Front Cover
 Half Title
 Map of the Atlantic Ocean to illustrate...
 Title Page
 Here and there on sandy beache...
 Often I think of the beautiful...
 In his drowsy paradise
 Ship to ship
 Sanguine he was
 If I had a friend that loved...
 And all the place is peopled with...
 From the destined walls
 Of Iceland to write
 The old seafaring men
 From the north
 The slender cocoa's drooping crown...
 A brighter Hellas rears her...
 A fleet of glass
 It was roses, roses, all the...
 O hundred shores of happy...
 Chains for the admiral of...
 In the end
 Back Cover

Title: The career of Columbus
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00082008/00001
 Material Information
Title: The career of Columbus
Physical Description: 380 p. : Ill, col. map (folded) ; 20 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Elton, Charles Isaac, 1839-1900
Cassell Publishing Co ( Publisher )
Mershon Company Press ( Printer )
Publisher: Cassell Publishing Company
Place of Publication: New York
Manufacturer: Mershon Comany Press
Publication Date: c1892
Subject: Voyages and travels -- Juvenile literature   ( lcsh )
Adventure and adventurers -- Juvenile literature   ( lcsh )
Explorers -- Juvenile literature   ( lcsh )
Seafaring life -- Juvenile literature   ( lcsh )
Biographies -- 1892   ( rbgenr )
Bldn -- 1892
Genre: Biographies   ( rbgenr )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: United States -- New York -- New York
United States -- New Jersey -- Rahway
Statement of Responsibility: by Charles I. Elton ; with map.
General Note: Includes index.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00082008
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 002225742
notis - ALG6020
oclc - 06589855
lccn - 02007891

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Half Title
        Half Title
    Map of the Atlantic Ocean to illustrate the voyages of Columbus
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
    Here and there on sandy beaches
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
    Often I think of the beautiful town
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
    In his drowsy paradise
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
    Ship to ship
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
    Sanguine he was
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
    If I had a friend that loved her
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
    And all the place is peopled with sweet airs
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
    From the destined walls
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
    Of Iceland to write
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
    The old seafaring men
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
    From the north
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
    The slender cocoa's drooping crown of plumes
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
    A brighter Hellas rears her mountains
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
    A fleet of glass
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
        Page 265
        Page 266
        Page 267
        Page 268
        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 271
        Page 272
        Page 273
    It was roses, roses, all the way
        Page 274
        Page 275
        Page 276
        Page 277
        Page 278
        Page 279
        Page 280
        Page 281
        Page 282
        Page 283
        Page 284
        Page 285
    O hundred shores of happy climes
        Page 286
        Page 287
        Page 288
        Page 289
        Page 290
        Page 291
        Page 292
        Page 293
        Page 294
        Page 295
        Page 296
        Page 297
        Page 298
        Page 299
        Page 300
        Page 301
        Page 302
        Page 303
        Page 304
        Page 305
        Page 306
        Page 307
        Page 308
        Page 309
        Page 310
        Page 311
    Chains for the admiral of the ocean
        Page 312
        Page 313
        Page 314
        Page 315
        Page 316
        Page 317
        Page 318
        Page 319
        Page 320
        Page 321
        Page 322
        Page 323
        Page 324
        Page 325
        Page 326
        Page 327
        Page 328
        Page 329
        Page 330
        Page 331
        Page 332
        Page 333
    In the end
        Page 334
        Page 335
        Page 336
        Page 337
        Page 338
        Page 339
        Page 340
        Page 341
        Page 342
        Page 343
        Page 344
        Page 345
        Page 346
        Page 347
        Page 348
        Page 349
        Page 350
        Page 351
        Page 352
        Page 353
        Page 354
        Page 355
        Page 356
        Page 357
        Page 358
        Page 359
        Page 360
        Page 361
        Page 362
        Page 363
        Page 364
        Page 365
        Page 366
        Page 367
        Page 368
        Page 369
        Page 370
        Page 371
        Page 372
        Page 373
        Page 374
        Page 375
        Page 376
        Page 377
        Page 378
        Page 379
        Page 380
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
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Here and there on sandy beaches
A milky-belled amaryllis blew.
How young Columbus seemed to rove
Yet present in his natal grove,
Now watching high on mountain cornice,
And steering now from a purple cove."
ory," when he began to acquaint the world with
his plans, "was not only derided and generally
mocked, even here in England, but afterward
became a laughing-stock to the Spaniards them-
selves." So ran the report of Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, that valiant and worthy gentleman, when
new discoveries were being planned; and he
added that the whole scheme of Columbus was
accounted "a fantastical imagination and a
drowsie dreame."


Moreover, while the admiral was attending
the king and queen in Castile, in how many ways
was he not put to shame. "Some scorned the
wildness of his garments, some took occasion to
jest at his simple looks, others asked 'if this were
he that louts so low, that took upon him to bring
men into a country that aboundeth with gold,
pearle, and precious stones?' 'Nay!' they said,
'but if he were such a man, he would look some-
what loftier, and carry another kind of counte-
nance.' Thus some judged him by his garments,
and others by his look and countenance; but
none entered into the consideration of the inward
A sudden turn of fortune brought wealth and
honor to the poor exile who had been jeered at
as one of the "vain and deceitful Ligurians,"
hardly endured by the cold-tempered king, a
boaster tolerated only by the queen's kindness.
When the cross was raised over Granada, and the
King Chiquito was bewailing his fate to his
Moorish ladies, the patient inventor had his share
of luck with the rest. Genoa had refused his
gifts, and Portugal had endeavored to rob him;
France and England were hesitating and faint in
their offers. The victory of the Catholic kings


disposed them to make a slight effort toward a
greater success. There was a seaport in Spain
which lay at the mercy of the crown for defaults
in dues and services; and many of its inhabitants
were either convicted of crime or were held liable
to exemplary punishment. The penalty was laid
upon them of finding ships and men for the new
voyage to Cathay, to sail into death and chaos,
as their neighbors thought, and to expend them-
selves in a wicked and desperate adventure; to
sail beyond the sunset, as Columbus hoped, to
the great city of Cambalu and its golden moun-
tains, to the rivers that flowed from Paradise and
the riches of the land of Havilah.
Nothing could be more unjust than the attacks
which had been made upon Columbus. Writing
to Ferdinand and Isabella in I50o he said, "It is
now forty years that I have been sailing to all
the countries at present frequented." He had
conversed with scholars from all parts, "Latins,
Greeks, Indians, and Moors." He had been
very skillful in navigation, "knowing enough in
astronomy," and well versed in geometry and
mathematics. "During all this time I have seen,
or endeavored to see, all books of cosmography,
history, philosophy, and other sciences; so that


our Lord has sensibly opened my understanding,
to the end that I might sail from here to the
Indies, and made me most willing to put it into
execution. Filled with this desire I came to
your highnesses. .All that heard of my under-
taking rejected it with contempt and scorn. In
your highnesses alone faith and constancy held
their seat." He had, in fact, a strong sense of
personal dignity. Pride kept him on a level with
the kings who were discussing or patronizing his
plans, and he would never abate a jot of the hon-
ors to which he conceived himself to be entitled.
It was his natural courtesy and sweetness of tem-
per that had been mistaken for servility.
After his great success he seems to have been
reticent about his early life, though he would ex-
plain a doubt or difficulty by referring to his
stores of experience. Even to his son Don Fer-
dinand, who afterward wrote his life, he spoke
very briefly about their family affairs. "I and
mine," he would say, "were always traders by
sea"; and on another occasion he wrote, "I was
not the first admiral in our family." "Of his
voyages to the east and west," says the biogra-
pher, "and many other things about his early
days, I have no perfect knowledge, because he


died when I was confined by my filial duty, and
had not the boldness to ask him to give me an
account of them, or (to speak the truth), being
but young, I was at that time far from being
troubled with such thoughts." It happened for
these reasons that the first part of the biography
was somewhat blurred and indistinct; we have to
infer from a casual remark, or a formality in a
legal document; how Columbus passed his youth
and early manhood, how he traded and fought
and explored in the Levant, or among the Atlan-
tic Islands; how he came to the Torrid Zone at
"St. George of the Gold Mine" in Guinea, or
sailed within the Arctic Circle "a hundred
leagues beyond Thule."
It was of importance at one time to discover
the exact place of his birth and the social stand-
ing of his family, although his son very sensibly
remarked that he was personally indifferent
whether the admiral's father was a merchant, or
a man of quality that kept his hawks and hounds;
"and certainly there have been a thousand such
in all parts, whose memory has been utterly lost
in a very short time among their neighbors and
kindred." He thought, however, that his fath-
er's merits should have saved him from being


classed among mechanics. It must have been
generally known that the admiral's father was a
tradesman, a Genoese weaver; at one time, per-
haps, the owner of a trading vessel, at another
keeping an inn at Savona. But when Giustiniani
said that Columbus was of a "poor and humble
stock," in his note upon the nineteenth Psalm,
Don Ferdinand was ready at once with a fierce
contradiction. The facts might be true, he
argued, but the implication was false. The ad-
miral belonged to no humble tribe or class of
handicraftsmen. One ought to say rather that
the Columbi were of the best blood, a caste of
soldiers and statesmen, reduced, no doubt, in the
civil wars and by the peevishness of fortune into
somewhat humble circumstances. How indeli-
cate was the style of this base scribe, quite unac-
quainted, evidently, with the courtesies of litera-
ture. He might have said, as authors generally
do in such cases, that the admiral's relations were
poor and his surroundings lowly, without bring-
ing in such blunt and injurious phrases. It is not
easy to follow all the arguments which were
adduced to support the admiral's dignity. One
can understand the minute patriotism which
seeks to connect a particular town with the life of


the discoverer of America, but it is strange that a
man's reputation should have fallen or risen
according to the merits of his birthplace. Yet
we are assured that those were most respected
who were born in places of importance, and this
as a matter of genuine sentiment, and not merely
because it is useful to be "the citizen of no mean
"It happens," said Don Ferdinand, "that some
who wish to cast a cloud on his fame will say,
'He was of Nervi,' and others, 'He was of Cogo-
letto,' or 'of Bogliasco,' which are all little places
near Genoa, and upon the adjoining coast. Oth-
ers again say, by way of exalting him, 'He was of
Savona,' or 'a citizen of Genoa.' Some have
soared higher still, and have made him out to
belong to Piacenza, where there are indeed some
honorable persons of his family, and tombs with
the arms and inscriptions of the Columbi." So
again we read in the Eulogies of Paolo Giovio,
with reference to the Como portrait: "How one
must wonder that a man of such fine presence
and such commanding intellect should have been
born in a rude hamlet like Albisola!" If it is
asked whether the true birthplace is known, or
whether all these places are like the cities which


strove in vain for Homer, the answer must be
that Columbus probably kipw the facts, and that
he claimed to have been born in Genoa. Twice
in his last will he makes the assertion; he calls
himself "nacido in Genova," and charged his
estate with the maintenance in that city of some
member of his family, to represent his memory
there, and to take footing and root as a native,
"because thence I came and there was I born."
Columbus was born in 1445, or in the following
year. His parents had a residence about that
time in Quinto, but there is reason to believe
that they had a house in Genoa, which they vis-
ited from time to time before they took up their
permanent abode, about the year 1451, in the
weavers' quarter near St. Andrew's Gate.
Modern inquiry has cleared up the controver-
sies about the original home of the family. A
vast inheritance and splendid dignities lay vacant
when the admiral's direct male issue came to an
end in the fourth generation. A host of compet-
itors, of course, appeared before the Spanish
tribunals, provided for the most part with false
pedigrees and sham traditions, desiring to prove
heirship by showing that they came from places
where the family had been established. The


pleadings in the great lawsuit, which are still pre-
served, show that several of the claimants went so
far as to trace their titles to persons with the
same name as the admiral's father; alleged, more-
over, in each case to have had sons with names
exactly answering to those of the admiral and his
brothers. The mere similarity of a family sur-
name would not have carried them far. The
name "Colombo," with slight local variations,
was common in France and Italy. It occurred
in Spain and in Corsica, and was not unknown in
England. It may easily have been derived inde-
pendently in different places from some common
word like "Colonus."
The claim of Cugureo, now called Cogoletto,
to be the true home of the family was long
accepted as genuine. This, no doubt, was owing
to the local traditions about an old house in the
village, shown as one of the numerous residences
ascribed to Columbus. The evidence in reality
goes all the other way. Don Ferdinand tells us
that he visited the place in the hope of getting
information about his father. "As I passed
through Cugureo I tried to learn something from
two brothers there who were of the family of the
Colombi; they were among the richest people in


those parts, and were said to be related to the
admiral, but the younger of the two was over a
hundred years old, and so they could give me no
account of the matter." While the lawsuit was
pending, in 1583, a poor peasant named Bernardo
Colombo came from Cogoletto to put in a claim
to the title. His title rested upon a supposed
relationship to a certain Domenico Colombo of
that town, alleged to have been the admiral's
father; but, though he was strongly supported
by the republic of Genoa, his claim was rejected
for want of proof. Baldassare Colombo, of Cuc-
caro, claimed through another Domenico, lord of
a castle at that place, who was also set up
as "the father of Christopher Columbus." But,
though the names in his pedigree were cor-
rect, it came out that this ancestor had died in
1456, nearly thirty years before the admiral's
father, Domenico Colombo the weaver, was
known to have died. The rejection of these
claims disposed of the assertions that the family
had come to Cogoletto or Cuccaro from Piacenza,
or had moved down in more ancient times from
Montferrat. There was, however, another title
set up for the Columbi of Piacenza. Some of
them had been established in Genoa as early as


the thirteenth century; and it was said that an
important document, dated in 1481, distinctly
stated that Domenico Colombo of Piacenza had
two sons, Christopher and Bartholomew, who had
migrated to Genoa about ten years before that
time, and had sailed away afterward "to islands
unknown." This document was never produced,
and the claim was rejected for that reason. It
was also observed that the arms on the houses
and tombs of the Colombi at Piacenza were dif-
ferent to those which were used by Columbus
himself. It had been suggested that the admiral
could have inherited no coat-of-arms, because his
relations were merely craftsmen; and it is quite
true that his family had not, and perhaps could
not legally have had, any place on the roll of the
nobles of Genoa. But, after all, we must attach
importance to the assertions of the admiral about
his own affairs. The weaver's son may have
been entitled to a heraldic coat which he put
away while he tended the loom, as the noble in
the story takes his sword from under the counter
and untucks it when he has made his fortune.
The arms of the family at Piacenza were of the
emblematic or "speaking" kind, the surname
being symbolized by three doves, When Colum-


bus returned from his first voyage he was told to
meet the Spanish kings-at-arms, that they might
prepare the proper augmentations for the arms
which he usually bore. The well known shield
was blazoned under his personal direction, with
the royal quarterings of the Lion of Leon, and
the Tower of Castile, the symbolical anchors, and
the islands and continent of the Indies; but he
took care to retain his ancestral bearings, which
duly appear as "a shield or, with a band azure,
and the chef gules."
Don Ferdinand was sometimes rebuked for not
making out a better pedigree. Friends asked
why his father should not have been shown to
come straight from "Junius Colonus" (or "Ju-
nius Cilo" as they should have said), who con-
quered the kingdom of Pontus, and brought
Mithridates in bonds to Rome? Why not,
again, prove a connection with "the two illustri-
ous Coloni, his predecessors, who gained a mighty
victory over the Venetians"? This refers, of
course, to the sea fight off Cape St. Vincent in
1485, more fully mentioned in a later chapter.
It is enough to say here that the description of
the battle cited by Don Ferdinand is wrong in
several particulars. "There was," he says, "a


famous man called Columbus, of the admiral's
name and family, renowned upon the sea on
account of the fleet which he commanded against
the Infidels, as well as for the country to which
he belonged, insomuch that they used his name
to frighten the children in their cradles." He
was known as "Columbus the younger," to distin-
guish him from another who was a great sailor
before him. The last words refer to Guillaume
Coulon, who created the French navy under
Louis the Eleventh. This man had a famous
son, well known as "the pirate Columbus," under
whom the admiral served for several years. This
"younger Columbus" of the biography seems to
have been a Genoese subject; and from this some
have taken him to bq the same person as "Co-
lombo of Oneglia," who was hanged at Genoa in
1492 for acts of piracy against the French. We
shall deal with their adventures later on. At
present it is only necessary to observe that Don
Ferdinand made many excuses about the alleged
relationship. He gloried indeed in the victory
over Venice, which he ascribed to a Genoese cor-
sair. But the admiral, he said, wanted no con-
nection with courts and great men; he was, on
the contrary, like the sailors and fishermen who


had been chosen as apostles. He ought to be
blamed or praised on his own merits. The "Ad-
miral of the Ocean" required no shield or em-
blematic doves; he was himself the "Columbus"
or messenger of hope, the "Christophorus" who
bore the banner of the faith. By his own wish,
moreover, he was known as "Colon," rather than
as one of the family of the "Colombi"; and it
might be for some good reason that he had thus
severed his direct line from those collateral


"Often I think of the beautiful town
That is seated by the sea,
Often in thought go up and down
The pleasant streets of that dear old town,
And my youth comes back to me.

I remember the black wharves and the slips,
And the sea-tide tossing free,
And Spanish sailors with bearded lips,
And the beauty and mystery of the ships,
And the magic of the sea."
THE father of Columbus was Domenico of
Terra-Rossa, a weaver by trade, who lived in the
suburbs of Genoa, or in one of the neighboring
towns, as his business from time to time required.
His mother was Susanna, daughter of Giacomo of
Fontana-Rossa, a silk weaver working in the same
neighborhood. They were married about 1445,
either at Domenico's place up in the hills, or at
Quinto, where his father had a house by the sea-
side, and a felucca, as we suppose, for his trading
ventures to Alexandria or the Islands. Both fam-
ilies had been]long established in the valleys of
the Apennines. Terra-Rossa is a hamlet in the


Vale of Fontanabuona, lying above the Lavagna
River, a few miles inland from Porto Fino. Fon-
tana-Rossa is a village in the same large valley,
set at the very foot of the mountain behind
Chiavari. Both families had been drawn closer
and closer to Genoa by the attractions of its busy
commerce. The weaving trade offered a com-
fortable subsistence without any need to live
within the crowded walls; the spice trade gave a
free outlet to all the young men who were ready
for adventures at sea. Columbus was born in
1445, or about the beginning of 1446, and at that
time his mother's family were settled at Quezzi,
a beautiful hamlet in the immediate neighbor-
hood of the city. His own parents lived in the
new suburb just outside one of the ancient gates;
or, if they changed their abode now and then,
went no farther than the seaside at Quinto.
If anyone wishes to see a picture in his mind,
showing the places where Columbus spent his
youth, he must endeavor to recall the great view
from the heights behind Genoa. The gulf curves
between the horns of Porto Fino and the "olive-
hoary cape" on the Western Riviera. Below the
Ligurian Alps are the places connected in truth
or by tradition with his memory. At Cogoletto,


"in a narrow street and dim," they show the old
house where he may have lived, and a picture
revered as his portrait. Albisola has grown from
a rough hamlet into an expanse of villas and
flower gardens. Savona lies beyond, with its
port under St. George's Rock, once nearly de-
stroyed by the Genoese, but very flourishing
when Columbus sailed in from time to time.
Here was the shop where his father made and
sold "good cloth of Savona," and the tavern
where Susanna looked after the sailor customers;
and close to the town lay Valcalda in Legino,
where two vineyards were purchased, which
involved the whole family in a dreary lawsuit.
Looking seaward, the mountains of Corsica
recall the fancy that Columbus was a native of
the island. Toward the west the view is blocked
by the great cape. At San Remo another
Columbus, supposed to have been the admiral's
kinsman, was born, and made his home; and just
behind the promontory is the creek of Oneglia,
where the freebooter rested in his lair and divided
the spoil with Doria.
We must turn back to Genoa, where Columbus
was born and passed a great part of his youth.
His parents lived mostly at Quinto until he was


four years old; and here his sister Biancinetta and
his brothers Giovanni-Pelegrino and Bartholomew
were born. The family then came back to live
near St. Andrew's Gate, and here was born Gia-
como, who was afterward known as "Don Diego."
The course of the old walls, the gate by which
Columbus lived, the street on which the shop
faced, and its long green lawn in the city moat,
are marked by the line of the modern boulevards
and public gardens.
We may think of him as visiting the Duomo
and the Doria's church, the porch of San Stefano,
where the weavers held meetings, and their craft
hall in the neighborhood of the Abbey. Down
in the port, where he talked with the sailors on
the wharves, on one side is the old Mole, where
the magistrates hanged Columbus the Rover on
a tower, with his friend Bernardo of Sestri; and
close to it stands the Bank of St. George, the
"Dogana" of our days, with its tiers of statues,
White and cold,
Those niched shapes of noble mold,
A princely people's awful princes,
The grave, severe, Genovese of old.

From the old Mole stretched away the port,
filled with ships of all kinds. There were galleys,


armed with petronels, three-masters with huge
square sails, crowded with a rabble of galley
slaves and cross-bowmen to keep them down.
One might see galleons arriving from the Levant,
or making ready for the Flanders voyage; and
long, raking caraccas, better suited for corsair's
work than for voyages of commerce and busi-
ness; and nimble caravelss" from Spain and
Portugal, English barks, and pinnacles and trad-
ing boats of all kinds. The port was like the
harbor of Tyre in the ancient days, and not very
different in its actual merchandise.
The principal change was in the places where
the commodities were produced. The blocks
and bars of tin, the lead and vessels of pewter,
came from galleys trading with Southampton,
and no longer in the ships of Tarshish. The
lawns and camlets of Cyprus had replaced the
fine linen and embroideries of Syria. There
were raw and spun cottons from Malta as well as
from Egypt and India. But the strong wine of
Tyre, "the wine of Helbon," was still imported
from Palestine in the ships that brought the
choice Malmseys from Candia. The "white
wools of Damascus" still remained to compete
with the "Frankish wools" from London and


Norwich, and the raw wool from the warehouses
at Calais; but the best classes of stuffs came from
England, such as "Suffolks" and "village med-
leys," kerseys of all colors, friezes white and
unshorn, or "of a looser texture for night wear,"
and fustians and cloth from Essex and Guildford.
The spice trade was a staple industry at Genoa.
Her shipmen, like the merchants of Tyre, dealt in
myrrh and cassia, the true aloes from Socotra,
galbanum and the sweet storax, the scented cala-
mus and the Eastern cinnamon. Here, as in
ancient times, one might see the Caspian mer-
chants, who had come with Indian silks, and
rhubarb and spices from Persia, up the broad
river to Tiflis, and down the gorge to Poti and
the waves beating on the sandy bar. Here were
"Indians, Moors, and Greeks," like those with
whom Columbus held discourse, and the mer-
chants of the East and West, from the "Levante,"
as they called the parts below Corfu, and from
the "Ponente," which included Sicily and all the
lands beyond.
Genoa runs out on the southeast as far as the
Bisagno Torrent. In the lifetime of Columbus the
ancient city walls were still standing, and formed
an interior zone of fortifications along the line


now occupied in part by the park and the public
gardens. The space intervening between the old
walls and the newer ambit of the city was occu-
pied by the Borgo di San Stefano, still known as
the "Weavers' Quarter." The weavers were pro-
tected and encouraged in every way by the Sig-
noria, whose chief aim, as at Venice, was "to
provide that all the poor might live and maintain
themselves," and to help the wool trade in par-
ticular, "because when this manufacture fails the
supply of food fails also." In this quarter the
cloth weavers and blanket makers, combers and
carders, silk throwers and velvet men, lived in a
town of comfortable houses and gardens held on
ground rents under the Abbey of San Stefano.
In a street outside the Olive Gate was the house
where Domenico was working, with an appren-
tice under him, as early as 1439, and here it is
believed that his son Christopher was born. St.
Andrew's Gate lay nearer to the sea. A street
ran from it, turning upward to Porticello, leaving
a considerable space between the roadway and
the city wall. Here was the house where Colum-
bus passed most of his boyhood. The place is
described in the documents collected by Mr.
Harrisse. The shop was in front, a yard with a


well behind, and the long garden reached back to
the foot of the old wall. Something is added
about the neighbors. The next house on the
left belonged to the weaver Bondi, and afterward
to a shoemaker named Tomaso Carbone; beyond
him lived another shoemaker, Antonio Pelegro
of Plazio, for whom Domenico Colombo on one
occasion witnessed a deed; on the right hand, or
south side, was "La Pallavania," so called from
its owner's name. A little farther off, toward
the Piazza di Porticello, was the shop of the
cheesemonger Bavarello, whose son afterward
married the sister of Columbus.
Beyond the stream of Bisagno we cross the
ridge of a hill and look down on the seaside
towns, Quarto and Quinto, the sites of stations
on the Roman road, and Nervi, and the village of
Bogliasco beyond. On one side of the ridge,
farther inland, lived the family of Fontana-Rossa
at Quezzi; on the other lies Ginestreto, where
Domenico Colombo had a little estate. The hill
is covered with vineyards and villas, with groves
of fruit trees. Four centuries ago the place was
already like a garden, but was clothed in most
parts with a different vegetation. Lemons and
oranges were still unknown; no mulberry trees


were required where there was no manufactory
of the native silk; but there were already vine-
yards and olive orchards, and much of the land
was covered with a growth of chestnuts and fig
trees. Assiduous industry and experiment, aided
by a change of weather as the forests disap-
peared, have converted a rough Alpine district
into a fertlie region of the South. We see that
this must be so when we look back at the oldest
descriptions of Liguria. The natives under
the early Empire drank beer because the little
wine produced in their country "was harsh and
tasted of pitch." They were always at work in
the forest getting timber for ship building; some
of the trees, we are told, were of a vast height,
and as much as eight feet in diameter, and the
wood was often well-veined, and "as good as
cedar for cabinet work." They seem to have
grown no olive trees, for we learn that they
brought their timber to the mart of Genoa, with
honey and ox hides and the various produce of
their flocks and herds, "in order to get in exchange
the oil and wines of Italy." It seems that the
weaving trade flourished even in those early times,
for we are told that there was a ready market
in Italy for "the Ligurian cloaks and tunics."


The history of the family of Columbus appears
in a series of documents preserved among the
archives of Genoa and Savona, which were for
the most part collected before 1586 by Giovanni
Battista Ferreri of Savona, and published in 1602
by Giulio Salineri in his "Annotations upon. Taci-
tus." After long disputes and investigations the
authenticity of all these documents has been
established, the originals of those which had
been for a long time missing having been recov-
ered through the labors of Mr. Harrisse. Old
Giovanni of Terra-Rossa, the admiral's grand-
father, was living at Quinto about the year 1445,
and he appears to have died there, before 1448,
leaving two sons, Domenico and Antonio, and a
daughter Battestina. Giovanni seems to have
owned a considerable amount of property. The
estate at Terra-Rossa may have gone to his son
Antonio, but Domenico used the territorial sur-
name while living at Quinto; his son Christopher
often signed his name as "Columbus de Terra-
rubea," and Bartholomew signed in the same way
on the map which he presented to Henry the
Seventh. There was also property at Quinto
and Ginestreto, besides the two houses at Genoa.
We hear also of ground rents at Pradello, near


Piacenza, which fell to the share of Domenico,
and were inherited from him by his sons Christo-
pher and Bartholomew.
Among the documents preserved at Genoa is a
settlement made in 1448 on the marriage of Bat-
testina, then living with her brothers at Quinto,
with Giovanni di Fritalo, of the same place. The
brothers bind themselves to pay her dowry of
sixty gold lire by twelve installments, and each of
them further agrees to hand over to her trustee
within three years three silver spoons of due
weight, "according to the custom of the town of
Domenico was evidently of an eager and san-
guine temperament, often buying and selling, and
too ready to secure a tempting property by mort-
gaging his future work. In 1445 he sold certain
lands at "le Fassiole" in Quinto, described as
lying between the two highways, and as being
partly in grass, and partly planted with chestnuts
and underwood. Six years later he bought some
land at Quarto, in a place called "le Toppore,"
planted with figs and other trees, at the price of
fifty gold lire, mostly to be paid in cloth of
"Genoese medley." Domenico was by this time
living in Genoa, and the purchase was effected at


the shop of Master Andrea di Clavaro the barber,
in the street by St. Andrew's Gate.
In 1470 he sold the property at Ginestreto,
and in the following spring his wife released it
from her jointure with the assent of such of her
male relations as had rights of pre-emption under
the law of Genoa. The document by which this
transaction was completed contains very minute
information about the relations of Columbus on
his mother's side. Among those present were
his uncle Gioagnino of Fontana-Rossa, Guglielmo
from the same village, who was his first cousin
once removed, and Antonio de Amico, his second
cousin. Among those who were summoned, but
did not attend, were five more relations called
"de Fontanarubea," and members of the Pitto
and Boverio families.
A good many documents have been found
from time to time among the archives at Savona
which serve in one way to illustrate the life of
Columbus. Of these, some relate to the houses
at Genoa, where he was born and bred; others
show the status of his associates at Savona, his
efforts to help his father in trade affairs, and the
troubles which came on the old weaver when his
sons were gone to the Indies.


One of these documents, dated in 1472, was
the will of his friend, Nicola di Monleone, a
trader of repute at Savona, living in a shop near
the law courts. Among the witnesses' names we
find those of Fazio, a cloth shearer; Vigna, and
two other tailors by trade; Geronimo, a shoe-
maker, and "Christoforo di Colombo, of Genoa,
About this time we find his father engaging
vigorously in business. He makes repeated pur-
chases of "wool of Saffi," in bales worth about
eighteen gold lire apiece, at eighteen rolls to the
bale. The price was usually to be paid in kind,
with six months' credit or more, the purchasers
contracting to deliver so many pieces of white
Savona stuff, each piece in sixteen lengths, and
weighing twenty pounds Genoese. In June,
1472, Domenico bought sixty-four rolls of wool
on this system. In the August following he
bought seven bales more at twenty gold lire the
bale, his son Christopher being required to join
as security. The terms were cash in a year, or
so much Savona cloth within six months. The
notarial registers for 1473-74 contain several
entries relating to deliveries of cloth by install-
ments under these contracts.


A deed of August, 1473, relates to the old
house near the Olive Gate at Genoa. A certain
cloth worker had offered to purchase it for a price
to be paid in kind. Susanna joins in the deed
to release her rights of jointure, and her sons
Christopher and Giovanni-Pelegrino confirm the
transaction as her nearest male relations. This
deed was executed "in the shop belonging to the
dwelling house of the said Domenico and Su-
In August, 1474, Domenico made an unfor-
tunate purchase of lands in the suburbs of
Savona. The price was never fully paid, and the
litigation arising out of the contract seems to
have dragged on until Don Diego Columbus,
about the year 1514, inquired about the affair,
and sent an authority from Hispaniola to settle
it, long after all the original parties had passed
The vendor was one Corrado di Cuneo; the
purchaser is described as Domenico di Colombo,
of Quinto, a weaver of Genoa, at that time resid-
ing at Savona. The price was fixed at two
hundred and fifty gold lire of Savona, to be paid
by delivery of parcels of cloth in regular install-
ments. The property consisted of two pieces of
land on the Valcalda Road, partly under vines


and part in grass, with plantations of fruit trees
and underwood. One piece was freehold.
Among the fixtures were certain wine vats,
which may have had a special value to a pur-
chaser who kept a tavern. The other was held
on a renewable lease from one of the Canons of
Savona at a rent of a few pence. On the con-
firmation of the purchase by the Cathedral Chap-
ter, this rent was increased to twelve soldi, and it
was agreed that the lease should be renewable
every ninth year forever.
Domenico Colombo died about the year 1498,
his wife having died about four years previously.
His estate was insufficient to meet the claims
still outstanding under the contract of purchase,
and after some preliminary proceedings an action
was duly instituted against Christopher, Barthol-
omew, and Giacomo, as the heirs of Domenico
Colombo. They were, of course, living at that
time beyond the jurisdiction of the Court, resid-
ing, in the words of the legal formula, "beyond
the limits of Pisa and Nice in Provence," and
were, indeed, according to common repute, in
some part of the dominions of Spain. The
next neighbors were accordingly summoned
in their place, under a provision of the Savano
Code, and judgment was given against them,


Before passing away from the subject of the
family property we must inquire what became of
the house and shop by St. Andrew's Gate in
Genoa. Domenico returned to the city when he
was past work, and was living on the allowance
received from the admiral. The old house, how-
ever, had passed from his possession some years
since. There had been a mortgage in 1477,
made in consideration of an annuity secured in
the books of the Bank of St. George; and in
1489 the property was charged with a large sum
of money, found to be due to Giacomo Bavarello
the cheesemonger, in respect of Biancinetta's
unpaid dowry. In 1490 Domenico was still in
possession, and gave a receipt for rent to a shoe-
maker who was occupying the shop. But about
two years afterward Bavarello realized his secur-
ity, and obtained a perpetual lease of the prem-
ises from the Abbey of San Stefano. His wife
was dead at that time, having left an only son,
Pantaleone, then about twenty-seven years of
age. He and his wife Mariola released their
rights in consideration of certain annuities, and
Giacomo Bavarello thus became absolutely
entitled to the property.


In his drowsy Paradise
The day's adventures for the day suffice;
Its constant tribute of perceptions strange,
With sleep and stir in healthy interchange,
Suffice, and leave him for the next at ease-
Like the great palmer-worm that strips the trees,
Eats the life out of every luscious plant,
And when September finds them sere or scant,
Puts forth two wondrous winglets, alters quite,
And hies him after unforseen delight."

THERE is no reason for doubting the biogra-
pher's statement that Columbus was sent to
school at Pavia. The great University was then
at the height of its fame. Its chief renown was
in the school of law, where the jurists kept alive
the learning of Bartolo and Baldo. It was cele-
brated, moreover, for the attention paid to disci-
pline and morals, the careful teaching of theol-
ogy, and the painful study of the philosophy of
that day. Pavia has always been celebrated in
the faculty of medicine. Natural science was
studied, as far as the restrictions on knowledge
would admit, in the departments of botany and

anatomy, of the knowledge of the earth and of
the celestial sphere. We must remember that
the real "order of the universe" was only just
beginning to be known. It was still a heresy,
and a folly besides, to believe in the Antipodes,
with the rain shooting upward and men walking
head downward. It was a dangerous error to
think of a diurnal movement of all things:
The Sun flies forward to his brother Sun,
The dark Earth follows wheeled in her ellipse.
But the age was already excited with the
great African discoveries, and looking eagerly for
fresh wonders of science. The importance of
cosmography, of geometry, and especially of
nautical astronomy, was recognized on all sides.
The professors at Pavia included the new sub-
jects in their course of instruction. Columbus
was sent there to study geography in its widest
sense. His mind seems to have run upon this
subject from his early childhood. He entered
into all the departments of knowledge, without
which he could not become one of the cosmogra-
phers. Latin and arithmetic were among the
preliminary rudiments. He advanced toward the
sciences of the measurement of the earth and the
apparent movements of the stars, and that knowl-


edge of their appositions and occultations which
he afterward himself compared to "a prophet's
vision." We are told that he also learned paint-
ing "in order to depict the regions of the world,
and to represent solid and lineal figures." Don
Ferdinand adds as another reason that the great-
est of geographers had said, "No one can be a
good cosmographer unless he is a painter too."
The quotation from Ptolemy is incorrect, perhaps
taken from a conversation with the admiral with-
out referring to the book. The ancient writer
drew a distinction between the science of geogra-
phy and the art of choreography, or description
of places. The science, he said, dealt mainly
with quantities, and the inferior art with quali-
ties. The former is a mathematical description
of the proportions existing in nature, and re-
quires only signs and symbols. The other deals
with outward and physical appearances, "and no
one," he adds, "will ever do this well unless he is
able to paint." We are not considering the cor-
rectness of his view, or the fallacy of confusing
the atlas with the panorama. It is easy to see
why Columbus attached great importance to the
practical knowledge of map-making. He was, we
are told, so excellent a draughtsman, and such a

"penman," that he could have maintained him-
self as a master of calligraphy. He was, we
know, so skilled in the preparation of charts,
"sea cocks," and sailors' cards, that he was able
to keep his family out of the profits when he
lived at Lisbon and in the Atlantic islands.
Something of this kind we may learn from his
own letter to the Catholic king, where he de-
scribes his intended journal; he promises to set
down at night all that happened by day, and
every day the navigation of the night before:
"and I purpose to make a chart and to set down
therein the lands and waters of the Ocean Sea,
with all their positions and bearings, and to com-
pose it into a book, and to illustrate the whole
with paintings, showing, as we go, the latitude
from the Equator, and also the western longi-
It has been said that Columbus was too young
in 1460 to be sent to a distant university, and
that there was, in fact, no time for study at Pavia
if he not only began to go to sea when he was
about fourteen years old, but also had to serve
an apprenticeship in the weaver's trade. There
is no doubt that he was so apprenticed, probably
to his own father, and we know from the family


records the exact nature of the contract. At
some time after he was ten years old he was
bound to work at weaving for a term of years, to
obey all lawful orders, to remain in Genoa ex-
cept when the plague was raging, and in return
to get board and lodging, a blue gaberdine and a
good pair of shoes, and so forth. But his father
could of course relax or suspend the obligation,
and, inasmuch as Genoa began in 1459 to be the
center of warlike preparations for the great expe-
dition against Naples, it seems more than prob-
able that an opportunity would be found for
removing the boy to more peaceful quarters.
The same remark applies to the suggestion that
sufficient schooling in maritime affairs could have
been found at home without going to lectures in
an inland city. It should be remembered also
that the expense of living at Pavia would be very
slight, if we may judge by the records of our
English universities during the same period; and
that it was the fashion of the time for boys to
attend the professor's lectures at an age when, in
our own state of society, they would be entering
a public school.
Looking back to the time when Columbus was
being educated there, one would see a very dif-


ferent place from the Pavia of our day. Some
features, of course, remain unchanged. The
town stands in the circuit of the ancient walls
within a network of confluent streams. The cov-
ered bridge is still as favorite a resort as when
Sforza set the roof on its hundred pillars. But
at that time the building of the great castle
behind the linen market had only just begun;
scores of private fortresses preserved the memory
of the feudal age and suggested an appropriate
name for the "City of Towers." No great cathe-
dral church was erected as yet, but there were
many old Lombard churches, "carved like a fev-
erish dream," most of which have long since
been destroyed. Some of their monuments, still
preserved in the University's courtyards, show
the figures of the ancient professors, Baldo and
Alciati and the rest, lecturing in the midst of a
circle of scholars old and young. Some change
for the worse has come over the place. It is
dismal and (as some say) unwholesome. But,
according to its historians, this was a delightful
region in the time of which we are speaking.
There were green plains around, and hanging
woods, with thickets of box and tamarisk. On
the meadows round the city the boys played and


raced in the winter sunshine; in summer, to
quote Sacci's description, the time came for
walks and dozing in the shade. The air is full of
singing and fluttering birds. No venomous creat-
ures are here; the whining cicada is still, and
even the flies are kept off by the cool Alpine
breeze. We read in old eulogies of the Univer-
sity how broad were the streets and piazzas full
of bustling scholars, how bright the gardens
laden "with the odor and color of flowers." We
can learn something even of the sports and
games. The boys raced and played at bowls, or
fell into groups for games of catching; and Pavia
was especially famous for "balloon-ball," or a
kind of rude tennis, for which Sforza had built
courts about the time when he restored the
One would wish to know somewhat more
about the scholars themselves, their lessons, and
ways of living. A few figures, chiefly those of
professors and lawyers, may still be disengaged
from obscurity. Filippo Decio, the unconquered
disputant, was a few years younger than Colum-
bus; he came as a boy to learn law at Pavia, and
long afterward had a house demolished there by
the army of Pope Julius the Second. Giasone


Maino, "the glory of the civilians," was born in
1435. He may, therefore, have been at Pavia
with the young Columbus. We hear something
of a reckless youth, a torn gown, and a vellum
Code left at the pawn shop; afterward, we are
told, he "pulled himself together," and became
the most illustrious of the professors. An eye-
witness reports a scene of the year 1507, when
Genoa had been taken by the French. Louis the
Twelfth went on to Pavia to hear a lecture from
"the solid doctor," as Maino was at that time
called. The old classroom was crowded with car-
dinals and nobles; the professor wore a gold-
laced gown, and was knighted; and there was
even some hope of a cardinal's hat. Paolo
Giovio, who tells the story, describes the college
life as he saw it, the competition in lectures, the
fine addresses of Torriano on new discoveries in
anatomy and medical botany, and the degree
day when Paolo himself received the ring and
laurel wreath as a Master in Arts and Medi-
A letter written by one of the professors dur-
ing the lifetime of Columbus shows us the effect
produced at Pavia by the new discoveries. It
was sent to Ludovico Sforza by one Nicolo Scil-


lacio, a lecturer in philosophy, who kept up a cor-
respondence with Spain. It is valuable as con-
taining an independent account of the events of
the second voyage; but its chief interest lies in
what is disclosed as to the state of geographical
learning. Columbus thought that he had arrived
at the neighborhood of China and Japan. By
the general opinion of Pavia the new islands were
at the back of Africa, near the spice country and
the Arabian shore; they were, in fact, the goal of
the Carthaginian commerce, the market of King
Solomon's navies, and had been described by
many of the great writers of antiquity. Scillacio
labored at this point when describing the natives
of Hispaniola. "It is ascertained," he says, "that
these are the Sabaeans of the spice country, n6ted
in foreign chronicles, and over and over again
described in our books at home." It should be
observed that he came from Sicily himself, and
makes a constant use of the collections of Dio-
dorus the Sicilian. "Everyone has been repeat-
ing, 'The kings shall come from Sheba, bringing
gold and incense'; and with those kings the
island teems copiously and in bounteous abun-
dance. For the Sabmans are most wealthy in
the fragrance and fertility of their forests, and in


gold mines, and well watered meadows, and good
store of honey and wax."
Scillacio was, of course, referring to the bril-
liant description of Arabia by Diodorus. "On
the coasts grow balm and cassia; in the. heart of
the land are shady woods and forests, graced and
beautified with stately trees of myrrh and frank-
incense, palms, and calamus, and cinnamon."
Of the Sabeans in their chief city, he said that
they lived in a flood of gold and silver; their
cups and vats were of the precious metals, their
beds and chairs had silver feet. "The porticoes
of their houses and temples are some of them
overlaid with gold, and silver statues are placed
upon the chapiters of the temples."
The professor next shows, still with constant
references to the ancient historian, how the King
of Spain, like another Hercules, had passed the
bounds of Ethiopia and found the lost islands of
the Indian Sea. One point is made that was after-
ward taken up by Columbus: The geographers,
he says, and even the great Ambrosio Rosato,
must have been rather careless in their inquiries
about the Southern Ocean. "They have always
insisted that this vast tract of water was shut in
on all sides by a continent; but in our time,


under the good auspices of the Spanish kings we
have seen this ring sailed through." Columbus
speaks of the same thing in the account of his
mystical vision. The voice said, "He gave thee
the keys of those barriers of the Ocean Sea which
were closed with such mighty chains, and thou
wast obeyed through many lands." It is plain
that there is also a reference here to one of those
sayings in Esdras on which the admiral was fond
of basing his predictions. "The sea is set in a
wide place that it might be deep and great. But
put the case the entrance were narrow like a
river; who then could go into the sea to look
upon it and to rule it? If he went not through
the narrow how could he come into the broad?"
Let it suffice, said Scillacio, that in this voyage
the islands have been found; something has been
learned of the climate, and some of the ports
have become known. "When they go back
again, and are able to traverse the coasts and to
explore the country inland, I shall take pains to
complete the descriptions of the classical writers;
I shall add all that old tradition reports about
the savage manners and customs of the nations
of monsters, which Augustine, Bishop of Hippo,
an African himself, a pillar of the faith, saw with


his own eyes in the ends of Lybia, and collected
them in the book entitled 'Sermons to the Erem.
ites.' St. Augustine never wrote the book in
question, though he was credited with having
seen the one-eyed folk and people with heads
beneath their shoulders. St. Jerome, in the.
same way, was believed to be the authority for
half the absurdities which were collected in the
"Cosmography of .Ethicus," and afterward in the
pretended travels of Mandeville. All the trav-
elers' gossip of the Greeks and the stories of the
Eastern bazaars had been foisted into general
belief under the pretended authority of Aristotle.
It was one of the chief impediments of learning
in the time of Columbus that the very sources of
knowledge were polluted in this fashion. The
classical works of Pliny and Mela, on which the
student had to depend, were full of scraps of
romance, taken from some Syrian story about
Thule, or some imaginary voyage out of the Cas-
pian Strait toward the cannibals beyond China
and the islands of gold and silver. Cosmas the
Voyager was supposed to have demolished the
theory that the earth was a sphere. Little was
to be gained, beyond a list of names, from the
Geographer of Ravenna and his collection of the


learning of the Ostrogoths. The most popular
treatise on the subject was a mere travesty of an
ancient novel about the wanderings of Apol-
It is not surprising, therefore, that men of
science relied on authorities of little value, and
altered their opinions on evidence which seems
very slight in our eyes. Even the description of
America, as we have seen, had been found in the
pages of Pliny and Diodorus. Columbus himself
easily gave up the notion that the earth was
round, though the experiments of Ptolemy had
proved it by eclipses and other observations. On
equally light evidence he concluded that he had
found in Veragua a savage nation described by
Herodotus, as well as the golden Chersonese de-
picted in the histories of Josephus. In framing
his theory of the distribution of land and sea, he
appears to have based his reasoning on the dark
questions of Uriel and the responses of Esdras:
"How great dwellings are in the midst of the sea,
or which are the outgoings of Paradise?" He
argues that, of the world's seven parts six are in
the domain of Behemoth, wherein are a thousand
ills; "unto Leviathan Thou gavest the seventh
part, namely the moist, and hast kept him to be


devoured of whom Thou wilt and when." It
must have been from a few vague sayings of the
Fathers, and certain fables of the Ravenna Geog-
rapher, that he learned to look near India for the
site of the Garden of Eden and the outfalls of its
fourfold river. We have no means of ascertain-
ing the exact details of his studies, though his
biographer and Peter Martyr agree in the state-
ment that he attended classes in astronomy and
the use of the celestial sphere, and made some
practical acquaintance with the astrolabe and
other instruments of the art of navigation. The
archives of the University have been minutely
searched for anything that could illustrate the
great man's career, and some of the professors
have been identified as having given lectures
which he most probably attended. The list
begins in the year 1460, about the time of his
return to Genoa. We learn by its help that
Stefano di Faventia and Antonio di Bernadigio
were at that time lecturing on astrology, which,
according to the ideas of that time, would in-
clude geometry and a knowledge of astronomy
proper, as well as the art of interpreting the signs
of future events, Francesco Pellacano and Al-


berto di Crispi were lecturing about the same
time on natural philosophy; and we may sup-
pose that it was in their classes that Columbus
acquired his first instruction in Ptolemaic geogra-
phy and the physical science of Aristotle.


Ship to ship, cannon to cannon, man
To man, were grappled in the embrace of war,
Inextricable but by death or victory;
The tempest of the raging fight convulsed
To its crystalline depths that stainless sea."
COLUMBUS left Pavia when he was about four-
teen years old. For a few months he was
employed as an apprentice at home, working at
the wool-cardiig and helping his father at the
loom. He looked forward, like most of the boys
in Genoa, to a life of adventure at sea. He cher-
ished his private hope of probing the deep secrets
of nature in every part of the earth "from Thule
to the girdle of the world."
There was, however, at that time, a sudden out-
burst of war, which kept him cooped up within
the walls. Early in the year 1461 Genoa had
thrown off the yoke of France. The foreign gar-
rison was driven into the Gastle and besieged by
the civic militia. King R6n6, whom Genoa had
often befriended, came over the sea from Prov-
ence and blockaded the port with a fleet of priva-


teers. But as the summer advanced the citizens
gained strength and ventured on a decisive battle,
in which the foreigners were driven away beyond
Savona. Columbus, "still in his tender youth,"
was free to begin his career, and was soon going
about in the trading boats to Sicily and Aleppo
and up and down among the islands. When he
wrote long afterward his description of the mastic
trees of Hispaniola he told the Spanish king that
he had seen the lentiscus shrubs growing in Scio,
while-the island still belonged to Genoa, and had
noticed how the white gum was got from the
plants by incisions made just as they began to
flower. When he speaks of his discussions with
learned Indians we may suppose that he had
passed the Golden Horn, and visited the Black
Sea factories, where the Genoese conducted their
Crimean trade and collected at Poti the Indian
goods which the merchants brought down
through Georgia.
It was not until 1470 that he set up his home
in Lisbon. It was at the end of 1484 that he
fled into Spain, and he said in a letter to King
Ferdinand that he had then been negotiating
with the Court of Portugal for fourteen years.
We cannot account for all his employment from

his first going to sea until he was wrecked on the
coast of Portugal. We know from his own state-
ments that he was seldom away from the water
for any length of time; and we may suppose
that he was often at Genoa and Savona. But
it seems clear that during the latter part of the
period he gave up trade and engaged in priva-
teering under the command of the younger
Colombo, one of the two "admirals" whose fleets
were the terror of the West.
There has always been a great confusion of
ideas about the lives and exploits of these men.
They were closely connected in many ways.
It seems probable that they were father and son.
They sailed under the same flag and were en-
gaged in the same undertakings; each of them
was described in official documents as a vice-
admiral of France, and each was known as "the
Pirate Columbus" to the merchants whose ships
they captured.
The elder Columbus makes a figure in French
history under the title of "the Admiral Coulon."
He belonged to the family of Coulon, or "De
Columbo," long established in the neighborhood
of Bayonne, and was the owner of an estate in
Gascony called Casenove or Caseneuve. In


some of his family documents we find him offi-
cially styled "Guillaume Casenove, dit Coulomp."
This man was one of the most useful tools of
Louis the Eleventh. He had been the king's
friend before he came to the throne, and during
the whole length of the reign he was loaded with
gifts and privileges. He was appointed vice
admiral of Normandy before the year 1465, and
he held the office till his death in 1483. Besides
this, he was Controller of Forests and Waters for
Normandy and Picardy; he was one of the royal
equerries; he had privileges in some of the
southern forests, and fees and pensions charged
on various ports and havens in the North. More
than all this, he was permitted to marry a great
heiress, Guillemette le Sec, who brought with her
estates at Varelme, Charleval, and Mesnil-Paviot,
and the mansion at Gaillart-Bois, near Rouen,
where Louis used to stay with the old admiral
and weave plans for the destruction of their ene-
mies. Knowing the king's superstitious charac-
ter, it is interesting to hear that "the bold
Coulon" kept an astrologer in the house, one
Maitre Robert de Cazel, who knew the secrets of
navigation, and made such good calculations
"that the admiral did more in his time than any


seaman since Messire Bertrand du Guesclin,
and was more feared than any living man on the
sea by the Norman coasts." Wherever Louis
had work to be done, there the old sea-wolf was
found. He captured English ships returning
from their voyages to the Levant. He swept
the Dutch and Flemish traders from the sea in
the face of the navy of Charles the Bold. In
1474 he took two galleons belonging to the King
of Naples at Viverro on the north coast of
Spain; and two years afterward he entered Brest
Harbor, and took four Spanish vessels, putting
all his prisoners to death "by the edge of the
sword." A little later we find him convoying
the defeated King of Portugal with a great navy
under the French flag. Soon afterward he is in
the North again, and in 1479 he revenged the
invasion of France by Maximilian and the defeat.
of Louis at Guinegatte by capturing eighty
Dutch ships coming from the Baltic with cargoes
of rye, while other icumeurs de mer acting with
him captured the boats returning from the her-
ring fishery, a blow which struck the whole popu-
lation of the Low Countries and led at once to
the peace concluded at Tours.
The other "Admiral," called for distinction

"Colombo il Zovene," or "filius Columbi," was
more of an adventurer, we might say more of a
corsair, than Coulon de Casenove. We do not
know, nor is it of much importance to know,
whgeher he was the natural son of the French
vice admiral. He was certainly not the son of
Guillemette le Sec, whose heir, Jean de Casenove,
succeeded her in possession of the estates; nor
was he connected, so far as is known, with the
other Jean de Casenove, who was employed in
the French navy after the vice admiral's death.
His real name was Nicolo Griego, or Nicholas
the Greek; and that this was not a miere by-name
is shown by the mention of Giovanni Griego and
Zorzi Griego, who fought under his command in
1485, and took part in the negotiations for restor-
ing the ships which he had captured to the Re-
public of Venice. Some time afterward there was
another Nicolo Griego, who was killed by the
Turks at Constantinople; and it seems likely
that there was a family of the name driven away
from their country upon the fall of the Eastern
Empire, and established either at Genoa or some-
where in that neighborhood. It was said of this
Nicolo Griego, or "Nicolo Columbo," that no one
could actually say that he came from Genoa, but


that he was believed to be a citizen of Savona,
within the territories of the Republic.
There are many stories about this Griego,
under whose flag Columbus served so long. We
have seen that he began by equipping at his own
expense a fleet against the Infidels. We can
sympathize under the circumstances with the
desire to smite the Turks hip and thigh. But his
main object seems to have been to damage the
Venetians, partly as being the hereditary rivals
of his adopted country, and partly, no doubt,
because the French king secretly encouraged
everyone who would attack the friends of his
The true explanation is afforded by the corre-
spondence which passed in 1474 and the year fol-
lowing with respect to the ships captured at
Viverro. As soon as Ferdinand of Sicily heard
of Coulon's action, he at once sent to Louis and
demanded full compensation. In a letter of the
9th of December, 1474, he expresses the aston-
ishment with which he had heard, "that one
Columbus, in command of certain ships, being a
French subject, should have taken two great gal-
leys, which last year went by our orders to trade
with England and Flanders," turning out the


crews and the merchants, and carrying off the
galleys to Normandy. It had been reported,
while the ships were still at Southampton, that
this Columbus was fitting out a squadron; but
absolute reliance had been placed on the good
feeling of the King of France, and now that the
galleys were within his jurisdiction the writer felt
confident that they would be duly restored with
all their contents. "The whole world," he
added, "will judge between the parties to this
cause. Wherefore we have thought fit to send
Arminius, our king-at-arms, to carry this letter
to your Majesty, and to bring back the answer
which your Majesty may think fit to deliver to
him." Louis was delighted with his admiral's
prowess, and was still more pleased, in this in-
stance, at being able to gain an ally on cheap
The answer was written on New Year's Day.
Louis remarked, after many compliments, that
he had never had any injury from his friend,
except, indeed, when he allowed his soldiers to
attack the French expedition for the recovery of
Roussillon. As to the capture of the galleys, it
was done without the king's knowledge and
against his wish, and as soon as he heard of it,


orders were given to impound all the spoil that
could be found. It was true that a good deal of
merchandise had been stolen or concealed by the
captain or by some of those who were with him;
nevertheless, the king would, on receiving proper
schedules and declarations, account for all the
freight, besides giving the crews some wages, and
sending back the galleys properly victualed and
fitted out. "But," said Louis, "when we come
to inquire of Columbus and his men what led
them to make this capture, against our wish, and
without any orders, what is their reply? Why,
they answer at once that it was because your
Majesty's people attacked our forces in Roussil-
lon; because, moreover, these galleys were at that
very time returning out of the jurisdiction of the
English, the inveterate enemies of our crown, and
because the origin of their voyage had been in
the territory held by Charles of Burgundy, one of
our disobedient subjects. These galleys had
begun their voyage as carriers of goods for the
comfort and assistance of our enemies, and were
returning with stores intended to be used to our
loss. Moreover, this Columbus urges that by the
laws of war, as always used and acknowledged in
these western seas, any ship, galley, or bark may


be lawfully captured which is coming from an
enemy's country, especially if carrying goods
whereby he may be enriched or strengthened.
Now those galleys certainly carried a quantity of
goods belonging to our enemies and to rebels
against us; and they had no license or permit
such as the French galleys have always had when
they have visited your Majesty's dominions."
Such, said the French king, were the reasons
which might be properly adduced in favor of the
capture; but in spite of all this he intended to
restore the ships as before mentioned. As to the
enemy's goods on board, the ordinary rule would
be followed, that such goods may be seized, even
under a friendly flag, on making good the freight,
as the king was now ready to do.
The services of Nicolo Colombo were at one
time engaged by R6en of Provence. The titular
King of Sicily claimed a right to attack the ships
of the reigning sovereign. News had been
brought to Marseilles that a great vessel, called
La Ferdinandina of Naples, was lying off the
African coast near Tunis. She was a "galeass,"
which has been defined as a large galley with
three masts and two lateen or triangular sails,
with an armed crew and heavy catapults set


between the benches of the oarsmen. Colombo's
squadron was lying in the port, and Christopher
Columbus was chosen to go across in command
of a "cutting-out" expedition. He has told the
story himself in a letter written in January, 1495,
from Hispaniola. "It happened to me that King
R6nd, whom God has taken to himself, sent me
to Tunis to take the galeass, and when I got near
the island of San Pietro off Sardinia, I heard that
she had two ships and a long caracca in her com-
pany. This discomposed my men, and they
resolved to go no further, but to return to Mar-
seilles for another ship and more men. I saw
that there was no going against their will without
some contrivance, and seemed to give way; but
then I turned the needle of the compass right
round, and set sail when it was getting late; and
the next day at sunrise we found ourselves off
Cape Certegna (in Africa), though all the crew
had thought for certain that we were making
homeward to Marseilles." We do not know the
result of the engagement. Columbus was only
referring to the matter as an illustration of his
knowledge of nautical science. But we may con-
jecture that it began in the same way as Colom-
bo's fight in 1475, when he attacked the Venetian


squadron off Cyprus. "We came upon Colom-
bo," says the report to the Duke of Milan, "with
ships and galleys, and we were strongly minded
to let him pass; but they raised a shout of 'Viva
San Giorgio,' and would not move, and so the
fight began."
We have fuller information about the attack
on the Venetian galleys returning from England
in 1470, and generally about the danger to which
these ships were exposed in their annual voyage.
It should be remembered that the successful
attack of 1485, in which Christopher Columbus
was not engaged, was made on the galleys soon
after they had left Cadiz, and had got to Cape
St. Vincent on their outward course. The whole
trade was a development of an earlier inter-
course between Venice and Flanders. Towards
the end of the fourteenth century it was found
that there was sufficient demand to justify the
loading of cargoes for London and Southamp-
ton, as well as for the ports in Flanders. Two
additional vessels were usually detailed for this
purpose. The whole trading squadron, still
known officially as the Flanders galleys, arrived
every summer in the Downs, and there separated
for the ports on either side of the Channel. For


the return voyage in the autumn they all assem-
led again at Southampton.
They brought us the produce of the East, and
all kinds of goods from the Mediterranean ports.
The nature of the commerce appears from the
schedules of rates and prices current. The Eng-
lish market required wine, dried currants, Sicilian
sugars, and raw silks and cottons for the home
manufacturers. From Venice itself came dam-
asks, velvets, and worked silks of all kinds. Of
Genoese goods we took the gum mastic and fine
"terebinths," or resins, from Scio; from Sicily,
among the less bulky goods, were sweets and pre-
served fruits, coral beads and gall nuts, and lamb-
skin "astrachans" brought over to Palermo from
Apulia. Among the spices we required, of
course, all that were commonly used in cookery,
including saffron, which had not. yet become an
English crop and was largely imported from
Italy; of other spices and.drugs we may note the
aloes and dragon's blood from Socotra, scam-
mony from Aleppo, camphor and red sandal-
wood, cloves and clove stems, cinnamon and reed
cassia, ambergris from the Southern Ocean, and
the dried Indian fruits called "myrobolans," which
were used in medicine as astringents. The car-


goes for the Flemish cities consisted of much the
same kind of goods; but there were special de-
mands at Bruges for tabbies and silk yarns from
Syria, cardamums, woad and indigo, the hepatic
aloes, Barbary wax, and unworked ostrich feath-
ers; the Antwerp merchants demanded in addi-
tion Sicilian sulphur, ivory for combs, diamonds,
rubies, and manufactured jewelry.
There was a brisk demand for English woolen
cloths, and for cups, platters, and other articles
of wrought pewter. But the bulk of the cargoes
for the return voyage consisted of raw materials.
Of the five staple commodities that might be
purchased by the Venetians either in London or
at Middelburg in Zealand, by far the most impor-
tant were the wools and wool-fells, which are
described in the Great Ordinance of the Staple
as "the sovereign merchandise and jewel of our
realm." Next in importance were lead and tin in
sheets, rods, and blocks. Leather was in de-
mand, if the quality were good. Large Flemish
dressed oxhides sold well "at all the scales,"
especially at Pisa and Palermo; and there was a
demand for calfskins, "if they were very large
and heavy." Copper, unworked amber, and a
few other articles of occasional demand appear


from time to time in the lists. There seems to
have been a special trade with Barbary, under
rules enforced with great severity. One of the
returning galleys was allowed to call at the Moor-
ish ports with "fine English cloths" and certain
manufactured articles; but no tin or copper, or
article containing either of those metals, might
be landed without incurring ruinous forfeitures
and penalties.
There are many entries in the Venetian ar-
chives showing the dangers with which the trade
was surrounded. In one year the captain reports
that it would be dangerous to go near Sandwich
"by reason of a powerful English armada"; on
another occasion a ship is only licensed to pro-
ceed "if it be known that she can pass Sandwich
in safety." We hear continually of attacks ap-
prehended from "those who wish to live at their
neighbors' cost."
In the spring of 1468 the danger seemed to be
increasing. There were rumors in the Rialto
that Laustliniana was lying in the Port of Lon-
don, short of sailors and "in manifest peril."
She ought to have had nearly forty more cross-
bowmen, besides her complement of rough Sla-
vonian rowers. The Senate met on M1ay the 5th,


and the Doge was instructed to write to Ser
Luca Moro, commanding the fleet. The letter
still remains enrolled among the "Sea Decrees"
at Venice. Moro is directed to raise the crew to
the full strength without delay. Should he not
have left Bruges, he may raise twenty-five or
thirty men in Flanders, and take them across to
Southampton. Then he might put them on
board the galley lying there, and take a corre-
sponding number of picked men from Southamp-
ton across the country to London. Should he
be in England, he was to transfer enough men
from his other ships to man the Justiniana. In
any case, he must engage enough sailors, and he
was to take care that they belonged to as many
different nationalities as possible. "He is to take
the money required for manning the London
galley on a bill of exchange, if the master will
not disburse it, on the security of the freight, as
well as on the primage and freights from Sicily
and Barbary."
In the following month the Milanese ambassa-
dor reports a suspicious circumstance to his mas-
ter. The English and the Spaniards were in the
habit of capturing each other's ships in a never-
ending series of reprisals. But something had


recently happened which looked as if there was
an understanding between the two governments
to fit out a combined fleet against France. "The
Admiral of France," meaning the Vice Admiral
Coulqn, had captured two English ships, with
cargoes of spices and other merchandise, return-
ing from the Levant. As he was going home
with his prizes he was himself captured by a
Spanish man-of-war. The Frenchman protested,
on the ground that his country was at peace with
Spain, and demanded immediate release. "You
need not think of such a thing," said the Spanish
captain; "you would do as much to me, and
worse too, if you had the chance"; and he re-
minded Coulon of the letters of mark and reprisal
under which so much property of Spanish sub-
jects had been seized.
The imprisonment of Coulon relieved to a
great extent the anxieties of the Venetian mer-
chants. It seems, however, as if they did not
know the real nature of their danger. We can
see that Louis the Eleventh never lost an oppor-
tunity of setting their enemies upon them, and
yet was unwilling to take part in any open hostili-
ties. He has explained the matter himself in a
letter written to Francesco Sforza on the 27th of


December, 1469. He informs the Duke of Milan
of the arrival of an envoy from Venice, asking
that the republic may have security on the open
sea and within the French dominions. Louis
does not care much about the matter; he only
denies the request because the Venetians are
hostile to Sforza, and therefore enemies of
France. He would be glad to know what ought
to be done. He therefore asks Sforza to dis-
patch a special envoy, and to send word what the
Venetians had done about resisting the French
clauses in the treaty lately concluded at Rome.
It may be mentioned here that the safe conduct
was not actually granted to the Venetians until
1478. This appears by a dispatch sent by the
Signoria in that year to Giovanni Candida, Secre-
tary to the Duke and Duchess of Burgundy, in
which it was stated that "of late years the King
of France had taken several Venetian ships, and
had repeatedly waylaid the Flanders galleys."
Finally Domenico Gradenigo had been sent as an
ambassador, and the ships and galleys had been
guaranteed "without any detrimental conditions."
In the month of July, 1469, letters were re-
ceived at Venice from the English consul, Marco
de Ca, and from merchants in the factories of


London and Bruges, which stated that "the
pirate Columbus," evidently meaning Nicolo
Colombo, was in the Channel with eight ships
and barges. "There he awaits the Venetian gal-
leys with intent to damage them, and if the ships
come singly the mischief might not be limited to
mere damage." The Senate was convened, and
a decree passed in haste, directing the consuls in
London and Bruges to order all Venetian cap-
tains to put themselves under the orders of Ser
Zuane Capello, commanding the galleys, and to
remain in his company until he should be out of
danger from the corsair. "Should it behove the
ships to await the galleys, let an average be made
to defray the costs of demurrage, payable thus:
one-third by the goods, freight, and tonnage of
the ships, according to the proper rate, and two-
thirds by the merchants and freights of the
In the early part of the year 1470 there were
more serious alarms about the trading fleet.
The galleys had arrived at the Downs in the
spring, under the command of Ser Gabriele Tre-
visano. By the middle of May they had not yet
finished loading for the homeward voyage, but
were expected in a short time to assemble at


Southampton as their place of rendezvous. The
Venetian ambassador in France reported that
fresh preparations for attack were being made by
the "pirate Colombo." Moreover, the seas at
that time were in a very unsafe state. We hear
incidentally of English corsairs in the Bay of Bis-
cay, and of "Easterling pirates" off the coast of
Flanders; the Venetians themselves were in
trouble with the English about the capture of a
vessel belonging to one William Cooper off the
Island of Scio. There seemed also to be some
likelihood of a war between England and France.
Edward the Fourth was for the moment in full
agreement with the king-maker Warwick, who in
the world of politics was "the mover of both
wind and tide," and it was suspected that they
were arming for a descent upon Normandy.
Should such an invasion take place, attacks
would doubtless be made by L6uis upon any
neutrals trading with England or carrying her
goods to the Mediterranean. There was danger
besides, in any case, from the fact that they were
"comforting and assisting" Charles the Bold by
trading with his ports in Flanders. On May the
17th the matter was debated in the Senate, and
it was decreed that the ships La Malipiera and


La Squarcia should be ordered "instantly to join
the captain of the Flanders galleys, and to con-
voy him until he be out of danger from the
pirate." Should the galleys not have finished
loading, the ships were to wait for them, and to
be allowed payment of demurrage from the date
of their arrival at the Isle of Wight; and it was
ordered that the insurances on the ships were not
to be impugned on account of anything arising
out of this special service.
All calculations were upset by the strange
course of events in England. The Wars of the
Roses were a wild confusion of alternate victory
and ruin, of tragedy and farce. "One piece of
news," men said, "is never like the last; they are
always as unlike as day is to night." Continual
treachery was helped by the universal careless-
ness. The Italians had a proverb that you
should not let go the man whom you ought
never to have caught; but the king-maker
pushed his puppets up and down, unmindful of
their chances of revenge. Edward the Fourth
was one day a prisoner, and the next day was
hunting with Warwick; in a little while the
king-maker is overthrown, and Edward is enter-
ing London in triumph. An outburst of the


Lancastrians was luckily suppressed at Stamford,
and it forthwith appeared that the army was all
for the White Rose; Warwick fled across the
sea, and with him his newly chosen son-in-law,
"the perjured Clarence," soon to betray him
again, and to plot for a share of his inheritance.
They crossed with a few ships to Calais, and on
being repulsed went to meet the French king
at Amboise. Their best refuge seemed to be
Dieppe, where they brought a few ships captured
in the Channel, belonging to subjects of Charles
the Bold, or to his allies in Brittany. The duke
demanded instant reparation for the insult; and
he pointed out that some of his ships had been
taken by the fleet which the King of France,
according to his own account, had collected to
make war against the English. Louis was ready,
of course, to appoint commissioners to inquire
into the matter. Meantime the ships under
Warwick moved to Grandevtlle, and afterward to
Cherbourg. Charles the Bold showed his impa-
tience of the delay by a letter of May the 29th,
addressed to the Archbishop of Narbonne and
the Admiral de Bourbon, in which he complained
of the proceedings of the French ships, includ-
ing, as we suppose, the squadron under the


"pirate Colombo," and swore by St. George that
he would soon find a remedy of his own.
A few days afterward the duke heard that
Warwick had captured more of his ships, and
that the Frenchman was about to send an incen-
diary to destroy the rest of his fleet. He at
once sent his whole force to the mouth of the
Seine, under Admiral La Vire; and here, near
Chef-de-Caux, they were soon afterward joined
by men-of-war from England and Brittany. The
Burgundians were especially strong; the duke
had found at Ecluse two galleys from Genoa,
besides a good many Spanish and Portuguese
ships, and a few German trading boats, which
were all impressed for his service.
The Burgundians proceeded to summon the
English fleet, giving notice at the same time that
they had no quarrel with the French. The Ad-
miral de Bourbon replied that in any case there
must be no fighting in French waters. Mean-
time every vessel that could be spared was being
equipped for Warwick's benefit. R6nd of Pro-
vence was sparing no trouble or expense to aid
the cause of his daughter, the exiled Queen Mar-
garet. Louis himself was superintending the
business, passing and repassing among the coast


towns, under his habitual pretext of a pilgrimage
to Mont St. Michel. According to Polydore
Vergil, a fairly large fleet and "an army not to
be despised" were got together in the course of
the summer. In September it was arranged that
Warwick and his fleet should shift their quarters
to Havre, and slip across to England whenever
the chance arrived. On the night of September
the 13th a great storm arose. The Burgundians
were caught and scattered far and wide, some
toward Scotland, some back toward Flanders and
Holland. Then the wind veered to the south-
east. Some say that a fog came on, which puz-
zled the English commanders in the blockading
squadron; others tell us, with greater probabil-
ity, of a breeze blowing hard for Devonshire.
Warwick at once sailed out, and made for Dart-
mouth, where he had left the people, a few
months before, all well-disposed to the Red Rose
and old King Henry. The French fleet sailed with
him as a convoy, under orders to run ahead with-
out fighting, unless they were actually attacked.
After a run of nearly three hundred miles they
passed Torbay and Berry Head, and stood at the
entrance to the haven; the great chain was low-
ered, and they passed in between the castles.


King Edward had been vainly warned of his dan-
ger. Even after the landing he wrote to Charles
of Burgundy to come and catch the invaders in
the trap. But while he was getting his forces
together the armies of the West came upon him,
sixty thousand strong, and in a few days he was
a fugitive, and making for his refuge in Flanders
Amid the clash of these great events the
trouble about the Venetian galleys was forgot-
ten. We are not told in so many words that
Colombo and his ships gave up the pursuit for a
time; but it is obvious, from what the historians
have recorded, that the squadron must have
joined the main French force, and must have
been blockaded with the rest at the mouth of the
Seine. It is difficult to suppose that they took
no part in the expedition to Dartmouth.
Under the orders of Louis, or of R6n6, or as
the habitual associates of Coulon, one must sup-
pose that the younger Colombo and his men
were made to carry part of Warwick's forces, or
to help in convoying his fleet. If this be so, it is
nearly certain that Christopher Columbus must
have seen the south coast of Devonshire and
entered the port of Dartmouth. We know, from


his own words to Ferdinand, that he was in the
service of Colombo, and fought for him off Cape
St. Vincent; and it is expressly stated in his let-
ters that he had been in England and had seen
the harbors there, "though he never saw any har-
bors as good as those which he found in the
When the galleys were going home in the
autumn with the ships detailed for their protec-
tion, they found the enemy awaiting them off
the coast of Portugal. Creeping past Vigo Bay
and the broad estuary of the Tagus, they came
in sight of the bar of Odemira, where Columbus
afterward saw land at the end of his second voy-
age; and the place is memorable for the reason
that he had used what seemed to be a propheti-
cal power, and had guessed the longitude by the
variations of the needle, when all the pilots were
at fault. Further on there stretched into the sea
the great wedge-shaped form of Cape St. Vincent,
the "Sacred Promontory" of the ancient geogra-
phers, who believed it to be the western extrem-
ity of the world. Behind the Cape was the
favorite lurking-place of the "French pirates."
Here in February, 1477, while Christopher Co-
lumbus was in the North Sea, his old commander


waited for the galleys and a crowd of merchant-
men from Cadiz. Here, too, on the 21st of
August, 1485, the four galleys, sailing this time
from Cadiz without protection, "fell in with
Colombo, that is to say, Nicolo Griego, captain
of seven armed ships under the flag of King
Charles of France," or, according to a fuller de-
scription in a letter from King Ferdinand to
Henry the Seventh, "met Columbus, the vice
admiral of the French seas and commander of
the navy of the most Christian king." At day-
break they came to blows, and the battle, which
ended in the capture of all the galleys, lasted as
we are told "from the first hour of the day till
the twentieth." The Venetians threatened re-
prisals, but the matter soon subsided in a long
negotiation. A few years afterward, the admiral
himself had to change his course on his third voy-
age across the Atlantic, in order to avoid an
attack from the French ships hovering off the
cape. Some time afterward the "French pi-
rates" had a great success in capturing a Portu-
guese trader passing near the cape with a cargo
of gold, ivory, and African merchandise from the
Gold Coast. The King of Portugal was not so
peaceful as the Venetians had shown themselves.


He threatened instant war, unless both ship and
cargo were restored; and when everything was
given up, except one gray parrot, he again threat-
ened war until the French king gave back the
parrot at last, and so averted a catastrophe.
The picturesque and fervid account of the
action of 1470, in which Christopher Columbus
took part, must have come, one would think,
from the admiral's own lips, in the very words
reported by Don Ferdinand. The narrative is
no way injured by the error which the biographer
made in thinking that the later battle, described
by the Venetian writers, was that in which his
father had been engaged. After speaking of
Colombo the Younger, he proceeds as follows:
"I say that while the admiral sailed with the
aforesaid Colombo el Mozo, which was a long
time, it fell out that, hearing of the galleys com-
ing from Flanders, they went out to look for
them, and found them near Cape St. Vincent.
Then falling to blows, they fought furiously, and
grappled and. beat one another from ship to ship
with rage and fury, with their pikes and hand
grenades and other fiery artillery; and so after
they had fought from matins to vespers, and
many had been killed, the fire seized on my


father's ship and also on one of the great galleons.
Now they were grappled together, with iron
hooks and chains such as sailors use, and neither
of them could get free because of the confusion
and fear of the fire; and the fire soon grew so
great that the only hope was for all who could to
leap into the water, and to die quick rather than
face the torment of the flames. But the admiral
being an excellent swimmer, and seeing himself
about two leagues from land, laid hold of an oar
which Fortune offered him, and sometimes rest-
ing on it and sometimes swimming, it pleased
God, who was preserving him for greater ends, to
give him strength to get to land, but so tired and
spent with the water that he had much ado to
recover himself."
The story now concludes: "It was not far
from Lisbon, where he knew that there were
many Genoese, and he went there as fast as he
could; and being recognized by his friends, he
was so courteously received and entertained that
he set up house and married a wife in that city."


"Sanguine he was. But a less vivid hue
Than of that islet in the chestnut bloom
Flamed in his cheek ; and eager eyes, that still
Took joyful note of all things joyful, beamed
Beneath a mane-like mass of rolling gold."

COLUMBUS was about twenty-four years old
when he settled at Lisbon. Some rumors of the
world's admiration of his fine appearance and
vigorous mind have come down to our times.
He was gifted with the physical strength, the
subtle intelligence, and the instinctive love of the
sea which antiquity attributed to the Ligurians.
He had little other resemblance to their dark and
slender race. He bore the signs of descent from
a Teutonic stock, being light-haired and fair, like
one of the Lombard warriors on the frescoes in
the Palace of Theodolind. Both his sons, as well
as the historian Herrera who was in possession of
many of his documents, have said that he was of
a comely presence. He was tall and large
of limb. His face was long, with an aquiline nose;
the cheeks -rather full, "neither large nor lean,"


according to Don Ferdinand; he had a very
clear complexion, with a ruddy glow and bright
patches of red; his eyes were of a bluish gray;
his hair and beard were red in his youth, but
they lost their color and became gray before he
was thirty years old.
There are many portraits of Columbus, but
none which have been absolutely accepted as
genuine; and we have probably no means of
recovering the outline of any original from which
subsequent copies may be taken to have de-
scended. According to an ancient tradition in
Spain, the admiral's portrait was taken at Seville,
after his return from the second voyage. Nava-
rete has shown that, if this were so, the artist
must have been Antonio del Rincon, who was at
that time attached to the court of King Ferdi-
nand; but the fact that he was painted still
remains to be proved. There are two portraits
in Spain to which a high antiquity is attributed,
the one now in the Arsenal at Carthagena, and
the other belonging to the admiral's descendants.
The latter is very like the ancient bust of Colum-
bus at Madrid, and may possibly have been taken
from it. A copy of it was prefixed to Navarete's
work as being that which the family have consid-


ered to be nearest to the truth. The portrait in
the NationalLibrary at Madrid has been so
much repainted that it is difficult to guess at its
original appearance; but there is some reason to
think that it may have been copied from an
Italian version.
A peculiar interest attaches to a set of por-
traits derived from an original which once be-
longed to Paolo Giovio and was exhibited in his
museum at Como. The learned Bishop of No-
cera made the first great collection of portraits.
His method is explained in his own delightful
descriptions of the gallery. In dealing with the
great men of antiquity, he had recourse to like-
nesses on coins and to old statues; in the case of
famous Italians, he copied the figures on tombs
and monuments. Sometimes, as when dealing
with the leading jurists, he found a set of por-
traits ready to his hand in one of the small local
collections. Other pictures were copied for him
at Rome, Florence, and Milan. Sometimes he
was able to secure the work of the great masters
themselves. His "Solyman the Magnificent"
was a replica of the picture painted by Gentile
Bellini, in fear and trembling, at Constantinople.
His "Matthias Corvinus" was by Andrea Man-


tegna. Giulio Romano had delivered over to the
museum the heads from Bramantino's frescoes,
which Raffaelle himself had copied in the Vati-
can. We find him writing to Aretino for another
portrait, this time to be taken by Titian. He
usually tells us the source from which he ob-
tained his treasures. The set of Turkish Sultans,
for instance, was a present to the King of France
from the pirate Barbarossa; the likeness of the
last Sultan of Egypt was copied from the picture
taken at the storming of Cairo; the lineaments
of "Scanderbeg" had been compared with the
face of his descendant as he lay- dead on the bat-
tlefield at Ravenna.
The bishop himself had seen Tristan d'Acun-
ha at Rome, and could vouch for the excellence
of his likeness, as well as for the truth to nature
of the figures of Tristan's elephant and rhinoc-
eros, which were depicted in the entrance hall.
The museum itself stood on a promontory
opposite to a little island, just beyond the en-
trance to the harbor of Como. The island has
been reclaimed, and the whole site is now taken
into the town. From the terrace on the north-
ern front the visitor came into a spacious hall
with open porticoes, and rooms on all sides filled


with statues or pictures. The upper gallery was
used for the historical portraits, and here, in the
series of heroes and warriors, was hung the fine
picture of Columbus of which mention has al-
ready been made. It was set in a frame carved
with emblems of maritime discovery, and con-
taining the figures of an Ethiopian king and of
an Indian in a garment of parrots' feathers. At-
tached to it was a parchment scroll containing
the eulogy on the admiral, together with a some-
what inaccurate account of the celebrated voy-
ages, from which a few sentences may be taken.
"Here is that Christopher Columbus, the discov-
erer of a wonderful world unknown to any age
before; whom we may believe to have been born
under the benign influence of fortunate stars, to
be an incomparable honor to Liguria, a choice
adornment of Italy, a flaming light of our age,
and that he might outshine the fame of the
heroes of old. Columbus from his first youth
was given up, like all his countrymen, to naviga-
tion, and traveled to all the marts and islands
and shores of the Mediterranean Sea; and, as
one vehemently given to geography, he turned
all the strength of his deep-searching mind to the
contemplation of all matters and regions in the


terrestrial sphere, and that with such spirit and
force as to learn from astronomy the measures of
the tropics and equator and the various zones, as
well as the exact use of the compass and the
whole chart of the sea; and he predicted, with no
vain conjecture, that quite new lands lay under the
western sun, whereof, indeed, Plato himself and
Seneca, and other Greeks and Romans, had left
certain arguments to be weighed and considered
by the cosmographers." The inscription ended
by recommending the Genoese to set up a statue
of the discoverer of a world, though in that day
they had the character of admiring the present
and rather underrating the past.
Paolo Giovio was a contemporary of Colum-
bus, having been born in 1483. But he can
hardly have begun making his collection till after
1527, the year of the sack of Rome, in which he
lost all his possessions. It is said that he closed
his historical series in 1544, when his dying
brother Benedetto was gratified by being added
to the persons there commemorated. Paolo him-
self died in 1552. The portraits were hurriedly
copied by Cristofano dell' Altissimo and others
working under him; and the copies are still to be
seen in the Uffizi Gallery at Florence. Almost


all the portraits appear in the woodcuts to the
volumes of "Elogia," published by Peter Pera at
Basle in 1575 and 1577, and reprinted in 1578
after a closer examination of the original. Ros-
coe states, in his "Life of Pope Leo," that the
collections as made by Paolo Giovio were long
preserved in the College of the Holy Rosary at
Venice, the seal of the college being affixed to
the back of every picture. We learn that on
their dispersal he acquired many of them for his
own collection; but nothing is stated by him as
to the fate of the admiral's portrait. A discov-
ery has lately been made at Como which may
throw some light on the question. A portrait of
Columbus in his old age has been found among
the heirlooms of the Giovio family by Dr. De
Orchi, its present representative. It differs
considerably from the Florentine picture, but
might perhaps have been the original from which
Perna's woodcut was derived. Paolo Giovio may
very well have had two portraits of his favorite
hero; but it is important to observe, in any case,
that he refrains from saying where he procured
the painting to which the text of his biographical
narrative was attached.
Returning to Columbus at Lisbon, we must


now notice a curious mistake that has crept into
some of the biographies, to the effect that his
brother Bartholomew was already established
there, and was celebrated as a famous geogra-
pher; and that Christopher Columbus thereupon
proceeded to learn map-making from him and all
the science and information which led to the dis-
covery of America.
It was one of the thirteen lies, to use Don
Ferdinand's rough phrase, which Giustiniani
crammed on to a sheet of paper when he set
about illustrating the Psalter, that the admiral
went to Lisbon to learn cosmography from his
brother: "which was quite the contrary, because
the admiral lived in that city first, and afterward
taught the brother everything he knew."
Giustiniani had taken the story from Antonio
Gallo of Genoa, who wrote an account of the dis-
covery during the admiral's lifetime, after reading
the letters in which the voyages were originally
described. As a matter of fact, Bartholomew
was not in Portugal in the year 1470, nor for
more than ten years afterward. How then, it
may be asked, did the mistake arise? The mat-
ter is interesting, as showing the kind of igno-
rance among educated men with which Columbus


had so often to contend, when he discussed his
projects and theories, again and again, in fruitless
Gallo was all the time confusing Don Bartholo-
mew with Ptolemy, or "Tolomeo," the ancient
geographer of Alexandria. He thought that
Columbus was referring to instruction received
from his brother when he was discussing the
measurements in maps of the second century, or
was declaring his preference for the still older
views of Marinus of Tyre. One example will
serve to illustrate the point. It has reference to
the position of the ancient city of Cattigara, on
the eastern confines of India. Marinus had
placed it in a certain position of eastern longi-
tude, and in the same latitude as the mouths of
the Indus. This fixed point of Martnus had
been altered by Ptolemy, who thought that he
had corrected his master's measurement by
bringing it thirty degrees nearer to Africa.
When Columbus saw the eclipse at Evangelista
near Cuba, as mentioned in his Jamaica letter, he
thought that he had reached the fixed point indi-
cated by Marinus, and had therefore arrived at
India, and had joined the map of his own route
to the map of the world as known to the an-


clients. He was on the 24th parallel of latitude
and "in the 9th hour" of western longitude, so
that he must be near the city in question. Now
Gallo goes into all these details, quoting the
words of the admiral's letter, and concludes that
Columbus had reached the point indicated by
Ptolemy "only two hours east of that place
which Bartholomaeus called Cattigara, and consid-
ered to be the last inhabited region of the East."
For such reasons he describes Don Bartholomew
as a very celebrated cosmographer, "whose charts
showed by just lines and proportions all the seas
and ports, and the shores, gulfs, and islands";
and he credits the younger brother with showing
to Christopher, as a practical sailor, how he must
follow the Portuguese track along the coast of
Africa, and then turn to the right, and then, sail-
ing always toward the West, he must arrive at
the continent beyond the ocean.
The biography tells us how courteously Colum-
bus was received by the Italian merchants in Lis-
bon, and how his reputation was increased when
it was found that "he behaved honorably, and
did nothing but what was just." There is natu-
rally but little information as to the names of
those who assisted him and helped him to set up


in business. It has been thought, however, that
some indications may be gathered from the
death-bed codicil, in which his son Don Diego
was told to pay certain legacies to persons whom
his father had known in Lisbon, or to the repre-
sentatives of such of them as were then dead,
and make the payment in such a way that no
one might know from whom the benefit came.
It has been suggested, indeed, that these gifts
may have been repayments of outstanding com-
mercial debts, or of debts at least binding in
honor; but it seems more probable, from what is
known of his character, that they were recogni-
tions of the kindness which he had received dur-
ing the early part of his career in Portugal.
We 'find in this list the names of several Geno-
ese merchants who were trading at Lisbon in the
year 1482, the date to which the codicil specially
refers, and of other Italians, connected with that
city, whom the admiral may, have known at an
earlier period. There is a gift to the heirs of one
"Antonio Vazo" of Genoa, whose name should
be "Tobazo," according to the researches insti-
tuted by Mr. Harrisse. There is also a small
legacy of twenty ducats, or their value, to the
representatives of Geronimo del Puerto of Genoa,


who was the father of Benito del Puerto, after-
ward Chancellor of the City. A legacy of 30,000
reals, equivalent to about seventy-five dollars,
was bequeathed to the heirs of Centurione
Scotto Luigi, a member of a family that still
flourishes at Genoa. Another gift of a hundred
ducats went to the heirs of Paolo de Negro of
the same place. Baptista Spinola, belonging to a
noble family established near Alessandria, was to
receive twenty ducats; and, finally, there was a
bequest of eight ounces of silver in favor of the
old Jew "who used to live close to the gate of
the Jewry in Lisbon."


If I had a friend that loved her,
I should but teach him how to tell my story,
And that would woo her. Upon this hint I spake;
She loved me for the dangers I had passed,
And I loved her that she did pity them;
This only is the witchcraft I have used.
Here comes the lady. Let her witness it."

PHILIPPA MONIZ, the hero's beautiful and
courageous wife, came of a race that loved the
sea. Her father, Perestrello, was one of the
great explorers who had found again the lost
islands of the Atlantic. To her family belonged
the government of the new colony at Porto
Santo. Some of her nearest relations were com-
panions of Vasco da Gama, and took part in the
Portuguese expeditions to India and China.
Like Columbus himself she belonged to the
fair Lombard race. She was a descendant of
Gabriel Pallastrelli, one of the best-born nobles
of Piacenza, and through his marriage she
claimed alliance with the line of the fighting
Bracciforti. Gabriel's son, Philip Pallastrelli, had


married a kinswoman of the Visconti reigning at
Milan; and he was Philippa's grandfather, after
whom she was named. When all the bold adven-
turers went out to Portugal to take part in the
maritime discoveries, Philip followed with the
rest, and became naturalized there under the
name of Perestrello.
His family seems to have prospered in its new
home. Raphael, his elder son, became the head
of a branch that still flourishes in Lisbon. Bar-
tholomew, the father of our Donna Philippa, was
brought up at the court of Prince Henry and
became one of his bravest captains. Philippa's
aunt was married to the statesman Pedro de
Naranhos, and their son was Archbishop of Lis-
bon at the time of which we are writing.
When Columbus came to Portugal, Philippa's
father had been dead for about twelve years.
Her mother had a house at Lisbon, but the
young lady held a somewhat independent posi-
tion. Either through her father's merits, or by
the favor of her cousin the Archbishop, she was
a "cavaliera," or dame, in one of the knightly
orders, with a home, if she pleased, in the rich
Convent of All Saints. Here, it is said, she used
to sing in the chapel choir. The young Genoese


found his way to the same church and became con-
stant in his attendance at the service. She noticed
his fine figure and handsome appearance, and soon
permitted him to make a closer acquaintance.
O tre fiate avventurosa figlia
Di Perestrello !'ti condusse more
Ad incontrar l'eroe.

To some of her prosperous relations an alliance
between Philippa and an Italian adventurer must
have been extremely distasteful. He was clever
enough, and able to keep himself with his charts
and scrolls; but, after all, he was nothing but a
foreign captain who had lost his ship, and had
joined the crowd of adventurers full of rich
promises and fantastic inventions.
The lady had inherited a strong will. Her
father, we know, was dead, and he had left her a
plantation in his island of Porto Santo. She ad-
mired the brave spirit of Columbus, and shared
in his fervid dreams; and "she was so taken with
him," says the biographer, "that she soon became
his wife."
Columbus found that he was introduced to a
host of new friends and relations. Philippa had
much to tell him of her father's exploits, and of
her young brother serving in Africa, who would


soon be taking over his governorship. 'Her
father had been twice married. She had three
half-sisters, the children of Donna Beatrix Fur-
tada. These were Kate and Beatrix and Iseult,
"Queen Iseult, at Porto Santo," whose husband
was Pedro Correa, the governor, or rather, per-
haps, the acting-governor, ready to give up the
post to young Bartholomew as soon as he was of
age to take it. She had sisters of her own. The
name of one of them appears in the last will of
Don Diego, the second viceroy, who left a good
legacy to his "Aunt Brigulaga." We know that
one of her sisters was married to a Spanish gen-
tleman named Mulia, residing at Huelva, with
whom Columbus took refuge when he fled from
Portugal. Her home, by a curious chance, was
near the pine woods that enfold the monastery
of La Rabida, where the admiral found peace
and good counsel; and it looked out over the
Port of Palos, across the red bar of Saltes, where
he sailed out with his little fleet on the first night
of his great adventure.
Philippa's mother was Donna Isabel Moniz,
one of the children of Gil Moniz, a man of good
family from Algarete, who had raised himself
from the position of a secretary to a place of


some dignity and importance. Several members
of his family are mentioned in the Portuguese
records. He had three sons, Diogo, Vasco, and
Ruy, and a daughter Guiomar, who was married
to Don Diaz de Lemos before Columbus and
Philippa became acquainted. Philippa's uncle
Diogo was one of the guardians of her brother's
estate. The other uncles were very busy about
a family lawsuit that began in the year before
her engagement. Her grandfather, Gil Moniz,
had endowed a private chapel and vault in the
Carmelite monastery, and it was clear that no one
out of his direct line was intended to use the
vault. But the Prior had unjustly allowed a
stranger to be buried there; and the family
hoped and believed, quite rightly, as the event
turned out, that they would obtain a plain decree
that the lineage of Gil Moniz alone had the right
of interment. The chapel and all its monuments
were long ago swallowed up in the pit of the
great earthquake; but the family tradition re-
mains that Donna Isabel was buried there, and
that Philippa's body rested for a time in the
vault before her son, the heir of Columbus,
removed them to the famous tomb in the cathe-
dral church of San Domingo,


Philippa could tell many a story of the lonely
rock of Porto Santo where her childhood had been
spent. When Perestrello died in 1457, Donna
Isabel was glad to take her children home, and to
leave her son-in-law Correa to look after the plan-
tations and to keep up the dignity of a court and
colony in miniature. The children, we suppose,
would be as tired as herself of the long white bay
and the huddled crowd of sand hills, with here
and there a peak of basalt, or a cliff with staring
expanses of lava. There was nothing to be seen
on the island, except the new sugar mills and the
vineyards where the vines were pegged down a
few inches from the ground. You might see
rabbits in multitudes among the sand hills, and
there were armies of rats and lizards to feed upon
the grapes. The former pest, indeed, had nearly
destroyed the colony when it was first estab-
lished. Perestrello himself had turned out a lit-
ter of tame rabbits, and the rash experiment had
resulted in a total destruction of the crops.
Nothing seemed to thrive there except dragon
trees, and even these had become scarce. It was
said that there had been thousands of them when
the island was first discovered; and Philippa's
father had hoped to become rich by selling the


gum, which some people called "cinnabar" from
its red color, and others "dragon's blood"; and
there was a story about an Eastern gum of the
same nature being drawn from the blood of an
Indian serpent. The fruit was used in fattening
pigs; it looked like a yellow cherry, but was
rather bitter in taste. Only a few of the trees
were left. There had been some with trunks
large enough to make a boat for six or seven
men; but they had been cut down for all kinds
of uses, whenever a man wanted "wood for a
shield, or a bushel for his corn."
When the marriage took place the young
couple went to live with Donna Isabel. Colum-
bus set to work in earnest at map-making, and
his wife soon found that she was able to do a
great deal in assisting her husband. Her mother
became a close ally, and encouraged her son-in-
law to persevere in the path which his courage
had marked out. The widowed lady was fond of
talking about her husband as "a great seafaring
man," and she knew all about the compact of the
three captains that had led to the settlement of
Madeira. Everyone had heard of Tristram Vaz,
who ruled the province of Machico, and of old
.Zarco, called "Camara dos Lobos," who till within


a few months past had been carried out every
morning at Funchal into the sunshine, "to hear
complaints and to administer justice."
Madeira was said to rank next to Britain as "a
princess of the islands in the ocean." Whatever
can be known about its ancient history is of
some importance still, because the finding of each
stepping-stone in the Atlantic had a bearing
upon the discovery of America. Madeira and
her twin colony are thought to have been the
"purple islands" described by King Juba, the
country where the great Sertorius had longed to
dwell, "far from the noise of war and free from
the troubles of government." Here was the land
where the Spaniards in old times had placed the
fabled gardens of Alcinous, where the fruit never
fades nor perishes, "but pear upon pear waxes
old, and apple upon apple." It might be worth
while to go back to one ancient authority, and to
investigate the obscure question whether Ma-
deira was not the subject of one of the enigmati-
cal descriptions in the cosmography of /Ethicus.
The matter would, at any rate, have a bearing on
Humboldt's strange theory that the dragon trees
in the Atlantic islands were introduced by mer-
chants from India. This cosmography, as the

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