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 Front Cover
 What is gender analysis?
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Title: Invisible women : gender and household analysis in agricultural research and extension
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Title: Invisible women : gender and household analysis in agricultural research and extension
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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    What is gender analysis?
        Page 1
    How to use this presentation
        Page 2
        Page 3
    Additional resources for training on gender issues and analysis
        Page 4
    Presentation with slides (English)
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
    Presentation with slides (Spanish)
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
    Presentation with slides (French)
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
    Slide descriptions
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
Full Text


INVISIBLE


WOMEN:


GENDER
AND
HOUSEHOLD
ANALYSIS
IN AGRICULTURAL
RESEARCH
AND EXTENSION

SUSAN V. POATS


pVcS







INVISIBLE WOMEN: GENDER AND HOUSEHOLD ANALYSIS
IN AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH AND EXTENSION

Susan V. Poats

Gainesville, Florida
November 1989

This presentation was developed to assist agricultural researchers, extension
workers, and managers of research and extension projects in learning about gender
issues in agriculture and to use gender analysis as a descriptive and analytical tool
in their work. Gender analysis is increasingly being recognized as a critical aspect
of programme and project success.

WHAT IS GENDER ANALYSIS?

In some parts of the world, the term "gender analysis" is new to research and
development workers. In the past, we have referred to the "sexual division of labor"
when looking at men's and women's roles in production. However, the term "sex"
refers to the biological differences between males and females, while "gender" is a
social construct and refers to the learned behavioral differences between men and
women. As a social construct, gender roles are flexible and variable across cultures
and societies. These roles are affected by age, class, religion, ethnicity, regional
origin, and history. They can also be profoundly affected by and can have an effect
on changes in technology brought on through development efforts.

Gender analysis has become the commonly accepted term for analyzing gender
roles and intra- and inter-household dynamics within farming systems and applying
that analysis to decisions about agricultural research and development activities.
Though households can be disaggregated in several ways, gender has proved to be
the most useful way to disaggregate the farm household and to analyze household
relations and behavior (Cloud, 1988). These relationships have a crucial bearing
on farmer decisions and activities. Understanding these contributes to more
efficient and more equitable technology development and delivery.

Gender analysis begins with the recognition that the household is not an
undifferentiated grouping of people with a common production and consumption
function. That is, members of households do not have shared and equal access to
the resources for and benefits from production. Rather, households are themselves
systems of resource allocation (Guyer, 1980). Within a given system, individual
household members may share some goals, benefits and resources; be independent
on some; and in conflict on others. In short, the form of the household and
patterns of decision making cannot be assumed. What we face is complexity, not
homogeneity. In a particular farming system or a single enterprise within that
system, even where 'the household' is a useful unit of analysis, the pattern of
activities, resources and incentives of its members are important information and
must be determined by investigation.









An important first step in incorporating gender awareness in agricultural
development is to recognize the roles that women play in all aspects of the food
system. Learning to 'see' women in agriculture will assist research and
development workers to better understand the different roles that men and women
play in production and to improve the design and delivery of technology meant to
assist farmers---both male and female.



HOW TO USE THIS PRESENTATION

This slide presentation was developed as an introductory module. It is meant to
raise issues and stimulate discussion about gender issues in agriculture. It can be
used alone, as a separate module on gender within a larger training course, or as
an introduction to other training activities on gender issues. Trainers may find it
useful to guide discussion of the presentation by handing out discussion questions
prior to showing the slides or video. Some suggested questions are listed below:

1. What are some of the factors that contribute to the "invisibility" of
women?

2. Do any of the situations seen in the presentation occur in your country or
project?

3. Does your project address the issues of gender? How?

4. What are some of the obstacles in including women? How can these
difficulties be overcome?

It is usually wise to allocate an hour for the presentation and discussion. For
those using the presentation as a slide set, a copy of the script is included in this
packet. For those using the video version, the script is useful in preparing an
introduction and discussion of the presentation. Translations of the script to French
and Spanish are also included. A list with descriptions of each slide is included to
further assist trainers in preparing the presentation and answering questions about
it.

The video version of the presentation is narrated with a male voice. Some
trainers working in the area of gender issues have indicated that they would prefer
a female voice for the narration. You might find it interesting to ask your audience
for their opinion about the narration as part of the discussion. You might further
pursue the issue by asking whether it makes a difference to have a man or a
woman to present gender issues or conduct training on this subject.









DEVELOPING THE PRESENTATION


This presentation spans seventeen years of anthropological fieldwork in a variety
of places around the world. It was first put together as part of an informal talk on
women and potato production given at the 1983 meeting of the Association for
Women in Development (AWID). It was subsequently expanded and revised as an
introductory module for training workshops using case studies on gender analysis
in farming systems research and extension. All of the slides in the presentation,
except two, are my own. The other two were taken by Luz Joly, University of
Panama, and Robert Rhoades, International Potato Center, Lima, Peru.

Many people provided very useful comments and suggestions for improving the
presentation during its development. I would like to particularly thank Hilary
Feldstein, Rosalie Norem, Kate Cloud, Judith Bruce, Susan Grosz and Michael
Collinson for their advice and comments in revising the script and slides. Vickie
Semler and other colleagues at the International Women's Tribune Center reviewed
a draft version of the presentation and made important suggestions to improve the
quality and clarity of the intended messages. I would like to especially thank Ron
Grosz and Bruce Horwith of the Women in Development Office of the Bureau for
Program and Policy Coordination of the U.S. Agency for International
Development for convincing me of the value of making the presentation into a
video to facilitate greater use in training. The WID Office contracted Telspan
International Inc. of Washington, D.C. who produced the video version of the slide
presentation.

The Spanish translation of the presentation script was done by Manuel E. Ruiz
and Arturo Vargas did the original Spanish translation of the presentation script.
I would like to thank Yolanda Sacipa and Julio Chang for their assistance in
revising and editing the Spanish translation. The French translation of the script
was done by Marie-Francoise Hutchinson.

While no agency funded the specific development of this presentation, the
information was gathered and slides were taken while I was doing research and
development work supported by various other organizations including the
International Potato Center, the Virginia Federation of Woman's Clubs, the
University of Florida, the Farming Systems Support Project which was funded by
the U.S. Agency for International Development, and finally the Gender and
Agriculture Project of the Population Council which is funded by the Ford
Foundation. I am very grateful for the support these many organizations provided.
I would like to thank the numerous national institutes and programs that allowed
me access to a wide variety of development activities and projects. Finally, I would
like to thank the many women and men who are farmers, researchers and
extensions workers who shared their thoughts and ideas with me over the years.







ADDITIONAL RESOURCES FOR TRAINING ON GENDER ISSUES AND
ANALYSIS

Feldstein, H.S. and S. V. Poats, editors. Working Together: Gender Analysis in
Agriculture, Volume I. Case Studies, Volume II. Teaching Notes. West Hartford,
Connecticut: Kumarian Press.

Overholt, C., M.B. Anderson, K. Cloud and J.E. Austin. 1985. Gender Roles in
Development Projects. West Hartford, Connecticut: Kumarian Press.

Poats, S.V., M. Schmink and A. Spring. 1988. Gender Issues in Farming Systems
Research and Extension. Boulder Colorado: Westview Press.

Russo, S., J. Bremer-Fox, S. Poats, L. Graig. 1989. Gender Issues in Agriculture
and Natural Resource Management. Office of Women in Development, Bureau
for Program and Policy Coordination, U.S. Agency for International
Devleopment.

REFERENCES

Cloud, K. 1988. A Teaching Module on Women and Agriculture: Household
Level Analysis. Draft Prepared for The International Workshop on Women,
Households and Development: Building Data Base. Champaign-Urbana:
University of Illinois.

Guyer, J.I. 1980. Household Budgets and Women's Incomes. Prepared for the
Symposium on Women in the Work Force at the American Anthropological
Association Meetings, 1979. Boston, Mass.: African Studies Center, Working
Paper No. 28.

REQUESTING ADDITIONAL COPIES

Copies of the presentation may be obtained by writing to:

Dr. Susan V. Poats
Gender and Agriculture Project
108 N.W. 26th Street
Gainesville, Florida
32607 USA
Tel. 904-378-5775

The slide set version is available for US $100.00. The video version is available
for US $35.00. A limited number of slide sets and videos are available to
developing country nationals. For more information, write to Dr. Susan V. Poats
at the above address. Make checks payable in US$ to Susan V. Poats.







INVISIBLE WOMEN: GENDER AND HOUSEHOLD ANALYSIS IN
AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH AND EXTENSION

Susan V. Poats

1. TITLE SLIDE.

2. Understanding the roles of women and men in farming has been a difficult
task for many agricultural development projects.

3. More often than not, women have remained invisible and men have been
the sole or major project participants.

4. Disentangling the obstacles that block our view will encourage effective
involvement of women in the research and extension process. We begin by
examining how agriculture is generally perceived.

5. The artist sees agriculture as a complete process intimately involving
humans---male and female---in all aspects of production.

6. Research, however, has more often than not perceived agriculture as if the
people were absent.

7. The idea that people---not plants or animals---adopt technology, and that
not all people need the same technology has slowly filtered back into
agricultural research. This is largely due to the growing influence of an
interdisciplinary, on-farm, client-oriented approach to research and
extension.

8. Implicit in the methodology for such an approach is the need to set
priorities according to a diagnosis of farmer problems and to engage
farmers in on-farm experimentation to determine appropriate, adoptable
solutions to problems.

9. On the surface, this approach appears to offer an equitable way to deal
with both men's and women's agricultural problems.

10. Yet all too often in agricultural projects, farmers are equated with men
and the household is merely an undifferentiated box in a systems diagram.
Why are women still so invisible in the process of technology development
and what strategies can be used to enhance the inclusion of women in this
process?

11. Diagnosis of farmer problems usually takes place in the farmer's field.







12. Too often, however, the female farmer who may actually do the task is not
included in the interview. Frequently the question of who does what and
when is not vigorously pursued.

13. Part of the reason may be that researchers are often more comfortable
talking with members of their own gender. Since men predominate within
on-farm research teams, more male farmers are included in diagnosis than
female. However, gender sensitive research is more than just placing a
woman on a farming system team.

14. Gender sensitive research must begin with a concerted effort by
researchers to examine the activities heretofore unnoticed in the
background, such as the Guatemalan woman harvesting carrots, and not
just those activities seen in the foreground.

15. It is difficult to question what we have come to accept as fact.
Conventional wisdom can keep us from seeing changes, even when they
are right in front of us. In the Brazilian Amazon, where men have always
been responsible for clearing the land, we expect to see a man chopping
trees.

16. But, our expectations may prevent us from seeing a woman also chopping
trees. Is this an aberration from the norm or a signal that something
might be different for some families? Is it the crucial first sign that larger
changes are taking place?

17. The person standing in the field often is assumed to be the sole caretaker
or manager. This Peruvian farmer obliged with the request to show what
potatoes were growing in the field,...

18. ...but when further questioned about them he deferred, stating that only his
wife knew the proper names and how they were used.

19. Women around the world are keepers of local taxonomic codes and
genealogies. Explicit efforts to learn from women how they classify plants
and animals, and what characteristics they use to identify desirable
foodstuffs can greatly assist breeders in their selection of varieties with a
high likelihood of acceptability. Yet today, very few women farmers are
sought as colleagues in the plant or animal breeding and selection process.

20. Linguistic barriers can handicap women's inclusion. In this example, a
question is posed in English by a visiting researcher to a Nepali researcher
working in Bhutan on an agricultural project. He passes the question
along in Nepali to his Bhutanese colleague who repeats it in Dzonka. The
woman from the central region of Bhutan answers the question in a local
dialect related to Dzonka. What information was lost in the translation?







21. Agricultural Research in general, has not dealt very well with sociological
phenomena other than the nuclear household. Polygynous households
where women manage their own lands and keep their income separate
from that of their communal husband, have not fit into existing household
economics models used to evaluate technology.

22. Female-headed agricultural households are increasing in number
throughout the world, yet only rarely are their needs viewed as different
from other households.

23. Rarer still is the understanding that young women with small children to
care for may have different agricultural needs and limitations than older
women with adult children in the household.

24. The concept that household members share some concerns and activities,
are indifferent on others and in conflict with some is largely unrecognized
in the prioritization of problems for on-farm research or in the screening
of alternative solutions. Technology to help one farmer may hurt the
other farmers in the same household.

25. Sometimes women are overlooked because researchers try to interview
them in the wrong place at the wrong time. This woman conducting a
household interview at a home compound during the day in Rwanda only
included men because...

26. ...women are in their fields working during the day.

27. Field interviews usually take place where the main cereal crops are grown
during the main production season and not in the gardens where women
work during what is erroneously called the "off-season".

28. Women may not be the dominant farmers for a certain crop, but may be
responsible for specific production tasks, such as turning down the corn
stalks while harvesting beans in the Amazon,...

29. ...or producing the seedlings for the next crop in West Java,...

30. ...or weeding a Bhutanese potato field. Proposed improvements in these
technologies should be screened against the needs of the actual users of
the technology.

31. Both women and men engage in farm labor away from their own fields.
Measurements of women's labor effort are often routinely calculated as a
percentage of men's even when identical tasks are performed for the same
length of time.

32. A problem shared by nearly all women who engage in off-farm labor is the
"lower-than-men's" salary paid at the end of the day.









33. Most on-farm research has focused on cropping systems and largely
ignored animal production. Women are often the caretakers of large
livestock,...

34. ...as well as small. Understanding the uses and benefits women derive
from animal care and ownership is crucial to the design of animal
improvement schemes and, more importantly, whether they will or will not
be adopted.

35. Agricultural research often stops short of the post harvest and consumption
area where women are the dominant actors. Decision-making on what will
be stored,...

36. ...how it will be stored and for how long is often controlled by women and
closely linked to field production decisions.

37. The transformation of food into storable, edible or marketable products,
often of more value than in the raw state, is also largely a women's
domain.

38. Taking one crop as an example, women around the world carry potatoes to
the market,...

39. ...engage in wholesale activities and...

40. ...virtually dominate many retail sections.

41. The amount of produce marketed on a given day may seem small, but
since markets serve as information exchange networks for women, the
benefits of marketing may be larger than the actual amount transacted.

42. Women play a dominant role in setting the standards for acceptable
shapes, sizes, color and consistencies of food. All of these are important
criteria to breeders developing new varieties.

43. Women are the physical link between food production and consumption
when they decide what and how much will be purchased,...

44. ...and how it will be prepared and consumed in the household.

45. When a new technology makes greater demands on a woman's labor time
in the fields, how does this impact on her other responsibilities within the
household? To whom is the task of food preparation allocated? Are
there nutritional or other implications when children must take over this
task?







46. Consideration of the linkages between women's productive and
maintenance activities is weak in agricultural research. Washing clothes,
collecting water and fuel wood are as necessary to the daily routine as
weeding and hoeing.

47. Reproduction and childcare impact on women's needs for agricultural
technology and the resources available for considering change.

48. Women in many parts of the world carry a child on their back for its first
two years while doing all their other production tasks.

49. Alleviating the burden of activities done by women, can lead to the loss of
control over the activity. No one would defend the need to continue stoop
labor,...

50. ...but were women displaced from a source of revenue by the introduction
of the plough? Was more area cultivated requiring more of their time to
harvest and process food?

51. Do women lose control of the by-products of processing, such as rice chaff
and bran, when men are trained to operate new animal-powered rice
mills?

52. An example from Ivory Coast shows both the complexity of farming
systems and the benefits of gender and intra-household analysis. A group
of agricultural researchers embarked on a verification survey of an area
where yams are produced.

53. Yams are a men's crop, though women usually weed yam plants. Farmers
had complained that yam productivity had dropped.

54. Researchers engaged in a discussion with a farmer to determine what sorts
of alternatives might be tried to improve production.

55. Meanwhile, a second farmer appeared in the field. She was not weeding,
but moving quietly around, planting tomato seeds.

56. She was not noticed by the researchers, as they continued to dialogue with
their farmer about his fields. By now they were discussing the possibilities
of increasing the density of yam plants by decreasing spacing, using row
planting and fertilizer applications, along with herbicides---all of which
could potentially increase yam production.







57. One researcher noticed the woman and asked what she was doing. They
discovered she was planting her vegetables in her field for sale at the
market and to complement the consumption of yams in the household.
The fact that there were two farmers for the same field with two different
sets of management practices had escaped the researchers until they asked
the critical questions about who was doing what. With this information,
the researchers recommendations for on-farm experiments moved away
from herbicide treatments and spacing changes which, could have
prohibited the intercropping of vegetables, and now focused instead on
varietal improvements, seed care, and post-harvest handling of yams.

58. Despite many examples of problems, there are examples of effective
strategies to include women. Research teams with male and female
members that pro-actively interview men and women farmers are now
found in many projects.

59. Male field team members are learning better techniques for interviewing
women.

60. Diagnosis is conducted all along the food chain in some projects in order
to include women's post-harvest and marketing activities.

61. Though examples are not abundant, women are working as collaborators in
on-farm trials. When it is not socially appropriate to work with one
woman alone,...

62. ...women's collectives can participate in on-farm experiments.

63. In a few examples, women are being taught how to use non-traditional
technology to expand their involvement in production.

64. The learning process may be difficult...

65. ...but problems can be overcome. Women are interested in new
technology, do change production roles, and want to be more efficient
producers, as long as the changes "fit" their needs and their systems of
farming.

66. More women are being included in training programs around the world,...

67. ...but they will need to be given opportunities for employment in order to
use the skills they gain in training.








68. The role of national agricultural research institutes, as leaders in the
search for improved food production technology, should be to devise better
ways to include women in the research and training process. The
approaches taken should result in more efficient methods of doing
research and more effective mechanisms for reaching a larger number of
farmers. Our ultimate goal is to see this woman farmer as a collaborator
in the work ahead to achieve better food production, availability, and
consumption.

69. CLOSING SLIDE WITH INFORMATION ON HOW TO ORDER
COPIES OF THIS PRESENTATION.







MUJERES INVISIBLES: ANALYSIS DE GENERO Y FACTORS FAMILIARES
EN LA INVESTIGATION Y EXTENSION AGROPECUARIA1

Susan V. Poats


1. TITULO.

2. La comprensi6n de los roles de la mujer y el hombre en las labores
agricolas ha sido una tarea diffcil para muchos proyectos de desarrollo
agricola.

3. En la mayoria de los casos, se ignora a la mujer, y el hombre ha sido el
unico o principal participate.

4. Si se liberan los impedimentos que bloquean nuestra vision se podria
estimular la participaci6n efectiva de la mujer en el process de
investigaci6n y extension. Iniciamos con un examen de como se percibe
generalmente la agriculture.

5. El artista concibe la agriculture como un process complete que envuelve
intimamente al ser humano---tanto hombre como mujer---en todos los
aspects de producci6n.

6. Sin embargo, el investigator con frecuencia percibe la agriculture separada
del factor human.

7. La idea de que la gente---y no las plants ni los animales---es la que
adopta la tecnologfa, y que no toda la gente necesita la misma tecnologfa,
se ha filtrado lentamente de nuevo en la investigaci6n agricola,
principalmente debido a la creciente influencia del enfoque y la
metodologia de la investigaci6n en los sistemas de fincas, a trav6s de una
perspective interdisciplinaria y orientada a una clientele especffica.

8. Esta metodologia lleva implicita la necesidad de asignar prioridades de
acuerdo al diagn6stico de los problems del agricultor, y de involucrarlo
en la experimentaci6n en fincas, para encontrar soluciones apropiadas y
adoptables.

9. A primera vista, todo 6sto pareciera ofrecer una via equitativa para
tragajar con los problems agricolas del hombre y de la mujer.


'1Traducci6n del original en Ingl6s por Manuel E. Ruiz y Arturo Vargas, RISPAL, para
su presentaci6n en la reuni6n de trabajo "Las Ciencias Sociales Aplicadas al Enfoque de
Sistemas de Producci6n: Aproximaci6n a una Metodologfa", Chincha, Perui, 25-27 de enero
de 1988.









10. Sin embargo, ocurre muy a menudo en los proyectos agricolas, que cuando
uno se refiere al agricultor inmediatamente se piensa en el hombre
mientras que el hogar apenas aparece como una caja indefinida en un
diagrama de sistemas. iPor qu6 las mujeres son todavia tan invisibles en
el process de desarrollo de tecnologias y qu6 estrategias pueden usarse
para intensificar la inclusion de ellas en 6ste process?

11. El diagn6stico de los problems agricolas usualmente tiene lugar en los
terrenos de los agricultores.

12. Sin embargo, con frecuencia la mujer agricultora, que podria ser la que
realmente ejecuta la tarea, no se incluye en la entrevista. Frecuentemente
la pregunta de quiLn hace gue y cuando no es lo suficientemente
enfatizada.

13. Parte de la raz6n puede ser que la mayoria de las veces los investigadores
se sienten mas c6modos hablando con miembros de su mismo sexo. Dado
que los hombres predominan en los equipos de investigaci6n, mis hombres
que mujeres se incluyen en el diagn6stico. Por otro lado, la investigaci6n
sensible a la problematica de la division por sexo---6 andlisis de genero---
es algo mas que simplemente poner una mujer en el equipo de
investigadores en sistemas de finca.

14. La investigaci6n sensible al concept de g6nero debe iniciarse con un
esfuerzo concertado entire los investigadores para analizar las actividades
hasta ahora ignoradas y relegadas al trasfondo, tales como las de las
mujeres guatemaltecas cosechando zanahorias, y no solamente aquellas
actividades que se ven en primer piano.

15. Es dificil poner en tela de juicio cosas que uno ha llegado a aceptar como
hechos. El sentido comun puede impedirnos el captar cambios, ain
cuando est6n ocurriendo just frente a nosotros. En la amazonia
brasilefia, donde el hombre ha tenido siempre la responsabilidad de
clarear el bosque, uno esta condicionado a siempre ver a un hombre
cortando Arboles.

16. Pero nuestras expectativas pueden impedirnos el ver una mujer tambi6n
cortando arboles. iEs 6sto una excepci6n de la norma o mejor un indicio
de que para algunas families algunas cosas son diferentes? LO sera que es
un primer signo critic de que han empezado a ocurrir cambios mas
profundos?

17. La persona que esta parada en el campo se consider a menudo como el
inico proveedor o administrator. Este agricultor peruano accedi6
gustosamente al pedido de que mostrara que papas....







18. ...estaba cultivando en el campo, pero cuando se le formula mas preguntas
sobre el cultivo, 61 declin6 contestandolas aduciendo que solo su esposa
conocfa los tipos o variedades de papa y de como eran usadas.

19. Las mujeres a lo largo y ancho del mundo son las que mantienen los
c6digos y genealogias taxon6micas locales. Si se hicieran esfuerzos
explicitos para aprender de las mujeres como es que ellas clasifican plants
y animals y que caracteristicas usan para identificar los cultivos
alimenticios deseables, se lograria que las variedades seleccionados por los
genetistas tengan mayor probabilidad de aceptaci6n. Desafortunadamente,
ain hoy en dia son muy pocas las mujeres a quienes se les ha buscado
como colegas en los process de selecci6n y desarrollo de nuevas
variedades de plants y razas de animals.

20. Las barreras lingufsticas pueden dificultar la inclusi6n de las mujeres. En
este ejemplo, se ha hecho una pregunta en ingl6s a un miembro nepal6s
del equipo que trabaja en Bhutan. El transfiere la pregunta en nepal6s al
colega bhutanense, quien la repite en dzonka. La mujer, de la region
central de Bhutan, contest la pregunta en un dialecto que tiene cierta
relaci6n con el dzonka. iQu6 tanta informaci6n se perdi6 en la
traducci6n?

21. La investigaci6n agricola, en general, no ha tratado muy bien los aspects
sociol6gicos que no sean aquellos relacionados al nucleo familiar. Las
families poligamas, donde las mujeres manejan sus propias tierras y operan
con flujos de ingresos aparte del de su esposo comunitario, no se han
considerado dentro de los actuales models econ6micos familiares usados
para evaluar tecnologia.

22. Se estd incrementando en el mundo entero el nimero de families donde la
cabeza es la mujer; a pesar de ello, raras veces se piensa que sus
necesidades podrian ser diferentes de las de otras families.

23. Mas infrecuente afin es el llegar a comprender que las mujeres jovenes
con hijos pequefios a su cuidado pueden tener diferentes necesidades y
limitaciones agricolas que las mujeres de mas edad y con hijos mayores.

24. En el process de establecer prioridades en la investigaci6n en los sistemas
de finca o en la selecci6n de soluciones alternatives, muchas veces no se
reconoce el concept de que los miembros de una familiar puedan
compartir algunos intereses y actividades, sean indiferentes en otros y afin
tengan conflicts con algunos. La tecnologia que tal vez ayuda a un
agricultor, miembro de una familiar, posiblemente perjudique a los otros
agricultores miembros de la misma familiar.







25. A veces, las mujeres son pasadas por alto debido a que los investigadores
tratan de entrevistarlas en el moment y lugar equivocados. Esta
investigadora que estd realizando una entrevista, sobre producci6n y
consume de papa, durante el dfa en la casa de una familiar en Rwanda,
solo incluy6 a los hombres porque...

26. ...las mujeres estin en los campos trabajando durante el dia.

27. Las entrevistas en el campo usualmente tienen lugar donde siembran los
principles cultivos, por ejemplo, los cereales, durante la estaci6n de
mayor producci6n, pero nunca en los huertos donde las mujeres trabajan
durante lo que erroneamente se conoce como la estaci6n de menos
producci6n.

28. Pueda ser que las mujeres no sean las trabajadoras dominantes para cierto
cultivo, pero pueda ser que sean responsables de actividades de producci6n
especificas tales como la dobla del mafz al mismo tiempo que se cosecha
el frijol, en la Amazonia,...

29. ...o produciendo los semilleros para la siguiente campafia agricola, en Java
Occidental,....

30. ...o deshierbando un campo de papas en BhutAn. Las mejores propuestas
en estas tecnologfas deben seleccionarse considerando las necesidades de
quienes realmente van a usarlas.

31. Tanto las mujeres como los hombres comprometen su mano de obra fuera
de la finca. Los calculos de mano de obra femenina normalmente se
hacen como un porcentaje del trabajo efectuado por el hombre ain
cuando las tareas efectuadas hayan sido iguales y hayan torado el mismo
tiempo.

32. Un sesgo que es sufrido por todas las mujeres se evidencia en el hecho de
recibir menor salario, comparado con el del hombre, al final del dfa.

33. La mayoria de los trabajos de investigaci6n en sistemas de finca se ha
enfocado en los cultivos y ha ignorado casi por complete la producci6n
animal. Las mujeres a menudo son las encargadas del cuidado del ganado
mayor...

34. ...al igual que de los animals menores. Es critic para el disefio de
alternatives tecnol6gicas pecuarias (y mas ain para su adopci6n) el
conocer los usos y beneficios que las mujeres derivan del cuidado y
posesi6n de ganado.

35. La investigaci6n agricola a menudo no entra en las fases de postcosecha y
consume de los products, donde las mujeres son los actors principles.
La toma de decisions sobre qu6 debe almacenarse,...







36. ...como debe ser almacenado y por cuanto tiempo, muchas veces, es
controlado por las mujeres y esta relacionado estrechamente con las
decisions de producci6n en el campo.

37. Tambi6n las mujeres, en la mayoria de los casos, controlan la
transformaci6n de los alimentos en products almacenables, comestibles o
vendibles, a menudo de mayor valor que en su estado primario.

38. Si se toma como ejemplo un cultivo, son las mujeres las que Ilevan las
papas al mercado,...

39. ...las que efectfian las transacciones al por mayor y...

40. ...controlan el sector de las ventas al por menor.

41. La cantidad de product que Ilega a comercializarse puede que parezca
pequefia, pero, dado que los mercados sirven como redes de intercambio
de informaci6n para las mujeres, los beneficios del mercadeo trascienden
el capital real transado.

42. Las mujeres juegan un papel important en el establecimiento de
estandares de aceptaci6n de formas, tamanfos, colors y consistencias de los
alimentos, criterios todos importantes para el fitomejorador que busca
nuevas variedades.

43. Las mujeres son el enlace fisico entire la producci6n de alimentos y su
consume ya que ellas son las que decide qu6 y cuanto debe comprarse,...

44. ...y como deben ser preparados y consumidos.

45. Cuando una nueva tecnologia demand una mayor proporci6n del trabajo
de la mujer en el campo, Ciual es el impact sobre otras
responsabilidades dentro de la familiar? iA quien se le asigna la tarea de
preparaci6n de los alimentos? iExisten implicaciones nutricionales o de
otra indole cuando los nifios deben hacerse cargo de esta tarea?

46. La investigaci6n agricola le otorga un tratamiento d6bil a las relaciones
entire las actividades de producci6n y de mantenimiento que tienen las
mujeres. Lavar ropas, recolectar agua y lefia, son actividades tan
necesarias en la rutina diaria como las deshierbas y limpias.

47. La reproducci6n y la crianza de los hijos, tienen un gran impact sobre las
necesidades tecnol6gicas de la mujer y la disponibilidad de los recursos
necesarios para efectuar el cambio.

48. En muchas parties del mundo, las mujeres realizan sus tareas de
producci6n con un hijo cargado en sus espaldas durante sus dos primeros
afios.








49. Si por alguna raz6n se Ilegara a aliviar la carga de actividades realizadas
por las mujeres, esto podria conducir a una p6rdida de control sobre la
actividad. Nadie puede defender la necesidad de continuar el trabajo
agachado en el campo,...

50. ...pero ZNo serd que se les neg6 a las mujeres una fuente de ingresos al
introducir el arado? 6No fue tambi6n que al tener una area mayor
cultivada se requiri6 mas tiempo para la cosecha y el procesamiento del
alimento?

51. LNo es que la mujer pierde el control del procesamiento manual de los
subproductos cuando los hombres son inducidos al uso de molinos con
tracci6n animal?

52. Un ejemplo en Costa de Marfil muestra tanto la complejidad de los
sistemas de finca como los beneficios que se derivan del andlisis
intrafamiliar y del rol del g6nero. Un grupo de investigadores agricolas se
aboc6 a la verificaci6n de una encuesta en una region donde se produce
name.

53. El fame es un cultivo que en esta region se consider propio de varones,
aunque las mujeres usualmente hacen la deshierba. Los agricultores se
habian quejado que la producci6n de flame habia disminufdo.

54. Los investigadores se enfrascaron en una discusi6n con el agricultor para
determinar que alternatives podrian probarse para mejorar la producci6n.

55. Mientras tanto, un segundo agricultor apareci6 en el terreno. Ella no
estaba deshierbando, pero se movia calladamente de un punto a otro
sembrando semillas de tomate.

56. Los investigadores no le prestaron atenci6n y continuaron dialogando con
el agricultor acerca de su cultivo. A estas alturas ya habian discutido la
posibilidad de incrementar la densidad de las plants de flame, reduciento
la distancia entire plants; tambi6n se ponder6 la siembra en surcos y la
aplicaci6n de fertilizantes, asi como herbicidas, todo lo cual podria
potencialmente incrementar la producci6n de fame.









57. Uno de los investigadores se percat6 de la presencia de la mujer y
pregunt6 que estaba haciendo. Descubrieron que ella estaba plantando
sus hortalizas, en su campo, para vender en el mercado y complementary
asi el consume familiar de flame. El hecho de que allf habia dos
agricultores en el mismo campo, con dos diferentes practices de manejo,
habia escapado a la atenci6n de los investigadores hasta el moment en
que hicieron las preguntas critics acerca de qui6n hace qu6. Con esta
informaci6n, sus recomendaciones acerca de experiments a nivel de finca
dejaron de considerar los tratamientos con herbicidas y cambios de
espaciamiento (lo que podria haber impedido el cultivo asociado de
hortalizas) y ahora se concentraron en el uso de mejores variedades,
cuidados de la semilla y el manejo de postcosecha del fame.

58. A pesar de los muchos ejemplos de problems, hay tambi6n ejemplos de
estrategias efectivas que incluyen a la mujer. Se estin formando equipos
de investigadores integrados por hombres y mujeres que activamente
entrevistan hombres y mujeres agricultores.

59. Los miembros varones de los equipos estan aprendiendo mejores t6cnicas
para entrevistar mujeres.

60. En algunos proyectos, el diagn6stico se conduce a lo largo de la cadena
alimentaria.

61. Aunque los ejemplos no son abundantes, ya hay mujeres que trabajan
como colaboradoras en ensayos en finca. Cuando no es socialmente
acceptable trabajar con una mujer,...

62. ...entonces participan mujeres en forma colectiva en los experiments en
fincas.

63. En algunos pocos ejemplos, se esta entrenando a las mujeres en el empleo
de tecnologia no traditional a fin de ampliar sus horizontes de producci6n.

64. El process de aprendizaje puede ser dificil...

65. ...pero los problems se pueden superar. Las mujeres estin interesadas en
nuevas tecnologfas, son capaces de cambiar sus roles de producci6n, y
quieren ser agricultoras mas eficientes, en la media que los cambios se
ajusten a sus necesidades y a sus sistemas de producci6n.

66. Cada vez se incluyen mas y mis mujeres en los programs de
entrenamiento en diversas parties del mundo,...

67. ...pero se necesitard darles las oportunidades de empleo que les permit
utilizar las destrezas ganadas en el entrenamiento.







68. El rol de los institutes nacionales de investigaci6n agropecuaria, como
lideres en la busqueda de mejores tecnologfas para la produccci6n de
alimentos, deberia consistir en el disefio de medios que permitan incluir
las mujeres en los process de investigaci6n y entrenamiento. Los
enfoques tomados deberian resultar en estrategias de investigaci6n mas
eficientes y en mecanismos mis efectivos para alcanzar un mayor nuimero
de agricultores. Nuestra meta final es ver a esta mujer agricultora como
una colaboradora en el trabajo que queda por delante hasta lograr una
mejor producci6n, disponibilidad y consume de alimentos.

69. FINAL Y INFORMATION DE COMO SOLICITAR COPIAS DE LA
PRESENTATION.







LES FEMMES INVISIBLES: ROLE DU SEXE ET DU MILIEU
DOMESTIQUE DANS LA RECHERCHE AGRONOMIQUE ET LA
VULGARISATION AGRICOLE

Susan V. Poats


1. TITRE DE DIAPOSITIVE

2. De nombreux projects de d6veloppement agronomique se sont heurt6s au
probleme de la definition des rl6es de l'homme et de la femme, en
agriculture.

3. Dans la majority des cas, les femmes sont rest6es invisibles et les hommes ont
6t6 les principaux, voire les seuls participants, dans les projects.

4. C'est en abandonnant certaines id6es toutes faites, qui r6duisent notre vision
des choses, que nous parviendrons a v6ritablement int6grer le rl6e de la
femme au niveau de la recherche et de la vulgarisation agricole. Voyons, tout
d'abord, comment l'agriculture est g6n6ralement percue.

5. La vision que l'artiste a de l'agriculture est celle d'un ensemble fini d'activit6s
oi les r6les de l'homme et de la femme sont intimement li6s tout au long de
la chaine de production.

6. La recherche, cependant, a, le plus souvent, 6tudi6 l'agriculture en faisant
abstraction de l'individu.

7. L'id6e que l'evolution technologique s'adresse aux individus, non pas aux
plants ou aux animaux, et que les besoins ne sont pas les m6mes pour tout
le monde, a fait progressivement son chemin dans la recherche agronomique;
ceci, en grande parties, grace a l'influence croissante d'une approche
interdisciplinaire, men6e sur le terrain, et tenant compete de l'utilisateur, en
recherche comme en vulgarisation agricole.

8. L'application d'une telle approche exige, de facon implicite, que l'on 6tablisse
des objectifs prioritaires, A partir d'un diagnostic des problemes rencontr6s
par les agriculteurs, et que ceux-ci participent aux exp6rimentations sur le
terrain, afin de parvenir A des solutions ad6quates et susceptibles d'6tre
adopt6es.

9. A premiere vue, cette approche semble fournir un moyen equitable de traiter
les problemes agricoles rencontr6s par les hommes comme ceux rencontr6s
par les femmes.








10. Cependant, dans les projects de recherche agronomique, le cultivateur est, trop
souvent, assimil6 A l'homme et la cellule domestique r6duite A une case,
parmi d'autres, dans 'organigramme. Pourquoi la femme reste-t-elle un
616ment absent dans l'61aboration des nouvelles technologies et quelles
strategies pourrait-on mettre en place pour favoriser son integration ?

11. Le diagnostic des problbmes rencontr6s par le cultivateur se fait, en regle
g6n6rale, dans son champ.

12. Pourtant, si le travail est, en r6alit6, effectu6 par une femme, celle-ci, la
plupart du temps, n'est pas interrog6e par les enqueteurs. La question de
savoir qui fait quoi, et quand, n'est souvent traitee que superficiellement.

13. Cela s'explique, en parties, par le fait que les chercheurs se sentent souvent
plus A l'aise lorsqu'ils communiquent avec des personnel de leur propre sexe.
Etant donned que les hommes pr6dominent dans les 6quipes de recherche sur
le terrain, un plus grand nombre de paysans c.a.d. d'hommes que de femmes,
seront pris en compete dans les diagnostics. Cependant, la recherche
sensibilis6e au problem du sexe va plus loin que la simple integration d'une
femme dans une 6quipe de systemes de production.

14. La recherche sensibilis6e au probl6me du sexe doit commencer, par un effort
concert de la part des chercheurs, A 6tudier les activities agricoles d'arriere
plan, jusque 1l passes inapercues, comme celle de la recolte des carottes par
la femme au Guatemala, et non se contenter d'6tudier les activities de premier
plan.

15. II est difficile de remettre en question ce que nous tenons pour des faits
6tablis. Le conformisme nous empeche de voir les changements, meme
lorsqu'ils s'operent devant nos yeux. Dans la fort amazonienne du Br6sil,
oiu, traditionnellement, le defrichement est le rOle de l'homme, nous nous
attendons A voir un homme abattre les arbres.

16. Mais, cette attente meme risque de nous empecher d'apercevoir une femme
aussi abattre des arbres. Faut-il interpreter la presence de cette femme
come une anomalie par rapport A la regle, ou comme le signal que certaines
choses peuvent avoir une signification diff6rente pour certaines families ? ou
encore est-ce le signe avant-coureur que de plus grands changements sont en
train de s'op6rer ?

17. On considere souvent la personnel qui se trouve dans le champ comme le seul
cultivateur ou grant de la terre. Ce paysan p6ruvien a bien voulu montrer
quelles vari6tes de pommes de terre poussaient dans son champ,...

18. ...mais lorsqu'on le questionna davantage sur ses pommes de terre, il h6sita
A rdpondre, indiquant que seule sa femme en connaissait les noms exacts ainsi
que leur usage culinaire.








19. Les femmes, A travers le monde, sont les gardiennes des taxinomies locales
et des g6n6alogies. De reels efforts pour apprendre des femmes leur mode
de classification des plants et des animaux, ainsi que leurs critbres de choix
des products aptes A la consommation, peuvent, dans une large measure, aider
A une meilleure selection des vari6t6s animals ou v6getales, et favoriser leur
chance de succas aupres des utilisateurs. Pourtant, de nos jours, trbs peu de
femmes paysannes sont sollicit6es pour collaborer aux travaux de
d6veloppement et de selection de nouvelles vari6t6s v6g6tales ou animals.

20. Les barrimres linguistiques peuvent constituer un obstacle A l'int6gration des
femmes. Dans cet example, un chercheur, qui rend visit, pose une question
en anglais A un chercheur n6palais qui travaille sur un project agronomique,
dans la region du Bhoutan. Ce dernier transmet la question en n6palais A son
collHgue bhoutanais qui la r6pete en dzonka. La femme, originaire de la
parties central du Bhoutan, r6pond A la question dans un dialecte local, voisin
du dzonka. Quele perte d'information a result de la traduction ?

21. La recherche agronomique, en regle g6n6rale, ne s'est pas particulibrement
occup6e de problemes sociologiques, en dehors de la cellule familiale
nucl6aire. Les cellules polygames, oi~ les femmes cultivent leur propres terres
et garden leur revenue A part de celui de leur mari commun, ne figurent pas
parmi les types d'6conomies familiales existants, auxquels on se r6fere pour
evaluer les nouvelles technologies.

22. On compete, A travers le monde, de plus en plus de foyers paysans avec des
femmes A leur t6te, et pourtant il est rare que leurs besoins soient percus
comme diff6rents de ceux des autres structures familiales.

23. II est encore plus rare que l'on realise que les besoins et les limits des jeunes
femmes, avec des enfants en bas age, peuvent 8tre diff6rents, en agriculture,
de ceux des femmes plus ages, avec des enfants d'age mufr A la maison.

24. L'id6e que les membres d'une m6me cellule domestique partagent certain
problemes et certaines tAches, mais ne se sentent pas concerns par d'autres,
ou encore sont en situation de d6saccord, n'est pas percue, en general, comme
un probl6me prioritaire en recherche agronomique sur le terrain ni dans
l'investigation de solutions de rechange. Il se peut que l'apport technologique
destiny A venir en aide A un paysan porte tort aux autres paysans de la meme
cellule domestique.

25. II arrive, parfois, que les femmes soient laiss6es A l'6cart simplememt
parceque les enqu6teurs cherchent A les interroger au mauvais endroit et au
mauvais moment. Cette femme qui mene une enqu6te sur les foyers
domestiques dans une concession, pendant la journ6e, au Rwanda, n'a r6uni
que des hommes parceque...

26. ...les femmes travaillent dans leurs champs pendant la journ6e.








27. Les enqu6tes sur le terrain sont men6es, g6n6ralement, 1& ou se trouvent les
principles cultures c6r6alibres, pendant la saison agricole principal, et non
pas dans les jardins ou les femmes travaillent, pendant, ce que l'on appelle
A tort, "la morte saison".

28. Les femmes ne sont peut-etre pas responsables d'une culture en particulier
mais elles peuvent I'etre pour des activities de production sp6cifiques, comme
celle de retourner les tiges de mais dans la terre tout en faisant la r6colte des
haricots, en Amazonie,...

29. ...ou celle de preparer les semis pour la prochaine r6colte, dans l'ouest de
Java,...

30. ...ou encore celle de d6sherber un champ de pommes de terre, dans la region
du Bhoutan. Toute proposition d'aml6ioration des technologies, dans ces
domaines, devrait 8tre envisagee en function des besoins des utilisateurs r6els
de ces technologies.

31. Les hommes comme les femmes effectuent des travaux agricoles loin de leurs
propres champs. Le travail des femmes est souvent calcul6, par habitude,
comme un pourcentage du travail des hommes, m6me lorsqu'il s'agit
d'activit6s identiques r6alis6es dans le meme temps.

32. Un probl6me commun A presque toutes les femmes, qui effectuent des
travaux A distance de la ferme, est le salaire "inf6rieur a celui des hommes"
qui leur est pay6 la fin de la journme.

33. La plupart des 6tudes faites sur le terrain se sont essentiellement int6r6ss6es
au probleme des syst6mes de production agricole et ont n6glig6, en grande
parties, celui de l'61evage. Les femmes sont souvent responsables du gros
b6tail...

34. ...comme du petit. Essayer de comprendre l'usage que les femmes font des
troupeaux don't elles ont la garde et la propri6t6, ainsi que les b6n6fices
qu'elles en retirent, est indispensable pour l'61aboration de plans destin6s A
l'am6lioration de l'61evage et, encore plus, pour determiner leurs chances de
succbs aupres des utilisateurs.

35. La recherche agronomique aborde rarement la question de l'aprbs-r6colte et
de la consommation qui sont du resort exclusif des femmes. Ce sont elles
qui, souvent, d6cident de ce qui doit etre conserv6,...

36. ...ainsi que des moyens de conservation et de la duree de stockage; ces
decisions sont en 6troite relation avec celles prises au niveau de la production
agricole.








37. La transformation des denr6es agricoles en products pr6ts A etre stocks,
consomm6s ou vendus, et qui, de ce fait, augmentent souvent de valeur par
rapport A leur 6tat brut initial, est aussi, en grande parties, le domaine des
femmes.

38. Pour ne prendre qu'un example, les femmes, A travers le monde, apportent
les pommes de terre au march6,...

39. ...n6gocient les ventes en gros et,...

40. ...pratiquement, contr611ent de nombreux secteurs de vente au detail.

41. La quantite de products agricoles vendue en un jour peut sembler minime,
mais 6tant donn6 que les marches servent de lieux d'6change d'informations
pour les femmes, le seul fait de s'y rendre peut 8tre plus b6n6fique que la
quantity de denr6es r6ellement 6coul6e.

42. Les femmes jouent un r6le majeur dans la determination des normes
adopt6es quant A la forme, la taille, la couleur et la consistance des aliments.
Toutes ces indications constituent des critbres important pour le
d6veloppement de nouvelles vari6t6s.

43. Les femmes sont la charniere entire la production alimentaire et la
consommation, dans la measure oh elles d6cident de ce qui sera achet6, en
quelle quantit6,...

44. ...et de quelle facon la nourriture sera pr6par6e et consomme A la maison.

45. Lorsqu'un nouveau proc6d6 technologique augmente le temps de travail de
la femme dans les champs, quelles en sont les consequences sur ses autres
responsabilit6s domestiques ? A qui revient la tache de la preparation des
repas ? Y a-t-il des r6percutions d'ordre nutritif, ou autre, lorsque cette tache
income aux enfants ?

46. La recherche agronomique tient tres peu compete du rapport 6troit qui existe
entire les activities de production et celles d'entretien effectu6es par les
femmes. Laver le linge, chercher l'eau et ramasser le bois sont des teaches
tout aussi necessaires A la vie de tous les jours que d6sherber et biner la
terre.

47. Le r6le de reproduction des femmes et celui d'61ever leurs enfants
d6terminent la nature de leurs besoins en technologies agricole, et influent
aussi sur le choix des moyens possibles d'envisager des changements.

48. Les femmes, dans plusieurs pays du monde, portent un enfant dans le dos,
jusqu'a I'age de deux ans, tout en vaquant A leurs activities de production.







49. All6ger la charge des tAches effectu6es par les femmes risque de leur faire
perdre le contr6le de ces teaches memes. I1 est evident que personnel ne
pr6nerait le maintien des travaux courb6s,...

50. ...mais est-ce que les femmes furent priv6es d'une source de revenue lors de
l'introduction de la charue ? est-ce que de plus grandes 6tendues de terre
cultiv6es les mettaient davantage A contribution, en ce qui concern les
r6coltes et le traitement des denr6es apres r6colte?

51. Lorsque les hommes sont forms A l'utilisation de nouveaux moulins A riz,
entrain6s par la force animal, est-ce que les femmes percent le contr6le des
sous-produits, comme la balle et le bran?

52. Un example, en Cote d'Ivoire, illustre A la fois la complexity des syst6mes de
production et les b6n6fices des 6tudes faites sur le r6le du sexe et le milieu
domestique. Une 6quipe de chercheurs agronomes entreprit de mener une
enquate de contrl6e d'une region ou l'on cultive l'ignam.

53. La culture de I'ignam est l'apanage de l'homme bien que le d6sherbage des
champs d'ignam soit habituellement fait par les femmes. Les paysans
s'6taient plaints de la baisse du taux de productivity de la culture de l'ignam.

54. Les chercheurs se lancerent dans une discussion, avec un paysan, sur les
possibilities de m6thodes de replacement susceptibles d'aml6iorer la
production.

55. Entre temps, une paysanne apparut dans le champ. Elle ne d6sherbait pas
mais se d6placait tranquillement, semant des graines de tomatoes.

56. Les chercheurs ne la remarquerent pas, tout affairs A leur discussion avec
le paysan A propos de ses champs. Ils en 6taient A 6tudier les possibilities
d'intensifier la culture de l'ignam, par la reduction de l'6cartement entire les
plants, le mode de plantation en ligne et l'application d'engrais et
d'herbicides; toutes ces measures ayant la possibility d'accroitre la production
de l'ignam.

57. L'un des chercheurs remarqua la femme et demand ce qu'elle 6tait en train
de faire. Is d6couvrirent qu'elle etait en train de planter ses 16gumes dans
ses champs, qu'elle les destinait A la vente sur le marched, et pour venir en
complement de la consommation d'ignam A la maison. Le fait que deux
paysans partageaient le meme champ et pratiquaient deux types de cultures
diff6rents, avaient 6chapp6 A attention des chercheurs jusqu'au moment oi
ils poserent les questions cruciales, a savoir qui faisait quoi. A partir de ces
informations, les chercheurs qui avaient recommand6, pour les
experimentations sur le terrain, un traitement par herbicides et la
modification de l'6cartement entire les plants, ce qui aurait pu empkcher la
culture cumul6e des legumes, opterent la place pour une amelioration des
vari6tds, un plus grand soin des semences, et une politique apres-r6colte de
l'ignam.









58. En d6pit de nombreux examples de situations probl6matiques, il existe des
examples de strategies efficaces pour l'int6gration des femmes. De nombreux
projects, A present, comprennent des 6quipes de recherche mixtes qui, de facon
avertie, interrogent les paysans, homes et femmes.

59. Les hommes dans les 6quipes de recherche sur le terrain acquibrent de
meilleures techniques pour interroger les femmes paysannes.

60. Pour certain projects, ils menent leur diagnostic tout au long de la chaine
alimentaire afin d'y inclure les activities apres-r6colte et de commercialization
effectu6es par les femmes.

61. M8me si les examples n'abondent pas, les femmes collaborent aux
exp6rimentations sur le terrain. Dans les cas ou les coutumes sociales
d6sapprouvent la presence d'une seule femme,...

62. ...des collectivit6s de femmes, alors, participent aux exp6rimentations.

63. Dans certain examples, des femmes sont form6es A des technologies non
traditionnelles pour qu'elles soient davantage impliqu6es dans les activit6s de
production.

64. L'apprentissage peut 6tre difficile...

65. ...mais les probl6mes sont surmontables. Les femmes s'int6ressent aux
nouvelles technologies, elles acceptent de changer de r6les de production et
veulent accroitre leur efficacit6e, dans la measure oiu ces changements
"s'adaptent" A leurs besoins et A leurs syst6mes de production.

66. Davantage de femmes participent aux plans de formation, A travers le
monde,...

67. ...mais il faudra leur fournir des emplois pour qu'elles puissent mettre en
pratique les competences acquises.

68. Le rl6e des institute nationaux de recherche agronomique, en tant que chefs
de file dans la recherche de technologies de production alimentaire plus
perfectionn6es, devrait 6tre d'61aborer de meilleures strategies pour int6grer
les femmes dans les projects de recherche et de formation. Les approaches
choisies devraient d6boucher sur des m6thodes de recherche plus rentables
ainsi que sur des moyens plus efficaces de toucher un plus grand nombre de
paysans. Notre objectif supreme est de voir cette paysanne collaborer, un
jour, A cette vaste entreprise qui vise a am61iorer la production alimentaire,
les resources et la consommation.

69. DIAPOSITIVE DONNANT LES RENSEIGNEMENTS NECESSAIRES
POUR OBTENIR DES COPIES DE CETTE PROJECTION.








INVISIBLE WOMEN: GENDER AND HOUSEHOLD ANALYSIS
IN AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH AND EXTENSION
SLIDE DESCRIPTIONS

All of the slides in this presentation were taken by Susan Poats, except where
noted.

1. Title slide.

2. Household along the Transamazon Highway, Pard State, Brazil.

3. Husband and wife in The Gambia.

4. Young girl in Burkina Faso.

5. Painting from Bali, Indonesia.

6. Rice terraces in West Java, Indonesia.

7. Near Abuko Research Station, The Gambia.

8. Near Thimphu, Bhutan.

9. Household along the Transamazon Highway, Pard State, Brazil.

10. Farmer near Cajamarca, Peru.

11. Near Cagayan del Oro, Mindanao, The Philippines.

12. Near Cagayan del Oro, Mindanao, The Philippines.

13. Interdisciplinary team during training course in on-farm research methods,
Jenoi Training Center, The Gambia.

14. Almolonga Valley, Guatemala.

15. Amazon forest, Pard State, Brazil.

16. Amazon forest, Pard State, Brazil.

17. Andean farmer near Chuquisyunca, Peru.

18. Native potatoes, Chuquisyunca, Peru.

19. "Papa del Campo" near Rio Indio, Costa Abajo, Province of Col6n,
Republic of Panama. This slide was taken by Luz Joly, Anthropologist,
University of Panama.







20. Himalayan foothills between Tongsa and Shemgang, Bhutan.

21. A husband with two of his wives, Kinigi Commune, Ruhengeri, Rwanda.

22. Household in the upper end of the Chanchamayo Valley, Peru.

23. Commilla, Bangladesh.

24. Near Ziguinchor, Senegal.

25. Nkumba Commune, Ruhengeri, Rwanda.

26. Giciye Commune, Gisenyi, Rwanda.

27. Vegetable gardens in former rice fields near Ziguinchor, Senegal.

28. Near Mojuf dos Campos, Pard State, Brazil.

29. Woman transplanting cabbage seedlings, near Lembang, West Java,
Indonesia.

30. Near Tongsa in the central region of Bhutan.

31. Potato harvest with hired female labor, Pangalangan, West Java, Indonesia.

32. Rural women laborers, Pangalangan, West Java, Indonesia.

33. Callej6n de Huaylas, Peru.

34. En route to Punakha, Bhutan.

35. Storage area of farmhouse near Altamira, Pard State, Brazil.

36. De-sprouting potatoes for sale at market in Bhutan.

37. Grating cassava roots to make flour near Mojuf dos Campos, Pard State,
Brazil.

38. Carrying potatoes in Kinigi Commune, Ruhengeri, Rwanda.

39. Woman potato wholesaler in Brastagi market, North Sumatra, Indonesia.

40. Potato retailers in Bukittinggi market, West Sumatra, Indonesia.

41. Andean potato retailers in Viques market, Mantaro Valley, Peru.

42. Selecting very small potatoes to make rendang for a wedding feast,
Bukittinggi market, West Sumatra, Indonesia.







43. Market in San Juan de Miraflores, Lima, Peru.

44. Farm household along the Transamazon Highway, Pard State, Brazil.

45. Young girls peeling potatoes in the northern part of Ruhengeri Prefecture,
Rwanda.

46. Woman collecting water near Kara, Togo.

47. Large nuclear family near Mojuf dos Campos, Pard State, Brazil.

48. Rural market in Burkina Faso.

49. Weeding a maize field with a hoe in the Mossi Plateau region of Burkina
Faso.

50. Animal traction use in maize cultivation in the Mossi Plateau region of
Burkina Faso.

51. Animal-powered rice huller in Sierra Leone.

52. Yam field, Daukro, Cote d'Ivoire.

53. Yam plant, Daukro, Cote d'Ivoire.

54. Researchers, farmers and extension agent, Daukro, Cote d'Ivoire.

55. Daukro, Cote d'Ivoire.

56. Daukro, Cote d'Ivoire.

57. Daukro, Cote d"Ivoire.

58. Chirang, Bhutan.

59. Andean farm household, Peru. This slide was taken by Robert Rhoades,
Anthropologist, International Potato Center, Lima, Peru.

60. Bukittinggi market, West Sumatra, Indonesia.

61. Woman farmer in Giciye Commune, Gisenyi Prefecture, Rwanda.

62. Women's group in Giciye Commune, Gisenyi Prefecture, Rwanda.

63. Kasasie Village, Sierra Leone.

64. Kasasie Village, Sierra Leone.

65. Kasasie Village, Sierra Leone.









66. Research Farm, National Potato Improvement Program, Kinigi, Rwanda.

67. Harvesting a potato experiment at Balittan Horticultural Research Station,
Lembang, West Java, Indonesia.

68. Leader of a local women farmers group, Kasasie Village, Sierra Leone.




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