice was, in
fact, in agreement with Milne's view. The range
of ten to fifteen ploughings might, therefore, be
considered as normal. In view of the above
standard the following table [(No. 27) was framed,
showing the extent of preparatory tillage in the
-sample villages :-
TABLE No. 27
Extent of Preparatory Tillage
Number of ploughings
4-9 10-15 16 or more
No. of farmers 23 32 9
Percentage .. 35.94 50.00 14.06
The table shows that generally, the land was
thoroughly prepared before the crop was sown.
There were cases of farmers who gave an excep-
tionally high number of ploughings. For instance,
there was one farmer in village Q who gave as many
as 25 ploughings and another in village F who gave
The usual practice(2) among farmers in the Punjab
is that first land is irrigated and ploughed and then
levelled once or twice. The investigation showed
that only 1.56% of the farmers gave 3 ploughings
(1) Milne, op. cit. p. 51
(2) Roberts, op. cit. p. 313.
for seed-bed preparation, 96.87% of the farmers
gave 2 ploughings, while again 1.56% ploughed
the land once. This shows that the operation of
seed-bed preparation received normal treatment
by the majority of the farmers.
The seedling of cane consists of short sections of
the stem containing usually two nodes and buds.
In the case of indigenous cane the sets are thus
about a foot long.
The sets are placed by hand in furrows made by
the country plough, which are about one foot
apart. In the improved method, recommended by
the Agriculture Department, the distance between
the furrows is two feet and the sets are planted in
double rows in the same furrow.(1) This makes
interculture possible with the help of a Munah
The farmers in the sample villages followed the
former method, and the other method of the
double row system was not observed.
One blind hoeing' (i.e. hoeing before the crop
germirlates) with the Baguri and two to four later
hoeings are generally necessary in the opinion of
The following table (No. 28) presents the extent
of interculture in the sample villages. It shows that
over half of the farmers gave three to five hoeings
and just over a third gave two. The remainder were
equally divided between those who gave one or less
and those who gave six or more. There was one far-
mer in village ISW who performed this operation
weekly, during the active growth period of the crop,
making the total number of hoeings as many as 14,
if not more. The reason in such cases was found
to be the mixed sowing of sugarcane and vegetables.
Naturally the latter crop needed more hoeings, and
sugarcane, the companion crop, got the advantage
When sugarcane is sown on irrigated areas,
twelve to fifteen waterings are generally regarded as
(1) Roberts, op. cit. p. 52.
(2) Milne, op. cit. pp. 52-53.
(3) Roberts, op. cit. p. 314.
TABLE No. 28
Extent of Interculture
Number of hoeings.
0-1 2 3-5 6 and above
No. of far- 6 22 33 3
Percentage 4.69 34.37 51.56 4.69
normal.(2) In the absence of rainfall, the cane
requires about 20 waterings.(3) The rainfallduring
the year 1956, in Tehsils Chunnian and Kasur in
which these villages fall, was 18.07" and 21.73"
respectively. It is, however, the amount of rainfall
during the active growing season of this crop which
is important. The total annual rainfall was not so-
much as to make much significant difference in the
usual irrigation practice, Twelve to twenty waterings.
may, therefore, be taken as normal. The following
table shows the extent of irrigation applied in the
TABLE NO. 29
Extent of Irrigation
Nnmber of waterings.
0 3-11 12-20 21-50
No. of far- 3 25 19 16
Percentage 4.36 39.68 30.15 25.39
The farmers giving normal waterings constituted
less than one third of the total number. About 5 %
gave no waterings. In their case the soil was having
the advantage of seepage from the Rohi Nullah.
About two fifths of the farmers watered their fields
below the standard required. The short supply
of water in the canal was the usual reason for such
below-normal practices. About one quarter of the
farmers resorted to very frequent irrigation. One
farmer in village Q gave as many as 50 waterings,
2 in village F gave 48 waterings, and 7 gave between
30 and 41 waterings. On a careful investigation,
the minimum number of waterings, to raise a good
sugarcane crop, was found to be between 35 and
40. The land in village Q was very sandy and the
fields required watering almost every third day in
the summer season. The farmers giving 48 to 50
waterings did so because they raised vegetables
mixed with the sugarcane crop. Vegetables
required waterings after 5-7 days ; and the main
crop (sugarcane) also got the benefit. Such
frequent irrigation was possible in this village since
it is irrigated by both wells and tube-wells.
The present study suggests the need for extensive
surveys of farm practices in different parts of this
region. The operations followed by some of the
progressive farmers can serve as a useful guide for
the Extension Service and Village-AID staff in that
particular area. While improved methods of culti-
vation recommended by the Agriculture Depart-
ment should be encouraged, it should not be
forgotten that even if the indigenous methods are
properly followed there can be much improvement
in the yield of crops.
The main reasons for the farmers not practising
the improved methods of cultivation are : Firstly,
the farmers do not have improved implements.
Secondly, the importance of the use of such im-
proved implements has not been fully demon-
strated to them. It is suggested that the Agriculture
Department should not only make them feel the
importance of the use of these implements by
demonstration but should also make these improved
implements available to the farmers, either on loan,
hire or at cheap rates.
The third and the most important reason ad-
vanced in this connection is that the supply of
water is inadequate. The inadequacy of
irrigation water and its supply being outside the
control of the cultivators (in the canal water supply)
the programme of farm operations cannot be fol-
lowed as the farmer wishes. This has been put
forward as a great obstacle in the way of the use of
better methods of cultivation. In the case of cotton,
for instance, the farmers followed the broadcast
method for sowing, knowing that Kera was better,.
since due to shortage of water the land could not
be fully prepared for improved methods of sowing.
The Department of Agriculture has done useful
work in standardising the methods of sowing for the
important crops. It is unfortunate that these
valuable findings were not put into practice by the
farmers. The extent of response to the Agriculture
Department programme well deserves a separate
investigation. However, observations show that the-
Extension Service was not effective. The knowledge
of the improved methods of cultivation was not
imparted to the farmers; and to those who had the
knowledge and desire the necessary supplies were
either not served promptly or not served at all.
Another operation which was not carried on to
the required standard is the interculture of the
crops. This is an operation which does not neces-
sarily require improved implements. Operation in
the early stage can be performed efficiently with
the Khurpa (hand-hoe) or the Munah plough. It
is at the early stage of a crop that proper hoeing
can help to establish the crop. Unfortunately it is
at this stage that this operation was most neglected.
It is recommended that the Agriculture and
Village-AID Departments should lay more em-
phasis on a thorough and clean cultivation of crops.
Large-scale demonstrations of better methods of
cultivation should be given with indigenous as
well as improved implements. The demand for
improved implements, thus created, should be met
promptly. Sets of improved implements for free use
should be kept by the Village-AID workers and the
cooperative credit societies. To encourage and to
create wider interest, clean-cultivation' competi-
tions should be held. This can help to increase
the yield appreciably. Farm-management surveys
should be undertaken, since the methods followed
by the progressive farmers (not necessarily big
farmers) dan serve as a model.
5. FARM IMPLEMENTS
The importance of farm implements or machinery
needs no emphasis in a country whose economy is
dependent upon agriculture. These are the basic
requirements of cultivators for carrying on suc-
cessful farming. Farm implements and equipment
are needed at different stages of raising the crops,
but their use during the preparatory tillage (seed-bed
preparation) is of particularly great importance in
as much as these operations affect the ultimate
yields of crops.
The above-mentioned implements are required
just to keep agriculture in this part of Pakistan on a
maintenance level, and if the technique of agriculture
is to be modernized in order to boost up agricultural
production the following set of modern implements
is also needed for each farm.
S. No. Name of Implement
1 Furrow Turning Plough
3 Terphali ..
4 Rabi Drill
Before actually estimating the equipment with the
peasantry, it is considered desirable to know what
the adequate number of farm implements required
on a model farm is. In the light of these
requirements, it will be possible to ascertain the
exact investment made by the cultivators.
The requirements vary with the size of holding,
the system of farming, the source of irrigation and
the intensity of cropping. The common unit in
Lahore District, as elsewhere in the Punjab area,
is a "one plough" holding. In canal-irrigated
areas 12 to 15 acres, in well-irrigated 5 to 8 acres,
and in Barani areas 20 to 30 acres can be controlled
with a pair of bullocks. The minimum number of
implements needed for .a pair of bullocks are the
S. No. Name of Implement
5 Single Row Cotton Drill (in cotton
For the sake of convenience the implements have
been classified into two main categories, i.e. indi-
genous implements and improved implements.
Indigenous implements are those which the culti-
vators have been using for generations, whereas
improved implements have been introduced after
long experimentation, over a period of about fifty
years by the Provincial Department of Agriculture.
The first category of implements is discussed below.
(i) Desi Plough : In Lahore District, the
Desi plough was in common use. It is lighter in
weight and shallower in depth than the Mutah
which was more common in the canal colony districts
like Lyallpur, Montgomery, Sargodha, etc. It was
quite simple in shape and was made by the village
artisans. The farmer provided wood and iron to
the artisans, who made it as a part of their usual
Sep. From Table No. 30 it will be quite clear
that some of the cultivators did not possess
.. 30 even this basic implement.
6 Hand Tools
TABLE No. 30
Extent, Cost and Age of Desi Plough
Percentages Cost Age
Families Families Made Purchased Made Purchased Years
Name of village with without through through
plough plough Sep Sep
Rs. A. P. Rs. A. P.
B .. .. 89.47 10.53 52.94 47.06 15 1 0 15 4 0 10.72
ISW .. .. 66.67 33.34 66.66 33.34 14 5 0 .25 0 0.. 9.83
J .. .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 18 0 0 .. 12.80
Average .. .. 86.66 13.34 69.23 30.77 15 15 0 18 8 0 10.98
F .. .. .. 94.12 5.88 68.75 31.25 13 8 0 18 5 0 10.72
G .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 18 10 0 .. 9.88
Q .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 13 8 0 .. 10.64
Average .. .. 97.82 2.18 88.88 11.12 15 3 0 18 5 0 10.44
Grand Average .. 91.08 8.92 77.02 22.98 15 10 0 18 6 0 10.77
The figures in the above table indicate that 8.92 %
of the sample cultivators did not have even a Desi
plough. Observation revealed that such cultivators
did most of the farmwork with hand labour or with
that of hired bullocks, when required. It also
showed that 77.02 per cent got this implement made
by the village artisan and 22.98 % purchased it locally
or from the nearest market. The majority of the
sample cultivators thus got their ploughs made in
their usual Sep contract. The average cost of a Desi
Hal made in the village was Rs. 15-10-0 and that
of the one purchased Rs. 18-6-0. The cultivators
included the cost of wood and iron in their estimate
for the village-made plough. The working life of
this implement as revealed by this investigation
was about 11 years. This, we consider, was rather
on the high side. A consideration to be kept in
mind, however, is that a Desi plough used in this
tract was stronger in structure, as iron Patis were
used in its making. Another notable point is that
it is the main body that lasts, the other parts being
replaced as they wear out. The iron share of the
plough was replaced once a year and the wooden
Kur once a season. The Phala and Kur cost
Rs. 1/5/ and Rs. 2/- respectively. Kikar wood was
mostly used for making a Kur, or Chow, as its
wear and tear is less, and the rest of the parts were
made of Shesham wood.
(ii) The Munah Plough
This plough is slightly different in shape from the
Desi Hal in as much as in the place of a Kur, a Chow
is used and also the handle of the Munah plough
is tapering in its shape instead of being straight.
TABLE No. 31
Percentages of Sample Families Possessing Munah Hal, its Cost and Age
Percentages Cost Age
With Without Made Purchased Made Purchased Years
Name of village Munah Munah under under
plough plough Sep Sep
Rs. A. P. Rs. A. P.
B .... .... 100.00 ..
ISW .. .. 25.00 75.00 100 .. 4 9 0 .. 1.81
J .. .. .. .. 100.00 ..
Average .. .. 8.88 91.12 100 .. 4 9 0 .. 1.81
F .... .... 100.00 ..
G .... .... 100.00 ..
Q .. .. 12.25 87.50 100 .. 9 8 0 .. 4.50
Average .. .. 4.35 95.65 100 .. 9 8 0 .. 4.50
Grand Average .. 7.08 93.92 100 .. 6 8 0 .. 2.91
table it is evident that in two
and Q, the sample families
ploughs. These families also
in addition to Munah ploughs.
All these ploughs were made in the village by the
artisans, their average cost being Rs. 6-8-0. The
average age of a Munah plough worked out to
about 3 years.
(b) The Yoke
The yoke is always used when the work is being
done by bullocks. A yoke consists of Jula, Phat,
Muthias and Arlies. According to its size it can
be divided into 3 main categories :-
(i) Short Panjali:
It is nearly 3 feet and 9 inches long and
is used for circular track work, such as
with a Persian wheel, cane-crusher, and
grinding machine. This Panjali is made
smaller in order to minimize the distance
that the right hand bullock has to tread.
(ii) Ordinary Panjali :
It is 5 feet and 3 inches long and is mostly
used for ploughing.
(iii) Long Panjali :
For hoeing cotton, a long Panjali is needed
so that the bullock can walk between the
rows of the crop. The length of the
Panjali is 8 feet.
In the area surveyed all Panjalis were present,
but it was not considered necessary to collect infor-
From the above
villages, i.e. ISW
had Desi ploughs
TABLE No. 32
Percentage of Families with' a Yoke,' its Cost and Age.
Percentage Cost Age
'Name of the village With Without Made Pur- Made Pur- Years
yoke yoke under chased under chased
Rs. A. P. Rs. A. P.
B .. .. .. 83.33 16.67 66.66 33.34 4 1 0 4 0 0 8.27
ISW .. .. 75.00 25.00 90.91 9.09 2 0 0 5 0 0 9.87
J .. .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 4 6 0 .. 6.90
Average .. .. 84.09 15.91 81.08 18.92 3 6 0 4 2 0 8.40
F .. .. .. 86.67 13.33 76.92 23.08 4 3 0 3 12 0 8.66
G .. .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 7 5 0 .. 11.90
Q .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 4 3 0 .. 7.57
Average .. .. 95.23 4.77 92.50 7.50 5 5 0 3 12 0 9.34
Grand Average .. 88.51 11.49 85.61 14.39 4 2 0 3 15 0 8.75
It will be observed that 88.51% of the sample
possessed a yoke, and it was also evident that
11.49 % of the families did not own a yoke. 85.6 %
of the farmers got their yokes made in the village
and the rest purchased them. The average cost of
a locally made Panjali worked out to Rs. 4-2-0 and
that of a purchased one to Rs. 3-15-0. The
working life of the Panjaii in the investigated cases,
was 8.75 years whereas the standard age was
estimated to be 5 years.
In order to break the clods of the earth Sohagas
and rollers are used. The roller compresses the
soil and crushes any clod that may be there. It
does this work effectively because of its heavy
weight. But it does not level the soil at all. The
Sohaga, on the other hand, levels the soil to a greater
extent since it drags the soil down from the higher
to the lower portions, thus levelling the field. It
does not crush the clods as effectively as a roller
can. In the sample villages, the cultivators were
using a Sohaga of two types: Sohaga and Sohagi.,
The size of the Sohaga was 9' x 1' x I' and of the
Sohagi 6' x 10" x 5*. A Sohagi is worked with
one pair of bullocks and a Sohaqa with two pairs.
TABLE No. 33
Percentage Families Possessing Sohaga, its Cost and Age.
Percentages Cost Age
Name of village With Without I Made Pur- Made Pur- Years
Sohaga Sohaga under chased under chased
Rs. A. P. Rs A. P.
B .. .. .. 58.33 41.67 57.14 42.86 15 4 0 14 0 0 8.33
ISW .. .. 50.00 50.00 100.00 .. 7 8 0 .. 5.87
J .. .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 17 3 0 .. 11.55
Average .. .. 66.67 33.34 86.87 13.63 12 7 0 14 0 0 8.99
F .. .. .. 66.66 33.34 83.33 16.67 19 0 0 20 0 0 10.0
G .. .. .. 87.50 12.50 85.71 14.29 10 8 0 20 0 0 6.59
Q .. .. 91.50 8.50 100.00 .. 12 4 0 .. 5.64
Average .. .. 82.76 11.24 91.67 8.33 13 5 0 20 0 0 6.99
Grand Average .. 73.05 26.85 88.47 11.53 12 12 0 16 6 0 8.19
About three quarters of the sample families
interviewed possessed this implement, and the rest
depended upon borrowing it. 88.47% of the
cultivators got this implement made in their usual
Sep contract, and 11.53% purchased it. The
average cost of a purchased Sohaga in the investi-
gated cases was Rs. 3-10-0 more than the cost of
one made on Sep. Their average age was about 8
The Karah implement consists simply of a wooden
plank with an arrangement for the worker to
hold it. The Karah is employed for levelling the
uneven surface, particularly of newly cultivated
land, or for the levelling of the fields made uneven
otherwise. According to size they are of two
types ; one is big and the other one small. The
smaller Karah is worked by one pair of bullocks
and the larger one by two.
Levelling the farm with a tractor and a Karah.
TABLE NO. 34
Percentage Families with Karah, its Cost and Age
Percentages Cost Age
Name of village With Without Made Pur- Made Purchased Years
Karah Karah under chased under
Rs. A. P. Rs. A. P.
B .. .. .. 20.00 80.00 100.00 .. 38 0 0 .. 15.00
ISW .. .. 12.50 87.50 50.00 50.00 10 0 0 20 0 0 14.00
J .. .. .. 8.33 91.67 100.00 .. 24 0 0 .. 10.00
Average .. .. 16.22 83.78 83.33 16.67 29 9 0 20 0 0 13.13
F .... .... 100.00
G .. .. 35.71 64.29 60.00 40.00 6 11 0 10 0 0 13.00
Q .. .. 28.57 71.43 100.00 .. 20 8 0 .. 9.30
Average .. .. 23.69 76.31 80.00 20.00 14 3 0 10 0 0 10.90.
Grand Average .. 19.18 80.82 82.01 17.99 23 7 0 16 0 0 12.24
It will be seen that only 19.18% of the sample
families had a Karah and none of the families in
village F possessed one. It appeared that it was not
considered necessary for each farmer to keep this
implement. 82.01% got it made locally and
17.99% purchased it. It was cheaper to purchase
it than to get it made on Sep. The useful life of
this implement was about 12 years.
Carts are meant for carting fodder or manure
and for transporting farm products to the market.
Carts were also used as a means of conveyance on
certain occasions. Efforts have been made to
improve upon the original carts by fitting them with
pneumatic tyres which increase their efficiency.
It is estimated that carts with pneumatic tyres were
15 to 20% faster than ordinary carts. It was found
that none of the carts was fitted with pneumatic
tyres in the sample villages. In villages G and F
this type of conveyance was not in use.
TABLE No. 35
Percentage of the Families with Carts, their Cost and Age
Percentages Cost Age
Families Families Made Pur- Made in Pur- Years
Name of the village with without in chased village chased
carts carts village
B .. .. 100.00 .. 33.33 66.67 215 170 22.50
ISW .. .. 83.33 16.67 20.00 80.00 350 310 15.50
J .. .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 265 14.75
Q .. .. 100.00 .... 100.00 .. 275 12.66
Average .. .. 96.00 4.00 12.50 87.50 260 260 16.06
The above table shows that 90% of the sample
families possessed carts and only 4 % were without
them. Most of the carts, i.e. 87.5%, were
purchased. It should be borne in mind that arti-
sans were not expected to make carts for the
farmers in their usual Sep. The average cost of
purchased and locally made carts was the same.
The useful life of the cart worked out to about 16
(f) Hand Tools
A large number of hand tools were used by the
cultivators and it was impossible to have com-
plete information about each of them. Data were
therefore collected only regarding important hand
tools. Among these were included the hand-hoe,
spade, sickle, Jandra, etc.
The prices of all these hand tools varied from
Re. 1 to Rs. 5. Furthermore, almost all the sample
farmers owned hand tools in the required number,
as they thought it below their dignity to borrow
such a petty item. Moreover such tools did not
require a large investment. All these hand tools
were made in the village by the artisans provided
the cultivator supplied the required wood and iron.
The depreciation cost varied from 20 to 30 % of the
original cost of the different hand tools.
The use of improved implements is one of the
major factors leading to an increase in agricultural
production. Besides, they exert less physical strain
on the working animals. Amongst recommganded
implements only the fodder-cutter was being widely
used, other implements like the furrow-turning.
plough, seed-drill (Terphali) and harrows were in
use only to a small extent. In the six sample vil-
lages none of the cultivators had a complete set of
improved implements. One of the reasons for-
warded by the cultivators was that they could not
purchase such implements either because they
had no money or because, when they had it, the
implement needed was not available.
(a) Tube-Well and Tractor
As regards tube-wells and tractors they were
found only in village Q. This village was not
canal-irrigated and the only source of irrigation
was the Persian wheel. The cultivators had been
rather enterprising and installed tube-wells. Under-
ground water was quite suitable for irrigation pur-
poses. The average cost of a tube-well came to
Rs. 6,200. The expenditure was less than the
usual cost of Rs. 10,000. This was because the
machinery had been purchased quite a number of
years ago. Only one tractor was found in the same
village and the cost reported was Rs. 10,000. The
owner could not tell -the average working age of
the machine as he had purchased it for the first
which is further converted irto' Gur, Shakkar
or sugar. About 40 years ago wooden rollers were
used instead of iron ones. The capacity of the
cane-crusher with the iron roller is much greater
than that of the wooden one. There are many
brands of cane-crusher available in the market
but in the area surveyed, Nahan Sultan was-
mostly used. Nobody possessed a power-driven.
cane-crusher in any of the surveyed villages.
The cane-crusher is used for extracting juice
TABLE No. 36
Percentages of Families with Cane-crusher, its Cost and Age
Name of the village
----~-- --- -- I -- -
B .. .... 15.80 84.20 450 0 0 30.5
ISW .. ...... 100.00
J .. .. .. 40.00 60.00 443 5 0 21.5
Average .. .. .. 14.60 85.40 446 2 0 25.5
F .. .. .. 5.90 94.10 500 0 0 20.0
G .. .. .. 46.20 53.80 470 0 0 19.2
Q .. .. .. 12.50 87.50 475 0 0 15.0
Average .. .. .. 19.60 80.40 474 4 0 18.4
Grand Average .. .. .. 16.60 83.40 457 5 0 22.6
It is evident from the table that 16.6% of the
total respondents owned this implement. In village
ISW all, respondents reported that they had bor-
rowed it. One cane-crusher can crush 6 to 8
acres of sugarcane in a season, and it is rare that an
average farmer is able to grow so much sugarcane.
It means that 83.4 % acquired cane-crushers on rent..,
The rent in kind was one Seer of sugarcane per
Maund crushed. The cash payment varied from
annas 8 to Rs. 2 per day. Annual depreciation
was found to be 5%.
(e) Centrifugal Machine
The centrifugal machine is used for extracting
sugar. In Pakistan there is a shortage of crystalline
sugar, and it has been ascertained from the infor-
mation available that the cost of production per
unit of sugar made by a hand-driven centrifugal
machine is less than that produced on a large scale
by a mill. Although the quality of sugar is poor,
it can be improved with further research. From
the investigation conducted it was brought to light
that only a few persons were interested in making
sugar. The interested cultivator got the centrifugal
machine on hire and paid Re. 1/- per day plus one
Seer of sugar per Maund produced or Rs. 4
The fodder-cutter is the most popular and
commonest improved implement introduced in this
tract. It won the favour of cultivators in a short
time due to its usefulness and greater convenience
as against the traditional hand Toka. When it
is used the output per hour is much greater and for
this reason it was readily adopted by the farmers.
There were two types of mechanical fodder-cutter
available in the market, i.e. hand-operated and
bullock-driven ones. The fodder-cutter saves labour
and economizes fodder as there is less wastage
in feeding the animals on finely cut fodder. It
chops three times as fast as an ordinary fodder-
cutter does. One man can chaff only two Maunds of
fodder in an hour with the traditional cutter while
with the mechanical cutter he can chop 6 to 7
Maunds of fodder during the same period. Apart
from this, it has been estimated that the improved
fodder-cutter saves 20 to 25 % fodder from going
TABLE No. 37
Percentage of Families Having a Fodder-Cutter, its Cost and Age
Percentage Cost Age
Name of village Families Families
with fodder- without fodder- Rupees Years
B .. .. .. 75.00 25.00 71 10 0 15.00
ISW .. .. .. 88.88 11.12 73 10 0 10.00
3 .. .. .. 100.00 .. 62 4 0 22.70
Average .. .. .. 91.31 8.69 67 11 0 10.76
F .. .. .. 100.00 .. 75 1 0 12.45
G .. .. .. 100.00 .. 94 to 0 12.00
Q .. .. .. 10.00 .. 72 4 0 18.33
Average .. .. .. 100.00 .. 80 6 0 13.72
Grand Average .. .. .. 94.75 5.25 72 10 0 11.92
From Table No. 37 it is clear that about
"95 % of the respondents had fodder-cutters at the
time cf investigation. It is clear that our cultivators
have realized its advantages. The average price of
fodder-cutters with the investigated families had
been Rs. 72-10-0 as against Rs. 100 to Rs. 115 pre-
vailing at the time of investigation. The reported
price was lower as these fodder-cutters had been
purchased quite a number of years ago and some
cultivators purchased second-hand fodder-cutters
too. The average working life of a fodder-cutter
was found to be about 12 years.
It is suggested that the Government should set
up more workshops for the manufacture and repair
of agricultural implements. The Government of
West Pakistan has already established three such
workshops, one each at Lyallpur, Peshawar and
*Quetta. There is need for more workshops, at
least at each divisional level, so that cultivators can
get repair facilities and also can obtain new imple-
The Village-AID Department should provide
implements on loan to cultivators who are anxious
to get them but cannot purchase them due to lack
Further research can be conducted for
simplifying and providing cheaper implements so
that they are within the easy reach of the peasants
with meagre resources.
The Extension Service of the Agriculture
Department may be expanded to keep the culti-
vators informed of the usefulness of modern imple-
ments. During the course of investigation it was
found that some of the farmers did not even know
that improved implements existed.
There is need for the mass production of
implements of standard quality. At present not only
the supply of implements is short but the quality of
implements manufactured does not conform to the
standard specifications. It may be possible to
subsidize this scheme for a period of time.
6. SEEDS, MANURE AND FERTILISERS
To obtain high yields it is necessary to use
improved seeds and to apply adequate manuring
to the crops. In this chapter we intend to study the
extent to which better seeds and adequate manuring
were being used in the sample villages. New
improved varieties of different crops are being
evolved by the Provincial Department of Agricul-
ture after long experimentation and are placed on
the approved list for extensive growing.
Different varieties of seeds are recommended for
different regions in accordance with climatic
conditions, types of soil and other factors. As the
old varieties deteriorate and lose their immunity
against pest gnd diseases and adverse weather
conditions, the cultivators are expected to include
new varieties in their cropping scheme. The
sowing of improved seed is one of the important
methods of increasing agricultural production
without incurring additional expenditure. It has;
been estimated that the yields of crops can be:
increased by 10 to 25%(1) by the use of improved'
For different crops different quantities of seeds,
are required per acre. The seed rates for individual'
crops vary with the source of irrigation, time of
sowing, method of sowing and soil type in different
tracts. In rain-fed areas, the seed rate is high due to-
insufficient moisture in the soil, as the probability
for each seed to germinate is small. Late-sown
crops need more quantity of seed per acre as the
temperature of the soil is not suitable for germina-
tion at such a time. The method of sowing is also
responsible for variations in the amount of seed'
used. In the broadcast method, for instance, more
seed is required than in the Pora or Kera methods.
Seed Rate per Acre
Name of Village Sugarcane Desi American Rice Maize Kharif
Cotton Cotton Fodder
Marlas Srs. Chs. Srs Chs. Srs. Chs. Srs. Chs. Srs. Chs.
B .. .. 5 10 5 11 4 0 12 0 24 15
ISW.. .. 9.66 4 0 4 12 .. .. 11 3 20 14
J .... 9.30 4 6 .. .... .. 11 0 16 2
Average .. 9.40 4 10 5 4 4 0 11 4 19 4
F .. .. 8.00 .... 4 8 13 0 12 9
G .. .. 7.66 4 6 0 4 12 13 0 19 11
Q .. .. 8.00 4 13 .... .. 18 0 12 4
Average .. 7.82 4 4 6 0 4 9 15 1 14 10
Weighted Average .. 8.71 4 7 5 9 4 4 12 9 17 3
(1) First Five Year Plan, 1955-60 Draft, Volume II, Government of Pakistan, Karachi, May 1956, p. 31.
TABLE No. 39
Seed Rate Used per Acre
Name of Village Wheat Barley Goji Oats Gram Oilseed Berseem Methra Senji
Srs. Chs. Srs. Chs. Srs. Chs. Srs. Ghs. Srs. Chs. Srs. Chs. Srs. Chs. Srs. Chs. Srs. Chs.
B .. 32 5 16, 0 35 0 30 4 15 8 2 0 6 11 .. 17 0
ISW .. 31 8 26 0 26 0 .... 18 12 2 8 5 4 .. 17 0
J .. 35 8 16 0 .. .. 30 0 16 0 2 0 6 15 .. 10 0
Average .. 32 4 22 4 30 8 30 2 17 0 2 5 6 6 .. 16 0
F .. 29 14 20 5 .. 23 5 16 0 .. 5 7 14 0 16 0
G .. 34 3 .. .. 30 0 40 0 13 9 1 14 5 6 ....
Q .. 33 11 32 0 24 0 24 0 16 0 .. 5 5 .. 16 0
Average .. 31 11 23 4 28 0 26 5 14 8 1 14 5 6 14 0 16 0
Weighted Average .. 32 7 22 11 29 8 28 10 16 8 2 2 5 15 14 0 16 0
In the present study no record of time of sowing
was kept and no distinction as to the quantity of
seed used per acre for different methods of sowing
The seed rates per acre of different crops in the
various sample villages are given in the two Tables
Nos. 38 and 39 above.
Area Sown with Improved Varieties
The cultivators were always ready to adopt new
varieties of crops provided they established their
superiority over the existing ones. For this reason,
wheat C 591, cotton LSS and 4 F and sugarcane
C 0312 were being extensively grown by the major-
ity of cultivators. These are the crops which culti-
vators could distinguish variety-wise, but with
crops like rice, maize, gram, etc., the cultivator
was not in a position to distinguish. Hence
only the area sown with improved varieties under
wheat, cotton and sugarcane will be discussed.
TABLE No. 40
Percentage Area Sown with Improved Varieties
WHEAT COTTON SUGARCANE
Name of village
Unimproved Improved Unimproved Improved Unimproved Improved
B .. .. .. 100.00 94.72 5.18
ISW .. .. 5.08 94.92 59.88 30.12 .. 100.00
J .. .. 100.00 100.00
Average .. .. 0.97 99.03 89.89 10.11 .. 100.00
F .. .. 4.45 95.55 .... 100.00
G .. .. 32.54 67.46 12.82 87.18 .. 100.00
Q .. .. .. 100.00 100.00 .. 100.00
Average .. .. 14.21 85.79 14.67 85.33 .. 100.00
Weighted Average .. 6.22 93.78 60.14 39.86 .. 100.00
It will be clear from the table that in villages B, J,
aAd Q the entire area under wheat was sown with
improved varieties. On the whole about 95 % of
the total area under wheat were sown with recom-
mended varieties. Cotton was not extensively
grown in this area and whatever was produced was
mainly meant for home consumption. As com-
pared to American varieties Desi cotton was con-
sidered better for domestic spinning, therefore the
cultivators in this area sowed three-fifths of the
area under cotton with indigenous varieties.
As far as sugarcane is concerned the whole area had
been sown with CO 312, which was considered an
improved variety. Indigenous varieties of cane
.grown about 30 years ago have completely vanished
from the cultivators' fields.
Production and distribution of improved seed is
basic to any agricultural programme aiming at
increasing the yield per acre and, therefore,
needs the special attention of the cultivator and the
extension worker. The seed produced under expert
supervision would naturally be better than the
seed produced under ordinary conditions. The
Provincial Agriculture Department produces such
seeds and distributes them among the cultivators
through seed depots. It has been observed that
only a small percentage of cultivators meet their
seed requirements through these agencies. Larger
cultivators use their own seed and the smaller
ones either consume or sell their entire crop under
pressure of need. They have to purchase their
seed from the shopkeepers or other cultivators at
the time of sowing. Such seed is usually of inferior
Tables Nos. 41 and 42 set out the percentages
of farmers who purchased their own seed and those
who purchased it during Kharif and Rabi res-
Percentages of Farmers Producing Seed on the Farm (Kharif Crops)
SUGARCANE COTTON RICE MAIZE Kharif FODDER
Name Farm Pur- Farm Pur- Partly Farm Pur- Partly Farm Pur- Farm Pur- Partly
of pro- chased pro- chased pro- pro- chased pro- pro- chased pro- chased produced
-vi age duced duced duced duced duced duced duced
B .. .. .. 27.27 73.73 .. 36.36 54.54 9.10 .. 100.00 100.00
ISW .. 66.67 33.34 83.34 16.66 .. .. .. .. 38.46 61.54 25.00 75.00
3 .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. .. .. .. .. 80.00 20.00 41.67 33.33 25.00
Average .. 86.66 13.34 69.67 33.33 .. 36.36 54.54 9.10 45.00 55.09 57.10 35.70 7.20
P .. 40.00 60.00 .. .. .. 69.23 30.77 .. .. 100.00 50.00 50.00
G .. 58.33 42.67 83.34 8.33 8.33 50.00 50.00 .. 16.66 83.34 4.66 41.66 16.68
Q .. 60.00 40.00 40.00 20.00 40.00 .. .. .. 40.00 60.00 50.00 25.72 14.28
Average .. 54.54 45.46 70.58 11.77 17.65 64.71 35.29 .. 25.00 75.00 46.90 40.60 12.50
Weighted Average 73.92 26.08 70.03 24.78 5.19 46.99 47.51 5.50 37.06 62.94 53.05 38.50 8.44
TABLE No. 42
Percentages of Farmers Producing Seed on the Farm (Rabi Crops)
B .. 60.00 40.00
ISW .. 41.66 50.00 8.33
J ,. 69.23 30.77
Average .. 57.50 40.00 2.50
100.00 .. 25.00 75.00 14.28 85.72 66.66 33.34 .. .. 46.15 53.85
40.00 60.00 .. .. 100.00 .. 91.66 8.34 100.00 .. 30.77 59.22
100.00 50.00 50.00 .. 66.67 33.33 66.66 33.34 54.54 9.99 36.37
50.00 50.00 42.85 58.15 53.84 46.16 77.78 22.22 75.00 25.00 43.24 45.99 10.77
F .. 46.15 46.15 7.70 33.33 66.67 33.33 66.67 .. .. 100.00 .. ..75.00 25.0
G .. 56.25 43.75 .. .. .. 100.00 .. 100.00 .. 60.00 40.00 100.00 .. 80.00 20.00
Q ., 28.57 71.43 .. 100.00 .. 50.00 50.00 100.00 .. 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 .. 100.00
Average .. 44.19 53.49 2.32 50.00 50.00 57.15 42.85 100.00 .. 62.50 37.50 83.34 16.66 37.04 62.96
Weighted 52.22 45.35 2.43 50.00 50.00 48.52 51.48 72.14 27.86 71.72 28.28 78.30 21.70 40.70 52.78 6.50
It is clear that for sugarcane and cotton crops the
majority of the cultivators preferred to sow seed
produced on their own farmland. In the case of
sugarcane and cotton, 73.92% and 70.03 % of the
sample farmers respectively used seed which they
produced on their own farms. In the case of rice
and maize 46.99 per cent and 37.06 per cent respec-
tively used their own farm-produced seed. In
regard to fodder-crops 38.5 per cent purchased their
seed from fellow-cultivators or from the nearest
market. There were only a few cultivators who
used farm-produced as well as purchased seeds.
It was found that in the case of wheat, barley and
oats, about 50% of the cultivators used seed grown
on their own farms. As far as Goji, gram and
oilseed were concerned nearly three fourths of the
farmers produced their own seed and the rest pur-
chased it from their fellow cultivators or the nearest
market. The majority of the cultivators used their
home-produced seed in oilseed. In Rabi fodder
only 40.70 per cent used seed from their own
stores. (See Table No. 42 on page 48).
Use of Manure
Low yield in agriculture in under-developed
countries is mainly attributed to low productivity
of the soil which is caused by the use of inadequate
quantities of manure and fertilizers. The agricul-
turist's main source of manure are his farm animals,,
whose excreta are used for increasing soil fertility,
but this is not enough for the purpose. The
shortage of fuel in the villages is so acute that the
cultivators are compelled to use cow dung in place
of firewood. This hampers the soil conservation
programme of the farmer. Furthermore, whatever
meagre quantity is available is not preserved scienti-
fically. Heaps of farmyard manure are usually
seen lying open in the village streets which, apart
from being unhygienic, also leads to a deterioration
of its fertilizing capacity.
The quantity of available manure in the sample
villages was inadequate to meet the needs of the
farmers. The extent of manuring done is revealed
by Table No. 43. It shows that only about one sixth
TABLE No. 43
Area Manured under Different Crops
Name of the Crop Area manured Total area sown Percentage of area
(acres) (acres) manured
1. Wheat .. 37.37 422.95 8.84
2. Rice .. .. .. 39.21 75.68 51.84
3. Maize .... 14.39 44.05 32.67
4. Sugarcane .. .. 47.71 63.96 75.77
5. Cotton .... 23.50 207.90 11.30
6. Tobacco .. .. 1.00 1.70 58.82
7. Vegetables .. .. 6.13 7.01 87.44
8. Misc. crops .. .. 8.00 225.87 1.04
9. Fodder .. .. 35.75 266.65 13.41
Overall .. 213.06 1314.72 16.25
of the sown area was provided with manures.
Among the food crops, rice was most extensively
manured, followed by maize. Cash crops such as
sugarcane, cotton, and tobacco were considered
as the main source of the cultivators' income and,
therefore, to increase production per acre relatively
more attention was paid to manuring them. The
percentage of the area manured under vegetables,
sugarcane and tobacco was particularly high while
cotton received only a moderate quantity of
manure. Sample cultivators who did not apply
manure to sugarcane argued that it was not ad-
visable to manure that crop directly since it was
vulnerable to the attack of the white ant. As a
crop protective measure they heavily manured the
preceding crop. Vegetables were most heavily
manured but they were grown only on a smaller
area for domestic consumption. Fodder crops were
given only moderate manuring. The area under
miscellaneous crops like Bajra, Goji and gram was
manured only to an insignificant extent. Usually the
cultivator gives priority in manuring to the cash
crops like sugarcane and tobacco. What is left is
used for rice, maize, cotton, wheat, fodder, etc.
TABLE No. 44
Relative Importance of Different Types of Manures for Various Crops
Name of the crop
Farmyard Ammonium manure -
manure sulphate Amm. Sulph.
Sheep dung Total
S .. 100.00
Crops .. 100.00
From the above table we find that farmyard
manure, even though inadequate, was applied to
the maximum area under each crop. About 60 %
or more of the area under each crop was manured
by farmyard manure except rice and fodder. In
the case of tobacco and miscellaneous crops such
as Bajra, gram and Goji, the entire area was
supplied with farmyard manure. Ammonium
sulphate, the only artificial fertilizer recommended
by the Agriculture Department, was becoming
popular among cultivators. About one half of the
area under fodder was provided with ammonium
sulphate since it promotes vegetative growth to a
greater degree than farmyard manure. The Grow
More Food" Campaign of the Government had
induced the cultivators to apply artificial fertilizers
.to food crops. The rice area manured was over
one third of the total.
Kallar was applied to wheat, maize, and fodder
crops only and to the extent of 8.03%, 6.95% and
3.50% of the total area under these crops respec-
tively. Goats and sheep were also kept in the field
.:at night and the area manured was 3 % in the case
of wheat and 8.52% in that of cotton. The culti-
vators preferred to have sheep and goat manure
as its effect lasts for more than one year, but
only Moeens practised sheep and goat farming.
Although green manure is more effective for
extensively by cultivators. The farmers did not
think it economical to sow green manure crops and
after waiting for three months to plough them back
into the fields. None of the farmers interviewed
practised green manuring and the majority were not
even familiar with the names of compost, night soil,
oilseed cake, bonemeal and superphosphate ferti-
increasing the yield per acre, it was not grown
TABLE No. 45
Name of Crop
Quantity and Cost of Manures and Fertilizer Used per Acre
FARMYARD MANURE AMMONIUM SULPHATE FARMYARD MANURE
Plus Amm. Sulphate
Quantity Cost per Quantity Cost per Quantity of Quantity of per acre
acre acre farmyard ammonium
SSugarcane .. .. 262
Cotton .. .. 106
Tobacco .. .. 300
lbs. Rs. A. P. Mds.
133 26 9 0 204 14 9 0
26 0 0
31 13 0
52 6 0
21 3 0
60 0 0
37 13 0
17 13 0
200 14 5 0
220 15 12 0
110 7 14 0
lbs. Rs. A. P.
35 14 0
21 2 0
183 13 1 0
106 21 2 0 206 17 5 0
It is shown that the average quantity of farmyard
manure applied per acre was 158 Maunds and its
cost Rs. 31-11-0.* Tobacco being the most precious
crop, its cultivators applied 300 Maunds of farmyard
manure, followed by sugarcane on which 262
Maunds were used. To miscellaneous crops such as
Goji, gram and Bajra small quantities of farmyard
manure were applied. An average of about 199 lbs.
of ammonium sulphate per acre was applied
to all crops. The highest quantity of artificial ferti-
lizer was applied to fodder crops, it was 246 lbs.
per acre. Where farmyard manure and artificial
fertilizer were applied in combination, the ratio
was 110 lbs. of ammonium sulphate + 140 Maunds
of farmyard manure and 172 lbs. of ammonium
sulphate +89 Maunds of farmyard manure for rice
and sugarcane crops respectively. Kallar did not
cost anything except transportation charges, which
are not included in the cost of any of the manures.
The cost has been based on the assumption that 20 Maunds of farmyard manure equals one cartload costing Rs. 4 per
cartload. This cost does not include transport charges.
Mds. Rs. A. P.
7. LAND UTILIZATION AND OUTPUT OF CROPS
The study of land utilization implies an investi-
gation into the various types of crops raised from the
land. The cropping pattern depends upon a number
of factors such as fertility of soil, availability of
irrigation facilities, cultural practices, control
of crop diseases, availability of technical guidance
and the state of transport and communications.
Of no less importance are the local institutions like
the cooperatives, the credit system, and the local
traditions. Above all, the land tenure system also
exerts a great influence in this matter.
Below are discussed the major factors affecting
land utilization in the sample villages.
The first and foremost pre-requisite of land
utilization is the availability of an adequate and
regular supply of water, no matter what the source
may be. Five out of the six sample villages were
irrigated by canals: four by perennial and one by
non-perennial canals. In village F canal water was.
available only for Kharif crops, whereas for Rabi
most of the people met their water requirements
through wells. The sixth village, that is Q, was.
rain-fed but was supplemented by wells and tube-
wells. Canal water was considered as particularly
useful since it contains fertility ingredients, though
of late the canals have become slightly irregular.
The type of the source of irrigation determines the
nature of the crops grown. Certain crops like rice,
sugarcane, tobacco and vegetables require constant
waterings and can flourish in a tract that gets ade-
quate water supply at regular intervals. Other
crops need less watering and can be raised with the
help of well-irrigation or merely rainfall. The
amount of water and its supply at the proper time
greatly influences the productivity of the soil.
Generally four types of means of irrigation were
found in the sample villages used separately or in
combination, namely (a) wells, (b) canals, (c) tube-
wells, and (d) rain.
TABLE No. 46
Percentage of Cultivable Area with Sources of Irrigation
CULTIVABLE AREA WITH SOURCE OF IRRIGATION
Group Village Canal Percent- Wells Percent- Canal Percent- Rains Percent- Total Total
age of or age of and age of age of (acres) area
total tube- total wells total total of the
Acres Acres Acres Acres Acres Acres
B 646 100.0 .. .. .. .. .. .. 646 802
A ISW .. 335 100.0 .. .. .. .. .. 335 355
J .. 588 100.0 .. .. ... .. .. 588 712
Total .. 1,569 100.0 .. .. .. .. .. 1,569 1,869
F .. .. 470 33.4 949 66.8 .. .. 1,4,9 l, Sft1,
B G .. 962 100.0 .. .. .. .. .. 962 1,113'
Q .. .. .. 185 40.1 .. .. 277 59.9 463 502
Total .. 962 33.4 655 23.0 949 33.3 277 100.0 2,843 3,459
In addition to the sources of irrigation the table
also shows the proportion of the cultivable area to
the total area of the villages. In Group A villages,
nearly 83.3 % of the total area were cultivable in the
year 1957, when this investigation was conducted,
while in Group B this percentage was 82.2, and the
rest comprised Banjar Jadid, Banjar Qadim, village
sites, roads, water channels etc. It may also be
mentioned here that most of the wells in villages
Q and F were owned jointly by two or more persons
and not by individual cultivators. In such cases
it was found that the well was not sufficient to meet
the needs of every cultivator for each crop. Hence,
only important crops were watered and those that
could exist without water for a time were left to
depend on rain.
The second important factor in the full utilization
of land is the cropping pattern. In our country
where agriculture is carried on as a way of life rather
than a business, the cropping pattern is determined
mainly by family needs and the age-old traditions
of self-sufficiency of the village and not by the types
of soil and irrigation facilities. Normally the
cultivator ensures that the food requirements of his
family are met from the produce of his own farm.
He must also grow the necessary amount of fodder
for his cattle. The rest of the land, if there is any
left, is used for growing cotton, sugarcane, oilseeds,
chillies, etc. mainly for the market. The most
important cash crop in the sample villages was
cotton, followed by sugarcane. In the matter of
growing cash crops, the farmer was guided by the
price factor, and with his expanding contacts with
the market, this consideration is likely to play a
greater part. But the greatest limitation on the
commercialization of agriculture by the sample
families, if ever they thought of it, was the limited
land available for cultivation, and the obsolete
implements and methods of cultivation.
Table No. 47 below shows the relative importance
of Kharif and Rabi crops as reflected in the area
sown by the sample families during the two crop
seasons of 1956-57.
TABLE No. 47
Area Sown by the Sample Families in the Year 1956-57
Area sown Percentage Area sown Percentage Total area
Village in Rabi of total in Kharif of total sown in one
(acres) area sown (acres) area sown year (acres)
B .. .. .. 193.53 65.8 100.25 34.2 293.78
ISW .. .. .. 111.41 62.3 67.84 37.7 178.25
J .. .. .. 84.36 52.6 75.75 47.4 160.11
F .. .. 149.53 60.7 96.25 39.2 245.78
G .. .. .. 114.50 58.4 81.66 41.6 196.16
Q .. .. .. 192.52 79.5 49.40 20.5 241.92
Total .. 845.85 64.2 471.15 35.8 1,316.00
The area under Rabi crops was much higher in
all the villages than that under Kharif crops. The
reason for this was that all the cereals except rice
were usually sown in the Rabi season. As food
requirements of his family are uppermost in the
mind of the cultivator, he tries to be self-sufficient
in this.respect even at the expense of cash crops.
In Kharif the only food crop grown is rice, and
that, too, covers a considerable area as shown in
Table No. 48 giving a breakdown of Rabi and
TABLE No. 48
Area Sown under Different Crops
VILLAGES or VILLAGES OF
GROUP A GROUP B
Crop Season B ISW J Total F G Q Total total age of
.. 193.53 111.41
49.75 169.75 112.20 45.75 95.25 253.20 422.95
88.50 .. 4.50 .. 4.50 93.00
4.50 32.65 4.00 5.00 .. 9.00 41.65
13.75 15.75 6.00 9.00 60.50 75.50 91.25
3.00 25.20 0.33 12.00 6.52 18.85 44.05
0.86 1.70 .. .. .. .. 1.70
12.50 55.75 27.00 38.25 30.25 95.50 151.25
84.36 389.30 149.53 114.50 192.52 456.50 845.85
. 14.75 1.63
. 73.10 30.15
100.25 67.84 75.75 243.84 96.25 81.66 49.40 227.31 471.15 100.00
293.78- 178.25 160.11 633.14 245.78 196.11 241.92 683.86 1316.00
Percentage of Acreage Rabi Kharif
Group'A' .. .. .. .. 61.49 38.51
Group 'B' .. .. ... 66.74 33.26
Weighted Average for Lahore District .. 63.59 36.41
On page 54, in Table No. 48, Bajra and maize should not be read as Rabi crops as
originally shown in the table, but as Kharif crops. Consequently, nearly 60% of the total
area sown in the Rabi season were devoted to wheat as against 50% originally given in the
paragraph following the table. Taking all the Rabi cereals together, the acreage covered by
them comes to 78.55 % and not 82% as given in the same paragraph.
The number of Kharif crops consequently rises from seven as given previously to nine,
which now includes Bajra and maize crops. Therefore, the acreage under cereals (rice, Bajra
and maize) also increases from 16.46 % as shown originally to 34.75% of the total area sown
in the Kharif season. Fodder, after cereals, was the main crop, claiming21.23 and 19.01
percent of the total area sown in Rabi and Kharif seasons respectively as against 17.85 and
24.51 percent shown previously.
Similarly the totals of the area (in acres) sown under different crops of Rabi and Kharif
seasons in the sample villages of groups A and B have been corrected to read as 189.53,
91.21, 67.61, 348.35, 143.20, 93.50, 125.50, 362.15, 710.60.
104.25, 88.04, 92.50, 284.79, 102.58, 102.66, 116.42, 321.66, 606.45 respectively. These
figures follow the same chronological order as given in Table No. 48 which is under reference.
In Table No. 47, necessary changes in the figures may kindly be made in the light of
the corrected figures in Table No. 48.
The trouble caused to readers on account of these errors is regretted.
It will be seen that over one half of the area sown
in the Rabi season was under wheat. Taking all the
cereals together the area covered by them was as
high as 82% of the total. This supports our previ-
ous statement that the farmer is guided not by the
price trends (of cash crops) but, to a great extent,
by the food requirements of his family and fodder
,for his livestock. As to the Kharif season, again
the acreage under cereals (rice) was quite consider-
able, being 16.46% of the total area sown. This
was despite the fact that three of the sample villages
did not grow this crop at all. If we considered
-only the three villages where rice was grown, the
.above percentage would increase to 38.2% of the
.total cropped area in Kharif. After cereals, fodder
-claimed the highest priority as indicated by the
area devoted to it. It covered as much as 17.85%
.and 24.51 % of the area in Rabi and Kharif seasons
respectively. As mentioned earlier the major cash
.crops, i.e. cotton and sugarcane, are sown in Kharif.
Cotton got preference over sugarcane because, as sta-
ted by the farmers themselves, it needs less watering
.and its prices were also generally more favourable.
-On the other hand, sugarcane needs more waterings
,(usually 12 to 16 waterings as against 3 to 5 in the
,case of cotton), and also requires more hoeing. Be-
sides, a good deal of labour was involved in making
Gur and Shakkar out of it. It kept the farmer busy
.almost all the year round. But, there were wide
fluctuations in the prices of Gur and Shakkar.
_During 1956-57, when the inquiry was conducted, the
prices of Gur ranged between Rs. 10/- and Rs. 18/- per
Maund. The latter price prevailed in the early part
.of the season, i.e. in October-November 1956,
while in May-June 1957 the price stood at Rs. 10/-
per Maund. The average yield of Gur in the sample
villages worked out to about 40 Maunds per acre.
Now, considering sugarcane growing from a com-
mercial point of view, the cost of production tended
to exceed the cash value of the crop at the average
price level of the year. Naturally a question comes
to the mind : "Why must the farmer then grow
sugarcane?" The answer is that sugarcane has
,certain definite advantages for the farmer. Firstly,
it is a goad source of fodder for his cattle; secondly..
in times of acute food shortage, sugarcane juice
serves as food; thirdly, it can endure longer periods
of drought. Whether sugarcane is commercially
profitable or not, the farmer and his children look
forward eagerly to its harvesting. In winter one or
two glasses of sugarcane juice mixed with Lassi
is regarded as the best breakfast in most of the cul-
Coming again to the proportion of the areas sown
in Rabi and Kharif, on the average 61.49% and
38.51% of the total sown area in one agricultural
year were covered by Rabi and Kharif crops respec-
tively in group A villages, while in group B villages
the corresponding percentages were 66.74% and
33.26%. The weighted average for the Lahore
District comes to 63.59 % of the total area sown in
one agricultural year for Rabi crops and 36.41 % for
Intensity of Cropping
Another important aspect of crop production is
what is called 'intensity of cropping', as measured
by the number of crops sown on a particular piece
of land during one agricultural year. We define
intensity of cropping as 100% when one crop is
grown on a particular piece of land in one year.
When two crops are grown the intensity is 200%
and so on. Though there are two crops i. a year-
Rabi and Kharif-the farmer did not keep all his
land under crops all the time, nor could he do so,
because of the shortage of water and manure.
Usually he sowed a part of his land in one season
and kept the rest fallow-for short or long
periods depending upon the crop to be sown on
it. Certain crops, like sugarcane and cotton, though
sown in Kharif, are harvested at the end of the next
Rabi season. In such cases only one crop is possible
in one year. But most of the other crops are
harvested within six months of their sowing and in
such cases two or even more crops can easily be
grown in one year, provided the fertility of the land,
which gets depleted by constant crop raising, is
restored through adequate manuring and sufficient
Seen in this perspective, there were only three
sample villages, i.e. ISW, G and Q (see Table No. 48),
which had an overall intensity of cropping of more
than 100%. Though out of these villages ISW and
G were canal-irrigated while Q was rain-fed, most
of the farmers there had wells to meet their water
requirements. Some of them had started growing
vegetables as the village is quite near Kasur,
which provides a good market for the vegetables.
It may be mentioned here that growing of vegetables
increases the intensity of cropping as almost all the
vegetables take only three to four months to mature
and some even less.
Taking all the sample villages together, the inten-
sity of cropping was less than even one hundred
The other major factor affecting the full utiliza-
tion of land were the cultural practices. By cultural
practices is meant all the farm operations such as
techniques of sowing, watering, types of implements,
manuring, seeds, rotation of crops, harvesting,
fallowing, etc., that make agriculture possible. All
these processes are inter-connected. In the
interest of clarity, however, it is necessary to dis-
cuss crop rotation at some length while farm opera-
tions, seeds and implements have already been
discussed earlier. The discussion of the rotation
of crops necessitates a few words about fallowing.
Fallow is a word of Saxon origin meaning pale-
yellow, and, therefore, when applied to farming,
suggests bare ground. In its ordinary sense it
means leaving the soil uncropped for some time so
as to enable it to recoup its fertility by giving it
rest and thus allowing it to accumulate some
nitrogen from the air. This becomes, therefore,
partly a substitute for manutiirg. The period of
fallowing may be long as in the case of Barani areas
or short as in the case of irrigated areas. Long
fallowing is essential in Barani areas because
manuring is little favoured in such areas on
account of the lack of adequate moisture for the
decomposition of organic matter.
The yield of crops from soil which is continuously
cropped decreases, and ultimately the land becomes
uneconomic to cultivate. In order to maintain
the yield, therefore, it is necessary that either the
drain on the soil is reduced by fallowing or through
proper crop rotation, or plant-food is supplied in the
form of manure. Where deep-rooted crops like
sugarcane or cotton have been sown, generally the
land is kept fallow for a considerable period of time,
usually six months, and in some cases one and a
half year, before another crop is sown.
Crop rotation means the system of raising crops
from a piece of land in such an order that the fertility
of the land is maintained intact and the farmer's
profits are also not reduced. Crop rotation has
been practised in Indo-Pakistan from very early
times, and every cultivator is quite familiar with it,
though he may not be following the right type of
rotation, judged from a scientific point of view.
The main advantages of a scientific rotation are :
(1) By rotating crops of different types over
seasons it is easy to control the
weeds. Some weeds are much more
troublesome in summer than in winter and
can be suppressed by growing Rabi crops
after summer fallowing. Similarly some
crops like potatoes and fodders, when
included in the rotation, exert a useful
(2) By a careful rotation of crops it is easy to
keep under control plant diseases and insect
pests. It is a well-known fact that some
fungi and insect pests attack only particular
genera or kinds of crops and become very
harmful if such crops are grown on the same
land year after year. Rotation, therefore,
offers an easy means of keeping such pests
(3) By growing proper crops in a suitable order
it is possible to maintain the fertility of the
land on account of the following reasons :
(a) As different crops remove different plant
nutrients in different quantities from the
soil, a proper balance of the nutrients
cannot be maintained if the same crop'is'
grown every year on the same land.
Some nutrients which are removed in
large quantities will be exhausted and the
land will not be able to produce a good
crop, though there may be plenty of other
food nutrients in the soil suitable to grow
(b) Owing to the difference in the root
system of various crops, shallow-rooted-
crops remove more plant-food from the
surface than the deep-rooted crops that
open up the sub-soil and take food from
the lower layers also.
(c) Leguminous crops have got the property
of fixing atmospheric nitrogen with the
help of bacteria present in the nodules of
their roots. Their inclusion in the rota-
tion is very helpful in the upkeep of the
fertility of the soil.
(d) The fertility of the soil is closely linked up
with the humus contents of the soil: This
is of great importance in a hot climate
and is of special value in the case of ex-
treme types of soil such as sands and clay.
By the inclusion of green manuring in the
rotation at regular intervals, the humus'
contents of the soil can be kept up.
(4) Growing a variety of crops with different
sowing and harvesting periods enables the
farmer to distribute the farm labour force
(manual and bullock) more evenly. It
also ensures a return on capital at different
times of the year.
In view of these advantages the main points
that.should be kept in mind when.planning a.rota-
tion are :
(i) Crops of the same natural order should,
not follow each other.
(ii) Crops of the same root system (shallow or
deep) should not follow each other.
(iii) Leguminous crops should be included in
(iv) Green manuring and forage crops should
be given a place in the rotation at regular
(v) Crops such as potatoes, sugarcane, etc.,
requiring more intensive cultivation
than others, should be included in the
rotation as their cultivation means a good
preparation for the following crops.
Now these are technical points and every farmer
cannot know them unless scientific knowledge
is brought to the villages. Unfortunately, the people
on whose shoulders rests this responsibility have
failed to discharge their duty faithfully. During
the last three years, in five of the sample villages,
the Agricultural Assistant of the area had not paid
even a single visit although four of the sample vil-
lages were quite accessible through metalled roads.
But in'village B his visits were frequent. This village
belonged to one landlord and these visits were due to
the personal contacts of the Agricultural Assistant
with the landlord. With the exception of this
village, more than half of the respondents in other,
sample villages were not aware of the presence of
any such officer from the Agriculture Department:
Coming again to the rotation of crops, the various
salient points have been discussed above. Except
near large towns where intensive farming (vegetables
and fodder) was followed, on a limited scale, the
general type of farming was very uniform all over
the former Panjab province. The main differences
that were found were largely connected with the
supply of water. Other factors such as physical
conditions of the soil, prevalence of weeds, supply of
plant-food, etc., though very important inthemselves,
were of secondary significance only. The rotationis,
therefore, differed largely according to the supply of
irrigation water. The various rotations followed
usually in the sample villages as well as in
most of the districts in the former Punjab were :
1. Wheat-Toria-cotton-three crops in
2. Wheat fodder fodder wheat four
crops in three years.
3. Wheat maize sugarcane wheat -
four crops in four years.
4. Wheat maize sugarcane wheat -
four crops in four years.
5. Wheat fodder gram cotton -
four crops in two years.
6. Wheat cotton two crops in two years.
7. Cotton sugarcane two crops in three
Wheat, which occupied the largest sown area,
found a place in practically every rotation. Toria
oilseedss) which usually follows wheat after a fallow
of four or five months, is itself followed by cotton
or wheat again. In the sample villages most of the
cotton follows wheat, though this is considered to be
a bad rotation, because there is very little time left
for cultivation; wheat is harvested in the second
half of April and cotton is sown in the later half of
May or early June. If the above rotation is followed
there is need for sufficient manuring of the cotton
crops as the land gets exhausted due to wheat, which
seldom receives any manuring. It may be mentioned
here that green manuring was almost non-existent
in the sample villages. If it is applied at all, the
recipient crop is only maize and none else.
The B. C. G. A.* Farm, Khanewal, recommend-
ed the following rotations in Lower Bari Doub and
the Nili Bar Colonies :
(1) Wheat cotton fodder.
(2) Wheat cotton gram.
(3) Wheat cotton green manuring or
Wheat, gram or barley in the Rabi, followed in the
succeeding Kharif by Chari, Moth, Mash or cotton
according to the type of soil with a year's fallow, is
the common practice in the Barani areas. Again, a
Kharifcrop is grown and the land left fallow for the
succeeding Rabi, and then cropped again in Kharif.
Output of Crops
So far we have been discussing the proportion
of the sown area covered by cash and food crops.
We now take up the actual production of these
crops. In Table No. 49 the cropped area of the
major crops is given in relation to the produce,
total as well as average per acre.
As the table shows, the average yields in Group A
are, on the whole, higher than those in Group B
villages. In the case of cotton and sugarcane, the
averages in Group B are slightly higher than those
in Group A. These differences are partly due to the
irrigation facilities, type of soil and personal factors
involved. The picture, however, will be clearer
if we consider each sample village separately.
Table No. 50 gives the average yields per acre in
each sample village.
The lowest yields were recorded in village Q,
because this village was rain-fed and in summer it
was frequently attacked by floods. Floods caused
so much havoc that crops were sometimes com-
pletely ruined. Even when the flood was some-
what mild, the damage was considerable. If the
floods came in September, they delayed the sowing
of wheat by one or two months. By frequent
*Stands for Best Crop Growing Area.
TABLE No. 49
Total and Average Yields of Major Crops
GROUP A (B,ISW, J)
Area Total Yield Area
harvested produce per acre harvested
GROUP B (F, G, Q)
Total Yield for
produce per acre Lahore
Cotton (Desi) ..
Sugarcane (Gur) *
9.07 338.00 37.26
TABLE No. 50
Average Yields of Major Crops in each Village
GROUP A GROUP B
B ISW J F G Q
Wheat .. .. 9.19 15.10 17.65 5.57 11.89 6.88
Goji .... 9.88 9.31 .... 11.58
Gram .. .. 9.28 11.05 10.11 .. 9.37
Bajra .. .. 12.00 16.00 7.44 2.33 .. 6.73
Maize .. .. 12.00 15.55 8.83 5.30 5.35 3.36
Rice .. .. 23.67 21.63 .. 19.71
Cotton (Desi) .. .. 2.44 5.51 7.45 .. 7.50 2.20
Cotton (American) .. 8.70 3.41 .... 6.10
Sugarcane (Gur) .. .. 32.36 38.72 28.21 36.03 54.20
*This is the produce of Gur, Shakkar and brown sugar yield less than Gur. The yield of Shakkar is about two thirds
of that of Gur and the yield of brown sugar is about one third of that of Gur. Here we have converted the yields of Shakkar
and brown sugar into Gur.
GROUP A (B, ISW, J)
flooding, the soil of the village had become sandy,
losing thereby much of its fertility. The figures of
sugarcane yield might create some misleading im-
pression. Sugarcane is seldom sown in this village,
but one cultivator had taken some land on a 20
years' lease from the Government in a non-sample
village where he had also installed a tube-well,
and had grown sugarcane on that land. It was the
yield from that rented land that had been recorded
here. Two other sample villages, B and F, were
also usually flooded and slightly water-logged, too,
but the problem of floods in these villages was not as
serious as it was in village Q. On the whole the best
averages were shown by village ISW. The soil here
was very fertile and was irrigated by perennial canals.
It was also safe from floods, and the people here
were very hard-working. They were refugees from
India having smallholdings, mostly peasant-pro-
prietors, and tried to get the maximum out of their
farms. Villages G and J had similar conditions
so far as the yields were concerned. Both of these
villages were canal-irrigated and also safe from
floods. Another comparison regarding yields can
be made in relation to the nature of tenure. Table
No. 51 below gives the average yields per acre in
the case of landlords, landlords-cum-peasant-pro-
prietors, peasant-proprietors and tenants.
The trend of crop yields per acre, as revealed by the
Table No. 51 for different categories of cultivators,
was erratic. However, the yields per acre for tenants
were definitely lower for all crops. This may be
because the cultivator mostly lacked the incentive
to produce beyond what would suffice for the needs
of his family, as the landlord took away half of what
the cultivator produced. In other words, the lower
crop yields per acre for the sample tenants may be
attributed to his poorer economic conditions.
In Table No. 52 the average yields of major crops
in the sample villages have been compared with those
for Pakistan as a whole. ,
TABLE No. 51
Average Crop Yields per Acre and Nature of Land Tenure
Landlord-cum- Peasant- Peasant-
Crop peasant- proprietor proprietor-cum- Tenant
Wheat .. .. .. 8.23 13.80 8.89 9.12
Goji ........ 12.13 .. 9.74
Gram .. .. ... 8.16 13.33 10.65
Bajra .. .. 4.23 6.00 7.07 4.74
Maize ...... 8.15 13.02 7.51
Rice .. .. .. 31.74 24.24 27.56 16.98
Cotton (Desi) .. .. .. 5.77 6.48 9.60 3.86
Cotton (American) .. .. 7.04 6.50 3.70 4.83
Sugarcane (Gur) .. .. 51.00 33.64 51.10 28.66
TABLE No. 52
Comparison of Yields per Acre
Average Weighted Average
Crop for sample Average for Lahore for
village District Pakistan(1954-55)*
Mds. Mds. Mds.
Wheat .. .. .. 10.27 10.88 8.1
Gram .. .. .. 9.64 8.93 6.7
Goji .. .. .. 10.63 10.49
Bajra .. .. .. 8.05 8.29 4.3
Maize .. .. .. 9.38 10.38 10.8
Rice .. .. .. 21.54 21.98 4.7
Cotton (Desi) .. .. 5.92 5.78 5.3
Cotton (American) .. .. 5.07 5.1 6.3
Though the averages for the sample villages are
higher than those for Pakistan, no explanation
can be given for this as the sample was too small to
permit of a generalization, which may be applicable
to the whole of Pakistan.
*The First Five Year Plan, 1955-60, Government of Pakistan, Draft, Volume II, Karachi May 1956, p. 24.
8. MARKETING OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
Marketing in the broader sense implies the process
by which produce passes from the hands of the
producer to those of the ultimate consumer. In
other words it means that the goods produced
by the farmer must be stored, transported, processed
and delivered in the form and at the time and the
place desired by the consumers. Thus it includes
all the activities from the time a product leaves the
producer until it reaches the consumer.
In this inquiry, we have used the term in a limited
sense. By agricultural marketing we mean the
taking of the produce by the farmer to his immediate
buyer-whether he be a commission agent in a well-
regulated market or some intermediary or local
merchant buying at the door. After this the farmer
has no concern with the other activities connected
As already mentioned in the previous chapter,
the farmers in the sample villages, especially those
having small land-holdings, had very little surplus
for marketing after making the necessary payments
to the harvesting labourers and the Moeens and
after meeting their families' requirements for food.
The same is, more or less, true of the whole of the
country. The farmer in Pakistan is not guided by
the market price while sowing his crops, but by the
requirements of his family. He first thinks of pro-
viding food for his family and fodder for his live-
stock, and then devotes the surplus land, if there is
any left, to cash crops which are mainly cotton and
sugarcane. The following table (No. 53) gives the
marketable surplus of major crops left with the
cultivators after making payments to labourers and
providing for household consumption.
TABLE No. 53
Quantities Marketed of Major Crops
GROUP A GROUP B
Crop Gross Net Quantity Percentage Gross Net Quantity Percentage
produce available marketed of net produce available marketed of net
Wheat .. .. 2,197.74 1,304.46 282.00 21.62 1,657.65 1,225.48 170.00 13.87
Goji .. .. 866.35 360.70 139.00 38.54 39.00 39.00
Bajra .. .. 57.50 37.00 13.00 35.10 250.33 158.13 50.00 31.60
Maize .. .. 247.70 145.20 3.00 2.20 39.90 37.65
Gram .. .. 319.63 183.35 91.00 49.71 37.50 36.00
Rice .. .. 384.45 190.30 110.00 57.83 1,168.12 789.43 551.00 69.79
TotalCereals .. 4,073.27 2,221.46 638.00 28.72 3,192.80 2,285.69 771.00 34.18
Cotton (American) .. 70.48 49.50 43.00 86.87 206.34 189.53 184.00 97,43
Cotton (Desi) .. 637.34 407.35 361.00 88.62 39.50 38.00 33.00 86.80
Gur .. 331.46 266.00 192.00 72.20 712.00 696.00 583.00 83.76
Shakkar .. 4.25 4.25 .. .. 8.00 7.00
Brown Sugar .. .. .. .. 78.00 78.00 73.00 93.60
Weighted percentage of marketed quantity for cereals in Lahore District = 30.88 %.
It is clear that the percentage of cereals marketed
-was much lower than that of other crops, especially
the cash crops, for the reason explained in the pre-
There was not much difference between the per-
centage quantities of the cash crops marketed in
;both Groups of villages. The percentage was
slightly higher in the case of cereals in Group B than
in Group A. The reason was that the number of
tenants in Group A was higher than that in Group B.
As half of the produce usually went to the landlord
it became difficult for the tenants to spare any con-
siderable quantity for sale from the other half belong-
ing to them after meeting their home requirements.
,Giving proper weight to these percentages we can
say that 30.88 % of the net available cereals were
.sold for cash while the rest was consumed at home.
It is interesting to know the amount of the produce
marketed as a percentage of the gross produce. It
worked out to 15.66% in Group A and 24.15% in
Group B, and 12.03% for the District of Lahore.
In the case of cash crops, although a high proportion
of the net available quantity was sold, when we
,compare this quantity with the gross produce, the
resultant figure was not high. On the whole, in both
Groups of villages 82% of the gross produce in the
-case of American cotton and 65.80% in the case of
Desi cotton went to the market, while the rest
was consumed at home. The percentage for
American cotton was higher because this variety was
not very much liked for household purposes. In
the case of sugarcane products (Gur, Shakkar
.and brown sugar) 25.2% were consumed at home
while 74.8 % went to the market.
Place of Marketing
As regards the place, it may be noted that
there ase two essentials of good marketing,
namely, the developed means of communication and
transportation and the existence of well-regulated
marlkets nbar.the villages. Let us first discuss these
two essentials as they existed in the sample villages.
The distance of each sample village from the nearest
market is given in Table No. 54 below :
TABLE No. 54
Distance of Market from the Sample
DISTANCE FROM THE MARKET
No. Total Pakka Kachcha
Miles Miles Miles
1 B .. I .. 1
2 ISW .. 9 .. 9
3 J 4 2 2
4 F .. 8 8
5 G .. 5 3 2
6 Q .. 4.5 4 0.5
Except for village ISW, the approach to the
market was easy for the sample villages. In the
case of village ISW, the entire track was Kachcha
and got muddy during the rainy season. Villages J
and G also encountered some difficulty in the rainy
season as the Kachcha portion of the roads became
impassable. The means of transport common to
all these villages were Tongas, bullock-carts and
buses. To reach the town one could frequently catch
a Tonga or a bus on thePakka road, but the unmetall-
ed portion of the road was generally covered on foot.
For the carriage of various commodities to the town
and back usually the bullock-cart served the purpose.
In response to a question about the means of trans-
port all but one of the farmers replied that they used
the bullock-cart to take their produce to the market.
If one did not have a bullock-cart of his own, it was.
borrowed from someone, usually without any pay-
ment. It was reported by one farmer that he
carried his produce to the market on a donkey's
back hinted for this purpose. It may be mentioned
that pack animals were hired only by those
merchants or Kachcha Arhtiyas who made purchases
in the villages for carrying the purchased com-
modities to the market, and not by the farmers.
The average cultivator could hardly afford to do so
and also it was considered against the village con-
ventions to hire a bullock-cart or pack animals.
As to the distance of railway stations from the
sample villages the position was the same as in the
case of markets.
Regarding the place of marketing, there were three
alternatives available to the farmer : Firstly, he
could go direct to the market; secondly, he could
sell to the itinerant merchants; and thirdly, he could
sell to the village shopkeeper from whom he usually
bought his consumer goods.
The chief intermediaries in the marketing of agri-
cultural produce were Pakka Arhtiya, Kachcha
Arhtiya and brokers.
The Pakka Arhtiya has made his appearance in
well-developed Mandis in the areas where the deve-
lopment in the means of communication and trans-
portation had broken the self-sufficiency of the vill-
age and a degree of specialization of crops had taken
place. He is also known as the commission agent.
He provides a link between the cultivator and the
big exporting firms in large cities. He often supplies
capital to the village shopkeepers or the wandering
merchants who go from village to village and act
on his behalf so that the agricultural produce from
the neighbourhood reaches him regularly. He
seldom deals directly with the cultivator-seller and
does so through intermediaries known as Dalals.
Brokers were found in all markets. They acted
both for the seller and the buyer but in the majority
of cases they operated in the interests of the buyers
The Beopari or Kachcha Arhtiya usually got
capital from the commission agents in the market,
did business in the villages on their behalf and got a:
percentage of the profit from them as his remuner-
ation. With the exodus of the Hindu Kachcha
Arhtiya, the village shopkeeper stepped into his.
shoes and assumed his functions and his
designation. As the shopkeeper is known to the
farmers and also supplies them goods of daily use
on credit, he can perform this task very success-
fully. In the case of non-availability of capital from
the commission agent, he can purchase agricultural
produce from the villagers on deferred payment
also. Anyhow, with the Beopari in operation in the
rural areas the Pakka Arhtiya is assured of a regular
supply of commodities and can fulfil his commit--
ments to the big exporting firms.
Brokers or Dalals are found in all the markets in.
the country. It is not difficult to'trace their emer-
gence. When the markets came into existence,.
the wealthy urban Hindu businessmen established-
themselves as commission agents. As most of these
commission agents had not been in contact with the
rural population, especially the cultivators who-
were mostly Muslims, they felt the need for some
agents, preferably with a rural background, who
could bring customers to them. The persons who
filled this gap were called brokers. The presence
of brokers was very necessary at that time. There
was a great social difference and distance between.
the. poor cultivator in the village and the rich Bania
in the city. The ignorant and diffident farmer
hesitated to deal directly with the commission agent
as he was always afraid of the latter's superior
bargaining position. On the other hand the rich
Bania, with his rigid caste prejudices, thought it..
derogatory to his prestige to come into direct con-
tact with poor people whom he thought were much
inferior to him. There the broker provided the-
connecting link. With the exodus of Hindus, the
commission agencies were occupied by Muslims,.
most of them coming from rural areas. As these:
new commission agents were themselves known to
the cultivator-sellers, with no caste barriers, the
importance of the brokers decreased. In many:.
markets they were gradually disappearing and turn-
ing into Kachcha Arhtiyas. This was evident from
our inquiry where all those persons who took their
produce to the market sold it to such commission
agents as happened to be their relatives or belong-
ed to their own village.
Are these middlemen economically justifiable,
especially in the present circumstances? Should
they be eliminated? This question is drawing a
good deal of attention of the economists as well as
of the people concerned with agricultural marketing.
There is a difference of opinion regarding this
matter. There were persons who regarded some of
them, like the broker for instance, as quite unneces-
sary and superfluous. As regards the role of the
Kachcha Arhtiya or the Beopari, views expressed were
different. Some people argued that every cultivator
did not have enough of surplus produce to sell.
When the saleable surplus was small, the cultivator
did not find it economical to go to the market which
involved some expenditure of time and money.
Hence the need for the Beopari who may buy from
such cultivators on their own doorsteps. There were
some who considered that the Beopari could easily
be eliminated by co-operative marketing societies.
As co-operative marketing societies were not com-
mon in our villages at the time of inquiry nor could
they be introduced over the short period, the Beopari
seemed to be a necessity unless good means of
marketing could be developed. An eminent
Economist (') expressed his opinion thus :
"In the present unorganized system of credit and
marketing, the itinerant Beopari is a necessity and
should not be condemned offhand, just like the
village Mahajan, unless and until new and better
marketing methods are brought to the door of every
peasant". His opinion holds as good in Pakistan
as in India because the marketing system in these
two countries is almost the same even to-day.
The actual quantities of the produce sold by the
sample farmers are given in Table No. 55
along with the place where these were sold. It was
J., found that most of the saleable produce was disposed
of in the village itself, especially when it was far off
from the market. Even in villages near the market
the quantity sold locally was considerable. The
reason is that many cultivators did not have enough
surplus for sale so they thought it better to dispose
of it at their own doors.
Why does the farmer prefer to sell his produce in
the village instead of taking it to the market ? This
is due to the various drawbacks that the farmer has
to struggle against, including the absence of many of
the essentials of good marketing in the country.
Here we discuss only those points which have a direct
bearing on the farmer.
Considering the reasons for the farmer's pre-
ference to sell his surplus produce locally, the first
difficulty encountered was that regarding com-
munications and transportation. It is essential that
the cultivator-seller should have an easy access
to the market and should keep in touch with the
movements of prices of agricultural commodities.
At present only those cultivators take the trouble
to go to the market who happen to be living near
it and whose village is well connected with the
outside by metalled roads. In our sample one
village was at a distance of about ten miles from
the market, and the road was unmetalled. In this
village more than 75 % of the saleable produce was-
sold to the itinerant merchants. Moreover, when
the market is at a considerably long distance it
takes much time to reach there which the poor cul-
tivator cannot afford. In addition to this the time
which the cultivator had to spend in the market
was also considerable. When questioned about
this matter almost all the respondents replied
that one full day was spent whether one had to
sell one Maund or a hundred Maunds of the
In these days there is greater movement of people
and goods between the villages and the towns,
(1) Radha Kamal Mukerjee, "Economic Problems of Modern India," Vol. I, London 1939, p. 306.
TABLE No. 55
Proportions of Produce Sold Locally and in the Market
GROUP A GROUP B
Produce Where sold
B ISW J of F G Q of
Group A Group B
STotal quantity sold Mds. 405.0 97.0 136.0 638.0 682.0 49.0 40.0 771.0
Sold in Market ,, 138.0 35.0 77.0 250.0 388.0 1.0 2.0 391.0
Food Grains Percentage of total 34.1 36.1 56.6 39.2 56.9 2.0 5.0 50.7
Sold locally .. 267.0 62.0 59.0 388.0 294.0 48.0 38.0 380.0
L Percentage oftotal ,, 65.9 63.9 43.4 60.8 43.1 98.0 95.0 49.3
r Total quantity sold
Sold in market
Percentage of total
Sold locally ..
r Percentage of total
f Total quantity sold
I Sold in market
Gur, Shakkar and Percentage oftotal
Sold locally ..
Percentage of total
,, .. 30.0
,, .. 5.0
,, .. 16.7
,, .. 25.0
especially those villages that are situated near the
cities. Hence, the farmers were often aware of the
price trends in the market. This has a good effect
and the seller can decide when to sell his produce
provided he has the strength to hold back his produce
and also storage facilities. As many as 91 of our
respondents out of 96 reported that they were always
informed of the market price movements through
the people who paid visits to the towns.
Notwithstanding his awareness of the prices the
cultivator preferred to sell his produce in the village
to the village shopkeeper or to the wandering mer-
chants-particularly one who had a small surplus.
The reasons, as came out after aialysing the answers
of the respondents, were :
(a) There was the difficulty of transportation
that included the problem of unmetalled
roads, distance from the market, and the
problem of bullock-carts for those who had
none of their own. Though it is usual in the
village society to borrow such things from
others if one does not possess them oneself,
still many did not do so as they considered
it derogatory to their prestige.
(b) It usually took a whole day for the farmer
to go to the market, stay there and return. It
was not only one man that took the bullock-
cart to the market but it was necessary that
there should be another accompanying
him so that if something went wrong with..
the bullock-cart or the oxen, he might not
be in much trouble. It is a common scene
to come across a cart, loaded with farm
produce, stuck in the mud on the road.
When the farmer is alone he is put to much
trouble on such occasions.
kinds that the farmer had to pay in the
market. These included the octroi charges,
the commission of the Arhtiyas, the wages
of the weigher, the brokerage, unloading
charges, something for charity, and if a mos-
que was being built in the market the far-
mer would be required to contribute some-
thing towards that too. Excluding charity
charges and the contribution to the mosque
fund, the farmer had to pay a little more
than three percent of the sale proceeds.
If we take into account the money value of
the time that the farmer spent in the market,
the bullock labour when he carried produce
in his own cart or the cost of trans-
portation in case the cart was hired, the
charges might well exceed five percent of
the sale proceeds.
(d) The next factor that deterred the farmer
from going to the market was that seldom
was he paid the price of his produce
on the spot and in a lump sum. The usual
practice was that the commission agent
paid the farmer when the produce had been
passed on to the principal firm, which
involved time. The commission agent
seldom bought the produce on his own.
He acted merely as an agent. Sometimes
the farmer got his payment after several
months of the deal. Of course there were
cases when the commission agent helped the
farmer, when he was in urgent need of
money, by advancing him a loan and deduct-
ing that amount from the price when the
payment was made. On the other hand,
in his village, the farmer was in a better
bargaining position and could demand
payment from the buyer in.a lump sum and
on the spot. He would not allow the
buyer to remove the produce from his
house unless the price was paid.
(e) A further factor-and a very important
one in our view-is related to business
ethics. It was reported by some respop-
dents that most of the commission agents
tried to take undue advantage of the illi-
teracy and ignorance of the farmer wherever
they could. The example of the weighers
was specially quoted by 13 respondents.
They always worked in the interest of the
commission agent while weighing the pro-
duce. As the farmer did not understand
fully the working of the weighing machines
in the market, he was often in doubt whether
he was not cheated. The broker also had a
favourable attitude towards the com-
mission agents in these matters. Such
fraudulent practices discouraged the farmer
from taking the produce to the market and,
therefore, he preferred to sell it at his door
where he would not tolerate such malprac-
tices. It was reported by the landlord
of village B with great regret that Muslim
traders, perhaps because they were new to
this business, were more dishonest than the
old non-Muslims. The non-Muslim trader,
even if he was dishonest, would not let his
victim feel the sting of it.
Another important condition for good market-
ing is the existence of better and easy credit
facilities. The major source of credit in the sample
villages was friends and relatives as is generally
the case in rural areas in the country. Coopera-
tive credit was not common in the sample villages.
It was observed that most of the cultivators sold
their produce just after the harvest because they
were hard-pressed for cash. A study of the price
trends of the past few years in various markets of the
former Punjab shows that prices of agricultural
commodities are lower at the time of harvest and
higher a few months later. If there is any source of
credit, the farmer can perhaps wait for better prices.
The importance of livestock cannot be over-
emphasized in a country whose economy is largely
dependent upon agriculture. It provides draught
power to millions of cultivators for various field
operations and for transporting the agricultural
produce to the market. Livestock products, like
milk, eggs, meat, butter and Ghee are extensively
used for daily consumption. Other products like
wool, hides and skins are either used as raw
materials in domestic industry or are exported. The
animals' excreta are used as manure. Livestock
contributes about 12 % to the total national income
of Pakistan. (1)
(a) The Bullock
In West Pakistan bullocks are mainly used for
farm operations, transportation of agricultural
products, grinding mills and sometimes for oil
crushers. In the rural areas, there are various
breeds of bullocks. There are some animals who
do not belong to any specific breed as they are a
mixture of different impure breeds. Dajjal and
Hissar breeds are considered best for farm opera-
tions. The Dhani breed is a short-statured animal,
useful for work which requires the taking of quick
turns, as is the case with the Persian wheel. The
Sahiwal breed is lethargic and slow-moving, hence
it is not popular for farm work.
Table No. 56 below indicates the total bullock
population of the sample villages along with their
TABLE No. 56
Bullock Population and their Prices
BRED ON THE FARM
Name of village
Total Number REMARKS
Number Average price Number Average price
RS. A. P.
5 260 0 0
RS. A. P.
194 6 0
296 3 0
346 6 0
Two were of improved
10 322 0 0
13 375 6 0
1 500 0 0
16 286 14 0
14 294 0 0
30 313 0 0
26 Three were of improved
GRAND TOTAL .. 35 .. 113
(1) Government of Pakistan Economic Survey : Budget 1959-60, Karachi 1959, p. 2.
416 10 0
A cultivator's proud possession-a healthy pair of bullocks.
'' ', **
It will be seen that very few farmers used improved
breeds of bullocks, even though they could have
got more efficient work from a smaller number of
bullocks had they resorted to better breeds. The
main reasons appear to be the smallness of their
holdings and the lack of funds. It will be further
seen that about one third of the total bullocks were
raised on the farm and two thirds were purchased
from the market, and that the average price of a
bullock raised on the farm was substantially higher
than that of a purchased one. Presumably the
quality of the bullocks raised on the farm was
superior to those purchased from the market.
(b) The Male Buffalo
bullock and is used only by those who cannot
afford the latter. Smallholders and tenants-at-will
usually had a pair of he-buffaloes for their farm
operations. As soon as a cultivator was in a position
to buy a bullock, he dispensed with his he-buffaloes.
A few persons were found in the sample villages
who made it a business to rear such animals and
kept them for breeding purposes. For this service
they received remunerations in cash or kind per
The following table (No. 57) shows the number
of he-buffaloes owned by the sample families,
domestically-bred as well as purchased, along with
The male buffalo is much less efficient than the
TABLE No. 57
Male Buffalo Population and their Prices
Name of village Bred on the farm Purchased Total number
Number Price Number Price
Rs. A. P.
132 8 0
Rs. A. P.
137 12 0
117 8 0
8 .. 11 .. 19
1 120 0 0 3 147 10 0 4
..3 180 0 0 3
5 208 0 0 12 234 2 0 17
6 .. 18 .. 24
It is indicated by the above table that the respon-
dents owned as many as 43 male buffaloes in all.
-About one third of them were bred on the farm
and the rest was purchased. The average price
of a male buffalo raised on the farm was lower
than that of a purchased one. In village J
none of the respondents possessed this animal for
farm operations. Villages F and B had the largest
number of buffaloes. This may be attributed to
the fact that these villages were populated by
teaants-at-will who were generally poor and therefore
could not afford to maintain costly bullocks. By
comparing the prices of two kinds of animals, it
was found that one good bullock was equivalent to
two ordinary male buffaloes.
(c) The Camel
There were only six camels in use among the
sample families in villages F and G, of which five
were in the former village and one in the latter.
The camel was popular in the former village because
of well-irrigation, for it is regarded as suitable for
driving the Persian wheel. Moreover, where two
bullocks would be needed for this purpose only one
camel was enough. It was, therefore, not only
cheaper, but also speedier to operate. The camel,
however, is not fit for ploughing, because of its
height and the inconvenience involved in harnessing
it. The one camel found among the families of village
G was of the special breed known as Mera,
considered best for riding purposes. A camel is more
expensive than a bullock and its average cost worked
out to about Rs. 372. The working life of a camel
is said to be about 17 years. Apart from being
used for purposes of traction, the camel is also
used by some people as a source of milk, though
not of Ghee, since the fat content of its milk is
very low. Usually medicinal qualities are attri-
buted to the milk of a camel.
Extent of Bullock Power Owned by Cultivators
Because of the smallness of the holdings, it was
not worthwhile for all cultivators to own a pair of
bullocks, since they were quite expensive. Some
cultivators, as we have already seen, used he-buffa-
loes instead of bullocks as draught power. Others
kept only one bullock and got whatever work they
could out of it. Some had neither bullocks nor
he-buffaloes. They either borrowed or hired such
animals from fellow-cultivators or used human
power for the work on their tiny plots.
In the following table (No. 58) are shown the
percentages of the cultivators owning a pair of
bullocks, one bullock and no bullock respectively.
TABLE No. 58
Extent of Bullock Power with the Cultivators
Name.of the village with a pair withone No bullock Total
of bullocks bullock
B .. .. 92.86 7.14 .. 100
ISW .. .. 61.54 15.39 23.07 100
S.. .. 100.00 .... 00
. .. .. .. 66.67 13.33 20,00 100
S .. .. 78.37 .. 2163 100
Q .. .. 100.00 .... 100
iyerqge .. 2.50 6.25 11,25 100
It will be seen that most of the families in the
-sample villages had a pair of bullocks each. The
average for all the six villages came to 82.5 % for
those who had a pair of bullocks and- over 11 %
for those who did not have any bullock, and the
remaining, i.e. over 6 %, were families who owned
one bullock each. The degree of bullock ownership
was, however, not uniform in the various sample
villages taken separately. There were villages like
J and Q in which all the respondent families owned
at least a pair of bullocks each. The percentage
of owners of a pair of bullocks in village B was also
quite high. In villages ISW, F and G, one fifth to a
quarter of the families owned no bullocks at all.
From the previous table about ownership of
he-buffaloes it will be seen that in these three
villages most of the families did not own
he-buffaloes presumably because their holdings
(a) The Buffalo
The buffalo was most commonly found as a source
of milk and milk products among the sample culti-
vating families. It was preferred partly because its
milk yield in relation to its cost of breeding was high
and partly because its milk was rich in fat contents
and had a high yield of Ghee. The use of milk and
milk products is a valuable element of the rural
Three breeds of buffaloes were commonly known
in this region namely Nili, Ravi and Kundi.
Usually the villagers did not give adequate attention
to the maintenance of these superior breeds.
These breeds therefore had gradually lost their
purity because of indiscriminate mating that usually
takes place while animals are grazing in the village
common. It was, therefore, only the name of the
breed which was often carried forward. The
following table (No. 59) compares the average pur-
chase price and the average cost of raising buffaloes
on the farm by the cultivator himself in the various
TABLE No. 59
Buffalo Population and their Prices
Name of village Bred on the farm Purchased Total REMARKS
Number Price Number .Price
Rs. A. P. Rs. A. P.
.B .. .. 14 265 0 0 10 179 8 0 24 2 improved.
ISW .. .. 7 514 4 0 15 344 5 0 22 2 improved.
J .. .. 15 426 10 0 6 40 0 0 21
.Average .. .. 36 380 13 0 31 302 0 0 67
F .. .. 14 325 0 0 17 248 4 0 31
.G .. 10 375 0 0 14 330 11 0 24
Q .. .. 15 406 0 0 15 402 2 0 30 1 improved.
Average .. .. 39 361 0 0 46 323 8 0 85
Weighted Average .. 75 373 13 0 77 310 8 0 152
It will be seen that, in all the sample villages, out
of the total number of buffaloes owned by the
sample families, a little more than half were pur-
chased from the market while a little less than half
were bred on the farm. This proportion, however,
was not uniform in the various villages taken indi-
vidually. Further, as we saw in the case of bullocks,
the raising of a buffalo on the farm was costlier
than its purchase from the market. Since the
practice of raising on the farm continued, pre-
sumably the animals thus raised were of better
quality. It is further to be noted that out of the
total of 85 buffaloes given in the above table only
five were pure-breds. The rest were all of mixed
breed. The pure-breds were not raised on the
farm, but were purchased while they were
still young i.e. below one year of age. Neither
the knowledge of the cultivators nor the
conditions prevailing in the region favoured the
scientific raising of superior stock.
(b) The Cow
The type of cow found in these families was not the
high yielder of milk and was kept more for breeding
bullocks than for the purposes of producing milk. In
some of the Western countries, by scientific breeding,
two types of animals have been evolved, one that is
mainly bred for the purpose of giving milk
and the other for meat. In those countries,
animal power is not used on the farms to any
significant degree. In our conditions one could
also evolve two types of breed, i.e. those kept for
milk producing purposes and those for breeding
draught animals. Among the breeds available in
this region there were hardly any which could be,
called a dual-purpose breed. The Sahiwal breed is-
well-known in West Pakistan and is a high milker,.
but the young ones produced by it are not good
for the purposes of farm work. The Dajjal and the
Hissar breeds, on the other hand, are good from the
point of view of farm work but their milk yield is
low. Since the buffalo was the main source of milk
products in these villages, one would have expected
that the people would concentrate on the breeding
of the latter types of cows. But as in the case of
buffaloes, scientific breeding was not pursued in the
case of cows either. The current breeds were all
mixed though they were mostly used for breeding:
rather than for milking purposes.
According to the data collected from the sample
families, they owned a total of 33 cows as compared
to 148 buffaloes, as already noted. Only 27.7%..
of the cows were bred on the farm, the remaining
72.3% having been purchased from the market.
The average price of the cow purchased from the
market was slightly higher than the average cost of
raising it on the farm, i.e. Rs. 213-13-0 as against
Rs. 212-6-0 respectively.
(a) Young Stock
In the previous tables, young stock was excluded.
Table No. 60 on the next page, gives information
regarding the number and the prices of young.
stock of buffaloes in the sample villages.
TABLE No. 60
Buffalo Calf Population
BRED ON THE FARM PURCHASED
Name of village Number Price Number Price Total
Rs. A. P. Rs. A. P.
B .... 16 38 11 0 .... 16
ISW .. .. 14 72 8 0 .. .. 14
J .... 17 146 12 0 .. .. 17
Average .. 47 87 14 0 .. .. 47
F .. .. 14 94 2 0 4 85 0 0 18
G .. .. 13 67 6 0 1 130 0 0 14
Q .. .. 21 81 4 0 .... 21
Average .. .. 48 87 2 0 5 94 0 0 53
Overall Average .. 95 87 9 0 5 94 0 0 100
It will be seen that there were 100 young ones
from 148 buffaloes, of which 5% were purchased
and 95 % bred on the farm. The average cost of the
young ones bred on the farm came to Rs. 87-9-0
and that of purchased one, to Rs. 94. There existed
wide variations in the prices of the young stock
because of their differences in age which varied up
to three years. Table No. 61 gives the number
and prices of young stock (cows) bred on the
farm and purchased from the market.
TABLE No. 61
Cow Calf Population and their Prices
Name of Village
BRED ON THE FARM
Rs. A. P.
134 0 0
91 4 0
14 122 12 0 1 20 0 0 15
12 110 0 0 .... 12
11 165 7 0 .... 11
2 150 0 0... 2
25 137 9 0 .. .. 25
120 13 0
20 0 0
The table indicates that there were 40 calves in all
out of which only one was purchased for Rs. 22.
The average price per calf bred on the farm was
(b) The Goat and the Sheep
Goats and sheep are the poor man's milk animals
and usually Moeens in the villages reared them.
The cultivators rarely kept goats and sheep because
these animals are in the habit of nibbling the tops
of the plants. It is difficult to stall-feed them.
Some goats and sheep are usually purchased about
two or three months before the Id-ul-Azha for
sacrifice by the cultivators.
(c) The Horse and the Donkey
The horse is used as a means of conveyance in the
rural areas. Out of the total families interrogated
only 4 possessed this animal. The average price
of a horse was Rs. 315 and the average age was
calculated to be about 13 years. Only one culti-
vator had a donkey as he had no cart to bring fodder
from the farm to the house.
Poultry-farming can be adopted as a cottage
industry allied to agriculture. The villagers were
interested in keeping poultry but they were afraid
of the common diseases, namely, Ranikhet and tick
fever. If medicines and the knowledge of their
use were made available there could be possibilities
of poultry-farming. Women in the rural areas
are especially interested in this occupation.
They should be provided with more relevent
information and facilities. By selling eggs which are
RS. A. P.
in great demand in cities the villager can sup-
plement his income substantially.
Total Live Stock Wealth
It is estimated that Pakistan supports about 48
million heads of domestic animals. The aggregate
value of livestock has been calculated at Rs. 315
million and that of their products at Rs. 3,776
million annually. The following table (No. 62)
shows the total value of livestock with the respon-
TABLE No. 62
Total Value of Various Categories of
Kind of animal Value the
She-Buffaloes .. 52,342 39.78
Bullocks .. 45,181 35.06
He-Buffaloes .. 7,486 5.60
Cows .. 6,815 -5.30
Young Stock .. 13,951 11.20
keys, horses and
camels) .. 3,929 3.06
Total .. 1,29,704 100.00
The total number of cattle possessed by the sample
families was 525 and their total value Rs. 1,29,704.
The share contributed by buffaloes was the largest,
accounting for about two-fifths of the total value,
closely followed by that of bullocks. It was
evident that bullocks were most common among
draught animals and buffaloes among milk animals.
Productive Life of the Draught Animals
Generally the age at which a draught animal
becomes serviceable has been estimated at between
three and four years. They are considered to be in
-production when they are yoked or otherwise put
to work. The following table (No. 63), reveals the
age at which working life of different draught animals
begins, their expected years of work and the total
number of working days in their respective life span.
TABLE No. 63
Periods of Useful Life of different
Age at Expected No. of
Kind of which period working
Animal working of work days for
life the whole
Bullock .. 3.65 yrs. 7.95 yrs. 954
He-Buffalo .. 3 ,, 9.03 ,, 1,083
Camel .. 4 ,, 13.04 ,
It will be seen that the age at which the working
life of different draught animals begins varies
between three and four years. Of all the draught
animals, the bullock had the shortest working life
because of its subjection to constant strain resulting
from several odd jobs it has to do besides ploughing
the field. This tells upon the health of the animal
and consequently reduces the span of its workable
The number of working days in the life of the
bullock and the he-buffalo has been worked out on
the basis of the 130 days per year that a cultivator
usually works on his farm.
Information regarding certain characteristics of
the more common milch animals, i.e. the cov and
the buffalo, was also collected as set out in the
Table No. 64 on the next page.
TABLE No. 64
Milk Yielding Period and Capacity
Age at which Total expected Average milk Milk Lactation Dry period
Kind of animal milk yield milk yielding yield per yield period in in days per
begins period day during per year days per year year
The normal age at which cows and buffaloes
give birth to young ones is about three and a half
years. The expected milk-yielding period, i.e. the
number of years the animal remained in milk,
worked out to 10.4 years for the buffalo and 9.8
years for the cow. The total yield of milk per year
of the cow and the buffalo was 26.5 Maunds and
42 Maunds respectively. On the basis of total milk-
yield during the lactation period and average milk-
yield per day, it was possible to arrive at the figure
for the lactation period which was 157 days for
buffaloes and 136 days for cows. It was found
that buffaloes in the sample villages were superior
to cows in the yield of milk.
Marketing of Animals
Because the means of communication and trans-
portation were not sufficiently developed in this
region, as is generally the case in our rural areas,
the animals were usually marketed locally. The fol-
lowing table (No. 65) shows the percentages of
different categories of cattle sold locally or in the
TABLE No. 65
Percentages of Animals Disposed of
Locally or in the Market
Kid of animal Locally Intherage
Rs. a. p.
Bullock .. 100.00 .. 294 3 0
Cow .. 100.00 .. 170 0 0
She-Buffalo.. 93.33 6.67 287 5 0
He-Buffalo .. 100.00 .. 130 0 0
Others .. 100.00 .. 50 0 0
Total .. 98.12 1.88
It will be noticed that, except for an insignificant
proportion of buffaloes, all the different types of
cattle were sold locally for reasons explained above.
The bullock and the she-buffalo were high-priced
because of the high traction power of the former
and the milk yielding capacity of the latter.
Reasons for Selling the Animals
Below are listed the various reason
percentages that led the respondents tc
some of their cattle heads.
(a) Purchase of bullocks
(b) Purchase of buffaloes
(c) Lack of money
(e) Purchase of fodder
(f) Domestic needs ..
(g) Payment of debt
It will be seen that about one qua
respondents sold some of their cattle he
they wanted to purchase new bullock
replacing the old ones they had orfor supplementing
s and their the draught power at their command. About one
dispose of fifth of the respondents did so to purchase she-
buffaloes to increase the supply of milk and milk
products. The percentage of respondents selling
Percentage for financial reasons was 14.38, while litigation',
23.81 'purchase of fodder' and 'domestic needs' were
19.60 the reasons for about one tenth of the total respon-
14.38 dents in each case.
9.53 It may be pointed out that under different sets of
9.63 circumstances, the reasons for which different cattle
7.72 heads were sold are likely to vary.
Marketing of Milk and its Products
100.00 Marketing of milk in the sample villages was not
of much significance. Milk was mainly produced
irter of the for consumption at home and whatever was surplus
ads because was sold to the neighbours.
s for either
TABLE No. 66
Disposal of Milk and Ghee
Name of Village
Mds. Sr. Ch. Rs. A. P.
125 20 0 1,380 8 0
4 0 0 44 0 0
Mds. Sr. Ch. Rs. A. P.
120 0 300 0 0
0 30 0 150 0 0
020 0 100 0 0
Rs. A. P.
1,680 8 0
194 0 0
100 0 0
20 0 0 220 0 0 3 6 0 630 0 0 850 0 0
149 20 0 1,644 8 0
It will be seen that in village B, which was in-
habited by poor tenants and was at a distance of
one mile from the consuming centre, 10 respondents
out of 16 sold their milk and Ghee. The price of
Ghee was Rs. 200 per Maund and that of milk Rs.11
5 36 0 1,180 0 0
2,824 8 0
per Maund. In villages F and Q, none of the
respondents sold any quantity of either milk or
milk products. The total value of milk and Ghee
marketed by the respondents was Rs. 2,824-8-0.
- ---;L-- '----~
After the consideration of the other aspects of live-
stock economy, veterinary facilities available to the
sample families and their attitudes towards them in
different sample villages are tabulated below :
TABLE No. 67
Availability and Utilization of Veterinary Facilities
Names of Villages
B ISW J F G Q Average
(1) Distance from the hospi-
tal (miles) .. .. 4 6 2 4 6 3
(2) Interested in veterinary
facilities (percentage of
respondents) .. 21.43 54.70 82.30 58.83 84.21 14.28 68.09
(3) Not interested in veteri-
nary facilities (percentage
of respondents) .. 78.57 35.30 17.70 41.17 15.79 85.72 31.91
(4) Animals taken to hospi-
tal (percentage of total
(a) early stages .. .. 45.45 8.33 40 31.25 16.66 26.56
(b) advanced stages .. 100 54.55 91.66 60 68.75 83.33 73.44
(5) Castration done (percent-
age of total) at ;
(a) dispensary .. 50 86.66 92.30 70.59 68.43 92.86 76.60
(b) local .. .. 50 13.33 7.70 29.41 31.57 7.14 23.40
(6) Age at castration .. 2.8 2.50 2.50 2.80 2.72 2.40 2.62
The table reveals that 68.09 % of the sample fami-
lies were not interested in taking their livestock to
the hospital if any of them fell sick. The others did
not do so because they thought the doctor did not
pay proper attention to them or because of the
distance of the hospital from their village. Only
about one quarter of the animals taken to the hospi-
taljwere in the early stages of different diseases. In
the first stage the animal was treated at home by the
cultivator himself or by some quack doctor.
It was only when the disease got out of control
that the animal was taken to the hospital or the
veterinary surgeon was called in. As regards
the castration of bullocks, about three-fourths of the
families got it done from the nearest dispensary
and the rest did so locally where very crude methods
were used. The animal was normally castrated at
the age of 2.62 years, i.e. near puberty. Male
buffaloes were not castrated and no bullock was left
The most common diseases which are the cause of
high mortality amongst our livestock are Rinderpest
(Masta Seetla), Haemorrhagic Septicaemia (Gal
Ghotu), Cow Pox (Chechak Paka) and Anthrax.
The following table (No. 69) reveals the extent of
mortality on account-of various diseases.
TABLE No. 6
Percentage Mortality Rate amongst Livestock in Sample VillageS
PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL DEATHS DUE TO :
Mortality Hae- Black Foot Other Unknown Accidents Expendi- Estimated Total loss Total loss
Kind of rate morr- quarter and diseases diseases and old Total ture on price of the per for all
animal (percentage hagic mouth age medicines diseased animal animals
per annum septic, animal
4.17 4.17 41.66
5.00 25.00 25.00
Average .. 12.63 30.66 12.00 4.00 10.67
RS. A. P.
3 8 I
Rs. A. P.
282 11 0
219 5 4
317 8 0
244 2 0
492 8 0
40 12 0
Rs, A. P.
8,608 0 (
252 5 0 256 5 0 19,224 10 0
30.67 12.00 100 4 0 0
It will be seen that the mortality rate was as high
as 12.3 % per annum among the cattle owned by the
sample families, which affected the farm economy
seriously. Out of the total deaths, 83% were
caused by various diseases and 12% by accident,
old age and weakness. The camels had the highest
mortality rate and all of them died of the disease
called Veeling. Haemorrhagic Septicaemia was the
most common disease among the livestock and was
responsible for 30.66% of total deaths. The
buffaloes were found to be more susceptible to this
disease than other animals. About the same
percentage of animals, as died of Haemorrhagic
Septicaemia was claimed by certain diseases which
could not be diagnosed at all either due to non-
availability of the veterinary doctor or because
death occurred instantaneously. Deaths due to
Black Quarter accounted for 12% of the total-
The other diseases such as foot-and-mouth disease,
pox, wind in the stomach, ulcer in the throat and
pneumonia were responsible for 14.60% of the
deaths. One buffalo swallowed a snake and died
The average expenditure incurred by the respon-
dents on medicines per animal came to Rs. 4 per
year and the total amounted to Rs. 400. The maxi-
mum expenditure on the treatment of any animal was.
made in the case of camels, closely followed by
bullocks. The average financial loss from the
death of an animal amounted to Rs. 256-5-0.
The total monetary loss to the sample families
from the total deaths of diseased animals was,
10. INCOME OF CULTIVATORS
The sources from which the sample families of
cultivators drew their incomes were, more or less,
similar. The major portion of the gross annual
income of the sample families in the six selected
villages was derived from the sale of crops. The rest
was contributed by other sources such as the sale
of milk and milk products, employment, various
types of cottage industries and other miscellaneous
As the holdings of the sample cultivators were
mostly very small and their means extremely limited,
they were in most cases engaged in mere subsist-
ence agriculture. Most of what the respondents
produced on the farm was meant for home
consumption, these products being mainly cereals.
The proportion of income from food crops to gross
income per sample family in different villages was
therefore, as high as 60 to 87 per cent. Among
the other sources, milk and milk products figured
most prominently. Over three-fourths to a little
less than hundred per cent. of the annual income
per sample family came from these sources in
Methodology and Limitations
The respondents were not in a position to supply
all the information required for working out
scientifically their net annual income per sample
family. This is because farming in this country has
seldom been conducted on commercial lines, due to
the general backwardness of its economy.
In the absence of the necessary data we could have
relied upon certain assumptions on the basis of our
limited observation relating to items such as the
wages of the working members of the cultivator's
family in addition to his own, depreciation cost of
agricultural implements, bullocks, etc., for arriving
at the net annual income per sample family in each
of the six villages. But for fear that our conclusions
might acquire a theoretical rather than factual bias,
it was considered necessary to restrict ourselves
to "out-of-pocket" expenditure while calculating
the costs of production.
This implies that we took into account only such
items on which expenditure, in kind or cash, had
been made directly. For instance, payments to
farm labourers and Moeens were made by the
sample families in different proportions of the total
agricultural produce. This is an instance of the
direct expenditure made in kind. Items on which
expenditure was made in cash were the purchase of
seeds, fertilizers and manure, the payment of land
revenue, water tax and development cess.
However, we excluded the value of fodder both
on the income and the expenditure sides, as the
figures nearly cancelled out each other. Fodder was
almost entirely grown on the farm in quantities
required and it was only rarely that a cultivator
had to purchase any quantity of it from the market.
The net annual income per sample family, thus
worked out, therefore, tended more towards its net
earnings out of which the cultivator had to meet
other financial obligations such as the repayment
of loans, the cost of improvements on his land,
the purchase of some of his agricultural imple-
The gross annual income per sample family in
each of the six villages surveyed has been worked
out by the simple 'average' method--dividing the
combined gross annual incomes of all the sample
families by their total number in each village.
Similarly, the net annual income per working
member of the sample families for each village was
calculated by deducting the total annual expendi-
ture from the gross income of all the sample families
in that village and then by dividing the net figure by
the total number of adults in those families, which
means those of 14 years of age and above. While
calculating the net annual income per capital of
the sample families in different villages, age was
not taken into consideration and all family
members were counted.
For working out the weighted net annual income
per capital and per working member representative
of the entire Lahore District, the total net annual
income of all the sample families in both the groups
A and B(1) were multiplied by their respective
weights, i.e. 70 and 46(2) and the aggregate figure
thus obtained divided by 116, i.e. the sum total of
weights. This gave us the weighted net income
per village for the Lahore District. Then by divid-
ing it separately by (a) the total number of members
and (b) the total number of working members in
all the farm families in the six selected villages, we
got the desired figures, i.e. the per capital and
per worker net annual incomes for the Lahore
Gross Annual Income
The gross annual income per sample family
consisted of the total money value of its entire
crop output over the year, worked out at
the average wholesale market prices, and of its
income from other sources of which the major
Table No. 69 gives a description of annual gross
income per sample family, in respect of different
sources and their respective percentages to gross
TABLE No. 69
Gross Annual Income per Sample Family from Different Sources
ANNUAL INCOME PER SAMPLE FAMILY FROM
Name of Village
crops to gross
Crop output Other Sources income
Cash Percentage Total Percentage cottage Percentage family
crops to gross (1 & 2) to gross industries to gross (3+4)
1 2 3 4 5
Rs. Rs. Rs. Rs. Rs.
B .. .. 1,401.26 71.36 250.12 12.73 1,651.38 84.09 312.31 15.91 1,963.69
ISW .. .. 712.16 42.41 422.39 25.15 1,134.55 67.56 544.74 32.44 1,679.29
J .. .. 862.80 32.76 1,032.12 39.18 1,894.92 71.94 738.85 28.06 2,633.77
F .. .. 1,451.00 69.34 356.94 17.05 1,807.94 86.39 284.65 13.61 2,092.59
G .. .. 509.52 24.75 746.02 36.22 1,255.54 60.97 803.57 39.03 2,059.11
Q .. .. 603.88 31.38 773.18 40.19 1,377.06 71.57 547.12 28.43 1,924.18
The variations in the gross annual income per
sample family were due to a host of reasons.
Among them the more significant related to the
sample families particularly in respect
number of working hands in them.
differences in (a) the sizes of holdings, (b) the For instance, in village J, which was a canal-
types of soils, (c) the nature of land tenure, (d) the irrigated area, colonized only recently, and cultivat-
conditions of water supply, and (e) the sizes of the ed mostly by peasant-proprietors, the gross income
(1) Group A consists of villages B, ISW and J and Group B of villages F, G and Q, classified on population basis (A
300-599, B 600-900 inhabitants).
(2) These weights when multiplied by the number of sample villages in each Group, i.e. three, give the total number of
villages in that population group-210 and 138 respectively, together constituting the universe from which the sample was
per sample family turned out to be the highest at
Rs. 2,633.77. As against this, in village ISW, which
was inhabited mostly by refugees who were tenants,
it worked out to Rs. 1,679.29 which was the lowest
The proportion of income from food crops to
total income from entire crop produce varied from
village to village depending upon factors such as
different sizes of holdings and the nature of land
tenure. In villages B and F, which were predomi-
nantly tenant villages, over 84 and 80 per cent of the
total income from crop sources came from food
crops whereas in villages G and J where the peasant-
proprietors were in a majority, the corresponding
figures were over 40 and 45 per cent respectively.
This was so despite the fact that the average size
of holding per tenant, i.e. 11.08 acres, in village B was
slightly larger than that per peasant-proprietor in
both the villages G and J. This may be attributed,
among other local factors, to the incentive motive
which affects the will and the capacity of a cultivator
The proportion of annual income per sample
family from other sources to gross income
varied from 13 to 40 per cent. Table No. 70. gives
a break-down of average annual income per sample
family regarding the various sources from which it
was drawn for each selected village.
TABLE No. 70
Annual Income per Sample Family from other Sources
ANNUAL INCOME PER SAMPLE FAMILY FROM OTHER SOURCES
Name of I of gross
Milk Cottage Service Miscellaneous Total
B .. .. 268.81 22.50 21.00 .. 312.31 15.91
ISW .. .. 480.24 .. 28.25 36.25 544.74 32.44
J .. 534.25 .. 204.60 738.85 28.06
F .. .. 247.75 36.90 .... 284.65 13.61
G .. .. 765.00 .. 38.57 803.57 39.03
Q .. .. 349.52 176.40 21.20 .. 547.12 28.43
It will be seen that milk was invariably the major
source of income in each case, accounting for over
three-fourths to nearly the whole of the total income
from other sources. The rest was, however,
contributed by (1) cottage industries such as rope-
making, brick, Sirki and shoe-making, saw
milling, etc., (2) service within or outside the village
usually by other male members of the respondents'
families and (3) miscellaneous sources such as
shop-keeping, dealing in provisions of different
kinds, pensions in the case of retired military per-
sonnel, profits from investments, etc.
Net Annual Income
The net annual income per sample family in the
selected villages varied from about 42 to 86 per cent
of the gross income in the case of villages B
and G respectively for reasons explained under
"Gross Income ".
Table No. 71 gives a break-down of the annual
expenditure per sample family made under different
heads, also showing the net annual income per
sample family for each of the six selected villages
and their corresponding percentages.