|
---- --- --- .. --- ---- ,,F-~--- .-w- ~ w.1----L- _I -i'--.-
_y at the rpersnf Florida -
Conference on
GENDER ISSUES IN FARMING SYSTEMS
RESEARCH AND EXTENSION
The Contribution of Women to Agriculture in Taiwan
7/QA- 6&Ieci 560/
I. Introduction
Research on the role of women in agriculture in developing
countries has begun to redress the biased perception that women are
not active participants in the agricultural development process. In
the past few years, research conducted by anthropologists,
economists, and other social scientists has confirmed that women in
some developing countries are an integral component of agriculture
as producers and decision makers. Most agricultural researchers now
realize that knowledge of the needs and wants of women, and an
understanding of the influence that women have on a given farming
system is essential for increased effectiveness of development
efforts by international agriculture research centers, development
organizations, and national agriculture programs.
Women in rural Taiwan, like women in most other countries of
Southeast Asia, are often farmers and work with their male
counterparts in almost every aspect of agricultural production.
Although there are clear tendencies for women to perform certain
farm tasks that men are less likely to do, and vice versa, the
division between "women's work" and "men's work" is more ambiguous
in Taiwan than in other countries in the developing world. Boserup
(1971), for example, has given a description of a very clear
sex-typing in agriculture in countries in Africa. Nevertheless, the
presence or absence of women working on the farm appears to have a
pronounced effect on diversification and crop choice. An abundance
of female labor is generally associated with labor intensive crops,
such as vegetables and fruits, while men are responsible for
activities that require machines. For the situation in Taiwan, this
implies that farm families with more male than female labor, are
more likely.to grow mainly rice and sugar cane. On the other hand,
if ,a farm husband and wife work together as a team the variety of
crops-grown is far greater. This study.shows that farm decision
making is, at least in part, based on the perception that "labor" is
not a homogeneous production input.
II. Research Sites
Tainan County is located in the southern half of western Taiwan
(see map). It was the area first settled by Chinese immigrants
during the latter years of the Ming Dynasty (1328-1644) and first
decades of the Qing (1644-1911). For this reason it is often spoken
of as the historical and cultural center of Taiwan. Although in
recent times its importance has been overshadowed by Taipei,
especially politically and industrially, it still stands as the most
important agricultural region in Taiwan. The low plains along the
coast supply Taiwan with a large quantity and variety of grains,
vegetables, and oilseeds, and the inland foothill region produces a
large percentage of Taiwan's fruits.
Three townships in Tainan County, Ma-dou, Shan-hua and
Shan-shang, were selected to serve as research sites for this
study. They were chosen on the basis of discussions with scientists
from the Asian Vegetable Research and Development Center, where the
research was based, and local Farmers Association officials. These
three townships were deemed appropriate because of their geographic
proximity to AVRDC and their differing agricultural environments.
Ma-dou is located in the lowland plains. When riding on the
main road fx-om Shan-hua (where AVRDC is located) to Ma-dou, one
first passes through an area, much of which is owned by the Taiwan
Sugar Corporation, cultivated with sugar. cane. Upon entering
Ma-dou, the sugar cane fields give way to asparagus and other
vegetables grown along the banks of the Zengwen River. On this side
of Ma-dou, there are also orchards of pomelo and avocado, two fruits
that people in Tainan County have come to associate with agriculture
in Ma-dou. After riding to the other side of Ma-dou, the familiar
paddy rice fields predominate. Scattered among them are areas of
sugar cane, corn, sorghum, and a few vegetables such as Chinese
cabbage and cauliflower.
Shan-shang has a very different agricultural environment, as it
is located in the foothill region of Tai.nan County (Shan-shang
( ) in Chinese means "on the mountain"). From Shan-hua to
Shan-shang, after passing through the usual rice fields, the road
leads up a hill and into fields of mango and banana, as well as the
ever-present sugar cane. In the summer, there are also fields of
water caltrop, a crop which farmers in Shan-shang find desirable as
a replacement for rice. There are occasional fields of sesame and
mulberry trees which are used for silkworm production. On the other
side of Shan-shang, the road goes further into the mountains. Most
of the cultivable land in this area is devoted to mango.
Shan-hua is similar to Ma-dou in terms of agro-environment, and
like Ma-dou is in the Jia-nan irrigation network. Rice is the
predominant crop in the summer, and in winter, peanut, tomato, and
various types of brassicaceous crops are.common. Strawberry is a
newly introduced crop which is increasing in popularity in Shan-hua
as are certain flowers, such as salvia, for seed production.
Similar to the other two townships, sugar. cane is a principal crop
in Shan-hua.
The population of Ma-dou township is much greater and far more
urbanized than that of Shan-shang. The population of Ma-dou in 1983
was 47,066, constituting 9,876 families. The farm population was
estimated at 24,816 or 52.725 per cent of the total, and there were
4,755 farm families, or 48.147 per cent. The population in
Shan-shang was 8,384 or 1776 families. Of this total, 1,054 or
59.34 per cent were farm families, and the actual farm population
was 5,525 or 65.89 per cent of the total.
The total amount of agricultural land in Shan-shang is 1,526.32
hectares, of which 1,478.17 or 96.15 per cent is non-irrigated.
Only 3.15 per cent, 48.15 hectares is irrigated. In Ma-dou, the
amount of irrigated land is 2,234.37 hectares, or 66.07 per cent of
the total.
Table 1 shows the hectarage of principle crops in the two
townships. In Shan-shang, the most important crop is sugar cane
(464.42 hectares) followed by mango (298.80 hectares), then rice
(119.20 hectares, 'two crops), and corn (112 hectares). Peanut and
banana are also significant crops in Shan-shang. In Ma-dou rice is
the most common crop, accounting for 1,425.65 hectares (both
cropping seasons). Corn (884 hectares) and sugar cane (561.33
hectares) are the next two most important crops, followed by sweet
potato (287 hectares) and pomelo (203.70 hectares).
The differences in the cropping patterns between the two
townships are largely the result of a difference in water
availability. In Shan-shang, a far greater portion of total
agricultural land is devoted to permanent crops such a mango and
banana, or crops such as sugar cane and peanut, because these crops
do not depend heavily on irrigation. Since the greater part of
cultivable land in Ma-dou is irrigated, rice is the major crop in
the summer, and permanent tree crops and sugar cane occupy a smaller
percentage of arable land. A stable water supply also allows
farmers to double or triple crop. The multiple cropping index for
the two townships is substantially different (Shan-shang = 106.90
and Ma-dou = 142.40) which further illustrates the differences in
cropping patterns between the two areas.
III. Data
Data were obtained at the Asian Vegetable Research and
Development Center (AVRDC) in Tainan County, Taiwan. AVRDC is the
international agricultural research center responsible for research
to adapt certain vegetable crops to tropical environments. Thirty
farm families near AVRDC agreed to keep records of all farm
activities for a full year beginning in May 1984. Record sheets
were developed by the Agricultural Economics Department at AVRDC and
were distributed and collected weekly. These sheets provided
information on hectarage of land devoted to each crop, and the
amount of labor and capital used each week on each crop. For
example, if a farmer sprays Chinese cabbage, s/he will record what
member of the family sprayed, for how long, what the value of the
labor was, how much of what chemical was used, and the value of the
chemical. Labor is broken down into six separate categories; family
male, family female, hired male, hired female, volunteer male, and
volunteer female.
In addition to what are traditionally defined as farm
activities, farmers were requested to record daily household
expenses and the amount of income from sources other than the farm.
The category for household expenses includes the amount of money
spent on consumption items such as food and clothing, and other
expenditures such as school tuition, medical supplies, and
transportation fees. With regard to income from sources other than
the farm, the most important category is off-farm income, that is,
income earned by the husband, wife, or other members of the family
living at home that is derived from an off-farm job. The definition
of an off-farm job includes factory work or other types of
employment outside of agriculture but also includes employment as a
farm laborer for a daily wage. In addition, Chinese households
frequently receive money from grown children who do not live at
home. Information related to this type of income was also included
on the record keeping sheet. Farmers were also asked to record
interest from savings accounts or on money that had been lent to
neighbors or friends.
In spite of the good quality and completeness of the data,
data collection using farm records unfortunately limits sample
size,'and may make generalization of conclusions difficult.
Fortunately, however, the variation in farm and family size in this
part of Taiwan is not large, and therefore data acquired from these
30 farm families represent average farms in the area. In addition,
the farm families which were chosen to participate in data
collection were deemed by local Farmers' Associations as "average"
families in the region.
IV. The Contribution of Women to Agriculture in Taiwan
Throughout the year, on all but nine farms, the farm wives'
main economic activity was farming. Of those nine who did not work
regularly on the farm, six farm wives had off-farm employment on a
more or less permanent basis. Four of the wives worked in local
factories and two were farm laborers. These six women often work on
their own farms in the evenings and many work full time on the farm
on Sunday. Of the remaining three, two occasionally worked with
their husbands on the farm, especially during heavy labor-using
periods, such as harvest. Work on the farm may tend to be
seasonal. For example, one wife works in a factory in Ma-dou during
the summer, but she works full time on the farm in the winter.
Conversely, another farm family planned a cropping pattern that
allows both partners off-farm employment in the winter. In this
family, both the husband and wife harvest sugar cane for the Taiwan
Sugar Corporation.
The financial contribution by the wives to the family is
considerable. Those who have steady off-farm jobs contribute their
salaries to the household, and those who .work the majority of the
time on the farm often will obtain additional income as farm
laborers, for example working for a daily wage harvesting tomato or
mango. Many work temporarily in nearby factories during slack
periods on their own farm. Of the 30 farm wives in the sample, 14
earned income from off-farm sources. Table 2 shows the extent to
which farm wives and husbands make financial contributions to the
family. Off-farm financial contributions of the husband are often
greater than that of his wife, but this does not necessarily reflect
a difference between the husband and wife in the number of hours
worked.
Remuneration as a farm laborer depends on the type of work.
Women are hired to do hand labor, for example, weeding or hand
harvesting of fruit or peanut, and men are hired for machine
operation such as spraying pesticides and land preparation. Women
generally earn US$6.50 to US$8.75 per labor-day depending on the
crop. For example, harvesting or weeding vegetables usually
commands a lower wage than harvesting water caltrop or mushrooms.
Men earn far more per day than women. For spraying pesticides or
pruning fruit trees men usually earn US$12.50-15.00 per day. The
reason given for wage differentials between men and women is that
"women's work" is easier and lighter than "men's work", and hence
deserves a lower wage. In addition, farmers recognize the hazards
of spraying chemicals and therefore this work commands a premium.
Compensation is determined on a per hectare basis for land
preparation using bullocks, rototillers, and tractors, and
mechanical planting and harvesting of rice.
When discussing hiring practices farmers invariably speak of
certain tasks as women's work and others as men's work. The data
reveal this attitude. Farmers never hired women to prepare land or
spray pesticides, nor were farm wives ever hired by others to
perform this kind of work. Farm wives were only hired for weeding,
harvesting, and other types of hand work, and only on one occasion
was a farm husband hired to do handwork (he harvested peanut).
Utilization of farm family labor is not as clearly delineated
by gender as is hired labor, though men are far more likely to
participate in women's work than vice versa. Husbands will often
help their wives with weeding or hand harvesting, but wives, in
general, do not spray pesticides or cultivate and prepare land,
unless only a simple shovel is required. Women in agriculture in
Taiwan seldom use machines. In only one of the 30 families did a
wife (a woman who managed the farm without her husband) spray
pesticides on a regular basis. On one other occasion, a woman
sprayed pesticides because her husband was on a travelling
vacation. Farm tools for women are confined to simple tools such as
a knife, scythe, or shovel.
There may, however, be some bias in the data regarding the
amount of women's work a man actually does. It is common in the
countryside of Taiwan to see groups of women working together in the
field with one man. For example, when harvesting tomato, which is
woman's work,.a farm family will usually hire several women who with
the farm wife pick tomatoes while the husband uses a wheelbarrow to
move the filled tomato cartons to the side of the road for factory
pick-up. He makes sure that the women have enough cartons, and he
is responsible for determining which rows are to be harvested.
Therefore, while the husband is technically harvesting tomato, and
the data indicate that he is doing a woman's task, the actual tasks
that he performs are different than those of women. This is because
as the farm manager, the husband is responsible for inspecting the
fields and deciding what tasks are required. He usually assigns
jobs, organizes, and oversees the work that is performed. It is
interesting to note that many Taiwanese farm wives refer to their
husbands as tou gei ( ) meaning "boss", and frequently when I
asked them questions about the farm, they would either tell me what
the tou gei says or request that I speak to him myself.
V. Labor by Gender and Crop
Twenty-one different crops were planted on the 30 farms. This
accounts for all seasons. Women contributed somewhat more hours of
labor to the production of these crops than men. The total number
of labor hours recorded on all farms for all crops was 58,697, of
which 53.61 per cent was female labor, and 46.39 per cent male.
Only three crops used more male than female labor. Over 70 percent
of.the total labor used for rice and almost 60 per cent of total
labor for banana was supplied by men. The amount of male labor used
for silkworm production is marginally greater than the amount women
provided (Table 3).
The differences in female and male labor used for production of
various crops is dependent on the types of tasks that are needed for
each crop. Rice production in this part of Taiwan is almost fully
mechanized which means that much of the women's work that was
formerly associated with rice production has been eliminated. In
southern Taiwan, one seldom sees groups of women transplanting rice
because of widespread use of rice transplanters. Herbicide use in
Taiwan has to some extent replaced the need to weed, also women's
work. Banana production requires more male labor because the fruit
is heavy, and therefore men are more apt to undertake this task.
Silkworm production, a process that is repeated six times a year for
three weeks each time, utilizes a. large amount of male labor
relative to female labor because a saw is used to cut mulberry
branches. For silkworm production, female labor is needed primarily
to prepare the silkworms for the spinning of cocoons. At that time
each farm family will hire several women for one or two days of
work.
For all other crops, the amount of hand-work required for
production exceeds the amount of work that uses machines, There may,
however, be a small amount of underreporting of the hours of hired
male labor used for land preparation. Since remuneration is based
on hectarage, not on time, farmers record the costs of these tasks,
rather than the time used.
It is clear from the data of the 30 farmers that women did not
use machines, though men did some hand-work even though it is
generally considered women's work. This implies that as agriculture
in.,Taiwan proceeds toward greater mechanization, more women than men
are likely to be forced into other sectors of the economy. Thus
mechanization and use of chemicals in agriculture in Taiwan dis-
places female laborers and in some cases may actually generate an
additional need for male labor.
An example of a possible future change in technology that will
have a significant impact on female labor is the peanut harvester.
Many farmers have mentioned the need for a machine to harvest peanut
because at present teams of women, as many as 30 women per hectare,
are hired for one day at harvest. This accounts for a high percen-
tage of-production costs. The same is true for processing tomato.
If peanut and tomato harvesters become a- reality in southern Taiwan,
the employment impact will be primarily on women. Exactly how great
that impact will be is beyond the scope of this chapter, but it
should be understood before the harvesters are introduced. Teaching
women to operate agricultural machinery would obviously lessen the
severity of the employment impact.
VI. Women and Croo Choice
Farm families theoretically choose crops such that the
production inputs available to them, land, labor, and capital,
maximizes revenue.
Crop choice, of course, is dependent on a number of environ-
mental and economic parameters which farmers cannot control. For
example, farmers in Ma-dou and Shan-hua exhibit different cropping
patterns than those in Shan-shang in part because of differing
geophysical characteristics. Other factors such as government
policy or marketing conditions may similarly affect cropping
patterns of a given area. Also, farmers may have objectives other
than profit maximization, such as risk minimization, which affects
what they perceive as an optimal crop mix.
The amount and type of family labor that is available to work
on the farm also influences crop choice. Women in agriculture in
southern Taiwan have a clear role in determining crop choice, but
not because they are explicit decision makers in the family. That
role is usually confined to men, although women may be consulted
about their crop preferences. Rather, women's role in determining
crop choice is the following: 1) they provide additional labor to
the family farm, i.e., they supply labor that in most cases comple-
ments that of the husband (few farms are operated only by women);
and 2) they provide labor that is perceived as qualitatively
different from that of men, and perform tasks that men are less
likely to do unless part of a man/woman team. The effect on crop
choice is illustrated by an increase in the variety of crops grown,
by more labor-intensive crop production, and a clear-cut decrease in
the percentage of land that is devoted to rice and sugar cane.
Data for one full year, from May 1984 to May 1985, were used to
assess the effect that women had on crop choice. The sample was
divided into those in which female family labor worked on the farm,
and those in which it did not. The sample was also split into
differing agricultural environments, with Ma-dou and Shan-hua
comprising one type of agricultural environment and Shan-shang
another.
Differences in crop choice between families with on-farm
working females and those without were very dramatic in both
regions. In Ma-dou and Shan-hua, farms without female labor planted
12 crops of which five accounted for almost 95 per cent of total
hectarage. Those five crops, rice, sugar cane, corn, sorghum,
soybean, and peanut, are considered male crops, because either they
require more labor with machines than handwork, or they are not
labor intensive. One must bear in mind that in Taiwan, a farmer who
grows only rice and sugar cane in the summer, and corn or sorghum
and sugar cane during other seasons, is in general not faced with a
labor constraint which prevents him from-planting other, more labor
intensive crops. This is because farm size in this area of Taiwan
is still small relative to the amount of labor available. Many
farmers in this category stated that rice or corn and sorghum
production allowed them considerable free time. The data indicate
that once planting is completed, farmers need only to inspect daily
the fields and occasionally spray pesticides. Hence the decision
not to grow crops other than these can be at least partially a
function of the type of labor available to the farm. Male farmers
are more likely to choose more labor intensive crops when female
family labor is available.
In contrast to these farms, the cropping patterns of farms with
female family labor included 22 crops, and the percentage of land
devoted to the above mentioned crops was noticeably less. Rice was
planted on 31'.02 per cent of total cultivated land, and sugar cane
accounted for 10.59 per cent. Other important crops in this
category were sweet potato, pomelo, watermelon, lima bean and tomato
(Table 4).
Farm families in Shan-shang Township exhibited the same
tendency as those in the other areas. In Shan-shang, 73.33 per cent
of hectarage of farms without female family labor was devoted to
sugar cane and rice, whereas on farms with female labor the
percentage was 32.28. The decrease in sugar cane was the largest,
dropping from over 50 per cent of the total to approximately 20 per
cent. Like Ma-dou and Shan-hua, there was a large increase in the
variety'and number of crops grown on farms with female family
labor. Farms without female family labor cultivated only five
crops, while those with female family labor planted 15 different
crops (Table 4).
Given that the variety of crops was far greater on farms with
female family labor than farms without, it follows that female
family labor allows farms to be more diversified. A diversification
index was utilized to determine whether or not the level of
diversification between the two categories of farms was
significantly different. The index is calculated as follows:
Table 5-gives values for DI for all farms. The average
diversification index for farms in Shan-shang with family women
working on the farm was 2.86 and for farms without female labor,
1.45. In Ma-dou and Shan-hua, the average diversification index for
farms with female labor was 2.53 versus 1.63 for those without. Two
separate analysis of variance tests were computed to determine
whether location or the presence of family female labor or both
contributed to the differences in the level of diversification among
the four groups of farm families. The results showed that location
was not statistically significant but female family labor was.
In this area of Taiwan, diversification of agriculture means
that more risky crops are introduced as replacements for rice and
sugar cane. These two crops are considered relatively risk free,
compared to vegetables and fruits, because government policy
protects the prices of both crops and are therefore subject to minor
price variation. In addition, having grown these crops for many
years, farmers are knowledgable about production problems. Also,
cultivars that perform well in the specific environment of the
region have been developed and adopted by all farmers. Apart from
rice and sugar cane, corn, sorghum, peanut, and soybean also have
guaranteed government prices. It is noteworthy that in Ma-dou and
Shan-hua almost 95 percent of total hectarage of farms without
female labor and in Shan-shang over 50 percent (there is no
guaranteed price for rice in Shan-shang) was devoted to crops with
fixed government prices. Hence the presence of females on the farm
significantly increases the portion of hectarage that is planted in
crops that are subject to price volatility. Therefore, inclusion of
crops other than those mentioned above into cropping patterns in
southern Taiwan is to accept added risk, despite the agricultural
economics literature that claims that diversification is a form of
risk management.
VI. Implications and Conclusion
The availability of female labor in the farming system in
southern Taiwan increases the variety of crops planted, as well as
the level of diversification. This occurs because rice cultivation
is now highly mechanized and most rice production tasks are done by
men. If- women are able and willing to work on the family farm,
vegetables and fruits, labor intensive crops, are more likely to be
grown because of the type of labor required for their production.
It is not clear why sex-typing in agriculture occurs to the
extent shown in this chapter, except as mentioned earlier, men's
work is defined as "heavy work"and female work as "light work".
Regardless of the reason, the data on the 30 Taiwanese families
suggest that economists should not view labor as a single production
input. Rather it should be evaluated as separate male and female
components. Decision making models should therefore take into
account two types of labor constraints. In addition, various crops
in the system should be evaluated in terms of male labor-using or
female labor-using.
Additional research is needed to determine to what degree the
principles revealed in this part of Taiwan are applicable in other
areas in Asia,. Since Taiwan's agriculture is at a higher level of
development relative to other countries in Southeast Asia, trends in
Taiwan may serve to forecast developments in other areas in Asia
with similar agro-environments, such as Thailand or certain regions
of the Philippines or Indonesia. This may indicate that the
availability of female labor in the farming system may be a key to
the adoption of vegetables or other subsidiary crops. It is also
clear that women will be the users of modern technology for
alternative crops, and they are most likely to be affected by
technical changes in their production.
Table 1
Hectarage of Principle Crops in Shan-Shang and Ma-Dou, 1983
CROPS (ha.)
Shan-shang..
Rice (total)
first crop
second crop
Sugar cane
Sweet potato
Legumes
Corn
Sorghum
Peanut
Edible sugar cane
Sesame
Banana
Mango
Pomelo
Vegetables
119.22
30.63
79.78
464.42
25.00
12.40
112.00
42.40
18.20
21.90
31.80
298.80
7.20
407.90
1632.74
MCI = 106.90
(25.69%)
(66.91%)
1,425.65
509.35
916.35
561.33
287.00
103.00
884.00
62.30
11.00
86.00
56.90
3.90
98.10
203.70
970.30
4816.18
MCI = 142.40
'Source: Tainan County Statistical Abstracts
MCI = MCI = multiple cropping index
n = total # of crops
ai = area occupied by nth crop planted + harvested w/in one year
A = total hand area available
Ma-dou
(35.72%)
(64.27%)
Total
Table 2
Farmer No.
Income Earned from Off-farm Employment
Shan-Shan.g
Male Female
1,446.87
0
0
1,568.75
0
0
15
5,029.50
1,515
2,550
1,543.5
0
0
47.50
0
0
55.25
0
140
0
1,388
1,500
782.50
2,725
0
0
Ma-Dou
177.50
5,911.67
0
525
0
0
90
0
0
176.25
3,273.75
0
3,602.70
525.00
4,492
852.50
4,171
2,579.33
0
0
0
0
2,753.75
0
0
2,217.75
40.50
428.75
0
231.88
1,262.75
397.50
852.50
917.50
14
15
16
.17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
Table 3
Labor Usage
by Gender and Crop (Shan-Shang)
(in hours)
Crop
'Banana
Corn
Edible Cane
Longan
Mango
Rice
Silkworms
Tomato
Water Caltrop
Watermelon
Total
Female
1,245
1,131
513
690
2,283
297
2,629
2,278
2,861
2,736
16,663
(54.18%)
Male
1,731
428
506
859
1,346
970
3,052
1,368
2,221
1,612
14,093
(45.82%)
Table 3 (continued)
Labor Usage by Gender and Crop (Ma-Dou
(in hours)
and Shan-Hua)
Crop.
Chinese cabbage
Cauliflower
Corn
Flowers
Lima Bean
Peanut
Pepper
Pomelo
Radish
Rice
Spinach
Strawberry
Sweet Corn
Sweet Potato
Tomato
Watermelon
Total-
2,976
1,559
1,019
1,549
3,629
1,267
5,681
3,646
5,082
4,348
30,756
Male
Female
233
130
2,867
815
3,205
2,276
339
1,055
312
867
213
243
27
720
483
1,014
14,808
(53%)
197
271
2,490
413
2,457
721
130
1,097
240
2,193
189
172
25
181
697
1,660
13,133
(47%)
Total
430
410
5,357
1,228
5,662
2,997
469
2,152
552
3,060
402
415
52
901
1,180
2,674
27,941
Table 4
Crops and Hectarage of Farms with Female Family Labor
Ma-Dou/Shan-hua
rice
corn .'
sorghum
.sugar cane
peanut
lima bean
sweet corn
sweet potato
pomelo
tomato
mango
sesame
cauliflower
soybean
Chinese cabbage
spinach
edible cane
green pepper
strawberry
watermelon
.radish
flowers
Shan-Shang
12.71
5.65
2.63
4.34
3.72
1.86
.15
.80
.90
.98
.29
.30
.10
.70
.10
.08
.72
.23
.10
3.2
1.01
.40
(31.02%)
(13.79%)
( 6.43%)
(10.59%)
( 9.08%)
( 4.54%)
( .36%)
( 1.95%)
( 2.20%)
( 2.39%)
( .71%)
( .73%)
( .24%)
( 1.71%)
( .24%)
( .20%)
( 1.76%)
( .56%)
( .24%)
( 7.81%)
( 2.46%)
( .97%)
rice
sugar cane
banana
water caltrop
mango
silkworms
edible cane
tomato
corn
watermelon
cassava
okra
orange
papaya
longan
40.97 ha.
Table 4 (continued)
Crops and Hectarage of Farms without Female Family Labor
Ma-Dou/Shan-Hua
rice
corn
sorghum
sugar cane
lima bean
sweet corn
sweet potato
tomato
cauliflower
soybean
mungbean
peanut
Shan-Shanq
8.51
4.70
2.07
2.73
.33
.23
.30
.12
.23
1.23
.10
1.17
(39.60%)
(21.18%)
( 9.63%)
(12.70%)
( 1.54%)
( 1.07%)
( 1.40%)
( .56%)
( 1.07%)
( 5.72%)
( .46%)
( 5.44%)
rice
sugar cane
tomato
silkworms
water caltrop
21.49 ha.
4.52
7.02
2.4
2.31
5.30
.90
.46
1.92
2.94
6.33
.51
.20
.35
.40
0.18
(12.64%)
(19.64%)
( 6.71%)
( 6.46%)
(14.83%)
( 2.52%)
( 1.28%)
( 5.37%)
( 8.22%)
(17.71%)
( 1.43%)
( .56%)
( .98%)
( 1.12%)
( .50%)
35.74 ha.
2.06
5.09
1.30
.50
0.80
(21.13%)
(52.20%)
(13.34%)
( 5.13%)
( 8.21%)
9.74 ha.
Table 5
Diversification Index of 30 Farms
Shan-Shanq
DI1 =
3.25
DI
2
Shan-Shang
4.10
5.73
4.54
2.78
3.69
2.40
1.54
2.27
2.23
(
Ma-Dou/Shan-Hua
15 2.85
17 2.86
18 2.42
2 0 1.46
23 1.68
24 1.73
25 3.04
26 2.70
27 3.20
28 3.87
29 2.09
2 =
.53
\
DI6 =
1.63
DI3 =
2.86
1.97
1.20 DI4 =
1.28 1.45
2.23
1.25
1.67 DI5 =
2.12 1.73
1.34
1.78
- 0
<..
Research Sites Ma-dou and
Shan-shang, and Shan-hua
Taiwan
-.
S ~ ~
I 1'
(
)
(.
)
.1
I
F,
-' -.
-IJ
- "
City
Y^
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Boserup, Ester. 1970. Women's Role in Economic Development (New
York: St. Martin's Press).
Byerlee, Derek, Larry Harrington, and D. L. Winkelmann. 1982.
"Farming systems research: Issues in research strategy and
technology design," American Journal of Agricultural
Economics, Vol. 64 (5), pp. 897-904.
Calkins, Peter H. 1976. Four approaches to risk and uncertainty
for use in farm management extension, Asian Vegetable
Research and Development Center, Technical Bulletin'#3.
Calkins, Peter H. 1978. Why farmers plant what they do: A
study of vegetable production technology in Taiwan, Asian
Vegetable Research and Development Center, Technical
Bulletin #8.
Gomez, Kwandrai A. and Arturo A. Gomez. 1984. Statistical
Procedures for Agricultural Research (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, Inc.)
----- 1983. Multiple Cropping in the Humid Tropics of Asia
(Ottawa, Ontario: IDRC).
Menegay, Merle R. 1976. Farm Management Research on Cropping
Systems, Asian Vegetable Research and Development Center,
Technical Bulletin #2.
Multiple Croping Systems in Taiwan. 1974. Compiled by Food and
Fertilizer Technology Center for-the Asian and Pacific
Region, Taipei, Taiwan.
|
RSS
HIDE
