Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Survey: The Nile and its basin
 The Kumam: Langi or Iteso?
 Bibliography of the works of Sir...
 Some petroglyphs and petromyths...
 Historic sites in Buhweju,...
 The classification abilities of...
 Venom yields from captive Gaboon...
 Uganda bibliography 1971-1972
 Back Cover

The Uganda journal
External Link ( Journal issues, 1999-2002 )
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080855/00079
 Material Information
Title: The Uganda journal
Abbreviated Title: Uganda j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 22-24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Uganda Society
Publisher: Uganda Society etc.
Uganda Society etc.
Place of Publication: Kampala etc
Publication Date: 1971
Frequency: irregular[1976-<1995>]
semiannual[ former 1934-]
annual[ former <1948>-1973]
completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Periodicals -- Uganda   ( lcsh )
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Uganda
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- 1934-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended May 1942-Mar. 1946; replaced by the Society's Bulletin.
Numbering Peculiarities: One issue published every few years, v. 38 (1976)-<v. 42 (1995)>
Issuing Body: Vols. 11-13 published in London.
General Note: Journal of The Uganda Society (formerly The Uganda Literary and Scientific Society).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ABS8002
oclc - 01644239
alephbibnum - 000301510
issn - 0041-574X
lccn - 52026895
System ID: UF00080855:00079
 Related Items
Related Items: Uganda journal

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents 1
        Table of Contents 2
    Survey: The Nile and its basin
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 130a
        Page 130b
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
    The Kumam: Langi or Iteso?
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153-164
    Bibliography of the works of Sir John Gray
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
    Some petroglyphs and petromyths in Ankole and Kigezi
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
    Historic sites in Buhweju, Ankole
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
    The classification abilities of unschooled rural Iteso adults
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
    Venom yields from captive Gaboon vipers
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
    Uganda bibliography 1971-1972
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

The Uganda Journal



TO 1900 -
GRAY -- ---
Language and social change (By W. H. White-
Language and education in eastern Africa (By
T. P. Gorman)- -
Two songs (By Okot p'Bitek) - -
4t?7. &'-7


A. T. MATSON 161


B. C. WHALER 195

A. K. KAMBE 209



O. J. KEEBLE 218




Dr. F. Sempala-Nttege

Mr. J. Kingdon



Hon. Secretary
Hon. Treasurer
Hon. Editor
Hon. Librarian
P. fY. Bulenzi
N. Calogeropoulos
J. L. Dixon
D. M. Etoori

Hon. Secretary:
Hon. Treasurer:
Hon. Editor:
Hon. Librarian:

Hon, Auditors:

Mr. R. Frankum
Mr. S. C. Grimley, M.B.E.
Mr. D. Kavulu
Mr. W. S. Kajubi
Mr. E. N. C. Kironde
Rev. A. M. Lugira
Mrs. M. Macpherson, M.B.E.
Dr. B. Otaala
Mr. D. A. T. Ritchie
Mr. H. Sassoon

Mr. J. P. Ocitti
Mr. B. K. Muwanga
Professor B. W. Langlands
Mrs. O. Mutibwa

Hon. Legal Adviser:

Mr. R. A. Counihan

Hon. Vice-Presidents & Hon. Life Members
Reverend Father J. P. Crazzolara Mr. E. B. Haddon
Captain C. R. W. Pitman, C.B.E., D.S.O., M.c. Professor A. W. Williams, C.B.E.

Past Presidents

1933-34 Sir A. R. Cook, .M.o., O.B.E. 1951-52 Professor A. W, Williams, .B.E.
1934-35 Mr. E. J. Wayland, O.E.. 1952-53 Sir J. N. Hutchinson, C.M.G., FR.S.
1935-36 Dr. H. H. Hunter, C.B.E., L.L,D. 1953-54 Mr. J. D. Jameson, .B.E.
1936-37 Dr. H. Jowitt, C.M.O. 1954-55 Dr. Audrey I. Richards, C.B.E.
1937-38 Sir H. R. Hone, K.G.M.,K.B.C., 1955-56 Rev. Dr, H. C. Trowell, OBE.
M.o., Q.c. 1956-57 Mr. D. K. Marphatia, M.B.a
1938-39 Mr. J. Sykes, o.BE 1957-58 Mr. M. Barrington Ward
1939-40 Mr. N. V. Brasnett 1958-59 Dr. H. F. Morris
1940-41 Captain C. R. S. Pitman, c.BE. 1959-60 Professor A. W. Southall
D.s.o., M.c. 1960-61 Mr. J. C. D. Lawrance, O.B.E.
1941-42 Mr. S. Kulubya, O.B.. 1961-62 Mr. B. E. R. Kirwan, M.B.a.
1942-43 Mr. E. A. Temple Perkins 1962-64 Mr. W. S. Kajubi
1943-44 Mr. R. A. Snoxall 1964-65 Dr. M. Posnansky
1944-45 Dr. K. A. Davies, c.M.O., O.B.E. 1965-66 Dr. W. B. Banage
1945-46 Mr. G. H. E. Hopkins, O.B.E. 1966-67 Professor S. K. Baker .B.E.
1946-47 Mrs. K. M. Trowell, M.B.E. 1967-68 Dr. M. S. M. Kiwanuka
1947-48 Dr. W. J. Eggeling, O.B.E., F.RS.E.1968-69 Mr. J. L. Dixon
1948-50 Dr. G. ap Griffith 1969-70 Mr. P. Zirimu
1950-51 Rev. Fr. F. B. Gaffney, w.F, 1970-71 Professor B. W. Langlands

Mr. P. N. Kavuma

Mr. E. Kironde

Secretary: Mrs. F. Katuramu

Rev. K. H. Sharpe



The Journal of the Uganda Society


Published By
P.O. Box 4980

Uganda Society 1971

Vol. 35

Part 2



TO 1900 -
GRAY - --- --
Language and social change (By W. H. White-
ley) -
Language and education in eastern Africa (By
T. P. Gorman) -
Two songs (By Okot p'Bitek) -

J. L. DIXON 123
M. A. E. ODADA 139

L. L. KATO 153

A. T. MATSON 161


B. C. WHALER 195

A. K. KAMBE 209



O. J. KEEBLE 218



Uganda Journal, 35, 2 (1971) pp. 123-138.



A Presidential Address delivered to the Uganda Society on 2nd June 1971.

I suppose that most of us are fascinated by maps and more particularly
by old maps. I would like this afternoon to say a little about the making of
maps in this area, more particularly the recent history of map-making in
the last hundred years or so, with some attention to why the maps were
made and who made them.
A map is defined in Chambers's Dictionary as "a representation in out-
line of the surface features of the earth, the moon etc. or a part of it, usually
on a plane surface." Since the Nile is by far the most important surface
feature of this region, even outside the geographical field of interest, I will
not confine myself strictly to Uganda, but will roam over other parts of the
Nile system, where this seems appropriate.
Probably most people know that, as far as the Western world is con-
cerned, the art of survey had its humble beginnings on the banks of the Nile.
The annual flooding of the river brings life to Egypt. It also obliterates the
boundaries between the land of one man and his neighbours. To restore these
boundaries, some form of survey measurement is required; so the science of
geometry (i.e. earth measurement) was first developed in ancient Egypt. A
rope knotted in the proportions 3-4-5 found in an Egyptian tomb is the
earliest example of Pythagoras' theorem and of a survey instrument known
to exist. Although techniques of measurement have improved immensely,
and the theory of adjustment of errors is relatively recent, the fundamental
basis of survey measurements and calculations are still what they were then.
It was also along the Nile that the size of the earth was first measured,
again by a method basically that still used today, by Eratosthenes of the
Alexandrian school, who was born at Cyrene around 276 B.C. He was
informed that at noon on the summer solstice a well at Syene (Aswan) was
lit up by the sun to the whole of its depth, i.e. the sun was exactly overhead.
Accordingly he measured the angle of inclination of the sun to the vertical
at Alexandria at the same time, and thus found that the distance from Syene
to Alexandria was 1/50th of the circumference of the earth. Knowing the
distance between the two places, he computed the circumference of the earth
as nearly 29,000 miles. This is too much by about 20%, but is not a bad
effort for those times. One source of error is that Alexandria and Syene are
not in fact on the same meridian of longitude and hence the distance between
them is longer than the distance between their parallels of latitude. Also
Syene is in fact somewhat north of the area where the sun can be actually
overhead. I am indebted to Mr. Kavanagh for the suggestion that the well
was probably not truly vertical.
Again, the oldest known maps are claimed to be maps of Ethiopian
goldmines established by Sesostris, or Rameses II, around 3100 B.C., al-
though this claim is disputed by the Encyclopaedia Brittanicad on the twin


grounds that the documents concerned are not maps and that there are
several older cartographical clay tablets from Babylonia.
According to David Livingstone in his Last Journals2 Sesostris was also
the first who made and distributed maps, this being, I presume, a reference
to the distribution of copies of the same map. Actually, I have not made an
accurate quotation, the full one being, Sesostris, the first who in camp with
his army made and distributed maps........ This brings me two what is, I
think a very sad commentary on human nature, namely that a great majority
of maps seem to be made primarily for military purposes or if not that, for
political ones. The sale of maps to the public is a very secondary considera-
tion, and the selling price of maps probably covers little more than the cost
of their printing, the cost of survey and preparation being usually borne
The ancient Egyptians were of course, vitally interested in the sources
of the Nile, and several attempts were made to discover them by the ancient
Egyptians, Romans and others, and stories were brought down of great
snow-capped mountains, large inland lakes, and so on. Those of you who
saw the recent exhibition of maps by our President (Prof. Langlands) and
Mr. Erisa Kironde will have seen the representations of some of these stories,
some of which are remarkably correct. Rev. A. B. Fisher, one of the early
missionaries to work in west Uganda whose wife was the first European to
climb 'the Mountains of the Moon', said, in the course of a lecture to the
Royal Geographical Society in 1904,3 that "the comparative exactness with
which the physical characteristics of the Nile, the Mountains of the Moon
and the lakes were described, leads one to believe that this was the result of
personal research, not mere tradition." He had no doubt that there was once
a trade route for slaves and ivory along the Nile. However, the connection,
if such there was, was very tenuous and got broken at an early date.
After classical times came a period in which activity died down, though
the traditions remained and were in particular kept alive among the Arabs.
Came the age of European expansion and interest again became active and
traditions revived, becoming magnified in the process. A Dutch work,
Beschrijvinge van t' koninckrijck van Congo, published in Amsterdam in 1658
states boldly that "The Nile traverses a great lake south of the Equator. On
this lake are people who stay with great boats, have books, money, weights
and build stone houses." A little imaginative, perhaps, but by now the
search was on in earnest and as exploration pushed further up the river
more reliable information became available. In 1749 D'Anville published a
map of the Nile area, which was quite accurate up to about 71N.
One hundred years later, the following report was published in the
Athenaeum of 10 February 1849:- "Baron von Miiller has returned from
Kordofan. The King of a tribe on the bank of the Nile under 40 or 50 N.
told his boatman he had travelled to the south often in his youth, and had
seen the origin of Bahr el Abiad (White Nile) named from a very large
mountain whose peaks are completely white. The river threw itself from the
mountain, which is called the white mountain."
By now the search for the Nile sources was on in earnest. In 1859,
Giovanni Miani, a young Italian adventurer, left Cairo to go up the Nile.
On 26 March 1860, he got as far as Galuffi not very far from Nimule
where, unable to go any further, he rested under the shade of a very large
tamarind tree, on the trunk of which he carved his name. Seated under the


tree, he questioned the local elders on the geography of the Nile. They told
him, quite correctly, that its sources were 'beyond Patiko', and gave him a
list of place names along the route to Patiko. Miani assumed that they meant
'just beyond' Patiko and accordingly published a map showing the 'origin
of' the Nile according to the old men of Galuffi. This is sadly inaccurate, but
it is the first map to show place names in modern Uganda, including Patiko,
Payiro and the river Aswa. Alu is also shown on the east bank of the Nile.
By some fluke, Miani gets the origin of the Nile on the Equator at 32045'E.
The Owen Falls are at approximately 25'N, 330 11'E a difference of a
mere 37 miles, or at least it would be if the wretched man had not measured
his longitude from Paris, which makes the error in fact something like 185
miles. More information on Miani can be found in Vol. VI of the Uganda
Then in 1862 Speke finally reached the Owen Falls, and for the first
time the name Uganda appears on the maps. With the source of the Nile
determined, the question of its control came up, and there can be no doubt
that it was largely the Nile which put Uganda on the map, both literally and
metaphorically. The British, at that time the dominant power in Egypt, were
just as interested in controlling the sources as any ancient Pharoah or Roman
Emperor. Listen, for instance to McDermott, in his book British East Africa,
written chiefly to justify the actions of the I.B.E.A. Company. "Apart from
other circumstances, the position of that country (Buganda) on the Victoria
Nyanza formed a key to the Nile Valley beyond. Paramount influence over
this powerful nation standing in the way of, and commanding the line of
access to the Equatorial Nile Provinces was an object of the keenest interest
to the Europen powers established on the East Coast. The importance of
securing Uganda and the headwaters of tht Nile within the sphere of British
influence was certainly pressing." In the Geographical Journal of 1909, Sir
William Garstin, who was adviser to the Ministry of Public Works in Egypt
is quoted as saying "England's acquisition of this large territory (East Africa
and Uganda) was the direct consequence of Speke's discovery, nearly 40
years before."5
Now, I do not wish to belittle Speke in anyway, nor to enter into the
controversy as to whether a European could 'discover' the sources of the
Nile, but it is a fact in his return to Europe he took several long 'short cuts'
away from the Nile, so that its exact route had to be traced by others.
Most of this was done by officials of the Sudan or Egypt. In the 1870's
Gordon sent two Lieutenants of the Royal Engineers, Watson and Chippen-
dall, to survey the course of the Nile down to Lake Albert, Chippendall's map
being published in 1874. These were the first of a long line of R.E. personnel
to be engaged in survey in Uganda, right up to the present-day. Gordon also
sent Gessi Pasha and Mason Bey at different periods to navigate and survey
lake Albert. In 1874 Col. Chaill6 Long explored the Victoria Nile, and 'dis-
covered' Lakes 'Choga' and Kwania. His map was published in 1875.
Turning to the east coast, in the Geographical Journal for, 1870 appeared
a map "showing routes of some native caravans from the coast into the
interior of east Africa" compiled by the Rev. T. Wakefield, a missionary at
Mombasa, chiefly from information given by Saidi Bin Ahedi of near Gazi
in Udiyo. Lake Victoria appears with the titles of Bahari ya Ukara, and
Bahari ya Pili. This latter name, which literally means "second sea" or
ocean puzzled Mr. Wakefield considerably. He felt that is ought to be an


Ocean, but could hardly be the Atlantic. (Nor incidentally is there any
mention of a first sea). It is stated that the sea requires 6 days, (or three
days and three night) to cross, but the places and direction of crossing are
not specified. There also appears to be confusion between Lake Baringo and
the Kavirondo gulf, since a large appendix to the main lake in the area of
the gulf carries the name Baringo. The Kavirondo gulf, in fact, caused quite
a lot of confusion for a considerable time until the lake was properly charted.
By now there were a lot of explorers covering the area, most of them
publishing books, and most of the books containing maps, all of these show-
ing the Nile and the name Uganda. Inevitably most of these maps are 'route
maps' showing only the features along and visible from the routes taken by
the explorers. These maps were made during the journeys, and if you
imagine trying to keep track of bearings and distances when ploughing
through swamps or six-foot high elephant grass you will appreciate why they
are not very accurate. Most expeditions would take astronomical observa-
tions when possible, and heights would be obtained by a barometer or a boil-
ing point thermometer. Astronomical observations for latitude are relatively
simple, but observations for longitude need either an accurate determination
of time, and hence a chronometer or lengthy observations of the moon.
The amount of equipment carried by an expedition would naturally vary,
and of course once it was away from its base any damage to or loss of
equipment would need a great deal of ingenuity to overcome.
I have already quoted from Livingstone's Last Journals. Here is an
extract from the introduction to them. "Such pocketbooks as remained at
this (last) period of his travels were utilized to the last inch. In some of
them we find lunar observations, the names of rivers and the heights of
hills advancing towards the middle from one end, whilst from the other
the itinerary grows day by day, interspersed with map routes of the march,
botanical notes, and carefully made drawings . the pocket-books gave
out at last and old newspapers, yellow with African damp, were sewn toge-
ther and his notes were written across the type with a substitute for ink made
from the juice of a tree."
In 1891 Lugard marched through the western part of Uganda. To quote
McDermott again, "besides securing Ankole and Toro against the oppres-
sions of Kabarega, Capt. Lugard had kept carefully in view throughout this
western expedition the tracing of a road suitable for animal traffic. In this,
he was successful. A route was mapped from Luambwa on the Victoria
Nyanza by way of Ruwenzori and touching the salt lake, to the Albert
Nyanza." Capt. Lugard's original maps are in the collection of the Royal
Geographical Society and are a model of what such maps should be. They
are covered with a stock of interesting notes, of obvious value to his con-
temporaries, and I imagine of equal value to historians. Above all, they
are honest. On the most densely noted sheet (there are 6 altogether) Lugard
writes "no attempts to correct dead reckonings made; it is just as the
plotting came out with no 'fudging'" The instruments available to 'him
were a watch and a small compass only. Another note reads "The bearing
108-9 was originally estimated as 11 m. on S.W. 2250; the march was through
dense forest without path and then through ten foot elephant grass. It was
impossible to calculate distance and direction was a guess. It has been made
6J (miles) on 2131 to make circuit coincide at Fort Edward. From check
bearings on rest of route, probably fairly accurate." In a circuit round


Lake George, his closing error was 21 miles in 202 covered; in the Bukonjo
area, it was 21 miles in 100 covered. Considering the conditions, these results
are quite good.
Perhaps at this stage I should say a little about the basic technicalities
of survey. For centuries, maps and plans have been made by fixing a number
of points as accurately as possible, and sketching in other details by eye.
The relative proportion of fixed points to sketch would depend on the scale
and purpose of the maps, and the time and funds available for their com-
pletion; you will appreciate that, in general, the larger the number of fixed
points the more accurate the map. I have talked about fixed points. A
point is only fixed on the earth if we know its latitude and longitude and
to determine these ab initio takes lengthy astronomical observations. For
most practical purposes, relative positions are more important than absolute
ones, e.g. 'Fort Portal is 300 km. West of Kampala,' is in general a more
useful piece of information than the latitudes and longitudes of the two
towns. Moreover, provided the latitude and longitude of at least one fixed
point is known, those of other points fixed relatively to it can be calculated
if required. To calculate relative positions one needs to know bearings and
distances between points. Bearings can be measured directly by a compass,
but this is not very accurate. They can be obtained more accurately by
astronomical observations, or as is usual practice by working from a known
bearing with a theodolite. Theodolites can measure angles down to 1" of
are or even less. Distances can be measured by means of a steel band, but
over long distances this is tedious and not very accurate. So wherever pos-
sible recourse is had to triangulation. When the relative positions of two
points are known, the position of any third point can be calculated from
a knowledge of the angles of the triangle it makes with them. So, given two
fixed points, you can fix a third, then a fourth, a fifth, and so on ad libitum.
There are certain complications in the calculations, due to the shape of the
earth, the necessity for adjusting discrepancies and so on, but the basic
principle is simple and has been used for centuries, the main changes being
in the accuracy of the instruments used.
The methods and equipment used by the early travellers varied quite
a lot. Early in 1895 C.F.S. Vandeleur was able to survey the whole of
northern Bunyoro, including the course of the Victoria Nile from Lake
Ibrahim (i.e. Kioga) to Murchison Falls. He goes on to say that his map
is "not an ordinary map, but made by observations (presumably astronomical)
for. latitude and longitude, very often effected under great difficulties." Owen,
on the other hand, compiled a map of Unyoro during tours of inspection
while serving as O/C Unyoro Military District, using a prismatic compass
and cavalry sketching board, and obtaining his distances by pacing. As his
routes crossed one another quite frequently, some control was effected.
By now we are reaching the times of what might be called survey proper.
Valuable as a 'route map' may be in virtually unknown country, it has
obvious weaknesses. Only the country along and visible from the route is
shown. What lies hidden remains unknown. And the route itself may be far
from the best way of getting from its start to its finish. Of course, when
faced with a particular problem of development in unmapped country, it is
always a temptation to do the minimum amount of mapping necessary to get
what appears to be a reasonable solution to the problem. Only too often
the temptation is yielded to and work is put in hand on the basis of the


incomplete information available, work which later has to be undone or
redone when more information comes to light. The history of Uganda's boun-
daries contains several examples of such problems, as we shall see. It is
nearly always more worthwhile in the long run to do a comprehensive sur-
vey, but this of course takes much time and money. As stated earlier, the
impetus for such overall surveys most often seems to come from the military,
and Uganda is no exception.
The next survey I wish to mention is again a 'route survey', though of
a much higher calibre, and illustrates the point I rave just made about in-
complete information. It is the famous Railway Survey. Early in 1891 the
British Parliament was asked for a small vote "to cover the cost tf a pre-
liminary railway survey" (in B.E.A.). The survey was intended to find the
best route for a line constructed on a "principle of a minimum first cost
which will give a light railway capable of carrying at a reasonable working
cost a moderate traffic." After some debate, the vote was approved, and
the survey party arrived at Mombasa in November 1891. The party consisted
of three R.E. officers (R.E. again) and 46 Indians including surveyors and
draftsmen, under the command of Capt. J.R.L. MacDonald. The party did
survey a few alternative routes usually splitting up for this purpose, but
essentially it followed existing caravan routes, and reached Lake Victoria at
Port Victoria on Berkeley Bay, near to the borders of present-day Uganda.
The party surveyed 2,700 miles of route in 10 months, an average of 9 miles
per day non-stop, which is pretty good going. But it did not discover the
shortest way to Lake Victoria. Fortunately for the railways the route to
Kisumu from Nakuru was found by Cunningham's expedition in 1895, before
construction had reached far. As M.F. Hill says (in Permanent Way) the
difficulty of determining the best route for the railway to Uganda is well
illustrated by the fact that over fifty years later, large-scale re-alignments of
the main line between Kikuyu and Nakuru were in course of construction.8
After doing the Railway Survey, the party was not disbanded, but moved
on into Uganda where they reconnoitredd and more or less mapped" (the
words are MacDonald's own9) 110 miles from Kampala to Unyoro, before
Colvile arrived in Uganda. Reddie made route maps of Unyoro and Uso-
ngora in the second half of 1892, and in 1893 Villiers acquired's "a consid-
erable amount of accurate geographical information" (MacDonald's words
again10) on the Koki expedition. In 1893 they also surveyed the Ssese islands,
an interesting point because in 1895 the German firm of Gotha published a
map of "Exploration Journeys on the Ssese islands" 'aufgenommen' and
drawn by Peter Brand 1893. I am not very clear whether 'aufgenommen' in
this context means actually surveyed by Brand or not.
In 1893, the Intelligence Division of the British War Office published a
map of the southern portion of B.E.A., which includes part of Uganda, but
is very much a sketch map. In 1894 was published a map of Uganda and
adjoining territories, compiled for Intelligence Division, War Office, by
Capt. J. R. L. Macdonald, R.E. August 1894. This presumably incorpor-
porates the "accurate geographical information" garnered on the expedition.
It is at a scale of 1/760,302 or 1" to 12 miles, halfway between the familiar
1 million wall map, and the handy 1/1 million sheet.
In 1895 Scott-Elliot visited the Ruwenzori mountains, and made a map
of them, and in 1899 it was Elgon's turn when Hobley visited that mountain.
In 1898, the Sudan published a map of the Nile valley from Berber to Vic-


toria Nyanza; this was a bit of a change as hitherto most maps of the Nile
had been published by Egypt.
At this time, Kirkpatrick was engaged in a survey of the lake 'Choga'
area. He used a large prismatic compass with a stand, took the map to all
places from which angles were taken, and sketched in details while looking
at them. Angles were also taken from a canoe from time to time. Distances
on land were obtained by a pedometer, and checked against the time taken
by the caravan. Along the lake, distances were taken from the speed of the
canoe, obtained by timing its journey between marks on the shore and pacing
the distance between them. This could not have given very accurate results.
In 1899 Major Delm6-Radcliffe was sent to the Nile Province of Uganda
(roughly the present Northern Region) and was asked to survey as much as
possible. He had a 3 inch mountain theodolite, an aneroid barometer, a
pocket sextant, a plane-table and a few sketching instruments. He measured
bases near Affuddu and Wadelai, and in the course of his travels surveyed
quite a lot of Acholi district, the several criss-crossing routes providing good
checks on his work .
In the same year Captain E. J. E. Swayne, R.E., made a "sketch of
country surrounding Kampala" at a scale of 1:20,000. His original map is in
the collection of the Royal Geographical Society in London, and appears
never to have been published. It is probably the oldest 'town map' of Uganda
in existence. 'Kampala' is the Fort, now known as old Kampala. The road
pattern is easily recognisable, and among the points of interest on the map
are the Bishop's House at Namirembe, the R.C. Mission at Rubaga, a little
dot against the place name Makerere, and a 'Protestant Mission' (sic) at
'Musambia'. This appears to be Nsambya, perhaps the fact that the Mill
Hill Fathers were English confused the Captain as to their religious deno-
1900 is famous for the signing of the Uganda Agreement. To accompany
his despatch (no. 101 of 27 April 1900) outlining the future of Uganda, Sir
Harry Johnston had three maps illustrating respectively:-
1. 'Salubrity and insalubrity'.
2. 'Approximate rainfall and navigability of lakes and rivers'.
3. 'Relative density of the native population and settlements of Euro-
At first sight it might seem surprising that salubrityy and insalubrity' had
been determined at so early a date. A glance at the map shows how easy it
was. If you were at an altitude of 5,500 feet or more your surroundings
were 'perfectly healthy'. Between 3,500 and 5,500 (inhabitants of Kampala
and Entebbe please note) they were 'somewhat unhealthy' and below 3,500
feet 'unhealthy'. Narrow bands along the Nile and the shores of the larger
lakes were 'very unhealthy', presumably because of malaria and/or sleeping
sickness. The rainfall and navigability map is similar to what would be
expected to-day. The 'settlements of Europeans' are divided into two classes,
Missionary and 'Government stations and Uganda Railway Depots'. There
are 22 of the former, concentrated in Buganda, Busoga, Toro and Bunyoro,
and of the latter 19 in present-day Uganda and 10 in Kenya.
The basic background of these maps is a substantial improvement on
the map of 1894, and around 1900 the War Office published a new map of
the whole Protectorate. I must admit that this map is a puzzle to me. Thomas
and Spencer refer to a map compiled by Macdonald in 1899. In the Church


of Uganda office at Namirembe are the southern portions of this map, or a
very similar one, dated 1900, and a similar map in the Royal Geographical
Society London is dated 1901. Without seeing them all together, it is difficult
to know whether these are different editions, or just different printings.12
At any rate, though still a little out in latitude and longitude, the map is a
considerable advance on the earlier ones, and (to quote Thomas and Spencer)
became "the standard map of Uganda until the institution of a deliberate
topographical survey."13
In 1901, the German firm of Gotha printed a map of the Uganda pro-
tectorate, compiled from 'latest official sources', showing political divisions
and the drainage system. This is presumably based on the W.O. sheets,
though at a much reduced scale of I M.
The signing of the Uganda Agreement in 1900 also brought the intro-
duction of the Mailo land system, a system which, together with the rest
of the freehold and leasehold land system, has occupied the major part of
the resources of the Uganda Lands and Surveys Department, at least for
the first sixty years of its life. If I may be allowed a personal note, it was
quite a surprise for me, when I joined that Department, to find that hardly
any of my time was directly concerned with what most of us would con-
sider as map-making.
The Uganda Survey Department was established in 1900 and R.C.
Allen was appointed as Chief Surveyor with effect from 23 November,
though he did not actually arrive in Uganda until the following year. The
history of the Department up to 1936 has been chronicled by Thomas and
Spencer, and I do not wish to go over ground covered in that work more
than is necessary to give you a general picture of development. During
this period, Captain (later Commander) B. Whitehouse R.N. (not to be
confused with Sir George Whitehouse who was Bwana Kubwa of the Rail-
way at the time) was engaged in charting Lake Victoria. This work was
undertaken at the request of the Railway Authorities although financed by
the Uganda Protectorate as the lake was a vital link in the transport route
between Uganda and the coast. Whitehouse started, naturally, in the British
part of the lake, but when that was finished he went on to complete the
rest of it with the consent of the German Government. His charts remain
to this day the standard ones, though I understand that some areas have
recently been checked over.
The Nile was still exciting a great deal of interest but once again survey
was done in Uganda by people from outside. A crucial question for Egypt
is that of the Nile floods. Can they be controlled? Records of Nile levels
at the Roda in Cairo go back to 640 A.D., though there are some gaps.
Now at last came the chance to collect data in the upper, reaches of the
system. In 1903 a detailed survey of the Ripon Falls was done for Garstin
by L.E. Waring of the railway14 and in the same year Garstin himself
traversed the Nile, measuring the discharge at various places. Gauges, of
Egyptian Survey Department pattern, were erected at many places in
Uganda, some of which still survive. (Being metric, they will now come
into their own again). In 1907, a party of surveyors from the Egyptian
Survey Department levelled from Entebbe to Masindi and to Fajao (at the
bottom of the Murchison Falls) with branches from Masindi to Butiaba
and Hoima. The work was based on the level of Lake Victoria and was not
at that time connected to other levelling work on the Nile This was not

Pt. U . _

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q ..

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In the possession of the Royal Geographical Society, London, whose
permission to reproduce is gratefully acknowledged.


Kyobwe Omweso Board

Ruganzu's Watering Troughs


actually the first levelling work done in Uganda as two years earlier levels
had been observed between Butiaba and Entebbe by two Uganda surveyors
who, on their journey to Butiaba, had been surveying a route for a cart
road, one of several such surveys undertaken at this period with a view
to opening up and extending the communications system.
Also in 1907, a party of R.E. personnel came to Uganda to survey
routes for proposed extensions to the Uganda Railway. That is, if exten-
sion is the right word, since their work resulted in completely independent
piece of line, the Jinja-Namasagali line. The party surveyed the right bank
of the Nile in Busoga, and the Lake Kioga area.'5 Lt. Fishbourne, O/C party,
in an article describing his work,16 draws attention to what has been a
constant headache to surveyors in Uganda. "We had", he said, "to wait
three weeks at our, starting point on Buvuma Island before we could take
any observations, due to the haze". This kind of weather problem of course
adds considerably to the time taken by surveys and hence to their cost; to
a certain extent one can avoid doing field work in the worst months, but
even in the better ones one can never be sure of getting results quickly.
Another, and again more or less independent, set of surveys going on
during this period, were the boundary surveys. The boundaries of the
various 'spheres of influence' of the European powers had been laid in 1890
mainly as straight lines on a fairly blank map. Now these lines had to be
marked on the ground, and when, as several times occurred, it transpired
that prominent geographical features were on the 'wrong' side of these lines,
new boundaries had to be worked out and laid down. Our western boun-
dary was the most troublesome one, and in particular, the Kigezi area.
Boundaries on the north and east were less important, since the neighbour-
ing territories were also in the British sphere of influence. The first boundary
to be surveyed was the one between German East Africa and British. The
western part of this work was undertaken by a joint Anglo-German Com-
mission during the period 1902-04. The British party was led by Delmd-
Radcliffe whom we rave already met in the north and who was by now a
Lieutenant-Colonel. Extracts from his diary are contained in Vol. 11 of the
Uganda Journal and give an interesting picture of the work. Although it was
a joint commission, for most of the time the parties worked more or less
independently, each party doing triangulation and mapping on its own side
of the border. The work stopped near the inter-section of the lS. parallel
latitude and the 30th meridian of longitude, the corner of the British sphere
of influence according to the straight line definitions, and boundary pillars
were erected along the route.17
In 1907-08 the Uganda Congo Boundary Commission surveyed the
boundary area from Ihunga, where the Anglo-German Commission had
stopped, up to the southern end of Lake Albert. As some at least of the
problems of fixing the boundary were now known, although no solution
had yet been reached, this Commission contented itself with mapping,'8
rather than with demarcating a boundary, the decisions on which were left
to the authorities in Europe. These were eventually made and in 1910 an
agreement over the Mufumbiro-Kivu area was reached in general terms.
Accordingly, a tripartite commission was set up and in 1911 the Uganda
boundary was demarcated from the source of the Chizinga on the southern
boundary, via Mt. Sabinio to Mt. Nkabwa on the western side of Kigezi,
and the surrounding area was mapped.


In 1912-13 a small area at the northern end of Lake Albert known as
the Mahagi strip was surveyed. After this, the main problems appear to
have been settled and any which remained were left pending, for practically
no work was done on boundaries until the late fifties.
The presence of the boundary survey parties also allowed work to go
forward on a 'scientific' survey. In the 1880's Sir David Gill, Astronomer
at the Cape, had suggested that accurate survey observations should be
taken along the whole of the Arc of 30th Meridian, "from Cape to Cairo"
so to speak. This is just about the longest meridian which can be measured
anywhere in the world, and accurate measurement of it would contribute
greatly to knowledge of the shape of the earth. Work had started in the
Cape in 1883 and came some way up southern Africa. Accordingly, when
the Uganda-Congo Boundary Commission had completed its original task,
several members of the party, both British and Belgian, were seconded to
the work of observing the Arc in Uganda. The chain of triangulation started
a little south of the 10 South parallel, one end point being in Tanganyika
and the other one in the disputed area eventually allocated to Uganda and
ended at the southern end of Lake Albert, the two north-western stations
being in the Congo. A base was measured on the Semliki flats to establish
the scale of the triangulation and astronomical observations were taken at
various places to establish both latitudes and azimuth, this being the major
contribution of the Belgian party. This 'Arc' has been the 'backbone' of
Uganda survey ever since, and as far as possible all survey work has been
brought into relationship with it. Adjusted geographical values were pub-
lished in 1926 (adjusted that is to allow for anomalies in the shape of the
earth and to get the best overall fit with the observed values) and became
the standard basis for all mapping. The values were again revised in 1950,
when the whole chain from the Cape to Uganda was recomputed and this
forms the 'New Arc' (1950) Datum which you will find referred to on printed
survey maps. The section to the north of this, which goes through the Congo
on the western side of Lake Albert, then through West Nile and the southern
Sudan was observed by he U.S. Army Map Service in 1953-4. This com-
pleted the chain and after computation was completed it became known as
New Arc 1960 Datum, but there is no practical difference between this and
the 1950 Datum as far as Uganda is concerned. It should, however, be noted
that there is a significant difference between this datum and the one used
by the boundary surveyors, so that on present-day 1/50,000 sheets Uganda's
southern boundary is noticeably away from the 10S parallel.
In 1907 Major Hills, lately chief of the Topographical Section of the
General Staff came on a visit of inspection of the Survey Department in
Uganda. Among his recommendations was the one that Africans should be
trained as surveyors, a recommendation which was not taken up until 1922,
when three "youths of reasonable general education" were given survey
scholarships at Makerere.19 A less result of his report was that a party of
R.E. were sent to Uganda to undertake topographical survey work, and
the local Lands and Surveys Dept., undertook no more of this work for
some 14 years.
At about the same time, in 1909, the Public Works Department took
over responsibility for road and engineering surveys, which they still retain,
although nowadays Municipal Councils and District Administrations also
do this class of work within their own areas.


We now enter a period with little completely new happening, but with
steady progress in the Mailo Survey by the Uganda Survey Department and
topographical survey by the Royal Engineers, which continued until the
early twenties, though interrupted somewhat by the First World War. Dur-
ing the second decade of the century, a series of topographical base maps
was published, some by T.S.G.S. and some by the Survey Land and Mines
Department.20 With the basic mapping done, it became easier to produce
specialised maps, using known topographical details as a base.
The 1920's were a period of innovation. I have already mentioned that
the training of African surveyors first started in 1922, and in the same year
the local department again undertook topographical surveying first in Toro
and then in the Eastern province of Uganda. The last area to be done in
this programme was Mount Elgon, to survey which Gibson spent one week
camping at 13,000 feet amid snow, hail and severe frosts and a total of
34 days at over 10,000 feet. Hardly the kind of experience he can have
anticipated when joining the survey department of a tropical country! Some
30 years later Cierach spent a similar time in even worse conditions on the
top of Ruwenzori. The reason for the long time spent is of course the same
as that which kept Fishbourne on Buvuma for three weeks, bad visibility.
In 1920 and 1921 respectively Messrs Boazman and Gee were licensed
as private land surveyors, being the first and for very many years the only
people to be so qualified.
In 1921 and 1922 several maps were printed for Uganda by the Egyp-
tian Survey Department, including the first edition of the Wall Map, which
has been a best seller ever since. Before this, all official printed maps had
been printed in U.K.; indeed the experiment was not continued after these
two years, and maps were again printed in U.K. for the next thirty years,
although Monochrome 'sun prints' and blue prints were available locally.
In 1923 the Royal East African Automobile Association published a
motor map of Uganda. This was compiled by the Uganda Survey Department,
"from information supplied by the Public Works, Administration, Medical
and Postal Departments". A very nice example of inter-departmental co-
operation which one would be happy to see a little more often. This map, in-
cidentally, was printed in Durban and that does not contradict what I have
just said as this was not an official map.
The Geological Survey Department was also active by this time. The
Departmental Annual Report for 1925 carried a provisional geological map
of Uganda, and also a map of the petroliferouss region of Lake Albert" by
that Grand Old Man of the Uganda Society, E.J. Wayland. The report for
the following year carried a "Geological Diagram of S.W. Uganda Tin
bearing areas, and part of Mufumbiro Lava Fields."
At much the same time, Egypt's interest in the Upper Nile system
and its control became active once more. In 1923, P.M. Tottenham, Under-
Secretary of State in the Ministry of Public Works, G.W. Grabham, Geo-
logist of the Sudan Government and Major E.H. Tabor and Hussein Bey
Sirry of the Egyptian Irrigation Department visited the Upper Nile basin to
study the great lakes. In 1924 Dr. H.E. Hurst visited the area, and went
farther south than the othen party, going up the Kagera to its source, which
is claimed to be the ultimate source of the Nile. He also visited the southern
end of Lake Victoria and has a vivid description of the 'mbuga's', a kind
of shallow marsh which drain into the lake there. They have an average


width of 700-1000 metres, an average depth of some 30 cm., with the centre
100 metres or so 60-70cm. deep. One lange one had a depth of a metre
for the space of one kilometre. The author says that "these depths and
distances were in all cases obtained by the author adopting the unpleasant
process of wading across", another instance of the hazards of a surveyor's
life. Another excerpt from Hurst is perhaps worthy of mention; it hardly
refers to survey as such, though it does illustrate the difficulty of getting
place names recorded accurately. "Another difficulty which increased as the
journey continued was the different languages spoken and the paucity of
people who understood Swahili. It was thus difficult to get information
about the features of the country from the local people. Very often when
information was obtained from different people, it was contradictory and
useless. This, however, does not apply to chiefs in Uganda, who are often
very intelligent."
In 1929, the Egyptian government engaged a British firm to do an
aerial survey of the Nile in the southern Sudan, and in 1931 this work was
extended to cover the Lake Albert area and the Albert Nile to Nimule and
beyond. This was a very early instance of aerial photography being used
for survey, and as far as Uganda is concerned was an isolated example, not
repeated until after the Second World War. While the planes were in Uganda
photographs were also taken for. the Uganda government, namely some 500
square miles in West Nile for geological purposes, 140 square miles of Bu-
dongo forest for the Forest Department and possible aerodrome sites in the
Kampala area. From the end of 1931 to the middle of 1932 an Egyptian
Survey Department team of levellers was at work observing precise levels
along the Albert Nile. For some reason the results of this work were not
made available to the Uganda Survey Department until nearly thirty years
later. One of the main reasons for the interest in Lake Albert was the pro-
posal to make it into a large storage reservoir by damming the Albert Nile
and it was suggested that the final level of the lake should be some ten
metres higher than it then was. Accordingly, in 1935 and in 1936 the Uganda
Survey Department undertook a survey to ascertain the area which would
be affected. The maps made by the aerial survey were used as the basis for
this survey. At the other end of the Uganda Nile system, a large scale con-
tour survey of the Ripon Falls Owen Falls area was undertaken, with
a view to possible hydro-electric schemes. (This idea of course, goes back
at least to Churchill's visit in 1907. It is interesting to see how long the
various stages of development take).
I might also mention that in 1931 the Survey Department appointed
its first African to the computing section, again a student from Makerere.
It was a successful appointment and he was soon joined by a second and
very able man, with whom I had the pleasure of working for ten years. This
gentleman said to me one day "when I joined the Department (in 1932) I
never thought that I would be here for so long. I imagined that in a few
years the surveys would be completed and that would be that." Well, in
one sense he was right; in May 1936 the original Mailo Survey was finally
completed, the islands in Lake Victoria having occupied most of this effort
for. the past four years, and by 1937 most of the country had been covered
by topo mapping. But of course maps can't stand still, development brings
changes to topographical maps and the need for larger scales of mapping.


Changes in land ownership and the division of holdings by sales or inher-
itances mean revision of the land ownership surveys. So that when my friend
finally retired just over, a year ago he left behind him a Department ex-
panded far beyond his original expectations and more work than ever before.
Then came the Second World War. Survey work in Uganda slowed
down inevitably quite a lot of the Survey Department's time went into
helping produce maps required in the North and East African campaigns.
After the war came a startling change in the mapping of Uganda, with the
extensive use of aerial photography. I mentioned that this was used in
Uganda in 1931. This was, however, an isolated example, and the next work
was done by the R.A.F. who, between 1947 and 1952 flew over much of
the country,22 taking photographs suitable for mapping at a scale of
1/50,000. Aerial photography has revolutionized topographical mapping.
With the proper equipment, every point on the map becomes a fixed point,
at least to within certain limits determined by the scale of the photographs.
It is still necessary to fix some points on the ground, to fix the position of
each photograph, so to speak. And it is necessary, of course, to have clear
weather to take the photographs, with no cloud below the level at which
the aircraft flies. But the amount of field work is much reduced, and hence
the amount of dependence on weather conditions. After the R.A.F. flights,
contracts were given to private firms, both to photograph the major towns
at large scales, and to take further photographs for 1/50,000 scale mapping.
In fact, much of the 1/50,000 mapping uses this later photography. Since
the early fifties, scarcely a year has passed without some part of the country
being flown over and photographed.
With this upsurge in mapping came the sad realisation that the triangu-
lation network covering Uganda was not up to modern requirements. This
was not really surprising, since it had never been designed as a whole but
was a patchwork of different schemes, originally designed for many different
purposes, boundary surveys, topographical survey, mailo surveys and the
like, all observed to different standards. True, there was the backbone of
the 30th Arc, but this was of later date than quite a lot of the work to be
connected to it. During the war, an extensive recomputation of the old work
had been undertaken, to try and get better, results and bring different sec-
tions into sympathy with one another, but this was still not adequate, and
it was realized that new observations would be necessary. Fortunately, help
was at hand. You will remember that the early maps of Uganda were
produced by the British War Office, the G.S.G.S. (Geographical Section
General Staff) or T.S.G.S. (Topographical .. ) as it was known at different
times. After the Second World War, a new centralised British mapping
organisation was set up, known as the Directorate of Colonial Surveys. The
functions of the Directorate were similar to those of the old G.S.G.S., namely
to provide topographical mapping of colonial territories. Many of the per-
sonnel are R.E. officers, or, have been in the past. The organisation still
carries on, being now known as the Directorate of Overseas Surveys. In 1947
and 1948 a team from the D.C.S. visited Uganda and established a trian-
gulation network over Karamoja; it is as a result of their work, and that
R.A.F. photography, that we have the black and white 1/50,000 maps of
Karamoja. This was the last part of Uganda to be surveyed, and the first
part to be covered with 'modern' 1/50,000 sheets, though latitudes and


longitudes on the original sheets had to be revised after the introduction
of New Arc (1950) datum.
The next D.C.S. party arrived in 1954, and did work in the Ankole-
Kigezi area, again mainly for the production of 1/50,000 maps from aerial
photos. Ever since then, there have been D.C.S. parties at work somewhere
in Uganda. As I mentioned earlier, in 1953-4 the U.S. A.M.S. extended the
Arc of 30th Meridian through West Nile, and the Arc is the backbone of
survey in Uganda. Accordingly, when the American work was completed,
work was started by the D.C.S., in co-operation with the U.S.D., tn com-
pletely new chains of primary triangulation, roughly making a square round
Uganda. These chains of triangulation not only provided a very sound basic
control for the mapping of Uganda, but also connect Kenya to the 30th Arc.
A number of Uganda of surveyors, both African and expatriates have always
been attached to the D.O.S. survey parties, and there has been close co-
operation between the D.O.S. and the Uganda Survey Department. Never-
theless, the work done is not fully under Uganda's control. The Lands and
Survey Department Annual Report for 1956, commenting on this, says "The
systematic topographical mapping of the Protectorate is a function of the
D.C.S. The local Survey Department gives assistance to this organisation in
two ways, namely:-
(a) by checking maps compiled from air photos by inspection on the
ground. Detail is sometimes misinterpreted from airphotos; names and
administrative boundaries can only be inserted following a ground
investigation (and if I may expand on this, a track can only be classified
as motorable, dry weather or what have you by driving along it. Some-
body has had to drive over every track that is marked on the map to
check its category and to collect the names along it).
(b) by printing sheets locally from reproduction material supplied by the
To take up the second point, I must go back a little in time. With the
increase in mapping made possible by airphotography, the time had
obviously come for Uganda to print its own maps. Work on the buildings
to house the necessary machinery started in 1951, rather, later than had been
originally anticipated because of delays in obtaining and shipping the plant.
From the beginning, the Department has printed not only its own maps,
but also geological and agricultural maps and the like. The machinery has
been added to several times, the latest acquisition being a two-colour
machine just installed. This plant was the first litho-printing machinery to
be installed in Uganda. For several more years the actual preparation of
maps from airphotographs had to be done in Europe, but in 1959 the
Department acquired its own stereoplotting machines, thus enabling all stages
of the work, from photograph to printed map, to be undertaken in Uganda.
On the cadastral side, an investigation into the mailo survey work was
undertaken in 1953-4, as a result of which there were quite big changes. The
laws about privately practising land surveyors were revised in 1954; Boaz-
man was still alive but no longer active and there were no other licensed
surveyors. On 31 December 1955 there were 11, of whom 4 were Africans,
and the number has grown considerably since then. Most of the Non-Afri-
cans were people practising in Kenya and Tanganyika who took out Uganda
licenses 'just in case' but in fact never did much work here.


Another change was that the mailo survey and titles work, previously
all controlled from Entebbe, was decentralized, and new branch mailo offices
were built. They were later the first section of the Survey Department to
become fully Africanised.
In the 1950's a completely new weapon was added to the surveyor's
armoury. This was a practical and accurate method of measuring long dis-
tances by means of radio waves, using a pair of instruments known as telluro-
meters. These can be used both to check the accuracy of triangulation
networks by measuring some of the sides, and even more important to allow
fixation by means of bearings and measured distances in areas where
triangulation is impracticable, e.g. forested country or very flat country,
and on jobs where triangulation is not really necessary. Tellurometers were
ordered by the U.S.D. in 1957 and proved ideal, for example, for fixing the
position of boundary pillars on the long straight northeastern portion of the
Uganda-Sudan border, which was demarcated in 1960.
This was part of a second 'batch' of boundary surveys, spurred on, no
doubt, by the approach of Independence. The most intriguing of these was
the fixing of the Uganda-Zaire boundary at the southern end of Lake
Albert. This was defined in the original treaties in relation to the mouth
of the Semliki, but, like Father Nile, the mouth of this river has wandered
over the years, and for the same reason, namely silting of the delta. The
border in the lake has considerable importance because of the rich fishing,
and eventually agreement was reached, leading marks established on land
and buoys put in the lake. A much more arduous job was demarcating and
surveying the Kenya-Uganda border in Karamoja district. This work started
in 1958, involved both donkey and camel safaris, and took nearly two years
to complete. I do not know if this is the only official use of camels in
Uganda, but there cannot be many other cases.
One part of survey work which has unfortunately not yet been mechan-
ised is levelling, the accurate measurement of heights above sea-level. This
is not a particularly difficult job but is terribly tedious when undertaken for
any length of time. For most mapping purposes heights can be obtained
quite accurately by trigonometrical observations, so it is small wonder that
after the initial outbursts of activity along the Nile little was done by the
Survey Department for many years except in Kampala (where accurate levels
were necessary for the sewerage system) and some of the other towns. The
railway engineers took levels throughout their system, to a reasonable degree
of accuracy, and together with the Egyptian work and a few departmental
times, these were the only lines of levels available. However, once again the
D.C.S. came to the rescue, and in 1958 planning and reconnaissance started
for a countrywide network of precise levels. Bench-marks were established
in 1960 and observations have now been completed over most of the system.
The observations have for the most part been carried out by Uganda sur-
veyors working under D.C.S. administration. The networks include some of
the old Egyptian lines of levels, and it is interesting to note that although
heights on Uganda maps are nearly all in terms of Mean Sea Level Mombasa,
the connection to Mombasa has never been of a very high standard. Indeed,
until the railway reached Jinja, M.S.L. Mombasa was obtained in Uganda
by comparison of the lake gauges at Entebbe and Kisumu, and hoping there
were no wind or wave effects of any size. The connection with Khartoum on
the other hand has been precise since early in the century, and heights were


officially recorded in terms of Khartoum datum. The precise connection bet-
ween Uganda and the East Coast have now been observed, but the final
results are not yet available. When they are, there will be a complete link
from Mean Sea Level, Alexandria to Mean Sea Level, Mombasa and it will
be very interesting to see what difference is obtained.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, I have tried to give a brief outline of some
of the surveying and mapping work undertaken in this area. There is no
doubt that Uganda is one of the best mapped, if not the best mapped of all
African countries. This is partly due to its relative compactness, but is large-
ly due, as I hope I have at least partly shown, to its strategic position in
relation to the Nile and also, though to a lesser extent, to its convenient
situation along the great 30th Arc meridional chain. Furthermore, much of
the effort which has been put into survey work in Uganda has been put in
by outside bodies, and many original records are outside this country, a
situation which I think is less than ideal. I have, perhaps, not given you a
big enough glimpse into the hazards and rewards of a surveyor's life, and
from what I have said you may well consider that the former outweigh the
latter quite considerably. This may be true; the surveying profession in this
country still has plenty of room for active young men, and I hope more
will take it up.

1. Encyclopaedia Britannica, article on 'Maps.'
2. Livingstone, D. Last journals, Vol. 1, ppi 336-338, quoting from Birch's
Archaelogia, Vol. 34, p. 382.
3. Fisher, A.B. Western Uganda. (Geographical Journal, 24, 1904, p. 249.)
4. Thomas, H. B. Giovanni Miani and the White Nile. (Uganda Journal, 6,
1939, p. 176).
5. Garstin, Sir William, Fifty years of Nile exploration and some of its results.
(Geographical Journal, 33, 1909, p. 117).
6. G. J., Vol. 40, Waterfield 1870, p. 303.
7. Vandeleur, C. F. S. Two years travel in Uganda, Unyoro and on the
Upper Nile. (Geographical Journal, 9, 1897, p. 369).
8. Hill, M. F. Permanent way, Vol. 1, p. 94.
9. Macdonald, J. R. L. Soldiering and surveying in British East Africa.
10. Ibid.
11. Similar maps were reproduced in H. H. Johnston's Uganda Protectorate,
Vol. 1, 1902.
12. Dr. Albert Cook's copy of this map from the Uganda Society collection
was on display. It also carries the date of 1900.
13. Thomas, H. B. and Spencer, A. E. A history of the Uganda Lands and
Surveys, 1937, p. 5.
14. A blue print of this survey for the Uganda Society collection was on
15. One sheet of this survey from the Uganda Society collection was on display.
16. Fishebovrne. C. E. Lake Kioga (Ibrahim) exploration survey, 1907-1908.
(Geographical Journal, 33, 1909, p.).
17. Two maps from the Commission from the Uganda Society collection were
on display.
18. One map from this Commission from the Society's collection was displayed.
19. Thomas and Spencer, op. cit., p. 92.
20. Various maps from these series are possessed by the Uganda Society and
were displayed. One in particular continues to locate a 'Protestant Mission'
at 'Musambia' as had previously been shown on Capt. Swayne's map.
21. Hurst, E. H. The Lake plateau basin of the Nile, Part II.
22. The R.A.F. continued to operate in Uganda until 1959.
For acknowledgement see page 152.

Uganda Journal, 35, 2 (1971) pp. 139-152.



The Kumam are a people speaking a Luo dialect. They belong to a
large group of tribes that used to be described as the "Half-Hamites." The
use of the phrase has not been popular lately and words such as Itunga or
Atekerin family is the attempt to find a replacement. The calling of the
Iteso, Langi, Karamojong and others in the category as people of the
Itunga or Lango family has also been criticised. Words such as 'Itunga' or
'Lango' do not mean much to the people and could be misleading due especi-
ally to the incoprehensibility and the lack of precision. The better descrip-
tion could perhaps be to regard these people as belonging to the Atekerin
The Kumam live either in the western section of Teso or in the south-
eastern areas of Lango. In the former district they are mainly found in the
counties of Kaberamaido, Soroti and Serere. In the latter they live in Dokolo
and Kioga counties. However, due to administrative, educational, economic
and social changes, the Kumam can today be found in some other areas
outside these specific areas. Some other, Kumam are for instance found in
the towns of Busoga and Buganda. The Kumam today regard themselves as
a distinct people speaking a language called Kumam. The constant request
for a Kumam programme on Radio Uganda and the subsequent government
acceptance which resulted in allocation of a thirty minute programme every
Sunday are expressions of the awareness that the Kumam feel themselves to
be a distinct people.
Oral traditions indicate that the Kumam ancestors came from the north-
east from towards Ethiopia. By about 1600 the movements of migrants from
the northeast must have started. There are differing views about the origin
of these people. The existing literature and the oral traditions in Kumam
present various views about their origin.
There are apparently two schools of thought. The predominant one is
that advanced by writers such as Reverend Israel E. Ekadu, J. H. Driberg,
J. C. D. Lawrance and Reverend Father C. I. Walshe. They have the weight
of oral traditions in their favour. The view they expressed is that the Kumam
derived from people who were originally Iteso speakers and later learnt
Luo, a new language. This school of thought argues that due to contacts
with Luo speaking peoples, beginning from around Mounts Otuke and Wila,
in modern Karamoja, Dum (Ateso) was gradually abandoned and Luo took
over. It further asserts that the Kumam claimed Lango as their former
name just because of the presence of phrases such as yo lango (path), 'pale
lango' ('home') and 'yat langto' ('medicine') in the Kumam language. The
logical conclusion is that the Iteso and the Langi belong to the 'Lango
Family' of people which is no different from the Itunga generalisation to
which Professor Webster and Reverend Israel E. Ekadu refer. If the existence
of the Lango family or Itunga group is accepted then the derivation of the


Kumam seems to be no longer an issue. However, few facts thrown here
and there need to be carefully examined and elaborated so as to fill the
wide gap that is often left in grouping the Kumam as Itunga.
A contrary school of thought is represented by the proposal of Bishop
A. L. Kitching that the Kumam was a small group of Langi who separated
from the main body due to a quarrel and went towards Lake Kioga and
later learnt Ateso. The majority of the elderly Kumam were quite ignorant
about this view and some of them contradict it. However, what appears to
be a minority view is deserving of further attention.
Are, then, the Kumam, by origin, Luo, Langi, Iteso, or a mixture bet-
ween any of these three peoples? The Lango family or Itunga embraces the
Luo, Langi and Iteso plus the Kumam. There are various reasons for the
inclusion of all these except the Luo under the alternative name of the
Atekerin family. In the Ateker.'n group, the very presence of the Irarak,
Atok and Ikarwok as the key clans among the Langi, Iteso and Kumam in-
dicate some contact in the past and this does not rule out the possibility of
blood relationship. Some elders interviewed among the three tribes agreed
that these people must have been one in the distant past. The evidence
brought forward in support of the acceptance of this varied from similarities
in birth ceremonies, certain social customs and hunting practices. A few
consultants also pointed out that the very direction, Kide (Northeast), towards
Ethiopia, and the time of coming claimed by the three peoples seem to
coincide and they argue that these facts can be regarded as suggestive of a
common origin. Although this alone cannot be conclusive, considered with
other facts, these could aid the assertion that the three peoples might have
been one but later separated and the resultant effects were language differ-
ence and divergence in some customs and traditions due to change of circums-
tances. The views of Reverend Israel E. Ekadu and Reverend Father Tar-
antino coincide with this. These writers seemed to have interviewed fairly
old people and the views expressed can be regarded as fairly accurate as
at the time they made their contacts there were more elders whose knowledge
of past links could be relied upon. The current view of the Ondonge (ie. the
people over 70) endorses the common origin of the three peoples from the
northeast (the Jo Oyal i tu kide).
The contacts between the Luo and the Atekerin started in the area of
the present Karamoja. The links introduced some of the Atekerin people to
Luo language and the mobile members in the groups especially the young-
men had an opportunity to learn some words of Luo. The contacts facilitated
the learning of a new language. The occupations of cattle-keeping and hunt-
ing made contacts possible and the Luo and the Atekerin got to know each
other better. There was exchange of spears from the Luo with cattle from
the Atekerin. It was partly due to trade reasons and partly due to geogra-
phical proximity that the Luo and the Atekerin had to learn each other's
language. The traditions in Kumam actually reveal that the Jo Gang
(Acholi) spears reached Kumam during the Asonya. The links that seemed
to have started from around Karamoja continued to Ti Tim i.e. modern
Kaberamaido county.
The Kumam-Luo contacts seemed to have taken place on several fronts.
Firstly, around Karamoja before the dispersal of the Atekerin. Secondly, the
contacts continued with the Luo elements on the northern frontier right from
Karamoja to Kaberamaido, Dokolo and Kioga counties. Thirdly, the pioneers


of Solot (Soroti), Amuda and Lale met the Jo A wera Luo people of the
Pawir clan. Fourthly, it is becoming evident that some Luo were living in
the Kumam region especially along the Lake Kioga northern shores.
The Langi themselves had not yet emerged and the same Luo influence
that affected the other Atekerin sections applied to them. They, like the
Kumam, found the present Lango district dotted with shards and fire-places
thus indicating that other people, possibly the Luo, had lived in the area
prior to their coming. The fifteenth century pressure that caused the Luo
to leave their cradle-land in the Sudan, must have caused a stampede which
drove some Luo eastwards, thus facilitating a direct contact with theAtekerin
family. Emunyu and Ongodia, two very old consultants stressed that their
grandfathers revealed to them that somewhere to the northwest of Karamoja
there lived Luo speakers who were in "steady contact" with the Langi and
Kumam ancestors. What language the Langi ancestors spoke was rarely
mentioned in these traditions but it was probably a dialect of Dum. A
certain Ogwang, a Langi, later remarked that the elders he had contacted
revealed that the language was akin to Ateso. The very nucleus from which
the Langi were formed was probably not the core of that family. The
section gradually detached in waves due to socio-economic factors and their
contact with the Luo elements resulted in the formation of Langi. The title
"Lango" literally means "those who were adamant." This name is not very
different from the "Ikumama" i.e. the name used for describing the Iteso,
Kumam and Langi by the Karamojong. The use of these words which seem
to describe the same people may support the view of Driberg that the Ku-
mam belong to the Lango family, which is here equated with A tekerin.
The people who later developed as the Kumam were those on the peri-
pheral zone between the Luo and the Atekerin sub-groups; the Langi and
the Iteso. The Langi and the Iteso must have been forming and emerging
at the same time and a definite reference to them would suggest they had
already been formed. The people from whom the Kumam were formed were
partly the people edging the Atekerin and Luo in the vicinity of Karamoja.
The very geographical location of these people made it possible for them
to learn both Luo and Atekerin languages. The traditions in Kumam in fact
stress the fact that the Kumam are the off-shoot of the Atekerin and Luo
who due to separation from and isolation with the parent bodies emerged
as a distinct people over the years.
Since the Langi. Iteso and Kumam claim to have migrated from the
northeast, from the direction of Ethiopia, and the period of migration seems
to have been about the same, C. 1400 to C. 1600, it is quite possible that
the three peoples must have been one and the same then, but that they
separated later and the result of the separation caused the differences in
language, customs and traditions. As to the emergence of the Langi and the
Kumam, the mixing with the Luo elements did a lot to affect the linguistic
alteration. Onyango and Odhiambo, Kenya Luo, revealed that Kumam was
better understood than Langi by the Kenya Luo and this they argued could
suggest that there must have been a predominant Luo element among the
Kumam. Their "order of linguistic nearness" is that of the Jo Padhola, Alur,
Acholi, Kumam and Lango and in this strict order. The Kumam traditions
in fact support the view that the Atekerin and Luo elements fused to form
the Kumam. The oral traditions of the Iteso and Langi elements seem to
be historically inaccurate because during the embryo formation of the sub-


groups of Atekerin, the Langi, Iteso and Kumam were all being formed
and the use of the names needs to be watched. Reverend Israel E. Ekadu and
Reverend Father C. I. Walshe actually accept that the Kumam have both
Luo and Atekerin elements and are not Atekerin alone as some elders claim.
At this juncture it is proper the word "Kumam" is explained. "Kumam"
has several possible derivations and synonyms. Many informants and writers
agree that "Kumam" is derived from a Lango word "Akum" or "Akuma",
a word which if translated means those who "mourned and grieved des-
perately" over the losses of cattle or other belongings. Akuma actually re-
ferred to the people of modern Teso district. It was a name which embraced
the Iteso and other Langi who had several relations with the parent body
and had foreign elements within them. In the nineteenth century Akuma
meant the Iteso and the Kumam. Akuma described those Langi neighbours
to the east and southeast who, when the Langi ancestors wronged them
during internecine strife of the nineteenth century "mourned" the losses of
their relatives, cattle, goats and other valuables confiscated and looted. The
Akuma also inflicted damage to the Langi and the word "miro" or. "imiro"
("emir" is an Ateso word for a rat, "imiro" means rats) described the condi-
tion in which the Langi placed themselves when they were burrowed by
animals such as warthogs and porcupines. They hid as if they were rats hence
the nick-name. The Langi later objected to being called "Imiro" because of
the abusive connotation and the term "Akuma" was officially accepted in a
Lugandanized form as "Kumam", a name describing the majority of the
people of Kaberamaido county. These people are today proud of the name
Kumam and seem to have ignored the fact that it was a nick-name referring
to a state of suffering.
The disintegration tf the Atekerin group between c. 1400 and c. 1800
resulted in the formation of the Langi, Kumam and Iteso sub-groups the
pioneers that moved westwards, southwestwards and southwards respectively
prompted by the socio-economic factors and the direction of the elders.
The Atekerin society was strict, and lack of conformity was not at all tol-
erated. Though the Atekerin society was egalitarian, it was only so to the
elderly members and some of the juniors had to move to the no-man's-lands
where they hoped to be free to do what they considered fit and proper. It
is also true that some of the emigrants were convicts or rejectees, but the
majority of the people especially those who followed the pioneers were those
who moved due to the restrictive nature of the society, the spirit of adven-
ture and the persuasion of the pioneering element. The women members
joined the pioneers through the processes of elopement and marriage. The
dispersal of the Atekerin group and the subsequent advances resulted from
causes such as those outlined above. The Langi, Kumam and Iteso traditions
stress that they were parts of the Atekerin split. What made especially the
Langi and Kumam sub-groups depended on the circumstances on their new
place. For instance, the Langi and Kumam were influenced by the Luo
elements due to the geographical positions that facilitated contacts so that
consequently a fusion between the Luo and Atekerin elements took place.
The Langi seem to have been the group of Atekerin that broke off
from the parent body from around Karamoja towards district and spear-
headed the migration westwards and later some moved towards lake Kioga.
Their identity changed from Atekerin to one more closely related to the Luo


people. The Langi ancestors were well-placed to be in contact with the
Luo hence the social and linguistic changes to something quite different
from the Atekerin origin. The ancestors of the Kumam were also both
Atekerin and Luo and the former seemed predominant. The Atekerin
elements started contacts with the Luo in the homeland of Karamoja. The
same links continued even during the settlement of Usuk. From Usuk to
the Soroti area the Luo contact continued. After the settlement of Soroti,
contacts with the Jo Awer on the Awer island in Lake Kioga were made. The
Luo influence was intensified and the linguistic modification became more
evident. It would seem as though some Luo people were on the northern
shores of Lake Kioga and these fused with the pioneers of the Jo Kide the
A tekerin migrants from the east.
A few informants, however, have offered an alternative possible origin
of the name Kuman as deriving from "Okumama", an affluent person whose
whereabouts were vague to them. These elders point out that because Oku-
mama was very rich, he was nick-named "Okumama" (ikumemoi very big.
hence a Kumam or an Ateso word for a rich person). Two people alluded
to "ekuma" (a coconut species which used to be tied around the necks of
cattle for identification) as a possible source of the name. From the latter
word, those who used "ekuma" became known as Kumam. If these two
derivations have any validity, they also point to the fact that originally some
of the Kumam ancestors spoke Ateso since "okama" and "ikumemei" are
Ateso words as well as Kumam. It could also mean that the Iteso sub-group
of Atekerin crystallized before the Kumam. As to the Kumam and Langi
sub-groups, it is not easy to detect which formed first. To the Karamojong,
"Ikumama" is used to describe the Langi, Iteso and Kumam, "people who
left their homeland and went to a foreign land as refugees". To the Kara-
mojong these three peoples are of the same ancestral stock as themselves
and others in the family. The "Okumama" derivation may be only tenta-
tively accepted because some elders felt that the introduction of the alter-
native Kumam derivation "was an attempt to glorify the group after the
realisation that the 'Akuma' explanation had a degrading connotation".
There are other names which are rarely used and yet describe the same
Kumam people. They are Hale, Kokolemo and Imunyolon. Ilale is a descrip-
tion of those people who spoke Alale (Luo) and Dum (Ateso). Dum meant
a foreign language which implies that to some Kumam ancestors Ateso
was alien so that these must have been people of Luo origin. Some of the
original Ilale migrated from "around Toroma direction" and some were
met to the west of Soroti. Angati and Wonayera and particularly the people
they referred to as "proper Hale" migrants along the tu malo (northern
section) were the immediate people linked with and regarded as part of
Ilale. On the same side, come of these people were either in direct contact
with the Luo or contacted them through the Langi ancestors. The relatives
of the two above mentioned men spearheaded settlement into modern Soroti
county. That must have happened in the first half of the seventeenth century.
The pioneers of the group divided into two before reaching Awoja. One
came later moving westwards but to the north of Awoia and the earlier one
passed by the Awoja. Both groups left the Jo Dum (Iteso) to the south of
Lake Bisina. It was the tu malo lale migrating from the direction of Apujan
who later settled at Olwelai (i.e. to the north of Soroti). It was the off-shoot
of this latter group of Ilale that met Oniro's clansmen after crossing Olyanai


swamp at Oyomai about 1800. The informants (Emunyu, Enyiku, Omukule,
and Elungu) in the vicinity of Oyomai revealed that their grandparent spoke
Dum while hose from Olwelai spoke "only" Alale. Iyomai (the people of
Oyomai) elders interviewed said that when their "great-grand-parents" came
from "towards" Solot (Soroti), they were more fluent in Dum than Alale.
The two groups could understand very little of each other's language for
the "contacts had just commenced before the Oyomai convergence and set-
tlement". As time went on the two groups intermarried and fused to make
a part of the people today called Kumam.
The very existence of the Luo names, Wonayera and Woneswap, to
name two, indicate Luo contact and the presence of the Luo elements in
Kumam, for "won" is a Luo word which means "owner of". The claim
that Alale (Luo) was already spoken by some people today known as Kumam
before reaching Usuk is supported by oral evidence, for instance the Alale
"Ango wot Apiyo Akelo ya ango wot Apiyo,
Ange wot Apiyo Akelo ya ango wot Apiyo,
Agal tuko Agal tuko Kede apana dyangoto a luo,
Agal tuko Agal tuko kede apana dyang akato a luo."
This is a Kumam song meaning that the son of Apiyo delayed playing with
Akelo, a Luo (Lango?) girl when cattle were being driven by the Luo. The
Luo (Langi?) used to bring their girls to the grazing swamps so that the
boys of the people to the south would be tempted to the girls and forget
the animals. When the boys were busy playing with the Luo girls, the Luo
boys who used their girls as baits then stole some cattle. It took a long time
before the trick was discovered. This song was therefore one that expressed
sorrow of the son of Apiyo who had temporarily lost his cattle. The song
was repeated as a warning to other young men. The Kumam traditions
regard this as a true story and not a legend. It occurred between Usuk and
Mount Otuke. At the same time traditions confirm that there 'had already
been contacts with the Luo before the "camping" in Usuk and evidence of
this is the presence of Luo names and a knowledge of Luo language by
"some" Atekerin elements.
The Kumam are sometimes called Ikokolemo. "Ikoku" means in Ateso
"child" and "elem" is a headdress in Luo. The word Ikokolemo is thus
derived from both Luo and Ateso. There is a story of a boy who stole
"e!em" and fled elsewhere with it and the descendants from him are alleged
to be Kumam. The "thief" is said to have broken off from the parent body
and started life on his own. The existence of a Luo and an Ateso word
suggests a contact between the Luo and Ateso speakers. Unfortunately,
Ateso traditions as to where the boy lived and whom he married cannot
be traced. It can only be surmised that he probably lived among one of the
two groups (Luo or Ateso) or a mixture of the A tekerla and Luo. If it was
the former case then the other element came later, after the boy was settled
and had followers. The settlement must have been somewhere in an area
bordering the Luo and Iteso speakers. Such areas were most likely to be
the peripheral zones which one elder called the "possible points of contact."
Ikokolemo could also have originated from "Akoko" which means to "steal"
in Ateso. The person who stole "elem" was Olemo hence Ikokolemo.
The people of Toroma in Usuk county believe that at one time the
Ikokolemo lived at Angodinged in Toroma sub-county. Led by a man called


O'emu, they moved towards the present Kumam area; hence Ikokolemu
means child of Olemu (Ikoku child of Olemu). But the Karamojong call
all these young and some old people who ran away from their land to an-
other as Kumam. Thus all the Iteso and old men mainly from the present
Kumam are together termed as Kumam people by the Karamojong who
believe that both the Iteso and Kumam were at one time the Karamojong
in one area and that their, name should have been Iworopom i.e. "people
from the east". This view was expressed by Etesot presently living in Kara-
moja. The Langi are included in the Karamojong description of Kumam.
Furthermore, the Karamojong give the explanation that people like the
Acholi, Bagisu and Sebei cou'd be called Ngimor proper, whereas Iteso,
Kumam, Langi and Toposa could be called Kumam for. they are believed
to be the people who lived in one area now called Karamoja when they
came from the east. But later some people ran away again from the settle
ments to the west and south leaving their homeland. These were the Kumam
or "refugees".
Im unyolon is yet another name by which the Kumam are known. The
name is particularly used by the Iteso of Amuria county especially those of
Orungo sub-county and the Atinir section of Soroti county. The name
seemed to have been used to refer to those people to the south of Akerian
swamp who collaborated with the Banyoro. From about the mid-nineteenth
century, particularly during the reign of Omukama Kaba'ega through to
the start of the British Administration and intensifying in the first decade
of this century contacts with Bunyoro were established. The name included
the Iteso (Iseera) inhabiting Anyara sub-county. These people accompanied
the Banyoro, hence their being called Imunyolon (tho-e who acted as the
Banyoro). A few consultants in Orungo stressed that the Imunyolon were a
mixture between the Langi and the Iteso.
The Ikokolemo or Imunyolon or. Ilale or Kumam are a people resulting
from a conglomeration of the Luo and Ateker'n elements. The formation
of Jo Agwaya (people of Agwaya) clan resulted from a marriage between
Wonayera and Angati clans with a Lango family that had fled from "towards
Bata" because the "man had killed somebody while hunting". The fusion
took place to the west of Solot (Soroti). The evidence on both Lango and
Teso sides support this story of the formation of the Agwaya clan. Even the
tie between the Jo Agwaya and the particulars of Bata point to a common
origin. The Wonayera Dogola people (i.e. people of the door-way, or close
relatives) were already a mixture of the Luo and Atekerin elements and the
coming of the Bata family and the subsequent followers from Lango helped
to project the Luo element in the Jo Agwaya c'an. The present Jo Agwaya
people in Kalaki sub-county within Kaberamaido county accept that there
is a blood relationship between them and some Langi of Bata. The same
people, however, stress that they are part of Kumam and that they are
actually Kumam. In Lango itself in Maruzi county, the Jo Alaki (People
of Alaki) today consider themselves Langi and at the same time express
a relationship with the Jo Alaki in Kaberamaido county. It would therefore
appear that where a people joined a bigger group, the latter's traditions
and practices were the ones that mattered. From this it follows that if a
few Atekerin joined the Luo or a few Langi joined the Iteso and lived
permanently among them, in the long run, they would become a part of
the bigger sector socially and sometimes linguistically. The emergence of


the Kumam seems to have been a different proportion of fusion altogether.
The Kumam had a loose political organization featured by Wegi
Atekerin (clan leaders). Wegi Ikodeta Cel (leaders of dancing groups) and
Wegi Cel (leaders of the Asonya homes). The Wegi Cel were in most
cases Odonge Ikekoros or Dogolan (heads of a part of a clan descending
from one man). These heads seemed to be present in the Iteso community
and to some extent among the Langi. They arbitrated in matters of customs
and in social matters. The Wegi Atekerin (apolok atekerin) were found
among the Iteso and Langi but there was no distinct equivalent of the
A wangtic (head of a working group of neighbours) among the Kumam
and Iteso though the Langi had it. The Kumam and Iteso also co-operated
in work but there was no established post for the person in charge. The
Kumam, Langi and Iteso came from the same ethnic group Atekerin -
hence there are some basic similarities in the social set up and organization.
Even after the dispersal, the three peoples maintained contacts but the
differences developed because of the new circumstances such as the contact
with the non-Atekerin elements.
The social set up of the Kumam i nearer to that of the Iteso than
the Langi. The Kumam language is slightly over two-thirds Luo and about
one-third Ateso. This could mean that the Luo influence in Kumam is
stronger than it had been thought in the past. The traditions in Kumam
favour the view that Kumam were originally people who spoke Ateso and
later learnt Luo. The proportion of the Luo words in Kumam is too big
to be justified by a mere learning of Luo without some amount of fusion
between the Atekerih sector and the Luo one. The view that Kumam were
originally people who spoke Ateso and later learnt Luo is partly correct
in that it only refers to a section of the people currently known as the
Kumam. The example at Oyomai where both Alole and Dum (Ateso) speak-
ers converged and as the result of the contact each started learning the other's
language is clear. Another example is that of Luo Iworopom fusion thai
is mentioned by J. Tosh in a study of the Langi.
Traditions of the Langi, Kumam and Iteso peoples indicate that they
come from the northeast between c.1400 and c.1700. The factors leading
to migrations ranged from social unconformity to other socio-economic
urges that dictated the various migration waves. People generally moved
in small groups and sometimes virtually lost contact with the parent bodies
depending on the nature and gravity of the causes that generated the change
of location. The settlements into new areas, especially when associated witl
the meetings with other peoples, usually resulted in marriages with con-
sequent fusions of the various elements.
It is fitting that links between the Kumam and other tribes be discussed
more. The Langi and Kumam ancestors who may all have been of
Iworopom origin, maintained contacts right from Karamoja. The "Ikumama"
description of the Langi, Iteso and Kumam also confirm the same ancestral
origin. The contacts were usually mutually beneficial. It was in the no-man's
zone edging the Langi ancestors and the Iteso ones that the Kumam
emerged. The skeletal group of the pioneering settlers in the empty lands
were those 'rejected' by the parent bodies, or they themselves fearing the
society's restrictions moved out so as to practise their own ways in the
absence of the conservative elements represented by the elders. The come-
together started with the frontier-men who had knowledge of the others.


There was already a workable knowledge of the language from the Dum
linguistic base. As time went on and people moved to new areas, there
was always understanding between the neighboring groups especially the
border peoples. The neighbours exchanged foodstuffs and the refugees who
came were taken care of. The refugees were those individuals who dis-
obeyed their societies and escaped to the new neighbourhood to evade
punishments, revenge or restriction. Hostility, such as that which developed
between the Langi, Kumam and the Iteso came much later. The Kumam-
Langi troubles intensified when the two Atekerin sectors met again in the
pilesent counties of Soroti, Amuria and Kaberamaido in Teso and the
adjacent counties of Lango district. The major reasons for the conflicts
seemed to have been due to conflicts for hunting grounds; for instance
Tu Twu (parts of Kaberamaido and Kioga counties) an area that was
full of wild animals, had good soil and was virtually uninhabited. The
significance for cultivation was realized and protection of land for this
purpose seemed obvious. One informant said that 'Ka dwa bin poto' (i.e.
a hunting ground was a garden), when explaining why the two tribes fought.
The Kumam also allege that the Langi abused the hospitality accorded
them by returning for looting purposes after sundown. There is evidence
on both sides (Lango and Kumam) suggesting the existence of famine
amongst the two tribes. This being the case, there was no reason why the
Kumam might not have gone to steal or, loot in Lango. A few Kumam
informants of Dokolo, Lango, however, stressed that "whereas that was so,
the Kumam did not venture to Langoland because they lacked the deter-
mination and courage the Langi possessed". It was partly due to the
courage of the Langi that they constantly ventured to Kumam land. The
strained relations should not obscure the fact that the two peoples had a
common origin. Even today tribes, clans and families may have differences,
quarrels, fights and killings and still do not break relations completely.
Although in some cases there might have been misunderstanding between
the pioneers, the fact that the reasons and circumstances for coming to-
gether were different, insecurity at home meant that in order to survive,
the two similar (non-conformists) people had to help one another, hence
the alliance between the 'Iteso' and 'Langi' rejectees and pioneers. The
original nucleus of the Kumam must have had a very rough time, but
those who joined later did not suffer as much due to the fact that some
of them were friends, relatives and acquaintances of the pioneering elements.
In the new places, the pioneers never suddenly lost contact with their
parent bodies. At least very close relatives had some idea of where a
missing member, was. It was only in very rare cases that relatives, especially
members of the family, did not know the whereabouts of one of them.
The major factor that governed the presence or the absence of the links
was the basic cause for the migration away from the parent body. Some
of the late-comers were in-laws and friends. The pioneers were mostly young
men and not women. As time went on and the number, of migrants in-
creased, a new dialect between Atekerin and Luo emerged as a distinct
people, Kumam.
The contact with the Iteso seemed to have been wholly friendly. It
is believed by many that Kumam were originally Iteso, hence the fear of
their raiding Iteso and vice versa. The Kumam traditions reveal that they
feared to raid the Iteso for the simple reason that raiders would be


recognized or because of the guilt of doing harm to relatives. The Iteso
and Kumam bartered goods and the Iteso sold kidnapped people to the
Kumam for. food and goats. The traffic is what is known in Kumam as
Wilo Ingoratok Kede Ting (i.e. buying the people of Ngora or Ateso of
southern Teso with millet dregs). No grown ups were sold. Grown up
women or girls of the Isapan (13-19 years) stage were treated as wives by
either the buyers or their sons. There are a few cases of such people still
known but they are today accepted as Kumam. They directly resulted from
the ting dano exchange. This differed from slavery in that once a per-
son was bought, he became accepted as a member of the family to which
he was bought and was actually regarded as a son or daughter. A few
consultants also pointed out that the Iteso invited their "brothers" the
Kumam, to help them against the longer (i.e. the circumcised ones the
Bagisu) who came raiding down the plains are far as Ngora. The invitation
some elders argued, demonstrated not only the trust the Iteso had in the
Kumam, but an acceptance of a common origin.
The hostility and looting that became evident when the Kumam
pioneers reached Tu Tim (Kaberamaido county) intensified during the
droughts and famines. Another possible cause for conflict between the
emerging tribe and the parent group was the elopment of girls from the
parent bodies by the pioneering young men. The obvious examples of
elopment were when the Kumam of Amuda, Lale and Bululu took girls
to the Awer islands. The wives of the pioneers came from both the Atekerin
and Luo elements. The tribes that supplied the wives were those strate-
gically placed to facilitate the supply. The marriages resulting from the
elopment increased the Kumam. There is evidence in Kumam to the effect
that the Kumam feared the Langi more than they feared the Iteso. The
Langi were very strict and wild and these features scared some young men
hence their getting wives from the Iteso. The young men left their, clans
when they had not mastered the customs, traditions and taboos and the
people who developed these things among the emerging peoples were the
wives and elders. The predominant elements in both cases were Iteso. They
were a key element in the new Kumam group and this may be why the
Kumam social organization is more akin to that of the Ateso rather than
to that of the Luo or Langi. The customary practices pertaining to female
affairs are nearer to the Iteso ones than are male affairs. From the con-
sultants it would also appear as though in terms of proportions, there are
more Iteso elements than Luo or Langi ones. The majority of the consultants
stressed this view and the same pointed out that a few Langi fused with
the Iteso to form the Kumam. The point to note is that the three peoples
formed virtually at the same time and the use of the names Ateso, Langi
and Kumam is affected by reading the present into the past.
Besides the above-mentioned contacts, the Kumam also had some
contact with the southerners, the Bantu, or Ongeng. The contacts with
the Banyoro, Baruli, Basoga and Baganda took place on the shores of lake
Kioga. Some of these people, for, instance the Banyoro, sold red iron (i.e.
rusty and brownish) and beads to the Ateso, Langi and Kumam. The trade
seemed extensive in the second half of the nineteenth century; the period
the Kumam traditions refer to as "Kure K Kamlega (i.e. during the reign
of Kabalega). The trade between the "Bukedi" and the Bantu was intensified
and trading posts set up in Kumam. The hoe trade made the Langi into


middlemen and the hoes they bought from the Banyoro at about one hoe
per goat, were later sold to the Kumam at the inflated price of a heifer or
bull per hoe. The high prices should not be misconstrued for enmity bet-
ween the Langi and the Kumam. That was merely a trading operation, an
economic mechanism whereby the middlemen aimed at maximising profits.
Towards the close of the nineteenth century the Baruli and Baganda ex-
changed goods such as beads and girls with the Kumam and Ateso for
cattle and goats. The barter took place at several points particularly at
'Kibuca wang Kwang' (i.e. Kibuca port in Bululu-Kibimo). It must have
been during early exchanges of that kind that Kedi, the mother of Oniro
was sold to the Kumam. She was a Muntu.
The contacts with other tribes tend to suggest that by the beginning of
the nineteenth century there had evolved a people with a language quite
distinct and unknown to the original Atekerin. The Langi nick-named these
people "Kkuma" and they in turn called the Langi "Imiro". Kaigo, an
informant and an Awer, at Bululu (Kibimo) on the shores of Lake Kioga,
revealed that his grandfather told him that by about the mid-eighteenth
century a people came from the north speaking a language 'equivalent' to
Kumam. They visited the Jo Awer on the Awer island. They could under-
stand the Jo Awer (i.e. a Luo people the off-shoot of the Jo Pawir clan).
The consultant went on to say that one of his father's friends, a Kumam,
told him that the Kumam were a people resulting from a mixture between
the Langi and the Iteso. The safer generalisation would be that the Kumam
resulted from a marriage or fusion between the AtekeriVA and Luo people.
To the east of the Luo elements came a people who did not speak 'good'
Luo and these improved their Luo when they intensified contacts with the
Jo Awer, on the Awer islands and the Kibimo area on the northern shores
of Lake Kioga. After a while the two groups fused and were regarded by
others and by themselves later as one people, the Kumam. The "Bakedi"
Semei Kakungulu conquered in the 1890's included the Kumam. The Jo
Awer were the go-between for the "Bakedi" and the Bantu. The Jo Awer
had earlier, informed the "Bakedi" of the benefits that would accrue out of a
contact with the Bantu. It was partly out of such talks that the chiefs visited
Mengo in 1896. A list of the chiefs that went Mengo from modern Teso
included some from Kumamland. They were Kigemu, Kyenda, Nyamasenge,
and Otagi, but it was only Otagi who was a Kumam. The others were Bantu
pioneers who had settled and lived in Kumam and had learnt the Kumam
language and the way of life. Two consultants claimed that the sole Kumam
representative could have insisted on going to Mengo partly of his firm
belief that the non-Kumam could not represent his people and partly for
hope of personal gain. This, if true, implies an awareness of the Kumam
as a distinct community.
In conclusion it may be said that oral traditions among the Atekerin
sectors stress that before the Karamoja dispersal, all the various subgroups
were one, namely those who came from the east, the Iworopom. The
Iteso, Langi and Kumam (the Atekerin group) resulted from the separation
which took place at around Mounts Otuke and Wila. One thing is therefore
clear and it is that some of the ancestors of the three peoples were Iworo-
pom. There is no debate as to whether the Kumam resulted from the
Luo-Atekerin elements or not for there is an abundance of evidence. The
oral traditions in Kumam stress that the Kumam resulted from a fusion of


the Iteso and Langi, both of whom may be Iworopom sub-groups. But a
careful analysis of 'Langi' and 'Iteso' as names of people reveals that they
were found before the Kumam evolved. Whereas this might have been the
case with some sections of the Kumam, the very original nucleus must
have started to form during the same period that the Langi and Iteso were
crystallising as a people. The Langi here may be taken also to include Luo
and Iworopom elements, whereas the Iteso were more predominantly
Iworopom. It is therefore partly true to assert that the contacts between
the Lango and Ateso speakers resulted in the formation of part of the
Kumam. Bishop Kitching wrote that small section known as the
Kumam, on the north shore of lake Kioga, appears to be part of the Lango
who quarrelled with the rest of the tribe, and moving a little southwards
became affiliated to the Iteso tribe, from whom they borrowed many words
and inflections. There is oral evidence in support of this. The "Lango" in
Kiching's version seemed to have referred to the earlier amalgam of the
Atekerin and Luo elements. The meeting on the northern shores of Lake
Kioga was another meeting where the already fused Atekerin-Luo groups
were meeting another section of the same ethnic stock. The Jo Agwaya
formation was another convergence of a similar type. The Kumam forma-
tion was also in part the result of the Atekerin sector (Iteso) fusing with
the undiluted Luo, for instance the Jo Awer and the Luo on the immediate
northern shores of lake Kioga. The lack of transport and communication
isolated the people in the lands bordering the migratory peoples, hence the
development of a new community. The very start of Kumam formation
occurred in Karamoja and the same seems to be true of the Iteso and Langi.
The formation of the Kumam continued through to Soroti, Kaberamaido,
Dokolo and Kioga counties. The social organization of the Kumam is akin
to that of the Iteso, this is partly because the Iteso women and the number
of elderly people seemed more predominant in the emerging group. The
Kumam language is nearer to Luo than the Ateso due to several reasons.
The need for an identity prompted the adoption of a new language to suit
the change of circumstances, hence a new language evolved and it was
quite different from the original Luo and Dum languages or even from the
immediate dialects of Langi and Ateso. The contacts with the Luo had
taken place on various fronts; in Karamoja; on the northern sector of the
migration groups after Otuke; to the west of Soroti before reaching Kaber-
amaido; and within Kaberamaido, Kioga and Dokolo counties. The contacts
resulted in intermarriage and these marriages brought the differing elements
together. Another factor was that as the westward migrations continued,
the Iteso or Iworopom elders were left behind and the contacts with the
Luo intensified. The language change seemed easier than the change in
customs and traditions. The linguistic modifications were facilitated by the
younger and mobile members of the community, whereas the change of
customs and traditions rested with Odonge (the elders). The Odonge were
generally very conservative, hence their lesser influence on customs despite
the dak (migration) process.

The recent interpretation of the Kumam nearer to Luo linguistically,
was delayed as result of Kaberamaido and Kalaki counties forming part of
Lango district from 1908 to 1938. The District Commissioner's interpreters
mainly translated in Lango. Even in the schools Luo was in use. Even


after the return of the predominant Kumam area of Kaberamaido to Teso
in 1939, the area was subjected to Luo influences until the 1950's. In schools
things seemed worse; in Ngora High School and Madera (Soroti College)
Junior Secondary School the Iteso students grouped the Langi and Kumam
as Iboro (things), which meant that the two tribes were strangers. These
feelings neglected history and ignored the fact that within the three peoples
the Atekerm elements existed which should have been a unifying force.
What is today regarded as the Kumam people resulted from a fusion
of various elements. The Luo and Atekerin seemed to have formed the
major groupings in the formation hence the two control the language and
the social organization. From the Kumam oral traditions it is currently
accepted that the closeness of Kumam to Luo (and in particular Alur, Jo
Padhola, Acholi and then Lango) cannot be explained in terms of intensi-
fied contacts between the Langi and the Iteso speakers between 1870 and
1920. The Luo element seems more predominant than the Iteso one, especi-
ally in the Kumam of Kaberamaido and the latter group were firmly wed-
ded to their, customs and traditions for reasons already given. The Atekerivn
(Iteso) elements were more conservative than the Luo ones, thus the social
organisation appears more akin to those of the Iteso. The coming together
of the various elements was not fast and automatic but a gradual mixture
over a period of time. These peoples eventually intermarried thus cement-
ing the association and bridging the gap between the various peoples to
form an entity the Kumam. At the beginning, oral traditions assert, the
Luo and Atekerin stuck to their original languages. It was this kind of
situation that several groups of Kumam informants described in words such
as "there were people who spoke Alale (Luo) and learnt Dum and that
there were others who spoke Dum and learnt Luo." The group to which
Reverend Israel Ekadu made mention had learnt Luo partly from the Jo
Awer and partly from lale to the north of Soroti. Those who belonged to
the latter group indicated in the cited statement were the people that Bishop
Kitching referred to as ones who spoke Langi (Luo and Dum linguistic
mixture) and who had moved to the shores to Lake Kioga where they learnt
Ateso. These justfy the former part of the quotation.
Today "Kumam" seems to mean three things. The people whose social
structure places them as a people of Iteso origin, but the language of whom
ranks them as Luo, and it also means the geographical area occupied by
these people, especially Kaberamaido county. Kumam seems to have been
a corridor area where the different ethnic groups converged, so that makes
the history of the area very complicated. The Kumam may be considered
to have been formed out of A tekerin groups such as the Iworopom proper, and
Iworopom elements (Iteso), together with the Luo proper, and an earlier Luo-
Atekerin mixture (Langi). The Kumam today regard themselves as a
distinct community from the parent bodies from which they have emerged.



John Dixon was President of the Uganda Society from 1968 to 69, when he
was employed by the Church of Uganda, having previously worked at the
Uganda Lands and Surveys Department. The paper printed here was his
Presidential Address. In preparing it he appreciated the help in London of Dr.
W. W. Bishop, formerly the Curator of the Uganda Museum, and of the staff
of the map-room of the Royal Geographical Society, and the Commissioner of
Lands and Surveys in Uganda and his staff. The co-operation of these people
is gratefully acknowledged.
Michael Fitzgerald taught in the Religious Studies Department at Makerere
from 1969 to 1971 and is now at the Pontificio Instituto di Studi Arabi, Rome.
A. K. Kambe graduated in zoology at Makerere in 1971 and is now engaged
in research into hyena behaviour.
L. Kato is senior lecturer in the Faculty of Law, University, Dar es Salaam.
Jonathan Kingdon is a senior lecturer in the Margaret Trowell School of Fine
Art but he has a longstanding interest in wildlife and is the author of an
atlas of animal distributions. He is to be the President of the Uganda Society
for 1972-1973.
Dr. Krommenhoek has reported on fossil finds at Kazinga in previous issues
of the Journal. Having taught at Namilyango College, he has now returned to
the Netherlands.
A. T. Matson is a regular contributor to the Uganda Journal and has recently
taken over from Mr. H. B. Thomas as the U.K. agent of the Society. As
indicated in the text he was appointed the literary executor of Sir John
Gray's papers and in this capacity has generously donated a valuable set of
papers on Kabarega, Emin Pasha and the Zanzibar archives to the Society's
Musa Mushanga is by way of becoming a regular contributor. He is still with
the Sociology Department at Makerere.
Justin Nkurunziza is a first year student of commerce at Makerere. He was
head student at Ntare School and Kigezi College, Butobere, and at both schools
developed a keen interest in field research under Mr. White.
Matthew Odada is currently the tutor in history at Canon Lawrence Teachers
Training College, Lira. He graduated in history at Makerere in 1969 and is
about to commence a research project on the topic outlined in this essay.
Barnabas Otaala lectures in educational psychology in the Faculty of Educa-
tion, Makerere, and has contributed articles on this subject in the two previous
issues of the Journal.
Bernard Whaler is a lecturer in physiology at Queen Elizabeth College, Univer-
sity of London and had been on the staff of the Makerere Medical School
when these experiments were carried out.
Richard White has taught geography at Kigezi College, Butobere, and Ntare
School, Mbarara, and is now attached to the Inspectorate for preparing
teaching materials for the new geography syllabus. He has contributed to the
Journal previously.



IV Emin Pasha as Governor of the Equatorial Province; (8 October 1878 -
25 December 1881). 26 (1962), pp. 121-139.
V Emin as Governor of Equatoria; (15 July 1882 23 December 1885).
27 (1963), pp. 1-13.
VI Emin as Governor of Equatoria; (1 January 1886 6 July 1886).
27 (1963), pp. 143-161. (Corrigenda slip).
VII Emin as Governor of Equatoria; (11 July 1886 1 July 1887). 28
(1964), pp. 75-97.
VIII Emin as Governor of Equatoria; (2 July 1887 7 January 1888). 28
1964). pp. 201-216.
IX Emin Pasha in Equatoria; (9 January 1888 7 April 1888). 29 (1965)
pp. 75-83.
X First meeting of Emin with Stanley; (25 April 1888 26 May 1888).
29 (1965) pp. 201-214. (Corrigenda 30 (1966), pp. 199-200).
XI The gathering storm in Equatoria; (27 May 1888 20 August 1888).
30 (1966), pp. 191-198.
XII, The rebellion at Dufile; (19 August 1888 15 November 1888). 31
(1967), pp. 155-170.
XIII The Stanley Relief Expedition and the march from Kavalli to Ankole;
(17 November 1888 3 July 1889). 32 (1968), pp. 65-80.
XIV Emin's journey through Ankole to Bagamoyo; (4 July 1889 3
December 1889). 32 (1968). pp. 189-198.

45. Correspondence relating to the death of Bishop Hannington. 31 (1949)
pp. 1-22.
46. In memorial: Archbishop Henri Streicher, C.B.E. 17 (1953) pp. 63-67.
47. Mackay's canoe voyage along the western shore of Lake Victoria in 1883.
18 (1954), pp. 13-20.
48. Obituary: Mother Mary Kevin, C.B.E. 22 (1958) pp. 103-104.
49. The Uganda Staff List for 1895 (with R.A. Snoxall). 1 (1934) pp. 61-63.
50. An Anglo-German agreement relating to traffic on Lake Victoria, 1890.
11 (1947) pp. 124-125.
51. Early treaties in Uganda, 1888-1891. 12 (1948), pp. 25-42 (Stanley, Jackson,
Lugard); 121 (1948)'. ppi 231-232 (Jackson, Lugard); 17 (1953) p. 189
(Stanley, Lugard, Madocks).
52. Maize names. 14 (1950), pp. 106-107 (Pemba Island); 15 (1951) pp. 116-117
53. The Kivu Mission. 1909, 1910. 21 (1957), pp. 119-120.
54. Obituary: Michael Moses, O.B.E. 22 (1958), pp. 97-103.
55. The first twenty-five volumes. 25 (1961), pp. 125-135.
The entries in this section are arranged geographically, firstly for the
the coast and then for the interior. Within each sub-section the entries
are arranged chronologically according to the date of publication.

East African coast (other than Dar es Salaam, Kilwa and Zanzibar).
1. Early connections between the United States and East Africa. 22 (1946,
pp. 55-56.
2. Rezende's description of East Africa in 1634. 23 (1947) pp. 2-28.
3. Mikindani Bay before 1887. 28 (1950) pp. 29-37 and 58/59 (1962) p. 287.
4. Portuguese records relating to the Wasegeju. 29 (1950) pp. 85 97. (Appen-
dices on Portuguese inland explorations and on tribal references).
5. The Wadebuli and the Wadiba. 36 (1952) pp. 22-42.
6. The introduction of the auto-de-fe into East Africa. 15 (1958) p. 274.
7. Mediaeval East African copper coinage. 65 (1966) p. 104.
8. The voyage of Francisco Barreto along the East African coast in 1560. 65
(1966) p. 103.


Dar es Salaam
9. Dar es Salaam in 1868. 24 (1947) pp. 1-2.
10. Dar es Salaam under the Sultans of Zanzibar. 33 (1952) pp. 1-21 and
58/59 (1962) p. 298.
11. Centenary of Dar es Salaam. 53 (1959) p. 262.
12. The opening of Dar es Salaam as sea port. 58/59 (1962) p. 224.
113. Kilwa in 181.2. 24 (1947) pp. 49-60, (H.MS.i Nisus).
14. A history of Kilwa. 31 (1951) pp. 1-24 and 32 (1952) pp. 11-37.
15. The French at Kilwa, 1776-1784. 44 (1956) pp. 28-49 (Morice).
16. A note on Joseph Francois Charpentier de Cossigny. 15 (1958) pp. 246-249.
17. The British Vice-Consulate at Kilwa Kivinje, 1884-1885. 51 (1958) pp. 174-194.
18. Early Portuguese visitors to Kilwa. 52 (1959) pp. 117-125 (da Covilham,
and 57 (1961) pp. 175-176 (Machado).
19. Commercial intercourse between Angola and Kilwa in the sixteenth century.
57 (1961). pp. 173-174 (Barreto).
20. Fort Santiago at Kilwa. 58/59 (1962) pp. 175-178.
21. The French at Kilwa in 1797. 58/59 (1962) pp. 172-173 (Labadie).
22. The recovery of Kilwa by the Arabs in 1785. 62 (1964) pp. 20-26.
23. A French account of Kilwa at the end of the eighteenth century. 63 (1964)
pp. 224-228 (Blancard). (Appendix on the early history of Mungulho).
24. Visit of a French ship to Kilwa in 1527. 63 (1964) p. 223. (Dias).

25. Ahmed bin Nooman. 31 (1951) facing p. 25.
26. Memoirs of an Arabian princess. 37 (1954) pp. 49-70 and 38 (1955) p. 66.
27. Nairuzi or Siku ya Mwaka. 38 (1955) pp. 1-22 and 41 (1955) pp. 69-72.
28. Sir John Henderson and the Princess of Zanzibar. 40 (1955) pp. 15-19.
29. Introductory note to 'Two Zanzibar Ngomas' (R.H.W. Pakenham). 52 (1959)
pp. 111-112.
30. Official use of the Persian solar calendar by the Sultans of Zanzibar. 58/59
(1962) p. 211.
Inland Tanzania
31. History of Karagwe. 25 (1948) pp. 79-81.
32. Mirambo and Broyon. 29 (1950) pp. 109-110.
33. A European graveyard at Kigoma. 37 (1954) pp. 130-133.
34. Trading expeditions from the coast to Lakes Tanganyika and Victoria
before 1857. 49 (1957) pp. 226-246.

35 Stanley v. Tippoo Tib. 18 (1944) pp. 11-27. (An extended version of C35.)
36. A journey by land from Tete to Kilwa in 1616. 25 (1948) pp. 37-47. (Bocar-
ro, with appendices on Manhanga and the Zimbas).
37. Albrecht Roscher. 50 (1958) pp. 71-84.
38. Burton and Kiswahili. 51 (1958), pp. 156-158.
39. Speke's death. 51. (1958) pp. 272-273; 55 (1960) pp. 294-295 and 58/59 (1962)
p. 293.
40. The journey of an Arab caravan from East to West Africa and back,
1851-1854. 58/59 (1962) p. 174. (Abdel).
1. Mombasa in 1667: the visit of an English ship. East African Review, 26
(1932) pp. 12-17 and 20. (William Alley's journal).
2. History of Buganda. The Beacon (The Organ of the Uganda Literary,
Debating and Social Club) 1 (October 1934) pp. 24-32. Reprinted as 'Early
history of Bugatda' in Uganda Journal, 2 (1935) pp. 259-271. (See C8).
3. Captain Robert Nelson. News Bulletin of the Kenya History Society, 6
(1958) pp. 3-5.
4. Eighteenth century Gambia journey African Affairs, 58 (1959) pp. 65-74.
5. Zanzibar local histories. Swahili, 30 and 31 (1959-1960) pp. 24-40 and


111-139. Notes on Tumbatu, Kizimkazi and four Ndagoni MSS and tran-
slations of Kisiwani and Jambongome MSS).
6. Anglo-German relations in Uganda, 1890-1892. Journal of African History, 1
(1960), pp. 281-297.
1. Letter, Early history of Uganda. Uganda Herald, 3 February 1933. (On the
first of a series of articles of the same tittle by the C.M.S. Missionary, T.B
2. Letter. "Pierre Berthelot's map of Mombasa, c. 1635'. Mombasa Times, 6
May 1954.
3. Letter, 'Lt. Reitz.' Mombasa Times, 3 September 1954.
4. Letter, 'A Mombasa worthy; Rev. W. E. Taylor'. Mombasa Times, 15 March
5. Article, 'First day of the Swahili New Year; S ku ya Mwaka or Nauruz'.
Mombasa Times, 3 August 1955.
6. Letter, 'Speke's death.' Sunday News. Dar es Salaam, c. 9 August 1957.
7. Letter, 'The Lost Counties of Bunyoro.' The Times. 27 July 1962.
1. Instructions to magistrates as to the conduct of Preliminary Enquiries.
Government Printer, Entebbe. 1932.
2. Notes for the guidance of Subordinate Courts with regard to the hearing
of criminal cases. Government Printer, Gambia, 1942.
3. The Ordinances of the Colony of the Gambia, (Revised edition, 3 vols.).
Government Printer, Gambia, 1942.
4. Report on the civil disturbances in Zanzibar on July 30th 1951.
Government Printer, Zanzibar, 1951, 42 p.
5. Reports on the accident to the Vickers Viking aircraft No. VP-YEY, which
occurred in the vicinity of Mtara, Handeni district, Tanganyika, on
the 29th March, 1953. Government Printer, Dar es Salaam, 1954, 30 p.
6. Report on the inquiry into claims to certain land at or near Ngezi Vitongoji
in the Mudiria of Chake Chake, in the district of Pemba. Government
Printer, Zanzibar, 1956, 54 p. (This contains an authoritative account
of Wa-Shirazi land tenure).
7. Report of the Commission of inquiry on the loss of the schooner, 'Hiariako'
(including a rebuttal of a 'Dairy Telegraph' report that the vessel was
making for the Seychelles in order to rescue a political deportee from
Cyprus.) Government Printer, Zanzibar, 1957, 20 p.
8. Report of the arbitrator to enquire into a trade dispute at the wharf area
at Zanzibar. Government Printer, Zanzibar, 1958, 16 p.
9. The opinions of assessors in trials in East Africa as to native custom.
Journal of African Law, 2 (1958) pp. 5-18.
10. The Laws of Zanzibar (5 vols.). Government Printer, Zanzibar, 1961.
(Revision completed by the Attorney-General of Zanzibar, P.N. Dalton).
U.J. = Uganda Journal: T.N.R. = Tanganyika (Tanzania) Notes and
1. Obwomezi bw'Omukama Duhaga II (L.O. Katyanku and S. Bulera). U.J.
15 (1951) p. 212.
2. The story of the Ugafnda Agreement (J.V. Wild). U.J. 15 (1951) p. 212.
3. Al-Akida and Fort Jesus, Mombasa (M. A. Hinawy). U.J. 16 (1952)
pp. 102-103.
4. Native administration in the British African territories (Lord Hailey).
U.J. 16 (1952) pp. 101-102.
5. Excavations at the Njoro River cave (M. D. and L. S. Leakey). U.J4 17
(1953) p. 94.
6. Land tenure in Buganda (A. B. Mukwaya) U.J. 18 (1954) pp. 203-205.
7. History of East Africa (R. Reusch). T.N.R. 38 (1955) pp. 53-58. (Contains
a discussion of the nature and value of oral historical traditions).


8. Islam in East Africa (L. P. Harries). T.N.R. 40 (1955) p. 50.
9. Islamic law in Africa (J. N. Anderson). Journal of African Administration,
7 (1955) pp. 33-36.
10. The diaries of Lord Lugard, 3 Vols. (M. Perham and M. Bull). U.J. 24
(1960) pp. 265-267.
11. British colonial law (T. O. Elias). Journal of African History 3 (1962)
pp. 527-628.
12. The Portuguese period in East Africa (J. Strandes) T.N.R. 58/59 ('1962)
p. 303.
13. The last days of slavery (P. Collister). T.N.R. 60 (1963) pp. 111-112.
14. The mediaeval history of the coast of Tanganyika (G.S. Freeman-Grenville).
T.N.R. 61 (1963) pp. 224-225.
15. Studies in East African history (N. R. Bennett). Journal of African
History, 5 (1964) pp. 325-327.
16. The French at Kilwa Island (G. S. Freeman-Grenville). T.N.R. 65 (1966)
pp. 105-107.
Most of the unpublished writings listed below were found among the
papers which Sir John Gray gave to the Cambridge University Library, or
among those which were placed at the disposal of the writer by A.E. Melville,
Headmaster of the Perse School, the residuary legatee of the estate. A few
items have been added from a perusal of Sir John's correspondence. The list
may not be exhaustive, and a more diligent search of the papers at the Camb-
ridge University Library may bring other titles to light.

It is hoped that some of the articles will appear in learned journals, and
that the unfinished major works on the history of Zanzibar and Kabarega may
be published as they stand or in an edited form.

Sir John set a good example to other scholars by preparing hundreds of
entries for the Dictionary of East African Biography, a project which he initiated
in collaboration with D. H. Simpson .and H. B. Thomas. These entries are
housed in the Library of the Royal Commonweolth Society.

The institutions at which the various items have been deposited are shown
by means of the following abbreviations:
British Institute of History and Archaelogy in B.I.H.A.E.A.
East Africa;
Cambridge University Library; C.U.L.
Dar es Salaam University; D.S.U.
Durham University (Sudan Archives); D.U.
Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa; F.J.M.
Nairobi University; N.U.
Royal Commonwealth Society; R.C.S.
Uganda Society. Ug. Soc.

Where a repository is not shown, the manuscripts have not been traced
or are held by the writer. Certain other papers and books have been sent
to the Universities of Birmingham (West African Material), Edinburgh, London
(linguistic material), and Sussex, the C.M.S. Archives, and the Royal Geogra-
phical Society (Dalrymple Charts), as well as the institutions listed above.

Among the manuscripts on non(African subjects are articles on Cambridge
schools, colleges and local history, and studies of the Lives of the Saints, the
History of the Bible, Thomas Cromwell and Joan of Arc.

I wish to record my gratitude to all who have helped in the preparation
of this preliminary survey: to the Headmaster and Governors of the Perse
School, Messrs. Francis and Co., Sir John's solicitors, and A. G. Reddall of


Lloyds Bank, the executors, for granting me permission to examine the papers
and to make arrangements for their disposal; to A. E. B. Owen for allowing
me access to the papers in the Manuscript Department of the Cambridge
University Library, and permission to distribute some of the duplicate material
in his keeping; and also to J. M. Beattie, B. Cheeseman (Foreign and Common-
wealth Office Library), J. D. Fage, G. Si P. Freeman-Grenville, R. Hill,
J. Kirkman, B. W. Langlands, Mrs. D. Middleton (Royal Geographical Society),
R. Oliver, D. H. Simpson (Royal Commonwealth Society), J. E. G. Sutton, and
H. B. Thomas for their encouragement and help.


1 A history of Ankole; 1952; 120 pages. Accepted by the East African Lite-
rature Bureau, not proceeded with, and forgotten until after H. F. Morris'
work with the same title had been issued by the same publisher. (R.C.S.)
(i) Early history of Ankole (16 p.).
(ii) The rule of the Bachwezi (13p.).
(iii) The earlier rulers of the Bahinda dynasty (13 p.).
(iv) The reign of Ntare, c. 1873-1895 (22 p.).
(v) The early years of Kahaya II, 1895-1901 (15 p.).
(vi) The Ankole Agreement 1901, and after (to Oct. 1944), (36 p.).
(vii) Bibliography (5 p.).

2 History of Zanzibar, Vol. II (unfinished). (C.U.L., D.S.U., R.C.S.).
(i) Zanzibar before 1856 (12 p.).
(ii) The severance of the connection between Zanzibar and Oman (27 p.).
(iii) Seyyid Majid and the northern Arabs 30 p.).
(iv) Seyyid Majid, 1860-1870 (26 p.).
(v) The early years of the reign of Seyyid Barghash, 1870-1872 (20 p.).
(vi) Sir Bartle Frere's mission, 1873 (21 p.).
(vii) The British navy and the suppression of the slave traffic (28 p.).
(viii) The latter days of the slave trade (27 p.).
(ix) The scramble for East Africa, first phase (10 p.).
(x) McKillop's Expedition, 1875-1877 (6 p. first draft).
(xi) Zanzibar relations with mainland and offshore island settlements
(Lamu, Lamu Archipelago, Pate, Faza, Manda, Watu, Formosa Bay).
(14 p. first draft).

3 Kabarega (unfinished). (C.U.L., R.C.S., Ug. Soc.).
(i) Introductory note (16 p.).
(ii) The early years of the reign of Kyebambe IV Kamurasi Mirundi,
1852-1863 (27 p.).
(iii) The latter years of the reign of Kyebambe IV Kamurasi Mirundi,
1864-1869 (14 p.).
(iv) Kabarega and Sir Baker, 1869-1973 (36 p.).
(v) Kabarega and Colonel Charles Gordon, 1874-1876 (64 p.).
(vi) The visit of Emin Effendi to Kabarega, 1877 (56 p.).
(vii) The last days of the Egyptian bridgehead in Bunyoro, 1878-1881
(49 p.).,,
(viii) The lost years of Egyptian overrule in northern Uganda, 1882-1886
(38 p.).
(ix) Casati and Kabarega 1886 (58 p.).
(x) The arrest and imprisonment of Casati and Muhammad Biri, 1888
(18 p. in typescript as Chapter 9 sic.).
(xi) The Imperial British East Africa Company and Bunyoro 1888-1892
(24 p. in typescript as Chapter 12).

4 The "Lost Counties" of Bunyoro (unfinished). (R.C.S.. Ug. Soc.).
Extensive drafts of a work that was originally planned as a History of
Bunyoro but later became a survey of the problem of the Lost Counties,
or the "Rape of Bunyoro."



1. The solar eclipse in Ankole, Uganda, in 1492; 10 p.; modified version of
C 6. (R.C.S.).
2. History of the Buhweju Saza of Ankole (by Nuwa Mbaguta). (C.U.L.).
3. Traditional history of Buganda; 1969; 10 p.; Synopsis of Kagwa's Base-
kabaka and Ebika. (R.C.S.).
4. Biographical notes and genealogy of the Kabakas of Buganda; 15 p.
5. Gwolyokka of the Sheep Clan; 1960; 4 p. (C.U.L., R.Q.S.).
6. Notes on the Butaka question; c. 1949; 8 p. (R.C.S., Ug. Soc.).
7. Grant and Mutesa; 1968; 5 p. (lt.C.S., Ug. Soc.).
8. Sir John Kirk and Mutesa; 12 p.; modified version of C 10. (R.C.S.),.
9. Gordon and Mutesa; 1962 25 p. (RA.C.S., C.U.L.).
10. Egypt's efforts to annex Buganda; 1962. (C.U.L.)'.
11. The Egyptian occupation of Buganda in 1876 (unfinished); 1967; 1 p. (R.C.S.).
12. Nur Aga's report on the occupation of Buganda; 1968; 19 p. (R.C.S., Ug.
13. The Khedive's reaction to 'the evacuation of Rubaga by Egyptian troops in
1876; 1965; 5 p. (R.C.S., Ug. Soci., N.U.).
14. Emin and Mutesa; 24 p. (R.C.S., Ug. Soq.).
15. The Macdonald inquiry, 1892; 1953; 4 p. (R.C.S., Ug. Soc.)..
16. Report on the claims of Semei B. Kakunguru against the Government of
the Uganda Protectorate, including a sketch of Kakunguru's career, 1888-
1904; 1924h (Entebbe Secretariat Archives, Public Record Office CO 536/135)
17. Early European visitors to Bunyoro, 1862-1872; 15 p. (R.C.S., Ug. Soc.).
18. Gordon's plan to capture Kabarega in 1876; 2 p.
19. Kabarega and the C.M.S.; 7 p. (Ug. Soc.).
20. Kabarega and Islam; 2 p.
21. Kabarega and Lugard; 4 p.
22. Anfina Mupena; 1967; 5 p. (R.C.S., Ug. Soc.).
23. The Banyoro and Acholi embassy to the Mahdists in 1898; 1 p. (R.C.S., Ug.
24. The Lost Counties of Bunyoro; 5 p. Draft article probably for The Times.
(R.C.S., Ug. Soc.).
25. Nyabingi. (C.U.L.)k
26. Lieutenant von Stuemer's account of his encounter with Nyabingi.
27. Speke and missionary work in Uganda; 3 p. (R.C.S.).
28. Philip O'Flaherty, missionary and translator; 1968; 3 p. (R.C.S.).
29. Charles Gordon and the lake regions of central Africa, 1874-1880; 1949;
93 p. (C.U.L.).
30. Gordon and Equatoria; 1965; 19 p. From family letters in the Moffitt col-
lection in the British Museum. (R.C.S., D.U., Ug. Soc.).
31. Revision of portions of G. Birkbeck Hill, Gordon in central Africa, incor-
porating items from the Moffitt and other collections. (R.C.S., D.U.).
32. Gordon and Uganda; several incomplete drafts. (R.C.S.).
33. Chaill6-Long; 1964..

1 Notes on Zanzibar antiquities; 19 p. (R.C.S.).
2 Notes on the ancient monuments of Zanzibar and Pemba; (R.C.S.).
3 Some recent discoveries at Uroa on the east coast of Zanzibar; 1957; 14 p.
(R.C.S., C.U.L., B.I.H.A.E.A., D.S.U.),
4 Notes on an inscribed stone found at Uroa, Zanzibar; 1957; 5 p (R.C.S.),
5 The Hadimu and Tumbatu of Zanzibar; 1955; 41 p.; partly incorporated
in History of Zainzibar, Vol., 1. (C.U.L., R.C.S., D.S.U., N.U.).,
6 Notes on Zanzibar history supplied to Lord Hailey. (C.U.L.).
7. History and administration of Zanzibar; 1956; 5 p.; prepared for the
Zanzibar Biennial Report, 1957-1958. (R.C.S.).


8 British trade with Zanzibar in the 1830's; partly incorporated in History
of Zanzibar, Vol. 1. (C.U.L.).
9 The early days of the British community at Zanzibar, 1835-1857; partly
incorporated in History of Zanzibar, Vol. 1. (C.U.L).
10 The transfer by Seyyid Said bin Sultan of his capital from Muscat to
Zanzibar; partly incorporated in Histoi'y of Zanzibar, Vol. 1. (C.U.L.).
11 The severance of connections between Zanzibar and Oman; partly incor-
porated in History of Zanzibar. Vol. 1. (C.U.L.).
12 Calenders of the correspondence of British Consuls in Zanzibar; with
introductory essays. (C.U.L.),
13 Sir John Kirk; 1961; 22p., Library Talk, R.C.S., (R.C.S.),
14 I.B.E.A. Co's compensation claim against the Zanzibar Government; 1964.
(Zanzibar Archives).
15 Letter to The Times on Zanzibar; 31 Jan. 1964. (R.C.S.).
16 History of Pemba; 1951. (C.U.L.),
17 Notes on excavations at Ras Mkumbuu; 1958; 7 p., (R.C.S.).
18 Bull baiting in Pemba; 1955; 24 p. (C.U.L., R.C.S4, D.S.U., N.M.).
19 Report and inventory of the Zanzibar Government archives by a committee
under the Chairmanship of Sir John Gray: 1954; 122 p. (folio); Residency
Secretariat, Peace Memorial Museum, High Court, Administrator-General
and German Consulate archives. (Zanzibar Archives, Foreign and Com-
monwealth Office Library).
20 Report in archives outside Zanzibar relating to the history of Zanzibar; c
1957; 9 p. (R.C.S.),


1 Two chapters (Vasco da Gama's Voyage: The British Protecctorate at
Mombasa, 1824-1826) giving a short history of the British Coast from 1498
to 1885; 17 p. (R.C.S., D.S.U., N.U.).
2 Turkish connections with East Africa in the sixteenth century; 36 p.
(C.U.L., R.C.S.).
3 Portuguese and Turks in East Africa in the sixteenth century; partly
incorporated in History of Zanzibar. Vol. 1. (C.U.L.).
4 The amount of the Kilwa tribute: 1954; 6 p. (R.CS.).
5 Extracts from William Alley's log-book of his visit to East Africa in 1667
1956; 15 p.; with introduction and notes. (R.C.S.).
6 Mombasa in 1667; 14 p.; William Alley's log book. (R.C.S.. N.U.).
7 Eighteenth century charts of the East African Coast; 1960; 21 p.; based
on A. Dalrymple's Charts of South and East Africa. (R.C.S.).
8 The Mazrui at Mombasa; partly incorporated in The British in Mombasa
1824-1826. (C.U.L.).
9 History of the Wajomwa. (C.U.L.).
10 History of the Wachangamwe. (C.U.L.).
11 Mombasa past and passing; 62 p. (R.C.S.)j
12 A report by American missionaries on East Africa, 1839: 1955: 14 p.; From
the Missio'nart Herald, with Introduction and notes. (R.C.S.. D.S.U.).
13 Notes on Saidi Chaurembo's account of the early history of Dar es Salaam;
1955; 5 p. (R.C.S.).
14 Antimony in Doruma country: 1958; 3 p. (R.C.S.).
15 Extract from the Proces-Verbal of the International Commission, 1885-1886;
1955; 3p. Proceedings at Kilwa 20-23 Jan. 1886; introductory note (R.C.S.).
1 Introduction to a proposed reprint of Francis Moore's Travels into the
inland parts of Africa: c. 1969. (Hakluyt Society).
2 Captain Speke's Expedition. Vol. 3 (Peace Memorial Museum, Zanzibar);
1955: with introduction and notes. (C.U.L.).
3 Bin Habib bin Salim el Afifi (flor. 1855-1863); 3 p. (R.C.S.. Ug. Soc., D.S.U.).
4 Gordon and Baker: 2 p. (R.C.S.& Ug. Soc.).
5 Gordon, Lone and the proposed Egyptian march from Victoria Nyanza to
Mombasa; 1964. (C.U.L.).


6 Stanley's despatch of fifty 'Freemen' to Livingstone in 1872; 1963, 4 p.
(C.U.L., R.C.S.).
7 Stanley's early treaties in Uganda; 4 p.; additional notes to C 51. (R.C.S.).
8 Report on the proceedings of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition by H. M.
Stanley; 1957 42 p.; extracted from the Zanzibar Archives with an
introductory note.
9 Sergeant William Bonny of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition; 1969; 10 p.
10 William Hoffmann; 1962; 2p. (R.C.S.)-


1 Emin. Felkin, William Mackinnon and the Imperial British East African
Association; 6 p. (R.C.S.),
2 Correspondence relating to Emin Pasha in 1890; 1953; 22 p. (R.C.S.).
3 Correspondence relating to Emin Pasha's approaches to the I.B.E.A.
Company in 1890; 1965; 51 p. (R.C.S., C.U.L.).
4 Three documents relating to Emin Pasha's employment by the I.B.E.A.
Company, 1888-1889; 1964; 15 p.; with preliminary note. (R.C.S.).
5 Correspondence of Emin Pasha with Robert William Felkin, 1878-1886;
17 p. (R.C.S.).
6 Felkin and Emin; 6 p. (R.C.S.).
7 Robert William Felkin; 6 p. (R.C.S.).


1 Witchcraft and the law in East Africa. (C.U.L.).
2 Pamphlet in the Dar es Salaam Museum commemorating the tenth anniver-
sary in 1900 of the forces 'in German East Africa; 1955; 7 p.; with
introductory note., (R.C.S.).
3 Ex Native K.A.R. Officers attending the Prince of Wales in 1928; 1963;
4 Review of R. Oliver's The missionary factor in East Africa, 1953; 9 p.
5 Amendments to R. Hill's Biographical dictionary of the Sudan; 1967.

P UNPUBLISHED TRANSLATIONS (with introductory notes).

1. The Book of Pleasure(Consolation) concerning the History of Kilwa; 1955;
71 p.; collates the Arabic Chronicle of Kilwa Kisiwani with J. de Barros,
Da Asia. (R.C.S., C.U.L.).
2. Swahili history of Kilwa Kisiwani; 1955; 15 p.; Swahili Chronicle from C.
Velten, Prosa und Poetrie der Suaheli. (R.C.S.)-
3. The former history of Kilwa Kivinji; 1955; 13 p.; the Swahili Chronicle.
4. J. F. Charpentier de Cossigny, Memoir regarding the East African Coast;
1964; 23 p. (R.C.S., C.U.L.,
5. Portuguese Chronicle of Kilwa Kisiwani; 1955; 22 p.; from J. de Barros,
Extractos da Asia, 1552. (R.C.S.).
6. J. dos Santos, Aethiopia Oriental (with an appendix containing extracts
from D. de Couto, Da Asia); 1964; 71 p. (R.C.S., C.U.L., F.J.M.).
7. P. B. de Rezende, Description of the Fortress of Mombasa; 31 p.; revised
version of D 2 using the Sloane (British Museum) and Evora MSS. (R.C.S.)..
F.J.M., D.S.U., N.U.).
8. Table of Expenditure at the Fortress of Mombasa from a MS in the Public
Library of Tavora; 3 p. (R.C.S., F.J.M.).



Sir John Gray, as already noted in the introduction, left a collection of
papers as extracts from archival material and translations from sources in
foreign languages. These papers are listed below as they may also be valuable
aids to research historians later. In section R the first 13 entries relate to
Zanzibar; items 14 to 21 relate to the rest of the East African Coast; items
22 to 24 relate to the exploration of the interior and item 25 relates to Uganda.


1. Visit of H.M.S. Imoer.e to Zanzibar, 1834; Capt, H. Hart's notes; 14 p.
2. Log-book of the bark Star's visit to Zanzibar, 1844; 3 p. R.C.S.).
3. Visit of the Sultan's ship Caroline to England, 1845-1846; 11 p. (R.C.S.).
4. Bombay QGvernment Records, No. XXIV, 1856, relating to the Persian Gulf
and Zanzibar; 29 p. (R.C.S.).
5. Proceedings if the Muscat-Zanzibar Commission, 1860-1861; Commissioner
Coghlan; 34 p. (R.C.S.).
6. Notes on cases in the British Consular Court at Zanzibar, 1859-1865; mainly
slavery cases; 14 p. (R.C.S.).
7. Vice-Admiralty Court Proceedings, Zanzibar, 1867-1870; slave-ship captures;
15 p. (R.C.S.).
8. Zanzibar correspondence of Edmund Roberts (1828) and Charles Ward
(1850-1851); 12 p. (R.C.S.).
9. Memoir of Richard Palmer Waters, Bulletin of the Essex Institute, 20,
(1888); 8 p. (R.C.S.).
10. Arabic correspondence of Sultan Barghash,etc., 1885-1889; 8 p. (R.C.S.,
11. Correspondence from the German Consular archives at Zanzibar, 1885-1909;
8 p. (R.C.S.).
12 Report to General Matthews on house owners and occupiers in Zanzibar
Towr by R. A. Vallee, 1893; 12 p. (R.C.S.)
13. U.M.C.A. Zanzibar Diary, 1864-1908, and three letters from Bishop Tozer,
1864; 40 p. (D.S.U., R.C.S.).
14. Purcras His Pilgrimes II: Account of the capture of a Mombasa frigate
by he Richard; 4 p. (R.C.S., F.J.M.,, N.U.).
15. Lieut, Jacobus Johannes (James) Reitz of the British Navy by Lyndall
Gregg (Reitz's grand-nephew); 7 p. (R.C.S.).
16. History of the Bajuni by Suleiman bin Surur EI-Marthiny; translated from
the Arabic Kurratil-Ayan-Fi Nusbatil; Mombasa 1943; 10 p. (R.C.S.).
17. Capt. Playfair's Report to the Bombay Government on the Wanika country;
9 April 1864; including descriptions of the C.M.S. and U.F.M.C. Missions;
8 p. (R.C.S.).
18. Correspondence on the British Vice-Consulate at Kilwa Kivinji, 1883-1885;
12 p. (R.C.S.).
19. Precis of the Report on the Maji Maji Rebellion by Court von Goetzen; 26
December 1905; 5 p. (R.C.S., Ug. Soc.)
20, Appeal judgement on the land claims of the three tribes of Mombasa by
Bonham-Carter; 1913; 16 p. (R.C.S.).
21. Papers in the Zanzibar Archives and Peace Memorial Museum concerning
Krapf, Rebmann and Erhardt, including Rebmann's account of the Wanika;
38 p. (R.C.S.).
22. Correspondence relating to Livingstone, and Stanley's Search Expedition,
1865-1878; (R.C.S.).
23. Tippoo Tib's Letter to Frederic Holmwood on the Emin Pasha Relief Ex-
pedition; 21 July 1887; Peace Memorial Museum ARCH/343; 5 p. (R.C.S.,
Ug. Soc.).
24. Correspondence relating to Emin Pasha, and the Emin Pasha Relief Expe-
dition, 1885-1889; 132 p. (R.C.S., Ug. Soc., D.S.U.).
25. Cardinal Lavigerie and the neutralisation of Uganda; the Jackson Expe-
dition of 1889-1890; 23 p. (R.C.S.).


1. Articles on tribal history, customs etc., from Muwno. (R.C.S.).
2. Pierre Blancard: Manuel de Commerce des Indes et de la Chine. (R.C.S.).
3. Morice: Project for an Establishment on ithe East Coast of Africa: 1777;
with a questionnaire addressed to Morice; 22 p. (R.C.S.).
4. Father Jeronimo Lobo; Relation Historique d'Abissinie; 1728; the Portuguese
version is dated 1624; 4 p. (R.C.S., F.J.M., N.U.).
5. M. Heepe: Suaheli Chronik von Pate 1928; 11 p. (R.C.S.).
6. J. Krapf: Arabic Chronicle of Mombasa; Ausland 1858; 6 p. (R.C.S.).
7. Faria y Sousa: Asia Portuguesa; 1665; 47 p. (R.C.S., F.J.M., D.S.U., N.U.).
8. A. Bocarro: Decada XIII; 1876; 20 p. (R.C.S. Ug. Soc., DI.S.U., N.U.).
9. S. Viterbo: Trmbalhous Nauticos; Visit of a French Ship to Kilwa. 1527;
10. M. de Ave Maria: Ma'nuel Eremetico da Congregacao da India Oriental;
1817; 12 p. (R.C.S.).
11. De Castanheda: Historia do Descobremonto e Conquista da India pelos
Portugueses; 7 p. (R.C.S.. F.J.M.).
12. F. Barretto: Relacao da Viagem Q Fizerao os Pes da Companhia de Jesus;
6 p. (R.C.S.).
13 G. de San'to Bernardino; Itinerario da India ate esto Reino de Portugal;
1611; 10 p. (R.C.S., D.S.U.).
14. A. da Costa Veiga: Relacao das Plantas ...da India Oriental; 1936; 4 p.
(R.C.S., F.J.M.).
15. 'Description of Mombasa', a collection of papers including translations from
P. de Rezende, A. Bocarro, J. de Barros, J. dos Santos, Paris y Sousa,
Vasco da Gama. (R.C.S., F.J.M., N.U.).
16. Miscellaneous French and German Records relating to the East Coast of
Africa (R.C.S.).

Uganda Journal, 35, 2, (1971), pp. 175-184.



At present three types of site have been investigated and described in
Ankole and Kigezi; (i) the stone age site at Nsongezi, (ii) the capital sites
and tombs of the Abagabe of Ankole, and (iii) the site associated with
early events in the colonial period. This article attempts to catalogue a
number of places at which two other types of site with historical association
occur and which ought perhaps to have more attention paid to them. They
are firstly petroglyphs (omwesho boards and rock gongs) and secondly
natural rock features which have some connection with people and past
events. The title of this catalogue might well cause a certain perplexity to
the reader so it is necessary to explain what we mean by the terms used. The
English language seems to be deficient in not having words to cover the
various phenomena described here. A Petroglyph is a rock carving. The
word is usually understood to describe man-made marks in rock. Omwesho
boards and rock gongs are special types of petroglyphs and should be
separated out and be known as petroludes (that is games which are played
on carved rocks) and petrophones (rocks which are used to produce sound).
The other rocks described, that is Kahaya's well in Kamwezi, Muhumuza's
foot-prints on Nyamunyoni hill, Ruganzu's marks in Bufumbira and Katen-
gatenga, near Rwashamaire, are not petroglyphs since they have not been
carved. The term petromyth seems to be necessary. In the Concise Oxford
Dictionary a myth is described as a "purely fictitious narrative usually in-
volving supernatural persons, and embodying popular ideas on natural
phenomena." It is possible that some of these petromyths could be associated
with actual events, for example Kahaya's meeting at Kamwezi, but the
actual formation of the well is a myth. Also the persons involved have had
supernatural powers ascribed to them, rather than they themselves being
supernatural. Thus, petromyths may be taken to be stories attached to rocks
which have distinctive natural marks on them or distinctive natural shapes
whose formation is attributed to historical (or fictitious) persons (or crea-
tures) possessed with supernatural powers.


Omwesho boards:
These have been located in most districts but as far as we aware none
have been reported before from this part of Uganda.

1. Ngoma: map 94/1, GR 839757, Ml
Five weathered and irregular boards on separate outcrops of phyllite
along a spur of Nyamunyonyi hill. The boards were partly covered by soil
and grass. They occur close together at about 5300 feet, 300 feet above the
lower plains to the east. These boards were said to have been made by local


people on the orders of Kitami, the Munyarwanda priestess who founded
the Nyabingi cult.

2. Nyamunyonyi hill: map 94/1, GR 849725, M2
One regular and only slightly weathered board developed on a flat
weathered joint plane in granite. The rock occurs at 6000 feet, 1000 feet
above the valley floor to the north, but still 500 feet below the top of Nya-
munyonyi hill on which it lies. The board has holes arranged eight by four
in the standard pattern of boards in East Africa today. It has other holes on
either side which were described as being storage holes for spare stones.
These are not really necessary since no counters are removed from the board
during play. An alternative is that a second board, which overlapped the
first by using one half of it, was being idly constructed. What is of particular
interest is the fact that also on this surface there are pictorial petroglyphs.
This is the only such association we have found and is partly due to the
extent of the surface and the particular qualities of the rock. The petrolyphs
were interpreted in two ways. The marks consist of crescent, or rather sau-
sage shaped holes and circular holes. Group (a) represents two ponds of
water with close to the three circular drinking troughs, which the Bahima
traditionally use for watering their cattle and which are built up of circular
clay walls. Group (b) can probably be interpreted in the same way, but
could also possibly represent the two horns and eyes of an animal drinking
from out of a trough. The marks are really plans rather than pictures. The
marks were there 'when their fathers came here' according to the cultiva-
tors living at the bottom of the hill. This valley, in common with other areas
on the borders of Ankole and Kigezi, has been traditionally grazed by Ba-
hima and in particular Tutsi pastoralists. Since the expansion of the popula-
tion the scarp foot sites have been settled by migrants from Kigezi who have
pushed away the herders. Forty years ago this valley was open grassland
in contrast to the banana plantations and general cultivation of today. This
board, in common with all except one of the boards we saw, seemed not to
be used today. Knowledge of the existence of this rather unusual rock
seemed to be very uncertain and localised.

3. Kyobwe: map 94/1, M3
The name Kyobwe is used over a larger area than is suggested by the
1:50,000 map. On the southern side of Kyanzeire hill there are twelve
boards in three groups. They lie on the hillside facing across the valley to
site 2.
(a) At 839,757 three weathered and irregular, boards on separate gritty
surfaces of weathered granite, lying on the top of a spur 950 feet above
the valley floor.
(b) At 838,755 about eight weathered boards on two neighboring
weathered and gritty granite surfarces, on the side of the spur but still
about 850 feet above the valley floor.
These sites perhaps epitomise the way in which the boards occur. The
holes are irregular in size and shape so that the degree of development varies
considerably. Also their arrangement is rather haphazard so that it is diffi-
cult to trace out a complete board. Boards overlap adding to the confusion
and when the natural surface is pitted and generally contorted, man's ham-
mering, and nature, seem to produce the same result. It was frequently not

M6 /



us Fo M3
._ MI

4.+ International boundary '\-/
. District boundary
.. Main roads
]-- Papyrus swamp
-- Land 6000feet
MI Ngoma
M2 Nyamunyoni
M3 Kyobwe (and Rock Gongs)
M4 Kaina IN'
M5 Karwabukyakya o-- <
M6 Nyarushanje
G] Kamwez.i +Rock Gongs
PI Kigeri 3 died near here 0 5 10
P2 Muhumuza's Foot Prints :, ..


possible to say what exactly the dimensions were, but eight by four seemed
to be what they were trying to produce. There was no evidence of any
other dimensions being tried.
(c) At 837,750 one omwesho board, well developed, set in a smooth
granite surface in the middle of a well-used path. It was claimed that this
had been made by local cultivators during their youth and that it is still in
use today.
4. Kaina: map 94/1, GR 837,777, M4
Two boards have been reported but not visited.
5. Karwabukyakya: map 94/1, GR 816,837, M5
On a bedding plane surface of phyllite, dipping steeply at about seventy
degrees to the southeast, an arrangement of shallow holes. This site lies
near the foot of the steeply rising hill mass about 400 feet above the arena
floor to the east at 5,200 feet. This occurrence is most peculiar since the
holes are on a naturally inclined surface which is much too steep to hold

AT 849725, M2


6. Nyarushanje: map 93/2, M6
Two sites at different levels on the same spur just to the southeast of
the Catholic mission house.
(a) At 332,883 on a slight level of a fairly narrow spur at 6,600 feet,
about 1000 feet above the valley below. Five boards, only one of which is
eight by four and thus complete and regular. They occur, on phyllite bedding
surfaces which are dipping at about thirty degrees to the south, that is into
the hillside, thus producing rather useful playing surfaces.
(b) At 332,888, at 5,900 feet just above the valley floor. Here there
were six incomplete boards developed, one of which has a bush growing
vigorously across it. The rocks were the same as higher up the hill.
The distribution of omwesho boards.
The omwesho boards seem to have a distinct pattern of distribution.
Kajara county in southwestern Ankole is the type area for. the development
of the geomorphological feature known as an arena. These broad open
rolling grasslands underlain by granite surrounded by 1000 feet high ridges
of Karagwe-Ankolean quartzites and phyllites. The quartzites form back-
bones to the ridges and often outcrop as rocky cliffs. The omwesho boards
occur on the sides of the hills either on the phyllite bedding planes or wea-
thered granite surfaces.
It is likely that many more occur scattered in this type of site. We
cannot pretend to have covered the area at all systematically. However
within the arena floor very few rock outcrops occur. On the tops of the
ridges the rock type is quartzite which although providing a smooth surface
on which to produce boards is much too hard. The phyllite in these places
is also quite hard due to being baked during the emplacement of the granite.
The boards would not wear and weather out so quickly as they would on
surfaces in the main part of southern Kigezi where the phyllites still lie
thickly above any granite intrusions. The baked phyllite is sometimes shat-
tered and so does not always provide a suitable surface.
The first criterion then in considering their distribution must be based
on understanding the geology of the area.
The second major factor is to consider who made the boards. In en-
quiring about their origin five types of answer were offered, with which
(i) God, i.e. they are natural and have always been there.
(ii) Kings or priestesses, who had supernatural powers, e.g. group
one at Ngoma.
(iii) Children, who made them as a childhood craze.
(iv) The person being interviewed, who constructed it himself when
a child, e.g. group 3c at Kyobwe.
(v) The Bahima or Banyarwanda herders, e.g. group 2 on Nyamun-
yonyi hill.
Rather than discuss the merits of each case in turn, it is easier simply
to state the conclusions we came to. It is difficult to see how omwesho
boards can be dated. Lanning' in referring to Uganda as a whole, makes
the cryptic comment "some of these rock-cut boards are undoubtedly (sic)
ancient, though it is evident that others are in fact modern." The only
boards which really appeared recent were group 2 and group 3c, the latter
partly because they occurred on a pathway. All the others appeared older
since they were clearly unused, being weathered and sometimes partly cover-


ed with soil and vegetation. People were not usually aware of them and even
if they did know, regarded them as a curiosity, hence the first two types of
answer. It is possible that they were constructed by children, but the main
objection is that omwesho is generally regarded as a more adult game2 and
is regarded as being equivalent to chess. It seems to be commonly agreed
amongst our informants that although omwesho is a truly national game to-
day, traditionally the cultivators, the Bakiga and probably the Bairu did
not play it; again that the Bahima learnt it from the Banyarwanda (Watu-
tsi). This part of Ankole (Kajara county) and the Kamwezi part of Rukiga
county in Kigezi seems to be a regular melting pot of peoples. In the plains
live the Bahima and the Banyarwanda, at the foot of the hills live the Ban-
yanko'e and in the hills the Bakiga and Batwa. No less than five groups
distinguish themselves from one another in this small area. The fact that
this area has been considerably influenced by the Banyarwanda perhaps
helps to explain why there seem to be more boards here than elsewhere in
Ankole or Kigezi. It would be interesting to see to what degree they occur
further, south across the present political border.
We would suggest, then, that they were made by adult cattle herders,
with time on their hands and a good view around them over the grassy hill
slopes and plains below. Since the herders no longer predominate in these
areas but have been eased out by the cultivators, the boards were probably
made more than forty years ago, before the present inhabitants arrived.
The omwesho boards could indicate an approximate limit to the area over
which the herders grazed.
Rock gongs or petrophones.
Five gongs were located. Naturally their location is determined primarily
by the presence of an exfoliated granite slab lying slightly discordantly away
from the underlying rounded surface wh!ch leaves an air pocket below and
thus allows the slab to resonate.
1. Kamwezi: map 94/1, GR 917,652, G1
Two gongs situated on the same hillside as the well of Kahaya I.
2. Kyobwe: map 94/1, GR 838,750, M3
Two gongs on the same hillside as the twelve omwesho boards. These
were described as still being used today by children who at festivals imitate
their elders using drums. It was also suggested that they had been made
about 20-30 years ago by the present cultivators when they were about
10-15 years old; like the making of omwesho boards it had been a child-
hood craze.
3. lbaare: map 85/3, GR 871,137, (7 kms N.E. of Rwashamaire).
One gong on the same outcrop of boulders as the rocking stone called
Katengatenga. Any interpretation faces problems similar to those of inter-
preting the significance of the omwesho boards. Dating is a problem and
suggesting alternatives to the claim that they were a product of childhood
crazes is difficult; however it is interesting to note that at both Kamwezi
and Ibaare the gongs are located at locally very well known sites, where
other distinctive features occur. Both have been for sometime centres of
attracting people to them. Katengatenga is known today as a meeting place
where, for example, local politicians campaign. Possibly then the signifi-
cance of the gongs was that they could send a distinctive message to gather,
people at these central places.


We have described the man-made rock marks, the omwesho boards
and the rock gongs. In addition there are various natural rock features to
which stories are attached. Three are briefly described here.

1. Kahaya's Well: Kamwezi, map 94/1, GR 917,652, GI
The well is an almost circular hole, eight to ten feet across, within a
large granite outcrop near the margin of the Kamwezi arena. It occurs
about 200 feet above the valley floor on the southern slopes of Kagarama
hill, an area characterized by large granite boulders. The well has an over-
hanging lip and from the general surface has a depth of about three feet.
Evidently in the dry season a uoor debris is exposed. The feature is
unique in this area and so is we:l known as a local landmark and tourist
attraction. The natural origin is probably due to chemical weathering pos-
sibly where the granite contained a chemically weaker xenolith and possibly
assisted by joint planes, whilst the granite was blanketed by a thick weather-
ed overburden.3 The legend is that Kahaya I, Omugabe of Ankole, had
come to meet Mwami Kigeri III Ndabarasa (1708-1741)4 to settle some dis-
pute. It seems possible that such a meeting took place since the two king-
doms were actively in contact wih one another at this time.5 Ndabarasa
invaded Ankole and advanced as far as Masheruka in Shema county, but
Kahaya's son, Rwakyendera, managed to drive the Banyarwanda back.
During the journey back through Kajara, Mwami Kigeri III died near Ru-
bare. The spot can be seen from the main road where there is an autcrop of
gueiss (map 94/1, GR 879,869, PI). The meeting at the well took place
during the dry season when there was a great shortage of water. The king
therefore used his supernatural powers (which all kings were supposed to
have) and struck the rock with his spear and the well appeared. The well
is said never to have dried since that time, but being deep and therefore
dangerous, it was filled with stones during 1930's, the supply no longer, being
required. Close by, there are supposed to be the marks of Kahaya's feet,
his dogs' paws and where he laid his spear, bow and arrows. A last feature
of this place is the rock slide, where cushioned by a bundle of grass it is
possible to proceed down an inclined granite surface with a moderate, but
rather unstable, momentum.

2. Muhumuza's footprints: map 94/1, 867,725, P2
At this place there is a small pond trapped by indurated quartzite-
laterite. On a quartzite boulder here are some smooth patches which were
made by the feet of Queen Muhumuza, who for about 14 years had her
house nearby at Rutobo, close to where the Mbarara-Kabale road crosses
the Ankole-Kigezi border. Muhumuza was the wife of Mwami Kigeri IV
Rwabugiri.6,7 After his death in 1895, his sons disputed the succession. The
mother of the successful contender, Yuhi V Musinga (1895-1931), decided
to consolidate their position by eliminating all the other close relations.
Muhumuza had to flee, and settled at Rutobo, which was a border region
between the Banyarwanda and the Bakiga. From here she seems to have
exercised considerable local authority since the Germans had her captured
in 1909 and deported to Bukoba, since she was regarded as a threat to Mu-
singa. In 1911 she escaped with Ndungutse, her son, and returned to Ru-
tobo. Almost immediately she set out into Kigezi in an attempt to reassert

Sf *. International boundary
4 -._ Bufumbira county
0 Lckes
L Lava

[ Land >7000 feet
RI Near Muganza hill
R2 Near Buganza
R3 Near Mukuya hill
Lake Y I R Busanza
Mufanda '


4 \ \ \<\

!\ \ \ \

+ ++l- 0 5 10

K ilometres


her influence and so in the long run overthrow Musinga. In a short fight
at Ihanga, about 10 kms. north of Kabale, she was captured, though Ndun-
gutse escaped, and was interned in Kampala until her death in 1945.

3. Katengatenga: map 85/3, GR 871,137.
Katengatenga, meaning something large which is moved with little
effort, is a high, granite boulder about 8 feet high, which can be slightly
rocked. One interesting characteristic of the rock is that in the eyes of the
local inhabitants it appears to be growing, which well it might as the story
of its strange ability is retold. It would be well worthwhile recording the
various stories which are related about it, since it is not unlikely that im-
portant events could have occurred at places such as this, where a distinc-
tive local landmark is obviously a suitable place at which to hold meetings.

Ruganzu's petromyths in Bufumbira.
Ruganzu II Ndoli was 18th of the 31 Tutsi kings, and is estimated to
have reigned from 1510-1543.4 Bufumbira in Uganda must have been a
peripheral part of his kingdom. This is a record of four of the locations
where rock marks associated with Ruganzu are to be found. Again this is
a subject which should be more fully recorded, particularly since his legend-
ary activities tend to the spectacular. For example many of the lava tunnels
which are found in the Kisoro plain are said to have been formed by this
energetic king as he mysteriously moved from one area to another. The
petromyths are really tied to the areas underlain by lava, since it is with
this rock type that the most varied contortions occur. It would be interest-
ing to discover what petromyths there are in other areas around the Virunga
range in Rwanda and Zaire.

1. Chahi gombolola: map 93/3, GR 027,565, RI
The left foot imprint of Ruganzu (about size 8) set in lava without toe
prints. The print was made as he fired an arrow into the ash and cinder
cone of Muganza, which lies to the east. Since the print faces west he would
have had to turn his body right round in order to fire. The arrow struck
into the hill and water began flowing out. The stream has dried up but a
tree still marks the position.

2. At Kugatwe ka Bunagana (at the head of Bunagana), Nyarusiza gom-
bolola, map 93/3, GR 904,542, R2
The photograph shows the very fine folded lava which is not so severely
cracked that it cannot contain water. The four troughs (Ibibumbira in Run-
yarwanda) were used for Ruganzu's animals, his dogs, goats, cows and sheep
respectively from left to right. About 50 yards away there are marks in a
lava boulder which indicate the place where Ruganzu laid his sinde (rain-
cape, usually made of banana fibres) and his bows and arrows. Unfortu-
nately the top of the rock has been removed recently so that the features
are incomplete. Nearby is a fairly short tunnel about 20 yards long, one of
many created by Ruganzu as he disappeared from one place to another.

3. Chahi gombolola: map 93/3, GR 972,608, R3
Beside the track leading to Lake Mutanda around the northern end of
Muhuya hill there is a large quartzite boulder on which there are four pairs


of footmarkss.' They are only shallow depressions which, due to their varia-
tion in size, are attributed to various members of Ruganzu's family.

4. Busanza gombolola: map 93/1, GR 899,671, R4

In the stream bed developed on phyllite are the buttock marks of the king
himself along with the paw prints of his dogs, thus indicating that Ruganzu
once rested here whilst hunting.


This brief catalogue is incomplete. A much more systematic line of
approach is required if any worthwhile results are to be obtained. We feel
that its value might lie in suggesting a wide field of basic research which
could be easily covered by secondary students on their own or. in groups
by covering defined areas such as gombololas. The petromyth sites might
reveal interesting aspects of local history and a study of omwesho boards
might, if seen in a larger context, give some insight into earlier distributions
of pastoralists.


The authors are indebted to a large number of people including George
Lamb, who really initiated the whole process of investigation, James Bya-
gaba, Silvester Kabatwale, Danny Kareju, Amos Karutiza, Geoffrey Nda-
gije, John Parry-Williams, Maurice Reeve, Father John Sandom and the
Rev. David Weekes and Jimmy Kazaala.


1. Lanning, E.C. 1956 'Rock-out Mwesho boards'. (Uganda J. 20, no. 1, pp.
2. Meriam, P. 1953 The game of Kibuguza amongst the Abatutsi of N.E.
Rwanda. (Man. 53, no. 262.)
3. Macdonald, R. Department of Geology, Makerere University, Private com-
munication, 26 November, 1971.
4. Kagame, A. 'La Notion de generation appliquee a la genealogie dynastie'.
Memoires Academie Royale des Sciences Coloniales, 1959, p. 87.
5. Katere, A.G. and Kamugungunu, IA. Abagabe B'Ankole, Vol. 1, 1955, p. 105.
6. Ngologoza, P. Kigezi and its people. Kampala, East African Literature
Bureau, 1969, pp. 51-55.
7. Louis, W.R. Ruanda-Urundi 1884-1915. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1963,
Chapter XIV.

Uganda Journal, 35, 2 (1971), pp. 185-188.



H. F. Morris, giving a list of historic sites in Ankole, said "There are,
however, very many other sites of interest in the district which merit re-
cording."' This note is a list of historic sites in Buhweju including those
given by Mr. Morris, but arranged in chronological order. The order follows
the list of kings given in an unpublished manuscript by the late Mr. Nconco,
son of Daudi Ndibarema who was the son of Ndagara the last king of
Buhweju (Mugimba III). This differs from the list given by the late Mr. P.
Kanyumunyu,2 since his is less complete and may have been compiled in
a less scientific way. The aim of Mr. Kanyamunyu was to explain the
coming of the Abalisa clan to Buhweju whereas Mr. Nconco had aimed to
give a history of the kingdom of Buhweju. For comparison, the two king
lists were as follows:-

Rulers of Buhweju
according to Nconco.

Kabundama I Rwahonkondo
Kashoma I Nyamigisha
Mugimba I
Kabundama II Kyangabufunda
Kashoma II Gatukwire
Mugimba II
Kashoma III Kitonera
Mugimba III (Ndagara)
Daudi Nibarema

Rulers of Buhweju
according to Kanyamunyu.

Kabundama I Rwahonkondo
Kashoma I Gatukwire
Kabundama II Kyangabufunda

Karamagi Rusharabaga

Daudi Ndibarema

Graves of the Kings of Buhweju.

1. Khiyoni. He is the first man of the Balisa clan to become king of
Buhweju. According to tradition he received the royal drum from Ndahura.3
He was buried at Kagorogoro where three "barckcloth trees" (Mitooma)
and many Dracaena spp. (Bigorogoro) mark the site of his grave. Nearby
is the site of his kraal which is marked by four barkcloth trees and about
six Dracaena. King's graves are marked by barckcloth trees (Omutooma)
and are called in Runyankore Ebigabiro.

2. Kataizi. He was Kinyoni's brother. He was not a king. He remained
at Kagorogoro while his brother continued his journey to Bunyoro because


he was tired and unable to continue his journey. He settled at Kagorogoro
became a farmer according to the tradition and was buried there, a rather
young barckcloth tree marks the site of his grave. The old tree, which was
planted when Kataizi was buried, was struck by lightning 50 or 60 years
ago and a new one was planted at the same place, it is this new one which
is seen now. Not far from it is the site of his kraal which is marked by two
barkcloth trees and three or five Dracaena. It is difficult to know if these
Dracaena belong to the kraal or if they grew up by themselves. This place is
full of Dracaena and it is for this reason that it is called Kagorogorn

The next three kings were all killed in Bunyoro by the kings of Bun-
yoro, their names are the following: Kabundama I Rwahankindo; Kashoma
I Nyamigisha; and Mugimba I. Their graves are not to be found in Bu-

3. Kabundama II Kyangabufunda. He was Mugimba's son. He was
buried at Karuyenga. This place is in Kashari but not far from Buhweju.
Three barkcloth trees mark his kraal and there are three dung hills (oru-
bungo in Runyankole). The size of the dung hills shows that he had a lot
of cows and the tilled fields nearby are full of cows' bones.

4. Kashoma II Gatukwire. He was Kabundama's son. He was buried
at Butoro where a Dracaena marked his grave, but in 1937 a man started
a coffee plantation on this site and cut this tree. Now only the coffee planta-
tion is to be seen.

5. Mugimba II. He was a son of Kashoma became king and was buried
at Kyamujumbi (Musana). A barkcloth tree and a Dracaena mark his grave.
(No. 45 on Morris' list: grave of an unknown mukama).5

6. Karamagi. He was a son of Mugimba II and was buried at Ntobora
where a large barkcloth tree marks his grave. (No. 40 on Morris' list).

Rukumba, the son of Karamagi was defeated by his brother and retired
to Kihani (in Mitoma). So his grave is not in Buhweju.

7. Rusharabaga. He was a brother of Rukumba was buried at Kitoha
five large and several small barkcloth trees and many Dracaena mark his
grave. Seen from afar it seems that there are only one or two trees, it is
the largest tree which marks the grave of Rusharabaga. (No. 41 on Morris'

8. Kashoma III Kitonera. Son of Rusharabaga was buried at Kyamu-
tara. A barkcloth tree and a Dracaena mark his grave. (No. 43 on Morris'

9. Mugimba III. (Ndagara) son of Kashoma III Kitonera, was buried
at Kikondera and three barkcloth trees and two Dracaena mark his grave
(No. 44 on Morris' list).


z x

i .

& /


-.- County boundary
- Roads

0 10

* *L


i I
, !
'I I

Map of Historic Sites in Buhweju


Other historic sites in Buhweju.

10. At Kishungwe where Mugimba III was killed there are Dracaena
and a large aspidistra like plant (migorogoro). There is also a barkcloth tree
but according to the people of the place it had no connection with this site.

11. At Burigita. Near Butare a large barkcloth tree marks the site
where Kashoma III Kitonera was dwelling. Local people say that when the
Mukama was migrating, the trees of the kraal were cut except the one
which still remains. This was the one where the king offered sacrifice to
the spirits when he was living there and his successor continued to do so.
This tree is called in Runyankore Enjeru.6 (No. 42 on Morris' list).

12. Ntobora. Four Miko (Eryathrine bequaertii) mark the kraal of
Ntare (Omugabe wa Ankore). People told me that there was a Dracaena but
it seems to have been cut. (No. 40 on Morris' list).

13. Njembe in Muruka Mushari, Gombolola Mumyuka, on the border
of Buhweju and Mitooma there is a barkcloth tree which marks another
kraal of Ntare.

1. Morris, H.F. Historic sites in Ankole. Uganda J., 20, 1956, p. 178).
2. Kanyamunyu, P.K,. The tradition of the coming of the Abalisa clan to
Buhweju. (Uganda J, 15, 1951, pp. 191-192).
3. Ibid.
4. These deaths are not recorded in W. Nyakatura, Abakama ba Bunyoro, but
in correspondence Mr. Nyakatura confirms that these three were killed in
5. Following the writing of Morris' article referred to above Father Clechet
and H. F. Morris exchanged.views. Morris points out that the planting of
barkcloth trees (mutooria) took place twice; once at or near each Omu-
kama's rurembo, this being the njeru (Enjeru); and secondly to mark the
grave. In this earlier correspondence Father Clechet maintained that this
barkcloth tree at the site of Morris' unknown Mukama was an Enjeru,
and that "it does not mark a grave." This seems to conflict with his
present statement. See 'Historic sites in Ankole', (Uganda J, 23, pp.
89-90.) (Ed.)
6. Ibid.

Uganda Journal, 35, 2, (1971) pp. 189-194.



Class inclusion operations, according to Piaget,1 relate to the child's
ability to manipulate part-whole relationships within a set of categories.
The simplest operation is concerned with classifying objects according to
their similarity and their differences. This is accomplished by including sub-
classes within larger and more inclusive general classes, a process implying
logical inclusion. According to Piaget, such a classification is not acquired
until around seven or, eight years of age. Before that age, at the pre-opera-
tional level, logical inclusion is not evident. To illustrate, if a pre-operational
child is shown a group of animals, some of which are dogs and the others
of which are cows, and is asked whether there are more cows than animals,
he is unable to respond correctly. Piaget attributes this ability to the fact
that the pre-operational child reasons either on the basis of the whole or of
the parts. He cannot understand that the part is complementary to the rest
and he says there are more cows than animals or as many cows as animals.
He does not understand the inclusion of the sub-class of cows in the class
of animals. It is only around seven or eight, according to Piaget, that a child
is capable of solving a problem of inclusion.
A number of investigators have suggested that ability to abstract in
this specific case, to classify -- is affected by whether or not the individual
lives in an urban or rural setting, and whether or not the individual has had
any formal schooling. Greenfield, Reich and Olver,2 for instance, have
discovered a difference between urban and rural children, and a larger differ-
ence between children who have been to school and those who have not.
The authors describe the difference in both cases as a difference between
abstractness and concreteness. They believe that the difference between the
city child and the rural child derives from a differential exposure to problem
solving and communication in situations that are not supported by context.
Rural life, the authors believe, is somewhat less conducive to the develop-
ment of abstraction. The more striking difference, however, is the difference
between schooled and unschooled children. "Schooling appears to be the
single most powerful factor we 'have found in the stimulation of abstraction."3
The present exploratory investigation was aimed at tapping the classifi-
cation abilities of Iteso unschooled adults living in a rural area. The study of
Greenfield, Reich and Olver suggests that unschooled rural adults would
respond to classificatory tasks in the same way as unschooled children.


Subjects. The subjects were 65 men and 15 women selected from Omiito
Village of Teso. None of the subjects, according to information obtained by
the interviewers had had any formal schooling, apart from catechism class-
es. The interviewers were two school-teachers from a nearby school paid to


assist the author who was conducting a similar investigation among school-
chi'dren. The interviews were conducted individually, and recorded verbatim
in Ateso. The Ateso version was later translated into English. Procedures
for interview were role-played several times in Ateso by the teachers doing
the actual interviewing.

Tasks. The first task deals with the sorting of an array of objects. The last
two tasks deal with part-whole relationship.
Task 1. A mixed array of animals, three cows, three goats, three sheep
and three dogs, one of each of which is red, black, and green, is presented
to the subject. The subject is then asked to place animals "that go together"
in any way at all. After the subject 'has done this, he is then asked to ex-
plain the basis for, his sorting.
Task 2. The material for this task consists of seven toy cows and two toy
dogs, forming the class of animals (B); one sub-class of cows (A), and another
of dogs (A'). The subject is first asked to name the animals the cows and
dogs in turn to provide assurance that he has some notion of the class
"animals." He is then asked how many cows there are, and 'how many dogs.
It is not necessary that he gives the correct number, merely that he recogn-
izes that there are more cows than dogs. The three following questions are
then asked:-
(a) On this table do we have more cows (A) or more animals (B)? Why do
you think so? (b) If you took all the cows (A) to your side, and I kept the
dogs (A') on my side who would have more animals? Why do you say so?
(c) On this table do we have more animals (B) or more cows (A)? Why do
you think so?
Task 3. In this task there are eight figures differing in colour and shape.
Among the four blue figures are two circles and two squares. The four white
figures are all squares. The class of blue figures (B) contains two circles
(A) and two squares (A'). The class of squares (D) contains four white
squares (C) and two blue squares (C'). The following questions are asked:-
(a) Are all squares (D) white (C)? Why do you say so? (b) Are all the blue
ones (B) circles (A)? Why do you say so? (c) Are there more circles (A)
or are there more blues (B)? Why do you say so? (d) Are there more blue
things (B) than there are squares (D) or. the same (B+D), or fewer (B-D)?
Why do you say so?
In the last two tasks, test questions are of two kinds:- one kind of
question poses the subject two options to indicate whether the super-ordinate
class or a single sub-class is larger. Another kind of question poses three
options:- the super-ordinate class is larger, or the sub-class is larger, or
they are the same. In both the tasks all the sections, except one, contain
unequal numbers of objects in sub-classes.

Categorization and Scoring of Data: Sorting task. This task required the
subject to sort an array of objects on one consistent basis, or on a number
of several possible bases, and to explain the bases for sorting. In a correct
sorting the subject used a consistent criterion or criteria to place objects in
a group. A correct explanation indicated that the subject had an understand-
ing that a group of objects share a similar property. A correct sorting re-
quired both a consistent sorting and a correct explanation. This response
was scored two. A partially correct solution of the task was the one in


which the subject sorted correctly but was unable to give an adequate ex-
planation for the basis of his sort. This response was scored one. An in-
correct solution was scored zero; it was the one in which the subject res-
ponded but made no observable consistent basis for sorting and gave no
adequate explanation for the basis of his sorting. Evidence for the total task
was weighed and the total performance of the task was scored zero if the
evidence for classification was classified as definitely unable to sort on a
consistent basis; one if it was classified as partially able to sort on a consis-
tent basis; and two if it was classified as definitely able to sort on a con-
sistent basis.

Class inclusion tasks. In each subsection of the two tasks an answer and
an explanation were required. In a correct answer the subject indicated that
there were more objects in the super-ordinate class than in either of the
sub-classes forming that super-ordinate class. A correct explanation either
indicated the correct number of objects in it, or focused upon the defining
attributes of the super-ordinate class. A correct solution of the task required
both a correct answer and a correct explanation. A subject who definitely
understood class inclusion relations; that is, one all of whose response were
correct, was scored two. A subject who partially understood inclusion re-
lations one who got two sections correct in task two, and got either of
the last two sections of task three correct scored one. A subject who
gave no evidence of understanding inclusion relations in any of his responses
scored zero. Again, evidence for the total task was weighed and the total
performance on that task was scored zero if the evidence for classification
was classified as definitely unable to answer class inclusion problems cor-
rectly; one if it was classified as partially able to answer class inclusion
problems correctly, and two if it was classified as definitely able to answer
class inclusion problems correctly.


Two kinds of tasks taped the subject's ability to classify; the sorting
task, and the two inclusion relation problems.
Table 1 indicates the number and percent of subjects who sorted cor-
rectly and solved the inclusion relation problems, by task and sex of sub-


Classification in the Various Tasks.
Task. Men Women Total

N % N % N %
Sorting animals 35 53.85 6 40.00 41 51.25
Inclusion: Cows and dogs 32 49.23 5 33.33 37 46.25
Inclusion: Squares and circles 0 0 0 0 0 0

There are 65 men and 15 women, making a total of 80 adults.


From this table it can be seen that only about 50% of men adults and
40% .of women adults were able to sort correctly. The combined total of
correct sorters is about 50%. In the inclusion relation problem using cows
and dogs, again about 50% of men adults, and about 30% of women adults
were able to answer correctly. The combined percentage of adults able to
answer this problem correctly is about 46%. None of the subjects answered
correctly the class inclusion problem using squares and circles. From these
results it may be summarised that contrary to what would be expected from
Piagetian theory the adults in the sample are classifying not 100%, but only
The data were examined to see what pattern of performance on classi-
fication could be detected. Table 2 shows the number and percent of adults
whose performance fell into one of three most common patterns correct
classification in no task; correct classification in only the sorting task; cor-
rect classification in the sorting task and in the inclusion of cows and dogs'
task; and correct classification in all the three tasks. The table also shows
the number and percent of adults whose performance did not fall into these


Patterns of Classification

N %
1. Correct in no task. 23 28.75
2. Correct in only the sorting task. 19 23.75
3. Correct in the sorting task and in the
inclusion of dogs and cows task. 21 26.25
4. Correct in all tasks. 0 0
5. Other patterns 17 21.25

From the above table there does not appear any one pattern predo-
minant among these adults, as the number and percent in patterns 1, 2, 3,
and 5 is about the same. None of the adults shows pattern 4 correct
classification in all tasks. Again, although Piaget suggests that classification
is difficult even for older subjects, it would be expected according to his
theory that a number of adults would be classifying in all the tasks pre-

Description and Explanation of the SortMtg Task. In the sorting task the
subject had an opportunity to sort animals using several possible criteria,
including colour, function and size. After each sort the subject had an
opportunity to explain the basis for putting certain animals together. The
data on the sorting task were analyzed with particular reference to previous
findings concerning the predominance of colour choices over other criteria
in sorting objects by African subjects. The work of Evans and Segall4 con-
ducted in Buganda, for instance, suggests the tendency among Baganda
adults and children to sort primarily on the basis of colour. Similar findings
in other African countries have been recorded by Greenfield, Reich and
Olver2 and Suchman.5


In the present study only unschooled adults were tested and so the
results are presented in terms of those adults who were able to sort on a
consistent basis and those who were not.

Incorrect Sorting of Animals Correct Sorting of Animals

N % N %

Colour 17 43.5 Colour 0 0
Type 0 0 Type 41 100
Function 0 0 Function 0 0
Size 3 7.6 Size 0 0
Other 19 48.9

Total 39 100 Total 41 100

For the sorting task two tables were prepared. One table (table 3)
shows the number of adults who were unable to sort on a consistent basis;
and one table (table 4) shows the number of adults who sorted correctly.
In table 3, the number of adults using colour, is 17 (43.5 percent) out of a
total of 39 who were unable to sort correctly. This finding seems to be in
accord with others where colour has been found to be more predominant
form in African samples. In their explanations subjects gave a number of
justifications which often conflicted with each other. Cows were different
from sheep, "because cows are cows; and sheep are animals."
Turning now to table 4 showing subjects sorting on a consistent basis
it is clear that colour did not play a role as a criterion for sorting. All the
subjects sorting correctly, sorted on *he basis of type of animals. The ex-
planations which the subjects gave to support the basis for their sorting
indicated that they were focussing their attention on the appropriate aspects
of the situation. Thus cows were put together "because they are all one type
of animals." Dogs were put together "because they belong to another type
of animals." The finding regarding correct sorters of animals seems to
suggest that when other possible criteria or bases for sorting are present,
colour, as a basis of sorting does not appear to be as predominant as has
been suggested, at least for the type of task used among this rural sample.

The results of this preliminary investigation of the classificatory abilities
of Iteso rural unschooled adults seem to indicate the usefulness of Piaget's
method in such populations. Although the validity of the investigation, in
part at least, depends on the ability of the interviewers to record exactly
the responses of the subjects, the results suggest trends which seem to be in
line with those of previous investigators looking into the classification
abilities of unschooled adult Africans. This may indicate not only that the
subjects in the present investigation understood the questions posed to them,


but also responded in ways which reflected the way they viewed their world.
The use of a small sample, and the interviewers who may not have been
previously experienced in Piagetian enquiries and interviewing techniques,
suggest the need for further work in order to understand the nature of
cognitive development in unschooled populations.


1. Piaget, J., The psycholoau of intelligence. Paterson, New Jersy, Little
Adams, 1966.
2. Greenfield, P.M., Reich, L.C. and Olver, R.R., On culture and equivalence-
II. In Bruner, J. (Ed.), Studies in cognitive growth. New York, Wiley. 1966.
3. Ibid., p. 315.
4. Evans, J. L. and Segall, M. H., 'Learning to classify by colour and by
function. A study of concept discovery by Ganda children.' (Journal of
Social Psychology. 77, 1969 pp. 35-53.)
5. Suchman, R.G., Cultural differences in children's colour and form differ-
ences. (Journal of Social Psychology, 70, 1966, pp. 3-10.)

Uganda Journal, 35, 2, (1971) pp. 195-206.



Gaboon viper venom, needed for a research project, was collected from
four animals caged together in the laboratory. Venom yield from each fang
was measured at each milking. The snakes were anaesthetized prior to milking
in order to minimise danger, to the operator, reduce physical damage which
might be caused to the animal in the process, and make force-feeding easy.
Over a period of eight months,' during which they were milked regularly,
they appeared to be healthy and gained weight. The results obtained show
that both yield and potency of venom are well maintained through several
months in this species.
Four animals (see Table 1) were housed together in a glass-fronted cage
(approximate dimensions 115 cm long, 33 cm wide and 33 cm deep) for
4-8 months, in Uganda. The bedding material was extracted, dried sugar-
cane fibre, (local name ebikamulo by'ebikajjo) which was changed when
necessary after faecal contamination. A small dish of water was always
available. Laboratory temperature was about 240C but records were not
kept. The cage never received sunlight and the animals spent most of the
day coiled together, becoming active only towards dusk.
Feeding was irregular; dead rats (150-300 g) or guinea pigs (350-800 g)
put into the cage towards evening were often taken by animals I and III;
if not, they were removed next day. Snakes IV and V did not readily accept
dead food and were always force-fed whilst anaesthetized, usually after
For anaesthesia the animals were transferred to a small perspex box
(volume approx. 0.02 m3) using a hook, and 8-10 ml liquid Fluothane
(Halothane, B.P., I.C.I., Ltd.) added; after the first animal, only 1-2 ml was
needed as a topping-up dose for subsequent specimens. The box was deli-
berately rather small because of the high cost of the anaesthetic. The me-
thod was as described by Hackenbrock and Finster? and Gans and Elliott.3
The anaesthetized snake was removed from the box, its mouth opened, and
using gauze-covered forceps, the fangs brought gently forward, clear of
their protective mucosal sheath, and pushed through a sheet of parafilm
covering a graduated tube held in salt-ice mixture. The electrodes, half-inch
"crocodile" clips with cloth protected jaws moistened with saline, were
attached to the angle of the open jaw. Two or three 5 sec. bursts of pulses
(50/s, 2 ms pulse width, 10-15 volts) were sufficient either to virtually
empty the gland of venom or exhaust the expulsion mechanism. After re-
moval of the electrodes the animal was fed (dead rats or guinea pigs) and
then the anaesthetic largely removed by two or three inflations of the lungs,
using a soft tracheal catheter. The whole process took about five minutes,
by which time recovery from the anaesthetic was well under way.
The volume collected from each fang was recorded, the two samples
mixed and 6x0.1 ml samples taken into separate tubes. These, and the


Data at first milking
Identification Date a at ft m Milking
Sex OriginLength,
Number Acquired Max. girth (in tail) Weight Records
(cm) (cm) (Kg)

I M 5.11.69 Katalemwa 23.5 136 (15) A-L Z

III F 27.10.69 Entebbe 1967 25 135 (9) A-L C

IV F 2.12.69 Budo 25 133 (7) B-L

V F 12.3.70 Kampala 1.3 E-L

I, IV and V came in from the wild state; III had been caged at Makerere
University Zoology Department for two years.


main batch, were stored at -150C until needed. When required for use 0.1
ml was diluted with 2.9 ml 0.9% NaCI as an initial step.
Toxicity was measured by injecting serial dilutions (usually doubling
dilutions in 0.9% saline) into groups of five male mice, weighing usually
15-25 g but with a range of 10-30 g; in each test, as far as possible, indi-
viduals in different groups were of similar weights. Following intra-peritone-
al injection (0.3 ml) time to death was recorded to the nearest two minutes
where death times were less than 120 min. or nearest 5 minutes for those
taking longer than this. Although these various limitations reduce the over-
all accuracy of the method, the results appeared to be reproducible.
Protein content of diluted venom was determined using Folin's method;
evidence for non-protein toxic factors has not been sought.


Venom Yield. As can be seen from Table 2, all of the animals gained
weight. Fluctuations in weight were largely the result of a feeding regime
which tended to be arbitrary in that it depended upon the availability of
rats and guinea pigs. Venom yields varied between milkings for any one
animal, but there was no precise relationship between milking interval and
venom yield; in general terms, venom yield related approximately to animal
weight. Only on rare occasions did the animals have access to, and take
live food; it is unlikely that this would have had any effect upon venom
yield. What might occur, although the point was not tested, is that
whilst taking dead food, venom could be expressed as the fangs were being
used to push food to the back of the mouth for swallowing. If venom was
injected at such a time the subsequent yields might be affected. Since there
appeared to be no differences in yield between I and III (who accepted dead
food) and IV and V (who needed either live food or force-feeding) this is
unlikely to have occurred.
Protein content of venom. This was not easy to determine with absolute
accuracy because of sampling errors. Venom was kept as cold as possible
at the time of collection and mixing or pipetting the very viscous material
was inevitably somewhat inaccurate. However a standard procedure was
always used and protein values were between 13.1% and 28.8%, with most
in the range 22-27% (Table 3).
Venom production over several milkings. To determine whether venom
toxicity varied between milkings, seven of eight milking samples from snakes
I and III were assayed. Using each sample, four doubling dilutions were
made and toxicity assayed using mice. For each sample of venom a protein
determination was carried out upon the diluted solution used for the mouse
test; the protein values are those underlined in Table 3 for snakes I and
III. A plot of log dose (ug) versus log death time (min) showed that there
was no important difference between samples of venom from one animal
(Fig. 1) or between the two animals (Fig. 2), points falling about a common
curve. The shape of these curves is quite interesting in that they show a
decided non-linear effect even with log-log plots. Results of a more detailed
mouse test using a single batch of venom (Fig. 3) confirm the picture ob-
tained from the 4-dilution test referred to above.
Toxicity of venom. As the data in fig. 3 shows, a venom protein content of
about 36 ug/mouse (approx. 1.8 mg/Kg) was sufficient to kill in 3.5 hours:

140_ Fig.1 Toxicity of venom from snake 3









0 =


10 20 40 60 100
Dose Aug\mouse


400 600

Fig 2 Toxicity of venom from snakes 1&2

c100- opX 0 0
E ox $oo o

x x\
0M 0 % 0 0

30 XX


20 40 70 100 200 400 600
Dose, ulg mouse

Fig3 Dose response curve


200 .

o o0
o 0
V 0 0
o o


o 30

10 20 30 100 200 300 600

Dose, ug / mouse



Milking Interval L.F. R.F. T. W.T. L.F. R.F. T. W.T. L.F. R.F. T. W.T. L.F. R.F. T. W.T.
(days) ml ml ml Kg ml ml Kg m g ml ml mlg m Kgml ml ml Kg

A 3.0 3.0 6.0 2.8 3.0 1.0 4.0 3.0 -
B 34 0.3 2.0 2.3 1.0 1.5 2.5 1.5 1.5 3.0 3.4 -
C 43 2.3 0.5 2.8 3.2 2.6 3.6 6.2 3.3 2.0 2.0 4.0 3.2 -
D 35 2.2 2.6 4.8 2.9 3.2 3.2 6.4* 2.3 2.3 4.6 2.8 -
E 34 2.7 2.7 5.4 3.4 3.8 3.8 7.6 4.2 2.1 2.5 4.6 3.8 0.9 0.9 1.8 1.1
F 26 2.2 2.3 4.5 3.4 3.2 3.5 6.7 4.6 2.4 2.9 5.3 3.9 0.9 0.4** 1.3 -
G 18 2.2 2.5 4.7 3.6 1.0 3.0 4.0 4.6 2.4 1.8 4.2 4.7 0.9 1.0 1.9 1.6
H 46 2.6 2.8 5.4 3.4 2.7 3.8 6.5 4.6 2.0 2.5 4.5 4.2 1.2 1.4 2.6 1.7

J 140 3.0 3.0 6.0 3.2 3.0 3.9 6.9 4.3 1.6 2.2 3.8 3.8 1.0 1.2 2.2 1.6
K 20 1.3 1.7 3.0 2.8 2.6 5.4 2.3 2.0 4.3 0.8 0.9 1.7 -
L++ 33 2.2 2.8 5.0 3.4 3.4 3.1 6.5 4.7 3.4 4.0 7.4 4.2 1.1 1.2 2.3 1.P
L~ I.

3 days following this milking a 600 g. guinea pig died 15
** some venom visibly lost during collection.
+ first milking 10 weeks after arriving in England
++ second milking 13 weeks after arriving in England I
+++ third milking 17 weeks after arriving in England L
Milking A H in Uganda R.]
J L in England T

mins. after being struck.

n L, venom yield in grams,
.F. equals Left Fang
F. equals Right Fang
: Total left and right
Tt: Weight

not millilitres.





174 207, 208, 227, 230

226, 236


208, 232

202, 222. 255


237, 288


261, 274




226, 268

The values underlined (snakes I & III) formed part of an experiment to deter-
mine whether toxicity or protein concentration had altered substantially through
successive milkings; it is clear that for protein concentration this was not so.

Protein concentration in mg/ml.

N.D = Not done.


smaller doses gave very variable results and a few mice died. In addition
some data is available from laboratory experiments using unanaesthetized
animals (rat, guinea pig) and anaesthetized animals (rabbit, monkey).


The value of anaesthesia has been remarked upon before by Hacken-
brock and Finster? with respect to both venom collection and force-feeding.
Gans and Elliott combined anaesthesia with electrical stimulation to cause
venom expulsion. They have had individual snakes milked up to twenty
times and force-fed on fifty occasions over, two years, without apparent
deterioration of health.3 The present experiments show that with a large
African viper, venom yield has remained high, it has retained its toxic
potency and the snakes have gained weight over a period of over twelve
months and 7-11 milkings.
From Table 2 it can be seen that overall yield of venom, as would
be expected, is generally proportional to body weight, although any single
collection may not support the general case. No satisfactory explanation
can be given for the difference in yield from the two fangs; positioning of
the electrodes is the most obvious cause for the variation, but no experi-
ments to test this have been carried out.
Venom yield from two specimens of Gaboon Viper has been reported
previously by Grasset.4 These animals gave 1-2 cc from a hand milking.
Grasset also mentions that Dr. Ceccaldi of L'Institut Pasteur de Brazzaville
has obtained 3-5 cc from large specimens; yields similar to those obtained
from the animals used in this work. Apart from Grasset's work on venom
yield, little information is available although there is a general impression,
in most accounts of the Gaboon viper, that yields are considerable; for
example "The amount of venom they secrete is extravagantly in excess of
anything they might need for killing their prey".5 Apart from quantity of
venom, the different samples from two animals over 14 milkings were re-
markably similar (Table 3; fig. 2) in both protein content and toxicity. A
"total solid" content has not been attempted, but will be appreciably above
22-25%, the protein-alone value.
Toxicity values (Table 4) are, for mice, rather better than some quoted
previously, probably because the venom was cooled rapidly to below 00C
after expulsion. It must be remembered, however, that the data in Table 4
refers to protein content, not total solid as would be the case for those
authors using reconstituted dried venom. In these experiments mice died in
3-4 hours following a dose of about 36 ug venom protein given intraperi-
Grasset and Zoutendyke quote 400 ug (given sub-cutaneously),6 Christensen's
1955 value is 27.7-34.2 ug intravenously;7 and that of 1968 is 14 u (LD50,
16-18 g mouse, i.v).8 Grasset quotes 26-40v given intravenously.4
The toxicity values for rats as well as for rabbits, agree well with those
quoted by Grasset;4 in the case of the guinea pig there is a large discrepancy,
but the injection routes were different. Animals in this experiment died in
less than 24 hours after only about 1 mg of venom protein, whereas Grasset,
quoting results from his work with Zoutendyke and Schaafsma9 suggested
that a (sub-cutaneous) dose of 75 mg was required to kill a 500 g guinea


(VOLUME) ug/animal mg/Kgins.
________ _______ mg/Kg ___________________________.TIMETO EA

t Values as protein content.
Anaesthetized: Rabbits chloralose/urethane;
4r 1. Based upon data from figs. 1-3.
0 2. Based upon one 20-animal essay.
3. Based upon two 25-animal assays.



Guinea Pig3








750 mean

kg. range

kg. range

(0.3 ml)



(0.5 ml)


(1.0 ml)

(0.1-0.8 ml)

(0.1-0.8 ml)


monkeys, phencyclidine

-Z' Q


















72, mean; 4/4 dead.

124, mean; 4/4 dead.

138, mean; 3/4 dead.

Less than 22 hrs. 7/7 dead.

150, mean; 7/7 dead.




The sensitivity of the monkey is very high, less than 0.6 mg/Kg i.v.
killing in under 45 mins. Assuming an equivalence based upon animal
weight and route, and assuming also that man is equally sensitive, as little
as 14 mg of venom protein could be lethal. On the basis of the present
findings, this would be contained in only 0.06 ml of neat venom, itself only
1/50th 1/100th of that obtained from a viper at a single milking. Ioni-
des' comment, referred to earlier, is indeed apposite.

ADDENDUM Added 3rd December, 1971.

Since submitting the M.S. for publication, regular milking has continued.
Table 5 records the total venom yield for each animal for milking L V
and the weight of the snake at the time. As can be seen, yields have re-
mained high, and show roughly an increase related to weight of the snake.
If one plots venom yield (in ml or g) against snake weight, a clear relation-
ship emerges but at all weights there is considerable scatter of results. On
two occasions the approximate density of whole venom was determined;
values of 1.07 and 1.06 were obtained.
These results continue and confirm those presented in the main body
of the paper.


I am indebted to Professor P. G. Wright and his staff for the hospital-
ity of his Department during my stay in Uganda; to Makerere University
Research Fund for providing money for this work; to John Goodman and
Geoff Matthews for instruction in the art of handling snakes; the Virus Re-
search and Animal Health Centres at Entebbe for help in providing animals;
last, but far from least, to Bartholomew Sebbuggwawo for excellent techni-
cal assistance at all stages of the work.
1. The observations were subsequently continued for 15 months, to February
2. Hackenbrock. C. R. and Finster, M. Fluothane: a rapid and safe inhalation
anaesthetic for poisonous snakes. (Copeia, Vol., no. 2, 1963, pp. 440-441).
3. Gans, C. and Elliott, W.B. Snake venoms, production, injection, action.
(Advances in Oral Biology, 3, 1968, pp. 45-81).
4. Grasset, E. La Vipere du Gabon. Envenimation par Bitis gabonica: son venin
et serotherapie anti-venimeuse specifique. (Acta tropica, 3, 1946, pp. 97-115).
5. Lane, M. Life with Ionides, London, Hamilton, 1963, p. 180-quoting Ionides.
6. Grasset, E. and Zoutendyk, A. Studies on the Gabon viper (Bitis gabonica)
and the preparation of specific therapeutic anti-venone. (Transactions of
the Roral Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, 28, 1935, pp. 601-612.
7. Christensen, P.A. South African snake venoms and antivenoms, Johannes-
burg, South African Institute of Medical Research, 1955 edition.
8. Ibid, 1968 edition.
9. Grasset, E., Zoutendyk, A,. and Schaafsma, A.W. Reference to the Poly-
valency of South African antivenone. (Transactiorns of the Roral Society
of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, 28, 1935, pp. 601-612).
N.B. Throughout this article has been represented by the letter u.



Milking between
Mailings Total Weight Total Weight Total Weight Total Weight

L 33 5.0 3.4 6.5 4.7 7.4 4.2 2.3 1.8
M 65 5.5 3.6 8.5 4.5 6.7 4.3 2.6 1.9
N 35 5.2* 3.6 2.6 4.6 6.3 4.7 2.7 2.1
P 19 4.3 4.1 7.1 4.8 5.8 4.8 3.0 2.4

Q 48 5.0 3.6 6.0 5.0 6.1 4.8 3.0 2.5
R 35 5.0 3.7 5.4 5.3 4.3 4.9 2.7 2.7
S 16 4.3 3.6 4.9 5.4 5.6 5.1 2.5 2.9
T 41 5,9 3.7 7.8 5.8 6.2 5.5 3.3 2.9
U 23 5.0 3.9 7.1 5.8 5.5 5.8 3.4 3.0
V 43 5.4 4.0 8.1 5.8 6.5 5.5 3,1 3.3

* Some venom visibly lost during collection.
Total yield from left and right fangs, in grams
Weight of snake at milking, in Kg.
Milk L overlaps with Table 2.


Uganda Journal, 35, 2, (1971), pp. 207-208



(Protoxerus stangeri cooper)


The African giant squirrels are distinguished by their relatively large
size, disproportionately big heads and by flamboyant black and white tails.
Eleven subspecies have been described and Amtmann (1965) has correlated
the tone and colouring of these races with the humidity of their environ-
ment, according to Gloger's rule.
A single race of the giant squirrel is known from Uganda. This was
described in 1906 by Oldfield Thomas from a specimen collected at En-
tebbe. The westerly limits of this lowland forest type are the banks of the
Congo and Oubangui rivers. The easterly boundary appears to be the Vic-
toria Nile; however the giant squirrel of the Kakamega (West Kenya) forests,
P. s. bea, is probably an isolated easterly population of P. s. centricola
P. s. centricola has rich red hind legs and a grizzled russet back. Black
and white hairs on the head impart the appearance of a grey mask on the
face. A plain black mark lies beneath each ear. The under-side is sparsely
haired but the white-tipped hair of the chest merges into orange-tipped hairs
along the mid-line of the belly.
In February 1967 I collected two giant squirrels in the Sango Bay Fo-
rest. These squirrels differ from P. s. centricola in having grizzled-yellow
rather than red backs and yellowish-orange instead of brick-red hind legs.
The belly hair is very pale yellow. Behind the ears are distinct orange and
black patches. The heads are of a paler grey and the forearms are wholly
grey without the reddish suffusion of P. s. centr.'cola. The tail of one of
these specimens does not, differ materially from that of P. s. centricola. That
of the other one, a young adult male, is barred at closer intervals and has
a bold black and white longitudinal margin.
Checking on the British Museum collection I found the skin of a giant
squirrel that was very similar indeed to the Sango Bay squirrels. This
animal had been collected by the late Mr. Brian Cooper, former Tanganyika
Game Warden and Uganda resident, on Kungwe Mountain in western Tan-
zania. Amtmann (1966) has included this locality within the range of P. s.
centricola presumably on the strength of this record.
Hollister. (1919) warned that new subspecies of Protoxerus should not
be named unless based on a series and he pointed out the variation that
occurs within the western Kenyan P. s. bea. However the Sango Bay squir-
rels differ from P. s. centricola more than the latter differs from P. s. bea
and the Kungwe record suggests that a recognisable "yellow" type of giant
squirrel ranges 600 kms. to the south of Sango Bay Forest. Subsequent to
my collection of these squirrels a further yellowish animal has been collect-
ed from Sango Bay Forest for the Los Angeles Museum (A. Archer, per-
sonal communication). This series of specimens therefore seems to provide
evidence of consistently yellow colouring in the giant squirrels west and
south of Lake Victoria.


The Ankole-Masaka grasslands are an ecological barrier between the
two populations. This may not seem a very formidable obstacle but Proto-
xerus is a true high-forest species and only occurs where there is very tall
timber. More importantly there is evidence of a faunal divide in this area.
A minor "Wallace line" separates the tropical Uganda forest fauna from
the fauna of western Tanzania and of Sango Bay Forest. For instance the
latter forest harbours the Colobus plycomos adolphi fredercii whereas
Colobus abyssinicus occurs in most western Uganda forests. The Sango Bay
tree hyrax Dendrohyrax arboreus stuhlmanni is also quite different from
Dendro hyrax dorsalis which occupies the lowland forests west of the Nile.
The zoogeography of forest faunas in eastern Africa is discussed in
Kingdon (1971) where it is suggested that many faunal elements of these
"southern" forests are "older" than those to the north. The recognition of
faunal differences, whether at a specific or racial level, becomes especially
important in the biogeography of isolated communities and it is with this
in mind that a new subspecies is proposed.
I suggest the name Protoxerus stangeri cooper after the first collector
of this animal and the recognition of Brian Cooper's contributions towards
zoology in East Africa (see Swynnerton and Hayman 1950).
The measurements of the type are as follows:-

Adult female (personal collection no. 642).
Head and Body 265 mm. Hind foot 66 mm.
Tail 305 mm. Ear 22 mm.
Weight 517 mm. Skull length 67 mm.
Zygomatic breadth 38.5 mm.


1. Amtmann, E. (1965). Sur geographischen Farbvariation des Afrikanischen
Riesenhornchens Protoxerus stanqeri (Waterhouse 1842) Eine quantitative
Untersucrung zur Glogerschen Regel. (Z. Morph. Okol. Tiere 55: pp. 515-529).
2. Amtmann, E. (1966). Sciuridae. Preliminary identification manual for
African Mammals. Washington Smithsonian Institution, 1966, pp. 9-11.
3. Hollister, N. (1919). East African mammals in the U.S. National Museum,
Part II Bulletin 991: pp. 21-22.
4. Kingdon, J.S. (1971), East African mammals. An atlas of evolution in Africa,
London and New York, Academic Press: pp. 31-32 and 69-76.
5. Swynnerton, G.H. and Hayman, R.WV (1950). A check list of the land
mammals of the Tanganyika territory and the Zanzibar Protectorate. (Jour-
nal of East African Natural History Society, 20, no. 6, 1950, p. 280.)
6. Thomas, 0. (1906). The giant squirrels of western Africa. (Annals and
Magazine of Natural History, Vol. 18, 1906, pp. 295-297).




The hyaenas are fairly large carnivores which are more closely related
to the cats than to dogs. They belong to the family Hyaenidae (Mammalia:
Carnivora), which includes true hyaenas and aardwolves. It consists of two
genera (Hyaena and Crocuta), and three species of hyaenas from Africa
and southwestern Asia, and one species of aardwolf (Proteles cristatus) from
Africa. The spotted hyaena (Crocuta crocuta Erx.) and the brown hyaena
(Hyaena brurnea Thurnberg) are limited to Africa. The former ranges over
most of Africa south of the Sahara but the latter is restricted to south and
southwestern Africa. The striped hyaena (Hyaena hyaena Brisson) covers most
of north and northeast Africa and extends its range into Asia. Both the
spotted and striped hyaenas occur in Uganda.
African mythology paints a gloomy picture of the hyaena as a gullible
fool, out-witted by all his fellow creatures or as a sinister shadow that none
dare face. In almost every part of Uganda one finds numerous legendary
tales regarding the hyaena's habits. Most of these tales relate to the hyaena's
greed, sex, cowardice, laughter, foolery, trickery, religion, magic, and some
other general aspects of the hyaenaa way of life. A few of these tales are
selected below, some of which may be true but it is up to the reader to
believe or disbelieve them. It should be noted, however, that this is not a
scientific account but a general exposition of the role of the hyaena in the
animal community. The writer hopes that he will not be held responsible
by hyaena lovers for any misrepresentation and would be interested to
know of other legendary of factual tales about hyaenas.
Greed. It is said that when a hyaena makes a kill or finds a skin of a
dead animal, it preserves the skin in the den. When it rains at night, the
hyaena brings the skin out to soak, and when lightning flashes, the hyaena
runs out and snatches the skin away, fearing that lightning might carry it
away and the hyaena will be left with nothing for supper. It is also said
that a hungry hyaena that saw a man walking at night with his arms swing-
ing followed him until day-break, hoping that at one stage the arms would
drop off and hyaena would appropriate them for his next meal. Some people
claim that a hyaena cannot identify stones smeared with blood and if these
are thrown at him, he will think that they are chunks of meat and will
warmly receive them. It is also said that if a piece of meat is hung at such
a height that the hyaena cannot reach it, the hyaena will not move away
until that piece is removed or rots away. Another tale from Ankole recalls
a hyaena which had a hot juicy piece of meat thrown at it. The on-looker
and listener heard the hyaena say to the piece of meat "If I eat you, I will
eat fire, if I leave you, I will miss sweetness." Yet another tale from Teso
mentions a hyaena which got into a similar situation. A trapper placed two
piles of meat at equidistant points from the spot where the hyaena was
standing. Seeing the two piles and not wishing to miss either of them. the
hyaena tried to walk to both of them simultaneously, keeping a constant
distance from either pile. But as the distance separating the two piles in-


creased from the origin, the hyaena lay flat almost tearing into two, mid-
way between the two piles, and never got to either of them. Yet another
tale from Teso talks about a hyaena which almost burst open after drink-
ing a barrelful of water. It is said this method was used in some parts of
that area to exterminate the hyaenas as these animals would find it difficult
to run after taking large quantities of water from the barrel while trying
to get at the meat at the bottom of it. A tale from Acholi says
that when a hyaena finds a carcass of a large animal such as an elephant,
he nibbles a small hole at the abdomen of the animal so as to get at the
entrails. Sometimes his greed causes him to push through this small orifice
to the inside of the animal to get at deeper, organs. While the hyaena is
still feeding inside, the skin around the hole dries and closes up, and so
the hyaena gets trapped inside. When the remembers to come out after
gorging himself, the poor hyaena cannot find the exit due to the darkness
inside, and not infrequently dies inside the carcass.
Cowardice. It is commonly said that the hyaena uses its dropping as a
defensive mechanism especially when alarmed, because they are hot and
full of bones. So, when you frighten a hyaena, you must pull yourself away
from the range of this projectile. Hyaenas in Acholi were likened to cowards.
Thus, by Acholi legend the lion who is strong, when roaring says, 'My
brother hyaena is a coward but very fast' meaning that the hyaena
cannot be very easily caught because he escapes very easily. The hyaena
is said to fear fire, so herdsmen often drive away these animals by throw-
ing splints at them.
Laughter. It is largely believed that hyaenas do occasionally sit in a circle
like men at a beer party and then laugh merrily, mostly at night and pos-
sibly after a good meal. One tale from Ankole recalls a hyaena whose
laughter endangered him. It is said that a marauding lion in Ankole entered
a hut, killed a sheep and devoured most of it, leaving the remains to a
hungry hyaena which had been following. Not being satisfied, the lion, still
being followed by the hyaena continued to prowl around for something
else. The lion smelt some more sheep and was about to burst open the hut
to get at the sheep when the hyaena, thinking of the long feast to come,
laughed with joyous anticipation and woke up the sheep-owner. The lion
got angry, turned to his noisy companion and killed him. This sounds a
note of caution to those who assume too much on friendship.
Trickery. In Buganda there is a tale about a hyaena that tricked a woman
and sto'e her child. Hyaenas are said to stand on their hind limbs and
walk like men. It happened once that a drunken woman was going home
from a beer party with her husband and their baby. Most of the way the
husband walked far ahead of his wife (as is the custom). The woman came
rushing after her husband to keep pace, and found a hyaena standing on its
hind legs like a man. This, the woman thought, must be her husband wait-
ing for her. She said, "Please, dear, help me with the child." Of course the
hyaena was very eager to help and ran off with the baby for his meal. Yet
another tale from Ankole says that male hyaenass do sometimes stand on
their hind legs alongside village foot-paths and start laughing while wait-
ing for excited and giggling drunken women coming home from pombe
parties at night. When the women come passing by, the hyaenas mix up
with them, giggle like them and tickle and caress them.
Religion. Human societies 'have got religious assemblies and so do animal


communities. However, the hyaena is an exception. He refused to be a
Christian. When he went to attend mass in a Catholic church, he was told
not to eat meat on Friday, but since he had to eat meat every day, he could
not keep the commandment. When he went to the Protestant church, he was
told not to steal. He said that he had to steal people's goats, cows, sheep,
and possibly children for his survival and so he could not obey that com-
mandment either. When he went to the mosque, he was told not to taste
any meat that has not been cut by a Moslem's knife, but the hyaena said
that he had to eat anything, blessed or not, that came his way. So he chose
to remain a pagan.
Hunting behaviour. It is said that when a hyaena is about to make a kill
he does not wink because he fears that the eye-lids will make noise and
so alert the animal. So when the hyaena is stalking some prey he does not
wink within the ear-shot of the animal but runs away for some distance,
winks and then runs back to continue stalking.
Superstition. There is a belief that when a hyaena howls around one's
house, it is a sign of ill-will, and meeting a hyaena on one's way is said to
be a sign of bad luck to the on-looker and his family. There is also an
Arab legend that in the eye of a hyaena there is a stone which, if placed
under the tongue of man endows him with a gift of prophecy.
Medicine. It is commonly believed that a blind man will smell his way
better when he takes a portion of a hyaena nose. Hyaena droppings are
said to cure ringworms and headache as well. The hyaena is said to follow
lions because the former act as a doctor to the latter.
Sex. It is often difficult to distinguish between male and female hyaenas
as the external genitalia of both look alike. Because of this a myth has
sprung up that the hyaena is an hermaphrodite or that it changes its sex
every year.



The occurrence of Lower Pleistocene deposits along Kazinga Channel
and Lake Edward, in which mammalian fossil remains were found has been
described.' In a second paper the results of a new histological technique
were published and the conclusion was reached that a hominoid incisor was
among the specimens collected.2 This note compares the Kazinga specimens
of the dwarf-thippo Hippopotamus inaguncula with those from Kaiso, the
type locality of the species. In their monograph of the Kaiso material (some
specimens found at Behanga and Makoga are included), Cooke and Coryn-
don reach the conclusion: "There are indications, from the specimen of
lower dentitions available from the Kaiso deposits, that there is a marked
range in size of the teeth, those from Kisegi-Wasa area and some of the
Kaiso village specimens falling at the lower end of the scale, and the man-
dible fragment, which probably represents another species, from Kazinga

Fig. 1


35 40
Length (mm)

Fig. 3


M"3 m

50 55
Length ( mm )

Fig. 5

' 20

25 30
Length (mm)


. Kaiso
x Kazinga

o 35 40
Length (mm)

Fig. 4

) 25 30
Length (mm)

Fig. 6


x x

30 35
Length (mm)





25J x xx


Fig. 2


Channel being the largest. It may be that this variation in size indicates
either a variation within the species, or an evolutionary trend, but until
more stratigraphical information available, no clear conclusion can be
This note contributes some more facts, all indicating that there is a
marked and statistically significant difference in size when the Kazinga
and Kaiso specimens of Hippopotamus imaguncula are compared. Figures
1-6 show length and breadth for specimens of first, second and third lower
molar teeth (M 1, M 2, M 3), third and fourth upper premolar teeth (P 3
and P 4) and the fourth lower premolar tooth (P 4). The table shows the
actual dimensions in millimetres of the specimens plotted in the diagrams,
the Museum numbers of the Kaiso teeth and the preliminary numbers of
the Kazinga specimens which are kept in the Uganda Museum, Kampala.
For the upper molar teeth, first and second upper and lower premolars and
the third lower premolar tooth there is no material available to construct
any diagram. Application of the t-test showed that for all molars of the
lower. dentition the specimens from Kazinga are significantly larger than
the corresponding Kaiso specimens. The same holds true for the third upper
and fourth lower premolar. The fourth upper premolar shows this trend
less clearly. However, this is not so surprising if one realizes that this tooth
is the most difficult one to determine between one hippo species and another.
Moreover, there seems to be a tendency for the P 4 to be larger when
compared with the size of the molar teeth in more primitive hippos.
Summarizing it may be stated that there is a marked difference in size
when Kaziga specimens of Hippopotamus imaguncula dentition are com-
pared to corresponding Kaiso ones. If it is taken into account that, as a
whole, the molar teeth of the Kazinga specimens tend to be higher crowned
together with more slender cones than the Kaiso specimens, then this justifies
the distinction of these groups at a sub-specific level.

NB As in Dr. Krommenhoek's previous article (Uganda J. 33 no. 1,
1969) bold numbers have been used to distinguish teeth from the upper
jaw (maxilla) and italic numbers for teeth from the lower jaw (mandible). (Ed.)


1. Krommenhoek, W. Mammalian fossils from the Pleistocene of Lake Edward
and the Kazinga Channel. (Uganda J., 33, 1969, pp. 79-84).
2. Bartheld, F. Von, D.P. Erdbrink and Krommenhoek, W.: A fossil incisor
from Uganda and a method for its determination. (Uganda J.,, 34, 1970, pp.
3. Cooke, H.B.S. and Coryndon, S.: Pleistocene mammals from the Kaiso
Series and other related deposits in Uganda. (In press).



Summary of Lecture to Uganda Society on Wednesday 18th August, 1971.


Crime, according to sociologists, is a normal phenomena in al' human
societies. It only becomes abnormal when it reaches abnormal proportions;
when it begins to shake the basic foundations of the society. Uganda, taking
one particular type of crime, has an exceptionally high rate of criminal
homicide as compared to other countries for which there is data. For
1965-1968, the rate of reputed criminal homicide was 18 per 100,000 of
population per annum. Karamoja had the highest rate of over 40 persons
killed per 100,000 per annum and Kigezi had the lowest rate of just over
5 per 100,000 per annum. These are quite high rates when compared to
other countries. U.S.A. averages 4.5; England and Wales, just about 0.5;
Netherlands about 0.3 per 100,000 per annum. This means that the indivi-
dual Uganda citizen is more exposed to danger of being a victim (or
offender) than his counterpart in the other countries. As the criminal homi-
cide rate is high, so are the rates of other crimes. The questions to be answer-
ed before programmes for dealing with criminals are designed are why
do people become criminals? What are the factors favouring criminal ori-
entations? How do individuals in Uganda develop criminal motivations?
When these are answered, then we can begin to think of what should be
done. Unless the cause or aetiology of crime in general is identified, treat-
ment becomes difficult and prevention becomes almost impossible. Im-
possible, because of lack of general knowledge of causation. This is why
it is urgent that a Crime Study Centre be established where scholars of
various disciplines such as lawyers, social workers, doctors and sociologists
can start gathering information relating to different types of criminal be-
haviour in an attempt to arrive at a rational explanation of 'Cause.' Kondo-
ism itself is a field in which we-need specialists, as we have specialists for
T.B. or Leprosy, so also we need specialists in the major fields of crime
and deviance, such as homicide, corruption and theft. There are reported
to be 1,000 people per annum in Uganda killed through criminal homicide
and yet we leave this problem unexplored.
A lot of factors combine to turn a person into a deviant and criminal.
Broken homes due to death, divorce, families characterized by endemic dis-
putes, quarrels, fights in which children are either participants or observers;
education in a system which inculcates high expectations of white collar
jobs; generated distrust of law-enforcement agents such as the police, the
courts and the chiefs. These, plus other socio-cultural definitions of situa-
tions as favouring the breach of law and the general treatment of criminals
contribute to the 'dysocialization' into a criminal sub-culture which is spread-
ing to become the dominant culture of this society.
We have concentrated too much on the treatment of criminals with no
clear ideas of why they are criminals. The result is that we are not ameli-
orating the situation. Criminals and non-criminals are creations of the same
society depending on prevailing socio-cultural and political-economic condi-
tions. Unless the situations and conditions that turn individuals into delin-
quents and criminals are removed, no amount of physical pain inflicted on


criminals is going to change the situation, including hanging criminals
publicly, because these punishments or treatments do not remove the causes.
In fact, those who advocate the death penalty and public executions over-
look this warning sounded by Emile Durkheim, that "For murderers to dis-
appear, the horror of bloodshed must be great in those social strata from
which murderers are recruited, but first, it must be greater throughout the
entire society." This means that the more you expose the population to
bloodshed the less that population will value human life, the more you
lower their horror of bloodshed, the more they are likely to define situations
as requiring the use of violence.
There is need for combined effort to study crime, to train law-enforce-
ment personnel, such as judges, magistrates, police, lawyers, prison officials,
probation and welfare workers so that they become more efficient and deal
with the problem in a more enlightened manner than hitherto. The study
of crime should be listed as a national priority.



It is the Qur.'an school which immediately springs to mind when one
thinks of Muslim religious education. However, these notes will not attempt
to trace the development of these schools throughout Uganda and to describe
the type of religious education which they provide;' for the Qur'an school
can hardly be considered as a complete answer to the requirements of re-
ligious education. Not all Muslim children in Uganda attend such schools
and those who do seldom complete their, education there. This situation
raises a certain number of questions. How much importance do Muslim
parents attach to the religious education of their children? What is avail-
able at present? What plans are there for the future?2
Parents' attitudes to religious education can be classified under three
headings: positive, negative or indifferent. For some parents education is
considered as a training for life and religion is an integral part of such
training. In such cases the religious factor weighs heavily and is often deter-
minant in the choice of schools for the children. This is true at least as
regards nursery and primary education, since the various Muslim commu-
nities have established schools at these levels. It is less true as regards
secondary education.
A completely opposite attitude is sometimes found. In today's world
people of different races and religions have to mix, whether they like it or
not. Some parents think their children should be brought up in such a
pluralistic environment right from their earliest years. They find the com-
munity schools too restricted in their outlook, so they deliberately choose
non-Muslim schools for their children.
Yet perhaps the great majority of parents consider education from a
purely pragmatic point of view. It is a step on the ladder to success. The
school certificate is a passport to prosperity. Accordingly the schools which


get the best examination results are favoured, regardless of any other con-
siderations, religious or otherwise.
The education of girls poses special problems. In Africa it has always
lagged behind that of boys. One practical reason for this is the early marri-
age age of girls, particularly amongst Muslims. Another is the widespread
view that the future wife has little need of a western-type education.3 For
Muslims the situation is made more complicated by insistence on the
separation of the sexes, on the one hand, and the paucity of Muslim girls'
schools on the other. Often the choice may lie between sending a girl to a
government co-educational school or placing her in a girls' school run by
Not all Muslim groups have the same attitude to this problem. African
Muslims seem to be much less strict in Uganda than on the East African
coast. Ismailis, who have long had impressed upon them the importance of
girls' education,4 are openly in favour of co-education. It is perhaps amongst
the Ithna'ashariyya that the separation of the sexes is most strictly observed,
together with the small number of Sunni Muslims of Indian origin. The
Ithna'ashariyya community in Kampala, it is true, runs a mixed primary
school, but it is probably constrained to do this for financial reasons. Never-
theless one will find Ithna'ashariyya girls amongst the pupils of the primary
school for girls only, run by the Sunni Muslims. These girls may later be
sent to complete their schooling abroad (e.g. Pakistan).
Where children attend Muslim school's it is obvious that they receive
some religious formation. What about those who attend non-denominational
schools, or schools run by other denominations? Some receive their basic
religious instruction at home. Many of them go to Qur'an schools in the
afternoon after having attended primary school in the morning. At this
level the formation consists in learning to recite the Qur'an, or at least
those parts of it which are used in salat or namaz (prayers), learning the
other formulae and the rubrics for prayer, acquiring basic principles of
morals and manners and some elementary notions of the history of Islam.
The Shi'a communities put special emphasis on knowledge of the Imams.5
The impression gained from speaking with parents is that many feel
that this formation at the primary level is sufficient. This is surely question-
able. Even though an apparently firm foundation is laid at this stage it can
be shaken when the child reaches the age of adolescence. In fact it would
not be too much to affirm that the secondary school child has an even
greater need of religious instruction than the child at primary school. Some
Muslims recognize this need. The secretary of a Sunni association in a town
of western Uganda expressed his fear that the present generation at second-
ary school would be lost but thought that the future would be very bright
if they could be provided with sound religious instruction. What efforts
then are being made?
The Ismaili community runs classes out of school hours in various
jamatkhanas (community centres). These are given mainly by volunteer
teachers, e.g. university students. Attendance is quite high, but is apparent-
ly not very regular either on the part of pupils or teachers. The classes
cover the Qur'an, particularly those passages used in du'a (prayer) or deal-
ing with imamate, hadith (traditions) on imamate, firmans (instructions) of
the Imams, ginans (hymns), Islamic history with special emphasis on Isma-


The Ithana'ashariyya community does not cater for post-primary edu-
cation in a systematic way. This is provided for by the various activities at
the mosque. There are regular, majlis-s (sessions) in the imnmbara (hall)
during which sermons are given, mainly on the history of the Imams. Wo-
men and girls can attend these sermons in their own section of the imam-
bara which is separated from that of the men by a curtain. They also have
their own majlis-s in the afternoons when a text will be read to them by
the mullah's wife. The sermons are directed more to adults than to teen-
agers. There are also however Qur'an classes where the mullah explains
those passages which contain the basic principles of belief and practice.
Here the younger people have an opportunity to ask questions.
For the Sunni community there is mention of special conferences during
the month of Ramadan, at Kibuli T.T.C. for instance. Some years ago a
sheikh used to visit Nyakasura school to instruct the Muslim pupils there,
but the poor response led to a discontinuation of this practice. It is quite
probable that the failure of the venture was due to a lack of understanding
of the young people's mentality. So more important is the students' own
organisation, the Uganda Muslim Students Association. This has branches
in various schools and colleges and provides a forum for discussion in pro-
blems both religious and non-religious. UMSA is also active in pressing
for the introduction of Islam as a recognized subject in the East African
Certificate of Education.7 The idea behind this move, as explained by Ka-
sozi, is to provide teaching on Islam in secondary schools. If Muslim parents
know that such teaching is provided they will be encouraged to send their
children to those schools. It is felt that if this teaching is sanctioned by an
official examination it will be treated with greater seriousness by both
teachers and pupils.8 One could perhaps sound a friendly note of warning.
If this venture succeeds, is there not the danger that Islam will come to
be considered as just another subject, such as history or geography, which
has to be swatted up for examinations and can then be promptly forgotten?
It will be the responsibility of the teachers to see that this does not happen.
This leads to the problem of providing teachers for, the work. There
are fully qualified teachers of Islam at Kibuli and Aga Khan S.S. There
are a number of university graduates who have studied Islam as part of
their degree requirements, but they are not necessarily engaged in teaching.
The Ismaili community insists on the need for teachers of religion, but the
complaint is often voiced that those who are trained for such work take up
other careers presenting opportunities of better remuneration.9 It is pro-
bably not too much to say that until a satisfactory solution is found to
this particular problem the future of religious education for Muslims in
Uganda will remain in the balance.

1. On Muslim education in Uganda in general, see Carter, F. 'The education
of African Muslims in Uganda', in Uganda J., 29, 1965, pp. 193-198. On
Qur'an schools in particular, see Kasozi A. B. K. The Impact of Koran
schools on the education of African Muslims in Uganda 1900-1968. in Dini
na Mila 4, 1970, no. 2, pp. 1-22.
2. A complete answer to these questions would require an exhaustive enquiry.
These notes are mainly based on a number of interviews conducted during


the latter part of 1970. I am grateful to the Research Committee of
Makerere University for financial assistance.
3. A Muslim university student affirms that parents are now forgetting the
dictum "marriageable age for girls" and are sending their daughters to
Sbig primary schools and from there to Kibuli, Budo, Nabisunsa and many
other secondary schools. But letters from Muslim girls in the Uganda
Muslim Students Association magazine show that such an attitude is by
no means universal; cf. UMSA magazine, Spring 1970, ppI 7-8.
4. Adatia, A.K. and King, N.Q. Some East African Firmans of H. H. Aga
Khan III, Journal of Reliqion in Africa, 2, 1969, pp. 179-191, particularly
p. 187.
5. Proposed Syllabus for Religious Education, Shia Ismailia Community,
Uganda, n.d. cyclostyledd).
6. Ibid.
7. The sixth UMSA Delegates' Conference established a syllabus committee;
of UMSA magazine. Spring 1970, p. 37. A draft syllabus is presented by
Kasozi in appendix to his article op. cit. pp. 17-18. A revised version was
presented by Mr. Abu Zayd of Makerere University and Sheikh Mukasa
of Kibuli to a committee meeting held in Nairobi, March 1971.
8. Kasozi, p. op. cit,, pp. 14-15.
9. A.M.S. (adaruddin). 'The noble profession', in Africa Ismaili, 7 August,
1970, p. 3; idem, 'Ismaili Education and Teachers', in Africa Ismaili, 18
December 1970, pp. 3-4; Bashid, M.H. 'The permissive age, youth and
religion, in Africa Ismaili, 10 July 1970, pp. 9-10, who writes: "The main
task before our leaders and thinkers today is to devise new lines whereby
the flame of faith remains kindled in the hearts of thousands of our
budding youth not merely by tradition of sentiment but also by conviction".



The following note amplifies some of the points raised by S. D. Ross
in the previous issue of the Uganda Journal, 'The growth of the legal pro-
fession in Uganda up to Independence' (Vol. 35, 1971, p.83).
The person referred to at the top of page 84 as having an "LLR" from
Dublin University is Dr. Henry Hamilton Hunter, the founder of a firm of
advocates still practising in Kampala. He was enrolled on 12 July 1905 and
remained in practice until 1943. He died in 1944. He had earlier practised
in Cape Province, South Africa. The Acting Principal Judge was probably
right in saying that Dr. Hunter was the first resident pleader. A. D. Hakim
was probably not resident, but merely came to Uganda as and when neces-
sary. This can be said on the authority of R. G. Vedd (now deceased) who
joined Dr. Hunter, as a clerk on 1 January 1908. In some written remini-
scences he prepared about ten years ago, he categorically states that Dr.
Hunter was the first resident advocate in Uganda. He is speaking of a time
which precedes that when the Acting Principal Judge wrote his letter and
only two and a half years after Dr. Hunter. started practice and when the
fact that he was the first resident advocate would have been notorious.
Vedd also mentions the practice of lawyers coming to Uganda as neces-
sary and names another peripatetic lawyer, Byramji Rustamji of Mombasa,


who amongst other things, defended in the Gait murder trials and referred
to Rustamji's fees being paid in cattle.
On page 84 Mr. Ross states that the present Roll of Advocates was started
in 1926. Originally advocates were registered on the Roll of Pleaders under
the 1904 Regulations.
The four advocates mentioned by the Acting Principal Judge as practis-
ing in Uganda are:-
(a) Dr. Hunter himself.
(b) George Greig who joined Hunter as an assistant in 1909.
(c) Major W. A. Burn who commenced practice in 1906 and
(d) R. T. Cannot, who was in partnership with Burn.
The early advocates all practised in Entebbe where the High Court
then was. It was the same building as now constitutes the Magistrate's
Court there. There were no advocates in Kampala until about 1911, follow-
ing the move of the High Court there. Thus Kampala has not always been
the centre of the profession.
A small correction needs to be made to page 85. Gowers was the Gov-
ernor of Uganda and J. M. Thomas the Colonial Secretary and not the
other way round.
Possibly Mr. Ross is being less than fair in writing that the British
Government prevented Africans from becoming advocates and that "there
was also a definite policy of keeping Africans from studying law." It is
perhaps true that the British Government gave no great encouragement to
Africans to study law, but this is something very different. The reason for
this attitude was that it was thought that there was not sufficient demand
for lawyers of any sort and that it would be best to spend the financial
resources available on the training of doctors, for whom the demand was
enormous. The British Government was not anxious to repeat the West
African experience where there was a plethora of lawyers. After all, even
as recently as 1945, 34 lawyers could handle all the work. In any event
Macmillan Moll was only referring to "solicitors" which is only one branch
of the English legal profession. Even to-day there are only two African
solicitors, one in private practice, the other being the Minister of Foreign



Edited by W. H. WHITELEY
London, Oxford University Press, 1971, 406 p.

Edited by T. P. GORMAN
Nairobi, Oxford University Press, 1970, 206 p.

The two works under review are among the first full length books to
emerge from an exciting new research interest in African studies, the field
of sociolinguistics. The significance of sociolinguistics relates to two of the
most salient features of sub-Saharan Africa: the multiplicity of languages
and the cultural pluralism which prevades the contemporary scene. These
features have resulted in a high degree of multilingualism as more and more
people are required to interact with speakers of different languages. This
important situation has been somewhat neglected by Africanists since it
falls between the domain of social anthropologists and sociologists, on the
one hand, and that of linguistics on the other hand.
With this problem in mind, W. H. Whiteley convened the Ninth Inter-
national African Seminar at Dar es Salaam in 1968, and the papers pre-
sented at the seminar have been collected and published in these two books.
The volume edited by Whiteley is divided into two sections, one containing
general and theoretical studies and the other containing specific case studies.
Whiteley considers four main topics which serve as general themes for the
book. These are (1) the implications of multilingualism for nation building,
(2) the relationships between multilingualism and education, (3) the empirical
study of multilingualism, and (4) language use and social change.
The volume contains five articles which deal extensively with Uganda,
and the above themes are treated in these articles. Ali Mazrui has contri-
buted a paper on multilingualism and political experience in East and West
Africa, although he is more concerned with the historical relationships bet-
ween languages and religion than with nationhood itself. He discusses the
promotion of languages by religious creeds as seen through the case of
Islam. He argues that Islamization in Africa has been accompanied by the
increasing use of "Muslim languages:" Arabic, Swahili, and Hausa, the
latter two being considered Muslim languages because of their long-standing
association with the practise of Islam. Mazrui shows how the same sort of
relationship between language and religion occurred in the dissemination of
Christianity since English frequently comprised an integral part of the mis-
sion curriculum during the colonial period.
The relationship between multilingualism and education in Uganda is
discussed by Joan Maw, who demonstrates how language affects a child's
perception in a learning situation. This is not a new idea in itself, but Maw
illustrates its relevance by citing examples of language use in the classroom,
and her discussion is greatly enhanced by her own experience with Ugan-
dan school children. Her conclusion is "in moving from one language to


another in an educational system we are not simply changing the medium
through which facts about geography or arithmetic are conveyed; we are,
'however, imperfectly, presenting a new Weltanschauung." (p. 231). The
exact processes which are at work are not understood at present, but this
does not lessen their significance for educational development in Uganda
and elsewhere.
The third theme, the empirical study of multilingualism, is discussed
in the context of Uganda by Clive Criper and Peter Ladefoged, who are
concerned with problems of measuring and describing multilingualism. They
review the history of language use in Uganda since 1877 and consider
official language policy at the different levels of government. The authors
also offer some views on the problems involved in formulating a language
policy which will serve the needs of the government in its bureaucratic tasks
as well as those of the people of Uganda.
The final theme in the book is language use and social change. A
particularly illuminating case of change is that of Luganda as described by
M. Mosha. Here, the modernization of the language did not proceed so
much by national policy as by "natural' changes resulting from the intro-
duction of loan words, technological change, and contact with other langu-
ages. The theme of change is pursued further in David Parkin's essay on
Kampala. Parkin's essay is a masterful illustration of how linguistic data
can be used to generate statements about urban life. He gives examples of
code-switching and shows how language choice and style are closely related
situational and sociological variables. The essay goes far towards bridging
the gap between linguistics and social anthropology.
The volume edited by T. P. Gorman contains additional papers from
the 1968 Dar es Salaam Conference. The papers are case studies concern-
ing specific teaching programmes in eastern Africa. Many of the issues
raised in the Whiteley volume are covered here: The extent of multilingual-
ism and its effects, the problem of formulating a national policy regarding
language of instruction, and the relative suitability of different languages
for different educational tasks. Unlike the Whiteley volume, his volume
offers little in the way of a general statement on the significance of sociolin-
guistics to African studies. It does contain some very useful information,
however, and both of these books signal the coming age of a field of re-
search which has both theoretical importance and practical applications in

Department of Anthropology,
University of California, Davis.



Nairobi; East African Publishing House: 1970,

One would have thought that after the elaborate piece that his Song
of Lawtno became, the graph of the successive accomplishments of Okot
p'Bitek "sociologist, novelist, philosopher, poet and theologian", among
many other things, would have drastically shot to indescribable heights.
For some of us, the coming out of Song of Ocol, in 1969, itself a sequel of
Song of Lawino, was certainly an anti-climax. But now the publication of
his Two Songs early this year has threatened his position as one of East
Africa's leading writers.
The trouble with p'Bitek in Two Songs is that he has completely dis-
regarded the authentic forces at play on the African social and political
arena. In Song of Prisoner, the first in this volume, p'Bitek's prisoner tries
to justify his innocence by comparing the different charges made against
him with the social evils committed against humanity and exposing the
social and political contradictions inherent in the system. p'Bitek draws a
sharp contrast between the "guilt" of the vagrant-prisoner, vagrancy, and
the brutality of wars which the innocent people are subjected to:
A stone wall
Of guns
Surrounds our village,
Steel rhinoceroses
Ruin the crops
In the fields
And sneeze molten lead
Into the grass thatched huts,
lodging on the plight of the "hopeless" people at the mercy of the gun:
I plead smallness,
I am a mere
Before your
Uniformed Power
Here it is clear that p'Bitek is hitting at military coups, so common
on the African continent, which are only engineered by a few "uniformed"
interested parties. Before these the common man is like "an insect" which
is "trapped between the toes of a bull elephant". It is wrong for p'Bitek
to put the masses on one side and the military men on another and essay
to show the vulnerability of the former at the hands of the latter. I parti-
cularly do not see the military men as decidedly being enemies of the
people. p'Bitek here makes the mistake of isolating the army and seemingly
suggesting that while things are well with civilian regimes and the people
are happy and innocent (which he indeed disproves at other points in the
songs) then the military men just drop in and maliciously disrupt things.
This because if the people always saw the military men as their enemies
then they would universally resist at any cost in the face of military threat
to a perfect civilian regime. The fact is that they do not resist or perhaps


meagrely do so because they do not see a lot of good to fight for in the
civilian regime. Coups can only thrive in, and are culminations of, the
decadence of civilian regimes. Military coups and the ensuing executions
of innocent people are merely manifestations of far graver problems which
p'Bitek has disregarded.
It is evident that the prisoner became a vagrant because of the in-
equalities prevailing in the whole system. Even the act on the part of the
government authorities in imprisoning him is highly reminiscent of the order
of the day, especially in African countries, whereby people are diverted in
their attention and wrath from the scourges of society to petty scapegoats
which are not problems at all. p'Bitek sees this but he chooses to polish
off things rather too easily and as such he feeds us on mere illusions
rather than concrete reality. Although his vagrant-prisoner tries to make
us see that he is not guilty by pointing out greater atrocities and injustices
in society he does not seem to know why he is not guilty or at least he
does not tell us concretely why. While he would have us believe that as a
vagrant he is only an innocent victim of society's injustices, he does not
justify his innocence in as much as his is only an expression of far bigger
problems which the government authorities are neglecting. He seems to
see it as a smaller problem and only justifies his innocence in as much as
there are far bigger atrocites being committed against society. In this he
ignores the core of his society's problems.
p'Bitek wanders about in a loose and indisciplined manner. When his
vagrant-prisoner manages to harp on the causes of 'his plight he cannot
pinpoint anything concrete. He simply lapses into empty generalisations
which do not carry much for us. He tells us
I plead sickness,
I am an orphan,
I am diseased with
All the giant
Diseases of Society,
Crippled by the cancer
Of Uhuru
Far worse than
The yaws of
which do not care much for us. He tells us p'Bitek should have lashed
his fierce tongue at the real diseases of society a task which he, after
all, so well executed in his earlier Song of Lawino, rather than engaging
in inadequate blanket generalisations.
The 'socialist revolutionary' p'Bitek has also been caught up in the
same empty generalisations. His assassin prisoner tries again to justify his
actions in killing the country's leader by dabbing him:
He was corrupt
A reactionary
A revisionist
A fat black capitalist
An extortioner
An exploiter............
This tells us nothing of the issues at stake. The dabs could not for instance
help the assassin prisoner to justify his actions to the people successfully,


in case he was required to, simply because though they are instantly revolt-
ing, they by themselves do not mean much in the final analysis. The
exercise is only an attempt to throw in the socialist 'weapons' because
p'Bitek thinks that such has become the fashion or that some school always
expects it of the writer and particularly the modern writer. He is in
other words luring us into giving his song the credit it does not deserve.
In more or less a similar way, p'Bitek makes his prostitute in Song of
Malaya rave about trivialities which do not advance any reasonable argu-
ment. While Song of Prisoner fails due to indiscriminate blanketing and
covering up of reality, Song of Malaya entrenches itself in a totally false
base. This is indeed in itself a show of p'Bitek's refusal to see the true
causes of disequilibrium in society and simply chooses to hug the dis-
harmony, thus giving the social parasites an otherwise crumbling reassurance.
It is true that in our unreserved chant of morals we have only sought
to hide our demoralising propensities. The Big Chief leaves his wife up-
country and goes into town with a "pregnant" briefcase which he empties
at the malaya's and yet he goes on to bark at her as if she were a thief.
Incest between father and daughter or brother and sister is committed
in this "thriving" enterprise. The bush teacher has "clubbed" many teen-
agers in his class with his "large headed hammer". Members of Parliament
have slept with prostitutes on one night and then gone on to legislate that
they should be hunted down and sent back to the land or imprisoned the
next day. Indeed policemen have also slept with them and then gone back
to arrest them. But this does not give p'Bitek's malaya any logical or rational
licence to tell members of the profession:
Sister malayas
Wherever you are,
Wealth and health
To us all ............
Surely p'Bitek does not mean to tell us that so long as those who preach
morality and persecute the malayas, copulate with them in dark corners,
then the prostitutes can as well rest assured that all is well with them.
p'Bitek's malaya is definitely conscious that there is something wrong with
what she is doing after seeing people frown at her despite their own
complexes. It is, therefore, very lame and highly irresponsible of the malaya
to tell us that so long as other people are doing wrong then she can also
continue, and enjoy doing it. One wonder as to what counsel p'Bitek is
giving us and what kind of society he would like us to have.
The analogies he draws are only far-fetched and do not give the false
foundation any amount of strength. p'Bitek does not push the point any
further by asking why men should be told to have one woman if moths,
butterflies and the like cannot be expected to visit one flower. He is being
too naive. It is also wrong for him to challenge the black Bishop preaching
morality by telling him that his father had six wives. For one thing the black
Bishop is not bound by anything his father did. And for another, one
would have expected p'Bitek the sociologistt" and "philosopher" to know
the basic difference between the way the black Bishop's father regarded his
wives and the way present-day customers regard the social parasites. Our
grandfathers had their, own standards and the acquisition of many wives
was a dignified social asset according to those standards. At least they did
not regard their wives as commodities on an hourly or even a nightly basis.