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GENDER ISSUES IN FARMING SYSTEMS
RESEARCH AND EXTENSION
ACCESS AND CONTROL OF RESOURCES IN THE FARMING SYSTEM:
RECENT LEGAL, POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHANGES
Nell N. Diallo and Joseph G. Nagy
FSU/SAFGRAD is involved in Farming Systems research on the Mossi
Plateau in Burkina Faso.2 As in other sahel and sudanian countries of
Africa, low soil fertility, lack of soil water retention and availability
and labor shortages at the peak labor demand periods of planting and
weeding are major constraints to increased yield and production. FSU has
spent much of its research on technology evaluation'of soil fertility and
water retention techniques (Ohm et al., 1985a & b, Nagy et al., 1986b).
Technology evaluation involved assessing: technical feasibility, profita-
bility/risk, and the "fit" within the farming system (Sanders and Roth,
1985 and Nagy et al., 1985). More recently, technology evaluation at FSU
has attempted to include inter-household considerations. Specific intra-
household questions that are asked are as follows: 1) If there are new
tasks to be performed, was there a change in the division of labor (gender
or age group) such that a heavier burden is carried by one of these groups?,
2) If new resources are required, were some groups denied access to and
control over these resources which may have income distribution or change
in status implications? 3) What is the incentive structure, ie., do par-
ticipants in the use of the new technology receive a share in the returns
(Mckee, 1984 ).
!Administrative and Training Coordinator, and Economist, FSU/SAFGRAD,
2The Purdue University Farming Systems Unit (FSU) is part of the Semi-Arid
Food Grain Research and Development project in Africa with the Coordi-
nation Office in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso.
- I -
Within the farming system, access to and control of the factors of
production (land, labor, capital including new technologies and infor-
mation) most often means control of the output (revenues) and the uses to
which they are put. Apart from equity considerations, gender access to
and control over the factors of production have an important role to play
in technology intervention design and diffusion. This paper explores the
intra-household issues of the access and control of resources within the
farming systems of the Mossi Plateau. After a brief background on Burkina
and the farming systems of the Mossi Plateau, a description of the tra-
ditional access to and control of resources are given along with the legal
and political environment within which the farming systems ishoperating.
The most recent legal and political changes which have possible implica-
tions for changes in gender access to and control of resources are then'- .
BACKGROUND ON BURKINA FASO1
Burkina is a land locked country in the center of West Africa
(Fig. 1).2 Ouagadougou is the capital. Burkina is situated in the zone
known as the semi-arid tropics and the climate is primarily sudanian with
the exception of the northeast which is sahalian. Long term average annual
rainfall ranges from 500 mm in the northeastern sahalian zone to 1400 mm in
the extreme southwest. Since the mid-sixties, annual rainfall has averaged
100 to 150 mm below the long term average. Deforestation and drought are
real concerns. The 1972-74 and 1984 droughts caused enormous hardships.
1This and the following two sections are taken largely from Nagy et al.,
1985 and Nagy et al., 1986a which give greater detail of the background
and farming systems of Burkina Faso.
2The country is located between 9020' and 1505' latitude north and 2020'
longitude east and 5030' longitude west of the prime maridian. The land
area of the country is 274,000 square kilometers of which an estimated
one-half is arable. Eighty-five percent of the land area is plain with
an altitude of between 200 to 350 meters above sea level.
The population of Burkina is 6.5 million (mid-1983) and growing at
an annual rate of 2.7%. The adult literacy rate in burkina is 8.8% and at
present about 28% of the primary school-aged children receive a basic
education (skewed heavily toward the urban population). The infant morta-
lity rate is 144/1000 and the average life expectancy is 44 years.
Burkina is comprized of about sixty ethnic groups. The Mossi, which
comprizes about one-half of the population are the dominant group in both
politics and the economic life of Burkina. The Peul (Fulani), who are
transhumance, comprize about 10% of the population. Other groups include
the Lobi Dagari (7%), Bobo (7%) and the Senoufo (5.5%). The majority
of the population (65%) follow traditional religions. About 30% follow
Islam and 5% are Christian. French is the official government language
and is taught in schools however, most of the people speak African lan-
guages in the country side.
Burkina is one of the poorest countries in the world with a per
capital GNP estimated at US S 180 (1983) and a per capital GDP growth rate
of -3.1% (1980-84). Eighty-five to 90% of the population.is engaged in
farming and livestock production. Agriculture contributes 41% to the
GDP. The country is one of Africa's least industrialized nations. Both
the Balance of Trade and the Balance of Payments have been in deficit
since 1975. The Balance of Payment is covered mostly byforeign aid as
well as by borrowing and worker remittances (25% of Burkina's work force,
mostly young unmarried men, work in neighboring countries).
Since independence from France in 1960, Burkina Faso has had to cope
with the problem of food security the ability to assure consumption of
a nutritionally adequate diet for all members of the country. Growth in
*- 3 -.
per capital food production for the period 1971 to 1979 was zero but between
1980 to 1984, the growth rate was -2.1%. Levels of food imports have in-
creased from US 3 11.3 million in 1970 to US 3 74.5 million in 1985
(McNamara, 1985). Although increases in food availability have kept pace
with population growth allowing per capital consumption to remain constant,.
aggregate caloric intake is 85% and lipid consumption only 50% of nutri-
tionally recommended levels. On average, protein consumption is adequate
GENERAL FARMING SYSTEMS INFORMATION
The soils of the Mossi Plateau are classified as alfisols and are
very low in fertility. The texture is predominantly sandy-clay with some
sandy-loam soils. After a rain the soil surface dries and forms a crust
which restricts water infiltration and aeriation and increases rainfall
runoff (Kowal and Kassam, 1978). In the dry season (Mid-October to Mid-
May) the soils harden making pre-plant cultivation difficult and almost
impossible by traditional methods until there is a major rain. Land quality
deteriorates as one moves up the toposequence. Rainfall is highly variable
and unpredictable and combined with the properties of the soil leads to
water retention and soil erosion problems.
A traditional household generally consists of a male head of the
household and his wife or wives and their young children. The size of the
household varies and may include the sons of the head and their wives and
children. Men, women and children are involved in agricultural activities.
Table 1 outlines the gender division of labor by activity between men and
women. Table 2 presents the demographic characteristics and resource
endowments of three FSU villages. Table .3 presents the labor hours worked
by gender on communal fields. .....
In general, farmers' goals on the Mossi Plateau are subsistence
oriented with the most immediate goal being that of meeting their staple
food consumption needs (FSU/SAFGRAD, 1983). This generally means har-
vesting enough sorghum and millet in November to feed their families until
the beginning of the maize harvest in late August that provides food
during the "hungry period" the period- between ending stocks and the
new harvest. Once the subsistence goals have been met however, they do
have aspirations for increasing their welfare.
A labor calendar of activities performed on various crops is presen-
ted in Table 4. Field preparation for planting mainly takes the form of
clearing the land. Little pre-plant cultivation is done because of the
soil characteristics even when households have animal traction. All plant-
ing is done manually with a short handled hoe (Daba). Weeding is either
done manually or by a combination of manual and animal traction. Planting
begins with the first significant rains which comes between the beginning
of May and the end of June. The major staple crops grown are maize on the
fertile compound land, sorghum on the lower parts of the toposequence and
millet which is usually grown on the less fertile soils. Small quantities
of rice are also grown in the bottom lands. Cash crops include peanuts,
bambara nuts, and cowpeas. Other crops, include okra, peppers, and sesame
which are often planted as field borders near the compound. Most of the
sorghum and millet fields are intercropped to some extent with cowpeas.
Dry season activities include construction of buildings and fences, weaving
of mats, pottery work and other craft work and is the main season for
visiting, parties,marriages, and ceremonial duties.
Labor availability becomes a pressing constraint at planting and at the
first weeding periods. A limited labor market exists for agricultural
activities, particularly at planting and first weeding. Most farmers
use their own household labor and little labor is hired in or out.
Livestock are an integral part of the farming system. Most households
own cattle. Nearly half the Mossi and over a third of the Gourmantche
cattle owners send their cattle in transhumance the seasonal movement of
livestock between pasture zones. (Vengroff, 1980, p. 62). Livestock
(mostly donkeys) are used for traction and it is estimated that about
10% of the farms in Burkina use animal traction. Little supplemental
feeding is done thus the traction animals are very weak in the first part
of the agricultural (rainy) season. Each household has some small rumi-
nants (sheep and goats) and poultry.
A major problem that must be faced in Burkina is the effect of the
increasing man-land ratio on the farming systems of the Mossi Plateau.
The increasing man-land ratio is causing a change in the traditional far-
ming systems in many villages. Traditionally, farmers planted land for
five to seven years and then it is fallowed for up to 20 years to restore
the fertility. In some villages there is limited access to new land and
virtually all land within the boundaries of these villages have been cul-
tivated continuously over the past ten to twenty years. The shorter
fallow period in combination with the present farm management practice
of burning or the removing of all plant material for household and animal
feed exhausts the soil. The end result is that as more pressure is put on
the land for food production, soil deterioration will increase, resulting
in lower yields and lower food production.
TRADITIONAL ACCESS AND CONTROL OF RESOURCES AND OUTPUT
Although land is never privately owned, there are different degrees
of tenure security depending on where the rights to control the land come
from. A household's claim to land is through membership in one of the
clans of a village (McMillan, 1980). Several clans exist within a village
and each clan has claim to a portion of the land. The size and quality
of the land claim depends on the order of arrival of the clan in the
village (the largest and best to first-comers) and its relationship to the
chieftaincy. Within each household, land is passed from father (house-
hold head) to eldest son and the -household head is given an "Individual
right" to the control and distribution of the land to household members
with little interference from clan elders.
Another form of land tenure is a 'customary right" held by the clan
elders and the village chief. A major portion of the land cultivated in a
village is "borrowed land" form households that have sufficient land for
their own needs or from those having land through customary rights. This
form of tenure allows for adjustments in family size and composition over
time. Lenders of land usually receive token payments such as Kola nuts,
salt, or a tine of grain (18 to 20 kgs) each year. Borrowers have tempo-
rary cultivation rights but may not be given the right to gather straw, fire-
wood or fruits and leaves of trees from the land. Lenders guard the rights
to their land by not lending land for long periods, usually for less than
five years, and not lending the best land or land for subsistence crops.
Borrowers seem to be less willing to increase the productivity of the land
through fertilization, use of manure, or soil water or erosion practices
for fear of the lender reclaiming the land before the borrower gets full
payment back from his investment. The amount of land in each tenure cate-
gory may differ from village to village. The percentage of land in each
The discussion on land tenure and the rights to cultivation in the present
and forthcoming paragraphs originate from Nagy et al., 1986a and are based
largely on: McMillan, 1980; Hernderson et al., 1982; and Saunders, 1980.
tenure category for villages around Kaya are as follows; Individual 36.6%,
Customary 9.8% and Borrowed 53.8% (McMillan, 1980, p. 13).
Within the household, the household head has the right to subdivide
the inherited land. There is a distinction between collective or communal
fields of the household that provide the major subsistence crops (sorghum,
millet and maize) and private or personal fields which individuals culti-
vate for their own use (Table 5). Work on collective fields takes priority
over work on private fields especially in peak labor demand periods.
Various members of the household have private fields and their location
and size is decided by the head. Women do not inherit land but obtain the
right to the use of land through their husbands. The wives of the house-
hold generally grow one plot of sorghum or millet, and one of peanuts or
bambara nuts along with such crops as okra and small amounts of maize
(Table 6). Small amounts of produce are sold in the market (Table 7) and
the revenues kept for personal use, but during the dry season grain from
these plots must feed the women and children for at least one meal per day.
Unmarried teenage-children are also given small plots on which they grow
cash crops and keep the revenue. The private plots of women and teenagers
can change location from year to year. Men within the household (brothers,
sons or cousins of the head) who are married also obtain and cultivate
personal land for their own use. They also, like the Household head, can
give land to their wives and children to use as their private fields. They
are however still dependent on the communal fields for much of their food and
must work in them. Some subsistencecrop are grown on men's fields as are cash
crops such as peanuts, bambara nuts and cotton. The private fields of the
married males are usually the first step in forming their own household
and the location of the fields do not change as often as other private fields.
The best quality land is usually reserved for the communal fields and tend
.- 8 -
to have slightly higher yields because of the ability of the household head
to command labor at the optimum planting and weeding times.
Non-Muslim women are involved in the making of a sorghum beer called
dolo. Dolo is made from either red or white sorghum. Women make it for
home consumption (usually feasts) or for selling in the market. If made
for the family, the sorghum comes from the communal fields but if made for
the market, the sorghum is usually bought. The women have the right to
spend the proceeds from the dolo sales and will usually buy things for
the family or for herself such as cloth or jewelry. In some villages,
dolo making is regulated to permit everyone a turn to make and sell it.
Men and most women own small ruminants and poultry. Women either
buy them or receive them as gifts from their husbands. It is rare that
Mossi women own cattle (Henderson, in Vengroff, 1980, p. 115). Women can
sell their livestock (Table 8) but need the permission of the husband
(Henderson, in Vengroff, 1980, p. 117). Women consider small ruminants a
good investment and purchase clothing and condiments as well as millet in
times of food shortages. Little time is devoted to the care of small
ruminants or poultry by either men or women the children do most of the
The extension system is responsible for the dissemination of household
and agricultural information, credit and new technologies and thus is an
important factorin the farming systems with respect to the access to and
control of resources and information. The extension system is adminis-
tered through the Ministry of Agricultural and Rural Development and the
country is divided into eleven Regional Development Organizations (ORD's).
There are 2922 employees in the extension system of which over 75% have
less than a high school education. Women make up 3% of the employees and
there are no women who have an education level beyond high school. To
receive the services of the ORD's, it is necessary to form into coope-
rative groups with many of the groups being either totally male or female.
There were 945 women's groups recognized by the ORD's in 1984. There
is a program of assistance to some women's groups whereby an animatrice
(special women extension personnel) is attached to the group to provide
leadership and education. However, their low level of education and train-
ing especially in accounting and administration inhibit the assistance
that they might give. Where cooperative groups include both men and women,
the men usually occupy the administrative and important positions.
Most formal credit is obtained through membership (usually by the
household head) in a village credit group. The membership must be approved
by the ORD and the group and a fee must be paid ranging from 500 to 2000
CFA (Ohm et al., 1985a). This form of credit is administered by the
regional ORD with financing usually provided by the Caisse Nationale de
Credit Agricole (CNCA). The interest rate is subsidized and set at 5.5%
There are no special credit programs for women. Because they lack colla-
teral and administrative and accounting skills as well as the knowledge of
how to apply for a loan, little credit is given to women by the CNCA or
by the regular Banks. Much of the credit that has been given to women has
come through special donor agency programs and only a small portion could
be termed agricultural. In the cotton growing area, SOFITEX the national
cotton para-statal is an important source of credit for agricultural
inputs such as fertilizer and pesticides. SOFITEX also markets the cotton.
The clients are-mostly male.
The informal market is very active and at times used to purchase farm
inputs but is mainly used for non-agricultural purposes such as food.
Annual interest rates in the informal market are high and range from 200
to 250% (Ohm et al., 1985a)..
RECENT LEGAL AND POLITICAL CHANGES AFFECTING WOMEN'S
STATUS AND ACCESS TO AND CONTROL OF RESOURCES
Women's rights has emerged as a national issue of the newt.government
in Burkina. In a Presidential address, the government states its position;
"To create a new women's mentality which will permit her to assume
the destiny of the country alongside that of men is the essential
work of the revolution."(Presidential speech, October 2, 1983).
The government has followed up by appointing women to head the
Ministries of Sport, Budget and Social Affairs (which was the only Ministry
previously headed by a woman) and appointed women to high level adminis-
trative positions. The following laws and regulations which deal with
changing the status of women indicates the intent of the government.
Marriage. Forced marriages have been declared illegal and directives have
been issued regarding polygamy.
Sex education Planned Parenthood. The Directorate of Health for Mothers
and Children was created within the Ministry of Health and organizes, coor-
dinates and supervises the family planning in Burkina. The level of acti-
vity in the area of sex education and planned parenthood has substantially
increased over the last two years and is a priority of the government.
Excision. Declared illegal and penalties imposed on practitioners. Public
health information has been disseminated to explain the dangers.
Child Support. Government declaration that a portion of civil servants
(fathers) income be deducted to guarantee child support. The procedure and
allotments are under study.
- 11 -
The government has been able to mobilize and carry out its laws and
regulations through the organizing of a political structure that extends
throughout the country. The organization is responsible for the collection
and dissemination of information and participates in the decision making
process within the local and national governments. Each village is
represented by an elected delegate. Within the organization, there exists
the Direction de la Mobilisation et de l'Organisation de la Femme (DMOF)
which has a female representative in every town, village and sector. Their
local planning and mobilization ability has been shown by "Vaccination
Commando", the recent UNICEF sponsored innoculation program where about
2.5 million children were innoculated for a variety of diseases within a
three week period. (UNICEF, 1985).
The government has also made new regulations in the area of land
tenure. A newly created ordinance contains the conditions for allocation,
occupation, and exploitation of land. The ordinance states that:
"Urban and rural lands (of Burkina) will be allocated to those who
have a real social need without regard to sex and marital status...,"
The role of the traditional chieftaincy and the traditional ways of admi-
nistering land use rights have been abolished and replaced by a system
where land is granted for use by "competent authorities" of the Ministry
of the Interior. (GOB, 1984 ).
The ordinance to date has been almost exclusively used in urban areas
to create access to building lots by urban dwellers. The ordinance is also
the corner stone of land resettlement programs where people from densely
populated areas on the Mossi Plateau migrate and cultivate new land.
However, the ordinance has as yet not touched the traditional land tenure
system. Changing the land tenure system which has been built on centuries
of custom and traditions without turning the system into chaos is a
difficult task. Yet without some intervention, it is unlikely that the
access to and control of land will change. A solution must be found
whereby access to and control of land is made available to all without
totally disrupting the system.
In the area of credit, an agreement has been made between the Union
Revolutionnaire de Banques (UREBA) and DMOF to provide possibilities for
women to receive loans for various projects including rural development.
UREBA requires that the projects be developed:, by women's groups and that
for the security of the loan, collective responsibility.isayregqz rementt.
Hovevr'e UREBA has': limited funds and. most requesatstfor^edi iXiFi jf l -'
prepared and'rejected-on- technicalrground.S. (GOB, 198)'..
The CNCA has started to look into credit programs for women and have
lent money to several women groups. In most cases the women refused to
assume collective responsibility for the loan but would have taken personal
responsibility had the Bank let them. In these cases, the CNCA was obliged
to request the men of the village to take responsibility. The CNCA has
recognized the problems of credit and plan to hold seminars in the rural
areas outlining the requirements and procedures for obtaining credit.
There have been several workshops organized by DMOF in which the
Banks have been in attendance and have outlined the problems that they
have in granting credit. The problems included poorly prepared requests,
lack of collateral (Land and the means of production), and poor adminis-
trative ability. The women at the workshops have asked that the Banks put
into place special structures so that credit is accessible to women. As yet,
a method has not been worked out to accommodate the requirements of both sides.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
The government of Burkina has addressed itself to women's issues and
has shown intent by passing several laws and regulations to change the
status of women and their access to and control of resources. Through its
planning and organization ability, it has shown that it can mobilize people
and resources. Yet the land tenure ordinance and the meetings to aquaint
the Banking system with women's credit problems is only a start in changing
the present access to and control of resources by women within the farming
An immediate change in the present land tenure system so that all indi-
viduals wanting a free tittle to land seems unlikely. The government
ordinance however, does open the door for change. Women do have a certain
amount of access to and control over land in the present system and the new.
ordinance gives them the opportunity to gradually acquire more land and
exercise more control. This however does not solve the problem of acquiring
the other means of production equipmentn, seeds, etc.) for which collateral
is required for credit. Innovative methods need to be found so that the
Banking system can make loans to groups or individuals who do not at this
time have the necessary collateral (See Spring, 1985 for several approaches).
Ways should also be found to make loans to individuals alone who choose not
to be involved in cooperative credit groups.
With the government's ability to mobilize and through the DMOF organi-
zation, a system could be devised to better inform women about the new land
tenure ordinance and credit opportunities. Seminars on proposal writing,
accounting and administration need to be carried out. The individuals and
the role of the animatrice within the extension system also requires up-
To date, agricultural research has not fully exploited the possibi-
lities that exist with respect to women's agricultural activities. Most
research has been done on the major crops and little attention given to
women's specific crops and livestock. Since women's crops are required
to feed the family for part of year,, research is required to increase
their labor productivity.
To date women's programs have been carried out in an ad hoc manner in
Burkina. Little is known of the kinds of projects that have been funded
in the past and of their successes and failures. A first step would be to
compile information on past and on-going projectsa-which would provide a
guide for future development strategies. A second step would be to gather
the government Ministries involved along with interested International and
Donor agencies whereby under the direction of the Government of Burkina,
comprehensive plans are made in the area's of research, extension, and the
education of women.
- 15 -
- 16 -
Table 1. Gender division of labor activities.
Predominantly Predominantly Performed by both
male female male and female
Prepare fields Fetch water Planting
Construct fences Fetch wood Replanting
Guard fields Meal preparation Weeding
Small stock work Domestic chores Apply fertilizer
Large stock work Commerce (dolo + Harvest
Weave straw food items) Poultry work
Construction Child care
Commerce Spin cotton
Adapted from Delgado, 1979. Because the gender division of labor is
flexable, the criterion for classification of an activity as being
predominantly male or female is that at least three-quarters of all the
hours devoted to an activity come from the gender in question.
- 17 -
Table 2. Demographic characteristics and resource endowments
of farmers in FSU villages.1
Characteristic/endowment Bangass6 Diapangou Nedogo
Members per household2 9.07 9.50 10.67
(3.76) (5.34) ( 4.44)
Active workers per household3 5.77 7.27 5.27
(2.62) (3.54) ( 2.13)
Active male workers .2.13 2.10 2.03
Active female workers 2.24 2.63 2.80
Active child workers 1.40 2.53 .53
re~tares per household 2.15 6.93 7.14
S(..91) (3.41) (3.93)
lectares per person .263 .683 .682
.( 129) ( .252) ( .335)
Hectares per active worker .34 1.06 1.34
Total households 30 30 30
With donkey traction 4 10 13
With ox traction 20 4
Source: Lang et al., 1984, p. 51.
Standard deviations in parentheses
Active workers referes to workers who are available for household,
agricultural production, and herding work and does not include members
of the household working in the cities or other countries.
- 18 -
Table 3. Total labor hours per hectare for communal cereal fields, Burkina.1
Bangasse Diapangou Nedogo
hrs % hrs % hrs %
Men 115,8 29.3. 91.5 19.0 84.4. 28.2
Women2 219.6 55.6 236.5 49.2 174.3 58.3
Children 59.7 15.1 152.6 31.8 40.5 13.5
Source : Lang, 1985
Cereals include sorghum and millet.
2Active women workers/household as a percentage of total active workers/
household are 51.6, 41.9 and 46.2 percent for Bangasse, Diapangou and
- 19 -
Table 4. Labor calendar of activities performed on various crops.
Number Time period Observations
May 3 -
June 7 -
June 14 -
June 21 -
June 18 -
July 5 -
July 12 -
July 19 -
August 2 -
August 23 -
Planting of red sorghum, white sorghum
and millet takes place. Soil preparation
and planting of rice begins.
First weeding begins on red and white
sorghum fields. Soil preparation and
planting continues for rice and begins for
First weeding continues for red and white
sorghum and begins for millet. Soil
preparation and planting continues for
peanuts and rice while first seeding on
early planted rice fields begins.
First weeding continues on red sorghum,
white sorghum, millet, and rice. Soil
preparation and planting of later fields
of peanuts. Land preparation and planting
of first maize fields takes place.
First weeding of red. and white sorghum,
millet, and rice.. Last planting of peanuts
First weeding continues on red sorghum,
white sorghum, millet, and rice fields.
Firstweeding continues on red sorghum,
white sorghum, millet, and rice fields.
Beginning of second weeding of red and
white sorghum and rice. First weeding of
peanuts and maize.
Second weeding of all major cereals and
first weeding of peanuts and maize.
Continued second and final weeding of all
cereals. First weeding is finished on
peanut fields. Maize harvest begins.
Maize harvest continues
Harvest lasting about six weeks within
this period. Crops are generally harvested
in the following order: peanuts, red sor-
ghum, white sorghum, millet.
Source: Adapted from Roth et al., 1984.
- 20 -
Table 5. Village area cultivated by different family members.
Damesma Bangasse Zorkoum
Communal Fields 33 (50%) 41 (54%) 34 (81%)
Wives 10 (15%) 9 (12%) 7 (17%)
Unmarried children 2 (3%) 2 (3%) 1 (2%)
Married Male 20 (30%) 24 (31%) -
Elders 1 (2%. -
Total 66 76 42
Source: McMillan, 1980, Table 14.
The three villages are in the ayaArea of Burkina.
The three villages are in the Kaya.Area of Burkina.
- 21 -
Table 6. Crop area devoted to women fields.
% of Household
Crop Hectares Percentage cultivated Area
Sorghum 0.192 0.16 2.7
Millet 0.334 0.28 4.7
Sorghum/millet 0.085 0.07 1.2
Maize 0.011. 0.01 0.15
Soybeans2 0.142 0.12 2.0
Peanuts 0.386 0.32 5.3
Cotton 0.007 0.005 0.1
Bambara nuts 0.014 -* 0.01 0.2
Rice 0.007 0.005 0.1
Okra 0.021 0.02 0.3
Total 1.199 100.0 16.75
Source; Henderson et al., 1982, Table 2. (From Swanson, 1979).
1Based on survey data from the Eada area of Burkina where the average
household cultivated hectares was 7.1.
2Soybean production larger than normal because of an unusual high soybean
price in the survey year.
- 22 -
Table 7. Value of cereals
Male Head of
by Women 4.9%
Percent of Active
Source: Lang, 1985.
1For period April 1, 1983
2S 3 1.00 = 381, 436 and
sold in five
villages, Burkina Faso.
.14 3 4%
to February 29, 1984.
400 (est) in 1983, 1984, and 1985.respectively.
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Table 8. Value of small ruminants and
poultry sold in five villages,
Bangasse Diapangou Dissankuy Nedogo Poedogo
Male Head of
Household 284,025 502,900 323,625 322,550 157,555
Women 149,500 37,975 15,150 29,325 74,630
Other Males 9,200 7,950 6,000 3,550 8,225
TOTAL 442,725 548,825 344,775 355,435 240,410
by Women 33.9% 6.9% 4.3% 8.1% 30.8%
Percent of Active
Marketing 37.6% 35.2% 43.4% 53.2% 45.9%
Source: Lang, 1985
1For period April 1, 1983 to
February 29, 1984.
2S 3 1.00 = 381, 436, and 400 (est) in 1983, 1984, and 1985 respectively.
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