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Group Title: Conference on Gender Issues in Farming Systems Research and Extenion, University of Florida, February 26 to March 1, 1986
Title: Contribution of women to agriculture in Taiwan
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Title: Contribution of women to agriculture in Taiwan
Series Title: Conference on Gender Issues in Farming Systems Research and Extenion, University of Florida, February 26 to March 1, 1986
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Gleason, Jane
Publisher: University of Florida
Publication Date: 1986
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Subject: Farming   ( lcsh )
Agriculture   ( lcsh )
Farm life   ( lcsh )
University of Florida.   ( lcsh )
Spatial Coverage: Asia -- China (Republic, Taiwan)
North America -- United States of America -- Florida
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    Bibliography
        Page 25
Full Text











---- --- --- .. --- ---- ,,F-~--- .-w- ~ w.1----L- _I -i'--.-




_y at the rpersnf Florida -
Conference on
GENDER ISSUES IN FARMING SYSTEMS
RESEARCH AND EXTENSION








The Contribution of Women to Agriculture in Taiwan

7/QA- 6&Ieci 560/

I. Introduction

Research on the role of women in agriculture in developing

countries has begun to redress the biased perception that women are

not active participants in the agricultural development process. In

the past few years, research conducted by anthropologists,

economists, and other social scientists has confirmed that women in

some developing countries are an integral component of agriculture

as producers and decision makers. Most agricultural researchers now

realize that knowledge of the needs and wants of women, and an

understanding of the influence that women have on a given farming

system is essential for increased effectiveness of development

efforts by international agriculture research centers, development

organizations, and national agriculture programs.

Women in rural Taiwan, like women in most other countries of

Southeast Asia, are often farmers and work with their male

counterparts in almost every aspect of agricultural production.

Although there are clear tendencies for women to perform certain

farm tasks that men are less likely to do, and vice versa, the

division between "women's work" and "men's work" is more ambiguous

in Taiwan than in other countries in the developing world. Boserup

(1971), for example, has given a description of a very clear

sex-typing in agriculture in countries in Africa. Nevertheless, the

presence or absence of women working on the farm appears to have a

pronounced effect on diversification and crop choice. An abundance








of female labor is generally associated with labor intensive crops,

such as vegetables and fruits, while men are responsible for

activities that require machines. For the situation in Taiwan, this

implies that farm families with more male than female labor, are

more likely.to grow mainly rice and sugar cane. On the other hand,

if ,a farm husband and wife work together as a team the variety of

crops-grown is far greater. This study.shows that farm decision

making is, at least in part, based on the perception that "labor" is

not a homogeneous production input.



II. Research Sites

Tainan County is located in the southern half of western Taiwan

(see map). It was the area first settled by Chinese immigrants

during the latter years of the Ming Dynasty (1328-1644) and first

decades of the Qing (1644-1911). For this reason it is often spoken

of as the historical and cultural center of Taiwan. Although in

recent times its importance has been overshadowed by Taipei,

especially politically and industrially, it still stands as the most

important agricultural region in Taiwan. The low plains along the

coast supply Taiwan with a large quantity and variety of grains,

vegetables, and oilseeds, and the inland foothill region produces a

large percentage of Taiwan's fruits.

Three townships in Tainan County, Ma-dou, Shan-hua and

Shan-shang, were selected to serve as research sites for this

study. They were chosen on the basis of discussions with scientists

from the Asian Vegetable Research and Development Center, where the








research was based, and local Farmers Association officials. These

three townships were deemed appropriate because of their geographic

proximity to AVRDC and their differing agricultural environments.

Ma-dou is located in the lowland plains. When riding on the

main road fx-om Shan-hua (where AVRDC is located) to Ma-dou, one

first passes through an area, much of which is owned by the Taiwan

Sugar Corporation, cultivated with sugar. cane. Upon entering

Ma-dou, the sugar cane fields give way to asparagus and other

vegetables grown along the banks of the Zengwen River. On this side

of Ma-dou, there are also orchards of pomelo and avocado, two fruits

that people in Tainan County have come to associate with agriculture

in Ma-dou. After riding to the other side of Ma-dou, the familiar

paddy rice fields predominate. Scattered among them are areas of

sugar cane, corn, sorghum, and a few vegetables such as Chinese

cabbage and cauliflower.

Shan-shang has a very different agricultural environment, as it

is located in the foothill region of Tai.nan County (Shan-shang

( ) in Chinese means "on the mountain"). From Shan-hua to

Shan-shang, after passing through the usual rice fields, the road

leads up a hill and into fields of mango and banana, as well as the

ever-present sugar cane. In the summer, there are also fields of

water caltrop, a crop which farmers in Shan-shang find desirable as

a replacement for rice. There are occasional fields of sesame and

mulberry trees which are used for silkworm production. On the other

side of Shan-shang, the road goes further into the mountains. Most

of the cultivable land in this area is devoted to mango.








Shan-hua is similar to Ma-dou in terms of agro-environment, and

like Ma-dou is in the Jia-nan irrigation network. Rice is the

predominant crop in the summer, and in winter, peanut, tomato, and

various types of brassicaceous crops are.common. Strawberry is a

newly introduced crop which is increasing in popularity in Shan-hua

as are certain flowers, such as salvia, for seed production.

Similar to the other two townships, sugar. cane is a principal crop

in Shan-hua.

The population of Ma-dou township is much greater and far more

urbanized than that of Shan-shang. The population of Ma-dou in 1983

was 47,066, constituting 9,876 families. The farm population was

estimated at 24,816 or 52.725 per cent of the total, and there were

4,755 farm families, or 48.147 per cent. The population in

Shan-shang was 8,384 or 1776 families. Of this total, 1,054 or

59.34 per cent were farm families, and the actual farm population

was 5,525 or 65.89 per cent of the total.

The total amount of agricultural land in Shan-shang is 1,526.32

hectares, of which 1,478.17 or 96.15 per cent is non-irrigated.

Only 3.15 per cent, 48.15 hectares is irrigated. In Ma-dou, the

amount of irrigated land is 2,234.37 hectares, or 66.07 per cent of

the total.

Table 1 shows the hectarage of principle crops in the two

townships. In Shan-shang, the most important crop is sugar cane

(464.42 hectares) followed by mango (298.80 hectares), then rice

(119.20 hectares, 'two crops), and corn (112 hectares). Peanut and

banana are also significant crops in Shan-shang. In Ma-dou rice is







the most common crop, accounting for 1,425.65 hectares (both

cropping seasons). Corn (884 hectares) and sugar cane (561.33

hectares) are the next two most important crops, followed by sweet

potato (287 hectares) and pomelo (203.70 hectares).

The differences in the cropping patterns between the two

townships are largely the result of a difference in water

availability. In Shan-shang, a far greater portion of total

agricultural land is devoted to permanent crops such a mango and

banana, or crops such as sugar cane and peanut, because these crops

do not depend heavily on irrigation. Since the greater part of

cultivable land in Ma-dou is irrigated, rice is the major crop in

the summer, and permanent tree crops and sugar cane occupy a smaller

percentage of arable land. A stable water supply also allows

farmers to double or triple crop. The multiple cropping index for

the two townships is substantially different (Shan-shang = 106.90

and Ma-dou = 142.40) which further illustrates the differences in

cropping patterns between the two areas.



III. Data

Data were obtained at the Asian Vegetable Research and

Development Center (AVRDC) in Tainan County, Taiwan. AVRDC is the

international agricultural research center responsible for research

to adapt certain vegetable crops to tropical environments. Thirty

farm families near AVRDC agreed to keep records of all farm

activities for a full year beginning in May 1984. Record sheets

were developed by the Agricultural Economics Department at AVRDC and











were distributed and collected weekly. These sheets provided

information on hectarage of land devoted to each crop, and the

amount of labor and capital used each week on each crop. For

example, if a farmer sprays Chinese cabbage, s/he will record what

member of the family sprayed, for how long, what the value of the

labor was, how much of what chemical was used, and the value of the

chemical. Labor is broken down into six separate categories; family

male, family female, hired male, hired female, volunteer male, and

volunteer female.

In addition to what are traditionally defined as farm

activities, farmers were requested to record daily household

expenses and the amount of income from sources other than the farm.

The category for household expenses includes the amount of money

spent on consumption items such as food and clothing, and other

expenditures such as school tuition, medical supplies, and

transportation fees. With regard to income from sources other than

the farm, the most important category is off-farm income, that is,

income earned by the husband, wife, or other members of the family

living at home that is derived from an off-farm job. The definition

of an off-farm job includes factory work or other types of

employment outside of agriculture but also includes employment as a

farm laborer for a daily wage. In addition, Chinese households

frequently receive money from grown children who do not live at








home. Information related to this type of income was also included

on the record keeping sheet. Farmers were also asked to record

interest from savings accounts or on money that had been lent to

neighbors or friends.

In spite of the good quality and completeness of the data,

data collection using farm records unfortunately limits sample

size,'and may make generalization of conclusions difficult.

Fortunately, however, the variation in farm and family size in this

part of Taiwan is not large, and therefore data acquired from these

30 farm families represent average farms in the area. In addition,

the farm families which were chosen to participate in data

collection were deemed by local Farmers' Associations as "average"

families in the region.



IV. The Contribution of Women to Agriculture in Taiwan

Throughout the year, on all but nine farms, the farm wives'

main economic activity was farming. Of those nine who did not work

regularly on the farm, six farm wives had off-farm employment on a

more or less permanent basis. Four of the wives worked in local

factories and two were farm laborers. These six women often work on

their own farms in the evenings and many work full time on the farm

on Sunday. Of the remaining three, two occasionally worked with

their husbands on the farm, especially during heavy labor-using

periods, such as harvest. Work on the farm may tend to be

seasonal. For example, one wife works in a factory in Ma-dou during

the summer, but she works full time on the farm in the winter.








Conversely, another farm family planned a cropping pattern that

allows both partners off-farm employment in the winter. In this

family, both the husband and wife harvest sugar cane for the Taiwan

Sugar Corporation.

The financial contribution by the wives to the family is

considerable. Those who have steady off-farm jobs contribute their

salaries to the household, and those who .work the majority of the

time on the farm often will obtain additional income as farm

laborers, for example working for a daily wage harvesting tomato or

mango. Many work temporarily in nearby factories during slack

periods on their own farm. Of the 30 farm wives in the sample, 14

earned income from off-farm sources. Table 2 shows the extent to

which farm wives and husbands make financial contributions to the

family. Off-farm financial contributions of the husband are often

greater than that of his wife, but this does not necessarily reflect

a difference between the husband and wife in the number of hours

worked.

Remuneration as a farm laborer depends on the type of work.

Women are hired to do hand labor, for example, weeding or hand

harvesting of fruit or peanut, and men are hired for machine

operation such as spraying pesticides and land preparation. Women

generally earn US$6.50 to US$8.75 per labor-day depending on the

crop. For example, harvesting or weeding vegetables usually

commands a lower wage than harvesting water caltrop or mushrooms.

Men earn far more per day than women. For spraying pesticides or

pruning fruit trees men usually earn US$12.50-15.00 per day. The








reason given for wage differentials between men and women is that

"women's work" is easier and lighter than "men's work", and hence

deserves a lower wage. In addition, farmers recognize the hazards

of spraying chemicals and therefore this work commands a premium.

Compensation is determined on a per hectare basis for land

preparation using bullocks, rototillers, and tractors, and

mechanical planting and harvesting of rice.

When discussing hiring practices farmers invariably speak of

certain tasks as women's work and others as men's work. The data

reveal this attitude. Farmers never hired women to prepare land or

spray pesticides, nor were farm wives ever hired by others to

perform this kind of work. Farm wives were only hired for weeding,

harvesting, and other types of hand work, and only on one occasion

was a farm husband hired to do handwork (he harvested peanut).

Utilization of farm family labor is not as clearly delineated

by gender as is hired labor, though men are far more likely to

participate in women's work than vice versa. Husbands will often

help their wives with weeding or hand harvesting, but wives, in

general, do not spray pesticides or cultivate and prepare land,

unless only a simple shovel is required. Women in agriculture in

Taiwan seldom use machines. In only one of the 30 families did a

wife (a woman who managed the farm without her husband) spray

pesticides on a regular basis. On one other occasion, a woman

sprayed pesticides because her husband was on a travelling

vacation. Farm tools for women are confined to simple tools such as

a knife, scythe, or shovel.








There may, however, be some bias in the data regarding the

amount of women's work a man actually does. It is common in the

countryside of Taiwan to see groups of women working together in the

field with one man. For example, when harvesting tomato, which is

woman's work,.a farm family will usually hire several women who with

the farm wife pick tomatoes while the husband uses a wheelbarrow to

move the filled tomato cartons to the side of the road for factory

pick-up. He makes sure that the women have enough cartons, and he

is responsible for determining which rows are to be harvested.

Therefore, while the husband is technically harvesting tomato, and

the data indicate that he is doing a woman's task, the actual tasks

that he performs are different than those of women. This is because

as the farm manager, the husband is responsible for inspecting the

fields and deciding what tasks are required. He usually assigns

jobs, organizes, and oversees the work that is performed. It is

interesting to note that many Taiwanese farm wives refer to their

husbands as tou gei ( ) meaning "boss", and frequently when I

asked them questions about the farm, they would either tell me what

the tou gei says or request that I speak to him myself.



V. Labor by Gender and Crop

Twenty-one different crops were planted on the 30 farms. This

accounts for all seasons. Women contributed somewhat more hours of

labor to the production of these crops than men. The total number

of labor hours recorded on all farms for all crops was 58,697, of

which 53.61 per cent was female labor, and 46.39 per cent male.








Only three crops used more male than female labor. Over 70 percent

of.the total labor used for rice and almost 60 per cent of total

labor for banana was supplied by men. The amount of male labor used

for silkworm production is marginally greater than the amount women

provided (Table 3).

The differences in female and male labor used for production of

various crops is dependent on the types of tasks that are needed for

each crop. Rice production in this part of Taiwan is almost fully

mechanized which means that much of the women's work that was

formerly associated with rice production has been eliminated. In

southern Taiwan, one seldom sees groups of women transplanting rice

because of widespread use of rice transplanters. Herbicide use in

Taiwan has to some extent replaced the need to weed, also women's

work. Banana production requires more male labor because the fruit

is heavy, and therefore men are more apt to undertake this task.

Silkworm production, a process that is repeated six times a year for

three weeks each time, utilizes a. large amount of male labor

relative to female labor because a saw is used to cut mulberry

branches. For silkworm production, female labor is needed primarily

to prepare the silkworms for the spinning of cocoons. At that time

each farm family will hire several women for one or two days of

work.

For all other crops, the amount of hand-work required for

production exceeds the amount of work that uses machines, There may,

however, be a small amount of underreporting of the hours of hired

male labor used for land preparation. Since remuneration is based








on hectarage, not on time, farmers record the costs of these tasks,

rather than the time used.

It is clear from the data of the 30 farmers that women did not

use machines, though men did some hand-work even though it is

generally considered women's work. This implies that as agriculture

in.,Taiwan proceeds toward greater mechanization, more women than men

are likely to be forced into other sectors of the economy. Thus

mechanization and use of chemicals in agriculture in Taiwan dis-

places female laborers and in some cases may actually generate an

additional need for male labor.

An example of a possible future change in technology that will

have a significant impact on female labor is the peanut harvester.

Many farmers have mentioned the need for a machine to harvest peanut

because at present teams of women, as many as 30 women per hectare,

are hired for one day at harvest. This accounts for a high percen-

tage of-production costs. The same is true for processing tomato.

If peanut and tomato harvesters become a- reality in southern Taiwan,

the employment impact will be primarily on women. Exactly how great

that impact will be is beyond the scope of this chapter, but it

should be understood before the harvesters are introduced. Teaching

women to operate agricultural machinery would obviously lessen the

severity of the employment impact.



VI. Women and Croo Choice

Farm families theoretically choose crops such that the

production inputs available to them, land, labor, and capital,








maximizes revenue.


Crop choice, of course, is dependent on a number of environ-

mental and economic parameters which farmers cannot control. For

example, farmers in Ma-dou and Shan-hua exhibit different cropping

patterns than those in Shan-shang in part because of differing

geophysical characteristics. Other factors such as government

policy or marketing conditions may similarly affect cropping

patterns of a given area. Also, farmers may have objectives other

than profit maximization, such as risk minimization, which affects

what they perceive as an optimal crop mix.

The amount and type of family labor that is available to work

on the farm also influences crop choice. Women in agriculture in

southern Taiwan have a clear role in determining crop choice, but

not because they are explicit decision makers in the family. That

role is usually confined to men, although women may be consulted

about their crop preferences. Rather, women's role in determining

crop choice is the following: 1) they provide additional labor to

the family farm, i.e., they supply labor that in most cases comple-

ments that of the husband (few farms are operated only by women);

and 2) they provide labor that is perceived as qualitatively

different from that of men, and perform tasks that men are less

likely to do unless part of a man/woman team. The effect on crop

choice is illustrated by an increase in the variety of crops grown,

by more labor-intensive crop production, and a clear-cut decrease in

the percentage of land that is devoted to rice and sugar cane.

Data for one full year, from May 1984 to May 1985, were used to








assess the effect that women had on crop choice. The sample was

divided into those in which female family labor worked on the farm,

and those in which it did not. The sample was also split into

differing agricultural environments, with Ma-dou and Shan-hua

comprising one type of agricultural environment and Shan-shang

another.

Differences in crop choice between families with on-farm

working females and those without were very dramatic in both

regions. In Ma-dou and Shan-hua, farms without female labor planted

12 crops of which five accounted for almost 95 per cent of total

hectarage. Those five crops, rice, sugar cane, corn, sorghum,

soybean, and peanut, are considered male crops, because either they

require more labor with machines than handwork, or they are not

labor intensive. One must bear in mind that in Taiwan, a farmer who

grows only rice and sugar cane in the summer, and corn or sorghum

and sugar cane during other seasons, is in general not faced with a

labor constraint which prevents him from-planting other, more labor

intensive crops. This is because farm size in this area of Taiwan

is still small relative to the amount of labor available. Many

farmers in this category stated that rice or corn and sorghum

production allowed them considerable free time. The data indicate

that once planting is completed, farmers need only to inspect daily

the fields and occasionally spray pesticides. Hence the decision

not to grow crops other than these can be at least partially a

function of the type of labor available to the farm. Male farmers

are more likely to choose more labor intensive crops when female








family labor is available.

In contrast to these farms, the cropping patterns of farms with

female family labor included 22 crops, and the percentage of land

devoted to the above mentioned crops was noticeably less. Rice was

planted on 31'.02 per cent of total cultivated land, and sugar cane

accounted for 10.59 per cent. Other important crops in this

category were sweet potato, pomelo, watermelon, lima bean and tomato

(Table 4).

Farm families in Shan-shang Township exhibited the same

tendency as those in the other areas. In Shan-shang, 73.33 per cent

of hectarage of farms without female family labor was devoted to

sugar cane and rice, whereas on farms with female labor the

percentage was 32.28. The decrease in sugar cane was the largest,

dropping from over 50 per cent of the total to approximately 20 per

cent. Like Ma-dou and Shan-hua, there was a large increase in the

variety'and number of crops grown on farms with female family

labor. Farms without female family labor cultivated only five

crops, while those with female family labor planted 15 different

crops (Table 4).

Given that the variety of crops was far greater on farms with

female family labor than farms without, it follows that female

family labor allows farms to be more diversified. A diversification

index was utilized to determine whether or not the level of

diversification between the two categories of farms was

significantly different. The index is calculated as follows:
















Table 5-gives values for DI for all farms. The average

diversification index for farms in Shan-shang with family women

working on the farm was 2.86 and for farms without female labor,

1.45. In Ma-dou and Shan-hua, the average diversification index for

farms with female labor was 2.53 versus 1.63 for those without. Two

separate analysis of variance tests were computed to determine

whether location or the presence of family female labor or both

contributed to the differences in the level of diversification among

the four groups of farm families. The results showed that location

was not statistically significant but female family labor was.

In this area of Taiwan, diversification of agriculture means

that more risky crops are introduced as replacements for rice and

sugar cane. These two crops are considered relatively risk free,

compared to vegetables and fruits, because government policy

protects the prices of both crops and are therefore subject to minor

price variation. In addition, having grown these crops for many

years, farmers are knowledgable about production problems. Also,

cultivars that perform well in the specific environment of the

region have been developed and adopted by all farmers. Apart from

rice and sugar cane, corn, sorghum, peanut, and soybean also have

guaranteed government prices. It is noteworthy that in Ma-dou and

Shan-hua almost 95 percent of total hectarage of farms without








female labor and in Shan-shang over 50 percent (there is no

guaranteed price for rice in Shan-shang) was devoted to crops with

fixed government prices. Hence the presence of females on the farm

significantly increases the portion of hectarage that is planted in

crops that are subject to price volatility. Therefore, inclusion of

crops other than those mentioned above into cropping patterns in

southern Taiwan is to accept added risk, despite the agricultural

economics literature that claims that diversification is a form of

risk management.



VI. Implications and Conclusion

The availability of female labor in the farming system in

southern Taiwan increases the variety of crops planted, as well as

the level of diversification. This occurs because rice cultivation

is now highly mechanized and most rice production tasks are done by

men. If- women are able and willing to work on the family farm,

vegetables and fruits, labor intensive crops, are more likely to be

grown because of the type of labor required for their production.

It is not clear why sex-typing in agriculture occurs to the

extent shown in this chapter, except as mentioned earlier, men's

work is defined as "heavy work"and female work as "light work".

Regardless of the reason, the data on the 30 Taiwanese families

suggest that economists should not view labor as a single production

input. Rather it should be evaluated as separate male and female

components. Decision making models should therefore take into

account two types of labor constraints. In addition, various crops








in the system should be evaluated in terms of male labor-using or

female labor-using.

Additional research is needed to determine to what degree the

principles revealed in this part of Taiwan are applicable in other

areas in Asia,. Since Taiwan's agriculture is at a higher level of

development relative to other countries in Southeast Asia, trends in

Taiwan may serve to forecast developments in other areas in Asia

with similar agro-environments, such as Thailand or certain regions

of the Philippines or Indonesia. This may indicate that the

availability of female labor in the farming system may be a key to

the adoption of vegetables or other subsidiary crops. It is also

clear that women will be the users of modern technology for

alternative crops, and they are most likely to be affected by

technical changes in their production.










Table 1


Hectarage of Principle Crops in Shan-Shang and Ma-Dou, 1983


CROPS (ha.)


Shan-shang..


Rice (total)
first crop
second crop
Sugar cane
Sweet potato
Legumes
Corn
Sorghum
Peanut
Edible sugar cane
Sesame
Banana
Mango
Pomelo
Vegetables


119.22
30.63
79.78
464.42
25.00
12.40
112.00

42.40
18.20
21.90
31.80
298.80
7.20
407.90


1632.74
MCI = 106.90


(25.69%)
(66.91%)


1,425.65
509.35
916.35
561.33
287.00
103.00
884.00
62.30
11.00
86.00
56.90
3.90
98.10
203.70
970.30


4816.18
MCI = 142.40


'Source: Tainan County Statistical Abstracts
MCI = MCI = multiple cropping index





n = total # of crops
ai = area occupied by nth crop planted + harvested w/in one year
A = total hand area available


Ma-dou


(35.72%)
(64.27%)


Total









Table 2


Farmer No.


Income Earned from Off-farm Employment


Shan-Shan.g


Male Female


1,446.87
0
0
1,568.75
0
0
15
5,029.50
1,515
2,550
1,543.5
0
0


47.50
0
0
55.25
0
140
0
1,388
1,500
782.50
2,725
0
0


Ma-Dou


177.50
5,911.67
0
525
0
0
90
0
0
176.25
3,273.75
0
3,602.70
525.00
4,492
852.50
4,171


2,579.33
0
0
0
0
2,753.75
0
0
2,217.75
40.50
428.75
0
231.88
1,262.75
397.50
852.50
917.50


14
15
16
.17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30












Table 3


Labor Usage


by Gender and Crop (Shan-Shang)
(in hours)


Crop


'Banana
Corn
Edible Cane
Longan
Mango
Rice
Silkworms
Tomato
Water Caltrop
Watermelon


Total


Female

1,245
1,131
513
690
2,283
297
2,629
2,278
2,861
2,736

16,663
(54.18%)


Male

1,731
428
506
859
1,346
970
3,052
1,368
2,221
1,612


14,093
(45.82%)


Table 3 (continued)


Labor Usage by Gender and Crop (Ma-Dou
(in hours)


and Shan-Hua)


Crop.

Chinese cabbage
Cauliflower
Corn
Flowers
Lima Bean
Peanut
Pepper
Pomelo
Radish
Rice
Spinach
Strawberry
Sweet Corn
Sweet Potato
Tomato
Watermelon


Total-

2,976
1,559
1,019
1,549
3,629
1,267
5,681
3,646
5,082
4,348

30,756


Male


Female

233
130
2,867
815
3,205
2,276
339
1,055
312
867
213
243
27
720
483
1,014

14,808
(53%)


197
271
2,490
413
2,457
721
130
1,097
240
2,193
189
172
25
181
697
1,660

13,133
(47%)


Total

430
410
5,357
1,228
5,662
2,997
469
2,152
552
3,060
402
415
52
901
1,180
2,674

27,941









Table 4


Crops and Hectarage of Farms with Female Family Labor


Ma-Dou/Shan-hua

rice
corn .'
sorghum
.sugar cane
peanut
lima bean
sweet corn
sweet potato
pomelo
tomato
mango
sesame
cauliflower
soybean
Chinese cabbage
spinach
edible cane
green pepper
strawberry
watermelon
.radish
flowers


Shan-Shang


12.71
5.65
2.63
4.34
3.72
1.86
.15
.80
.90
.98
.29
.30
.10
.70
.10
.08
.72
.23
.10
3.2
1.01
.40


(31.02%)
(13.79%)
( 6.43%)
(10.59%)
( 9.08%)
( 4.54%)
( .36%)
( 1.95%)
( 2.20%)
( 2.39%)
( .71%)
( .73%)
( .24%)
( 1.71%)
( .24%)
( .20%)
( 1.76%)
( .56%)
( .24%)
( 7.81%)
( 2.46%)
( .97%)


rice
sugar cane
banana
water caltrop
mango
silkworms
edible cane
tomato
corn
watermelon
cassava
okra
orange
papaya
longan


40.97 ha.

Table 4 (continued)
Crops and Hectarage of Farms without Female Family Labor


Ma-Dou/Shan-Hua

rice
corn
sorghum
sugar cane
lima bean
sweet corn
sweet potato
tomato
cauliflower
soybean
mungbean
peanut


Shan-Shanq


8.51
4.70
2.07
2.73
.33
.23
.30
.12
.23
1.23
.10
1.17


(39.60%)
(21.18%)
( 9.63%)
(12.70%)
( 1.54%)
( 1.07%)
( 1.40%)
( .56%)
( 1.07%)
( 5.72%)
( .46%)
( 5.44%)


rice
sugar cane
tomato
silkworms
water caltrop


21.49 ha.


4.52
7.02
2.4
2.31
5.30
.90
.46
1.92
2.94
6.33
.51
.20
.35
.40
0.18


(12.64%)
(19.64%)
( 6.71%)
( 6.46%)
(14.83%)
( 2.52%)
( 1.28%)
( 5.37%)
( 8.22%)
(17.71%)
( 1.43%)
( .56%)
( .98%)
( 1.12%)
( .50%)


35.74 ha.


2.06
5.09
1.30
.50
0.80


(21.13%)
(52.20%)
(13.34%)
( 5.13%)
( 8.21%)


9.74 ha.


















Table 5

Diversification Index of 30 Farms


Shan-Shanq


DI1 =
3.25


DI
2


Shan-Shang


4.10
5.73
4.54
2.78
3.69
2.40
1.54
2.27
2.23


(


Ma-Dou/Shan-Hua

15 2.85
17 2.86
18 2.42
2 0 1.46
23 1.68
24 1.73
25 3.04
26 2.70
27 3.20
28 3.87
29 2.09


2 =
.53




\


DI6 =
1.63


DI3 =
2.86


1.97
1.20 DI4 =
1.28 1.45











2.23
1.25
1.67 DI5 =
2.12 1.73
1.34
1.78


- 0


<..




































Research Sites Ma-dou and
Shan-shang, and Shan-hua








Taiwan


-.


S ~ ~

I 1'

(
)


(.


)


.1



I


F,
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-IJ


- "


City


Y^








BIBLIOGRAPHY


Boserup, Ester. 1970. Women's Role in Economic Development (New
York: St. Martin's Press).

Byerlee, Derek, Larry Harrington, and D. L. Winkelmann. 1982.
"Farming systems research: Issues in research strategy and
technology design," American Journal of Agricultural
Economics, Vol. 64 (5), pp. 897-904.

Calkins, Peter H. 1976. Four approaches to risk and uncertainty
for use in farm management extension, Asian Vegetable
Research and Development Center, Technical Bulletin'#3.

Calkins, Peter H. 1978. Why farmers plant what they do: A
study of vegetable production technology in Taiwan, Asian
Vegetable Research and Development Center, Technical
Bulletin #8.

Gomez, Kwandrai A. and Arturo A. Gomez. 1984. Statistical
Procedures for Agricultural Research (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, Inc.)

----- 1983. Multiple Cropping in the Humid Tropics of Asia
(Ottawa, Ontario: IDRC).

Menegay, Merle R. 1976. Farm Management Research on Cropping
Systems, Asian Vegetable Research and Development Center,
Technical Bulletin #2.

Multiple Croping Systems in Taiwan. 1974. Compiled by Food and
Fertilizer Technology Center for-the Asian and Pacific
Region, Taipei, Taiwan.




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