Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Annotated list of the perennial...
 The Jie-Acholi war: oral evidence...
 Wireless interception on Lake Victoria...
 An abortive proposal for a wireless...
 Acholi dance and dance-songs
 A preliminary investigation of...
 Notes on the behaviour of the White-browed...
 Uganda bibliography 1970-1971
 Back Cover

The Uganda journal
External Link ( Journal issues, 1999-2002 )
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080855/00078
 Material Information
Title: The Uganda journal
Abbreviated Title: Uganda j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 22-24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Uganda Society
Publisher: Uganda Society etc.
Uganda Society etc.
Place of Publication: Kampala etc
Publication Date: 1971
Frequency: irregular[1976-<1995>]
semiannual[ former 1934-]
annual[ former <1948>-1973]
completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Periodicals -- Uganda   ( lcsh )
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Uganda
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- 1934-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended May 1942-Mar. 1946; replaced by the Society's Bulletin.
Numbering Peculiarities: One issue published every few years, v. 38 (1976)-<v. 42 (1995)>
Issuing Body: Vols. 11-13 published in London.
General Note: Journal of The Uganda Society (formerly The Uganda Literary and Scientific Society).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ABS8002
oclc - 01644239
alephbibnum - 000301510
issn - 0041-574X
lccn - 52026895
System ID: UF00080855:00078
 Related Items
Related Items: Uganda journal

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents 1
        Table of Contents 2
    Annotated list of the perennial woody vegetation of the West Ankole forests
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
    The Jie-Acholi war: oral evidence from two sides of the battle front
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
    Wireless interception on Lake Victoria 1914-1916
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
    An abortive proposal for a wireless service 1924-1925
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
    Acholi dance and dance-songs
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
    A preliminary investigation of the conservation abilities of unschooled Iteso adults
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
    Notes on the behaviour of the White-browed Robin-chat and the Black-headed Gonolek
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79-90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
    Uganda bibliography 1970-1971
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

The Uganda Journal

VOLUME 35 PART 1. 1971

J. TER 23
1914-1916 A. T. MATSON 43
SERVICE 1924-1925 A. T. MATSON 49
CHANGE -- S. CARR 88.'
Ganda art (By A. M. Lugira) - C. SASSOON 93
Law without precedent (By L. A. Fallers) S. D. Ross 95
Rural markets iAv East Africa (By C. M. Good) J. B. SPLANSKY 97
A history of the British medical administration
of East Africa (By A. Beck) - A. T. MATSON 98
The early history of scientific medicine
in Uganda (By W. D. Foster) - A. T. MATSON 98
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY 1970-1971 Compiled by B. W. LANGLANDS 101
Published by


President Vice-President
Dr. F. Sempala-Nttege Mr. J. Kingdon


The President Mr. R. Frankum
The Vice-President Mr. S. C. Grimley, M.B.E.
The Hon. Secretary Mr. D. Kavulu
The Hon. Treasurer Mr. W. S. Kajubi
The Hon. Editor Mr. E. N. C. Kironde
The Hon. Librarian Rev. A. M. Lugira
Mr. P. ,Y. Bulenzi Mrs. M. Macpherson, M.B.E.
Mr. N. Calogeropoulos Dr. B. Otaala
Mr. J. L. Dixon Mr. D. A. T. Ritchie
Mrs. D. M. Etoori Mr. H. Sassoon

Hon. Secretary: Mr. J. P. Ocitti
Hon. Treasurer: Mr. B. K. Muwanga
Hon. Librarian ,-Professor B. W. Langlands
Hon. Editor: \Mrs. 0. Mutibwa

Hon. Auditors: Hon. Legal Adviser:
Mr. R. A. Counihan

Hon. Vice-Presidenis & Hon. Life Members

Reverend Father J. P. Crazzolara Mr. E. B. Haddon
Captain C. R. W. Pitman, C.B.E., D.S.O., M.C. Professor A. W. Williams, C.B.E.
Past Presidents

1933-34 Sir A. R. Cook, c.M.o., o.B.E. 1951-52 Professor A. W. Williams, a.B.E.
1934-35 Mr. E. J. Wayland, c.B.E. 1952-58 Sir J. N. Hutchinson, c.M.o., v.R.s.
1935-36 Dr. H. H. Hunter, C.B.E., L.L.D. 1953-54 Mr. J. D. Jameson, O.B.E.
1936-37 Dr. H. Jowitt, a.M.c. 1954-55 Dr. Audrey I. Richards, C.B.E.
1937-38 Sir H. R. Hone, K.O.M.,K.B.C., 1955-56 Rev. Dr, H. C. Trowell, o.n.E.
M.c., q.c. 1956-57 Mr. D. K. Mfarphatia, M.B.E
1938-39 Mr. J. Sykes, o.B.E. 1957-58 Mr. M. Barrington Ward
1939-40 Mr. N. V. Brasnett 1958-59 Dr. H. F. Morris
1940-41 Captain C. R. S. Pitman, C.B.E. 1959-60 Professor A. W. Southall
D.s.O., M.o. 1960-61 Mr. J. C. D. Lawrance, o.B.E.
1941-42 Mr. S. Kulubya, a.B... 1961-62 Mr. B. E. R. Kirwan, M.B.E.
1942-43 Mr. E. A. Temple Perkins 1962-64 Mr. W. S. Kajubi
1943-44 Mr. R. A. Snoxall 1964-65 Dr. M. Posnansky
1944-45 Dr. K. A. Davies, c.M.o.. O.B.E. 1965-66 Dr. W. B. Banage
1945-46 Mr. G. H. E. Hopkins, o.B.E. 1966-67 Professor S. K. Baker O.B.E.
1946-47 Mrs. K. M. Trowell, M.B.E. 1967-68 Dr. M. S. M. Kiwanuka
1947-48 Dr. W. J. Eggeling, C.B.E., F.R.S.E.1968-69 Mr. J. L. Dixon
1948-50 Dr. G. ap Griffith 1969-7U Mr. P. Zirimu
1950-51 Rev. Fr. F. B. Gaffney, w.v. 1970-71 Professor B. W. Langlands

Mr. P. N. Kavuma Mr. E. Kironde Rev. K. H. Sharpe
Secretary: Mrs. F. Katuramu

Vol. 35

@ Uganda Society 1971

The Journal of the Uganda Society


Published By
P.O. Box 4980

Including Uganda Bibliography
publishing in association with
The National Trust of Uganda.

Part 1

& J. B. WEBSTER 23
1914-1916 A. T. MATSON 43
SERVICE 1924-1925 A. T. MATSON 49
CHANGE - - - - S. CARR 88
Ganda art (By A. M. Lugira) C. SASSOON 93
Law without precedent (By L. A. Fallerm) S. D. Ross 95
Rural markets n East Africa (By C. M. Good) J. B. SPLANSKY 97
A history of the British medical administration
of East Africa (By A. Beck) - A. T. MATSON 98
The early history of scientific medicine
in Uganda (By W. D. Foster) A. T. MATSON 98
SOCIETY NEWS - - - - - 91
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY 1970-1971 Compiled by B. W. LANGLANDS 101

Uganda Journal, 35, 1 (1971) pp. 1-21.



An attempt is made here to provide a list, and an indication of the dis-
tribution, of the woody plants found in a belt of forest which lies mainly in
west Ankole. Much botanical information has been gathered, over many
years, from these and other forests in Uganda, but it is usually scattered
through many notes, lists and Working Plans of various ages, most of which
are not easily accessible to the public. Few of the Working Plans written
for each forest contain more than a short list of the main timber species, or
some of the more prominent trees and shrubs. Ecological studies can hardly
be made without much more complete botanical information, and the stan-
dard reference books and Working Plan Records are not always useful to
the visitor who requires a comprehensive list of species growing in any part-
icular forest. It is hoped that this will be useful to those interested in any
aspect of the forests for which the identification of the plants may be impor-
tant. The following list is certainly not complete, and new records may be
collected in almost every visit. However the great majority of trees and
shrubs which any visitor will find in these forests are listed here. The
list is particularly incomplete for woody climbers and lines. The distribut-
ion of the woody species of hemi-parasites is so little known that they have
been omitted from the list.
Names and Status of Forests
This list covers several Forest Reserves, as well as
areas of unreserved forest, bush and grassland immediately surrounding these
Reserves which are as follows:
South Maramagambo, Kigezi District, partly within' Queen Elizabeth
National Park, 15,175 ha.
North Maramagambo, Ankole District, all within Queen Elizabeth Nati-
onal Park, 29,125 ha.
Kalinzu, Ankole District, including Kasunju Hill, 14,125 ha.
Kasyoha-Kitomi, Ankole District, including Rubare Ridge, 39,070
Kakasi. Toro District, 800 ha.
These areas form a continuous belt of Forest Reserve of nearly 98,300 ha.
(380 sq.mi.) consisting of two large forest masses divided by Rubare ridge.
For the purposes of description, the boundary between Maramagambo and
Kalinzu is the wall of the rift valley, and that between Kalinzu and Kasyoha-
Kitoma is the main, Mbarara-Fort Portal road over Rubare ridge.
Partial felling of timber has so far been carried out over about 2,800 ha.
of Kalinzu, and insignificant areas of Maramagambo and Kasyoha-Kitomi.
Felling in Kalinzu is now proceeding at about 300 ha. a year, (i.e. about
0.3% of the forest area covered by this list). This rate is likely to increase
gradually as the general economy and prosperity of the area develops. There
is no immediate prospect of harvesting timber in the other forests, until sup-


plies from Kalinzu are no longer adequate. At present, half the timber derived
from Kalinzu is sold to Kilembe Mines, and the rest to builders and carpent-
ers on the open market.. Harvesting is followed by silvicultural treatment
designed to encourage the regeneration and increase the proportion of the
more valuable and useful species. This is done partly by poisoning the dam-
aged, defective and unsaleable trees and partly by utilising these trees and
discarded branchwood for charcoal. Charcoal-burning is a much more dras-
tic, efficient and profitable method of controlling the development of the
forest than poisoning. Charcoal production for domestic fuel is increasing
rapidly and will eventually put an end to poisoning-methods, as is already
the case in the Mengo forests. The possible development of a major industrial
demand for charcoal may extend this form of forest treatment into unharve-
sted areas.
Species Distribution
The locations of species are distinguished according to North and South
Maramagambo M, Kalinzu K and Kasyoha-Kitomi and Kakasi K-K. In each
case these locations refer to both the Forest Reserve and the neighboring
unreserved land. There are important areas of unreserved forest in Queen
Elizabeth Park and in the Ankole Tea Estate, which have almost complete
protection, and other areas of unreserved forest in valleys in public land which
are gradually being cleared by cultivation, fire and grazing. The geographical
distribution of species by counties is not stated in the, list, although this
information may be valuable for detailed mapping in the future. North Ma-
ramagambo is in Bunyaruguru County, Ankole District, and South Marama-
gambo is in Ruzhumbura County, Kigezi District. Any species recorded for
M as a whole, or for the western margin of M, certainly occur in both of
these counties and districts. Certain species are recorded for only the extreme
north of North Maramagambo or the extreme south of South Maramaga-
mbo. These species can therefore be reliably recorded for only one or other
of these counties. Kalinzu lies in both Bunyaruguru and Igara Counties,
Ankole, with the county boundary running in arbitrary line through the mid-
dle of the forest. Most of the plant collections have been made in the Igara
portion, but it is highly likely that any species in Kalinzu occurs in both coun-
ties. Kasyoha-Kitomi Forest lies in four counties of Ankole: Bunyarugura
in the west, Igara in the southwest (where no collections have been made),
Buhweju in the main central part, and Mitoma in the northeast. The known
distribution of vegetation types suggests that most species occur in'all four
counties. However it cannot be certain that all the rarer species collected near
Lutoto in Bunyaruguru necessarily occur further east. Similarly some of the
species collected near Kyabakara and the river Ngoro, Buhweju, or at river
Kitomi, Mitoma, may not occur further west, Kakasi Forest lies in Kibale
County, Toro District. All species recorded for Kakasi and the river Kitomi
valley certainly occur in both Ankole and Toro, and all the species recorded
with a widespread distribution in the Celtis Albizia forest of north and east
K-K occur also in Kakasi. Toro.
History of Collecting
Apart from Kalinzu, these forests are not well known and have seldom
been visited by collectors. Kalinzu has had a sawmill and permanent resident
staff for twenty years, but knowledge of most of the other forest areas is still
in the stage of exploration.


Stanley and Lugard passed in the vicinity of Kasyoha-Kitomi and Kaka-
si, walking along the north of the forest towards Katwe. The first forester
in these parts was Dawe in 1905, who visited Kalinzu and Kasyoha-Kitomi.
Further visits were made in 1930, by Gibson the first D.F.O. in Mbarara. In
1935-36 Eggeling visited South Maramagambo, Kalinzu and Kasyoha-Kitomi,
and carried out timber enumerations in 1938. From that time Kalinzu beca-
me progressively better known. Boundary demarcations were carried out
during the 1940's and early 1950's, but no further important investigations
were made outside Kalinzu until Osmaston and others walked through South
Maramagambo in 1957, and Cahusac carried out ground-control work for
type-mapping in Kasyoha-Kitomi in 1958. Since 1966, certain areas of South
Maramagambo and Kasyoha-Kitomi have been made more accessible by road
extensions, and more collecting has been done by J. Ball and the writer from
the Forest Department. Parts of the Maramagambo have been investigated
frequently by J.M, Lock from N.U.T.A.E., Mweya. Many of the specimens
listed here were collected by Dr. Lock (J.M.L.). As far as I know, no collect-
ing has ever been done in North Maramagambo, apart from the extreme
edges in the north and west, and much of Kasyoha-Kitomi is virtually un-
Local names are noted wherever possible in Runyankole (A) and Rukiga
(K). These have been checked and taken from reliable sources. They may
not always be helpful for field identification, since the names of the less
common trees and shrubs are known by few local people. Some names e.g.
Omunyamwaizi are suggested by local people for a wide variety of plants.
The botanical names are intended to be the latest versions, and no attempt
is made to give synonyms. In spite of name-changes, the descriptions of most
of the trees and larger shrubs can be found in Eggeling's The indigenous
trees of Uganda (I.T.U.)
Forest types
The composition of these forests is in many ways transitional between
true Tropical Rain Forest, as found at low and medium altitudes in West
Africa and the Congo Basin, and Tropical Montane Forest. The altitude of
the forests ranges from about 920 m, beside lake Edward in South Marama-
gambo, up to 1846 m on Kasunju hill in Kalinzu. The area is also subject
to dry seasons of varying severity during which some of the tree species are
leafless for short periods. An unusual feature of the mature forest communi-
ties in this area, not usually found in true Rain Forest, is a strong dominance
by a single species of the upper canopy. Cynometra alexandri dominates
the old communities of Maramagambo, as in many of the Bunyoro forests,
and young regeneration of this species is abundant. The dominant species
in most of Kalinzu and much of Kasyoha-Kitomi is Parinari excels, which
forms the great majority of the largest trees but is extremely deficient in
young regeneration. In some areas, the forest is found to contain a wide
variety of trees without obvious dominance by a few species. Some of these
may be self-perpetuating mixtures, but others are obviously young forests
developing into more mature communities with a different species compo-
Nearly half the area of Maramagambo and Kasyoha-Kitomi consists of
young forest of colonising trees, probably dating from the time of depopu-


lation during the sleeping sickness and rinderpest epidemics. At that time,
the relief from the pressures of burning, grazing or cultivation could have
allowed the existing mature forests to expand, and it appears that the present
increasing intensity of grass-burning around South Maramagambo and
Kasyoha-Kitomi is now keeping forest expansion in check. Evidence of
widespread expansion of the forests east of lake Edward and southeast of
lake George comes from early reports and maps and is also nearly visible
in the vegetation communities. The most common species in these younger
forests are Alb.zia spp Celtis durad.i. Markhamia, with Sapium, Diospyros
and Croton macrostachyus. Diospyros is particularly abundant in the lowest,
driest areas of Maramagambo and Kasyoha-Kitomi.
Old mixed forest, found in central Maramagambo and various parts of
Kalinza and Kasyoha-Kitomi may be a seral stage in the succession, as sug-
gested by its usual distribution between the young colonising forest and the
ancient climax communities. However, it often appears to be old and un-
disturbed with no sign of progressing towards a Cynometra or Parinari
community, especially in valleys. It is possible that mixed forest is also a
stable climax community on richer soils, while single-species dominance may
be determined by poorer, drier or ill-drained sites. The old mixed forest
contains Chrsophyllum sppi, Antiaris, Newtonia and occasional valuable
The vegetation types and their relationships are discussed in more detail
in the Forest Department, Working Plans.
Acanthus arboreus ForsAk. K, M, K-K
Along forest margins and in openings through K and K-K, and long east and
north of M. Abundant colonising shrub
Brillantaisia nitens Lindau. K
Common shrub. 2-5 m., along roadsides in disturbed forest.
Pseuderanthemum ludourcianum (Buttner) Lindau. K-K
Small straggling shrub under closed forest in northwest border of K-K, e.g. at
river Ngoro. TJS. 290.
WVh'tfieldia elongata (Beau) C.B.C1. M
Woody plant under mature forest, found in South M, c. 3 km. from east end of
Biteriko track. TJS. 350.
Dracaena fragrans (L.) Ker-Gawl. K, M, K-K Ekigologolo (A,K).
Small thrub. occasionally up to 8 m. or more. found under closed forest in all
areas, usually in places with accessible ground-water.
Dracaena steudneri Schweinf. ex Engl. K, ?M
Common on fringe of Kalinzu forest above lake Rutoto. Also possibly this sp,
found at north end of North M by bat caves.
Alangium chinense (Lour.) Rehder K, K-K
Recorded as occasional in Medium Quality Macsopsis Forest Type 1 by Cahusac.
Also collected in north K by Eggeling, and near lake Rutoto.
Lannea welwitschii Engl. M
One reported seen in South M by Eggeling 1936. (W.P.)
Pseudospondias microcarpa (A. Rich.) Engl. K, M, K-K
Found occasionally throughout forest area, often very large, usually beside streams
or in valleys.
Rhus natalensis Berch. ex Krauss M
Found occasionally in scrub and near rivers on weAt margin of M.
Trichoscypha submontana Van der Veken K. Omushaya (A).
Occasional, but locally frequent, in some areas of mature forest in K.. e.g. Cpt.
6 and 7.


Cleistopholis patens (Benth.) Engl. & Diels. M
Large tree, 20 m. or more dominant in area of swampy riverine forest north of
M in Queen Elizabeth Park.
Monodora angotens's Welw. K
Rare understorey tree or shrub, recorded in K (I.T.U.)
Minodora myristic (Gaerth) Dunal. K, K-K Omuho (A).
Forest tree found occasionally in mature forest in K, in the older areas of K-K
e.g. above Kyabakara, almost always near streams or in valleys but occasionally
on hills'dcs.
Uvariodendron magnificum Verdc. K-K
Small tree or large straggling bush mainly in valleys under mature forest. Found
besides main track across) river Ngoro and locally abundant east of Kyabakara.
This forest area is the only known locafty for this species.
Uvariopsis congeneis Robyns & Ghesquiere M
Tree locally frequent beside lake Nyamsing!ri in relatively young forest.
Alstonia boonei De Wild. K
Very rare, in mature forest areas. Has been found as large trees and as seedlings.
Funtumia latifolia (Stapf.) Stapf ex Schltr. K, K-K Munyamatunsga (A),
Munyamagozi (K).
Widely distributed in K, and in mature forest mainly in the south west of K-K.
Gabunia odoratissima Stapf. K
Frequent understorey shrub or small tree, growing with T. holsti TJS. 355.
Pleiocarpa pycnantha (K. Schum.) Stapf. K Nyakatoma (A).
Frequent understorey tree or shrub in mature forest, both in Parinari and in
mixed types. TJS. 410.
Raurolfia oxyphylla Stapf. K, M, K-K
Infrequent but widely distributed from the south of south M up to central K-K
where it is seldom seen. Usually a shrub or small tree in relatively young or open
areas sometimes beside swamps, but occasionally a large tree. TJS. 202 from
beside swamp in South M identified as R. caffra, but probably R. oxyphylla.
Rauvolfia vomitoria Afz. M, K-K
Shrub or small tree in mixed forest in west M Also in forest associated with
river Ngoro. TJS. 446.
Saba sp. M
Climber, reported by Osmaston in Nchwcra valley, South M, (as Landolphia sp.)
in W.P. Saba florida Bullock recorded at river Ishasha by J.M.L.
Strophanthus preussii Engl. & Pax. K-K
Climber. Single specimen collected in forest beside river Ngoro. TJS. 478.
Tabernaemontana holstii K. Schum. K, M, K-K Mubakampungu(A)
Kinyamagosi (K).
Frequent understorey shrub or small tree. abundant under mature forest espec-
ially in K. Less common in drier areas of M and K-K where it is re.tridted to
well established young forest and valleys. Seldom seen below 1050 m.
Tabernaemontana usambarenslis K. Schum. M, K-K
Occasional understorey shrub in lower, drier forests. Frequent in parts of North
M and found under mixed relatively young forest in south and west Southl M
and around Kyabakara. Usually below 1100 m.
Voacanga obtusa K. Schum. K-K, ?M
Small tree growing in the open usually near streams. Found near Kakasi and
beside river Katerere, K-K. TJS. 333, 374. Reported growing in valley on east
margin of South M.
Polyscias fulva (Hiern.) Harms. K,M,K-K Mutagu, Mungu (A),
Mungwe, Omungu, Omurugi Webina (K).
Abundant in young forest, and on forest edges. Occasionally a large tree up to
25 m in mature forest in K. Rare in M and in low drier areas of K-K.
Scheftera sp. K, M.
Woody liane. Recorded in Nchwera valley, Sou h M by Osmaston, (W.P.) and
in K by Lock.


Dregea abyssinica (Hochst) K. Schum. M
Woody climber to 6 m. or more. Common in drier parts of north and west M.
Sarcostemma viminale (L.) R. Br. M
Leafles climber found in rilverine scrub along west margin. Infrequent.
Begonia eminii Warb. K
Woody plant, 1 m., collected in K young mixed forest east of Kirambi Glade.
TJS. 429.
Kigelia afrliciana (Lam) Benth. K, M, K-K Omwefuzo (K).
Found as small tree throughout forest area from the south of South M up to
Kakasi. Usually in young mixed forest or openings or on forest edges. Rarely
found in mature forest ad relicts of previous openings.
Markhamia platycalyx Sprague K, M, K-K Omushambya (A), Omusarvu (K).
Abundant throughout forest area in mature first generation forest, and in young,
mixed, or colonising) forest, and in forest edges. Often found in mature forest
in recent or old openings[.
Spathodea nilotica Seem K, M, K-K Munyara (A), Ekifurafura (K).
Frequent throughout forest area, in similar habitats to Markhamia.
Stereospermum kunthianum Cham. K-K
Noted in savanna woodland north of K-K above lake George.
Bombax buonopozense Hiern. M African Kapok tree.
One very large tree found beside Biteriko track on east boundary of South M.
The exotic Kapok tree, Ceiba pentandra, has been planted in a few places, mainly
in Bunyaruguru county nearly roads.
Cordia africana Lam K, M, K-K Muzugangoma (A), Omujugangoma (K).
Occasional throughout forest area, usually in young, mixed or colonizing forest,
or on forest edges. Sometimes found growing to large sizes among more mature
forest, e.g. in South M fuel area, by North M bat caves, and in K. Also known
as C. abyssinica R.Br.
Cardia millenii Bak.
Occasionally reported from all forest areas, but not confirmed and probably confused
with large C. africana.
Cordia ovalis D.C. M
Found in scrub near river Kaizi, and beside river Nyamweruq Both local-
ities close to Ishasha road in west border of M.

Ehretia cymosa Thonno K Omukobokobo (A), Omukobakoba, Otukombu (K).
Found in open hillside forest in south K, probably occurring, more widely in scrub,
forest edges, and openings. TJS. 360.
Canarium schweinfurthii Engl. K Nyegye (K).
Very rare, found as large tree in mature forest. Also noted beside stream below
Biteriko, several km east of South M.
Warburgia ugandensis Sprague K, M, K-K Mwiha (A).
Large trees occasional in old forest in K and K-K, more frequent in old mixed
and Cynometra forest in east and central M. Young trees frequent iin mixed and
colonising forest in south and west M. Large trees frequently have barl stripped
off for use as vermifuge.
Capparis erythrocarpos Isert. M
Noted by Osmaston in scrub on west margin of M. Not confirmed
Capparis fascicularis DC. M
Shrub, rare in forest, frequent on Ishasha river flats.
Capparis sepiariaa L. M
Occasional shrub in scrub along west margin. (J.M.L.)
Capparis tomentosa Lam. M
Abundant along west margin. Characteristic of thickets and colonisingi scrub,
Euadenia eminens Hook. f. K, K-K


Uncommon understorey shrub, Found under mature forest in K in felling area
and below Rubare ridge, also in K-K under young forest west of Bihanga, on
road alignment. TJSi 242, 342.
Maerua duchesnei (De Wildi) F. White. M, K-K
Understorey shrub or small tree. Found occasionally in west M mainly in
valleys or riverine forests; also beside river Ngoro in K-K, on road to Kyabakarau
TJS. 210, 380.
Maerua edulis (Gilg. & Bened.) De Wolf. M
Dwarf shrub in grassland along west margin. (J.M.L.)
Maerua triphylla Al. Rich. M Memenwa (A).
Frequent in thickets west of M. (J.M.L.)
Ritchiea albersii Gilg. K
Large shrub, found in harvested mature forest. TJS. 346..
Cassine aethiopica Thunb. M, K, K-K Omusongati (K).
Noted by Osmaston in Ruhewa valley, on east margin of South M and collected
from Ntungwe valley near Ishasha. (J.M.L.). Also collected on north side of
Rubare ridge. (J.B. Ball).
Hippocratea indica Willd. M, K-K
Frequent climber in young forest in north and west M, Also collected in young
forest near river Ngoro, K-K, TJS. 2521
Maytenus ovatus (Wight & Am.) Loes. var. argutus (Leos.) Blakelock K-K
Small tree 7 m, collected near river Ngoro, K-K. TJS. 445
Maytenus senegalensis (Lam.) Exell. M Mubambanjobe (A).
Savanna bush or small tree along east border of South M.
Maytenus undatus (Thunb.) Blakelock. M
Understorey tree, frequent in young or colonising forest along weAt mar-
gin, but also under mature forest in central South M. TJS. 305.
Combretum gueinzii Sond. K, M, K-K Murama (A).
Savanna tree on east and south margins of M, and in grassland and on hills,
within and around K and K-K. Large relic tree, probably of this species, found
in medium-aged forest at Rwensama fuel-cutting area, on hillside, in western
South M.
Microglossa afzelii 0. Hoffm. M
Climber or scrambler collected in western South M. (J.M.L.)
Microglossa densiflora Hook. f. M
Small shrub collected in western M. (J.M.L.)
Vernonia spp, M, K-K, K
Small bushes found in colonising forest or regeneration. Noted by L. Nyamasi-
ngiri (V. brachycalyx 0. Hoffm.).
Agelaea ugandensis Schellenb. M. K
Noted in F,T.E.A. occurring at Bwambara, at south end of South M. Climber.
Also collected in K. (TJS. 419).
Connarus longistipitatus Gilg. K
Noted in F.T.E.A. Climber.
Jaundea pinnata (Beauv.) Schellenb. K, M, K-K
Climber or small shrub, found throughout forest area in young and old forest.
TJS. 231, 318.
Stictocardia beraviensis (Vatke) Hall. f. M
Climber with fine red flowers in mixed forest in west and north M, often in
wetter places.
Cyathea manniana Hook. K, K-K Kinyaruba (A), Kigunju (K).
Locally abundant beside streams and rivers in mature forest.
Tapura fischeri Engl. M
Bush or multiistemmed small tree in riverine scrub or forest! Recorded beside


river Ntungwe and river Nyamweru, near Ishasha road, and near river Nchwera
at fuel-cutting area. (TJS,. 212).
Diospyros abyssinica (Hiern.) F. White. K, M, K-K Omuhoko (A, K), Nserere (K).
Frequent throughout much of M with large old trees among the mature mixed
forest in the east, and younger trees, often in apparently even-aged stands in the
west. Also frequent in certain areas of mixed forest in north and west K-K.
Occasional in many parts of K, particularly in hill forest.
Euctea divinorum Hiern. M Misikid (A).
Reported in Rwensama area, in dense scrub west of South M. Possibly the same
as E. latidens. (W.P.)
Euclea latidens Stapf. M
Frequent in scrub and woodland throughout west margin.
Agauria salicifolia (Comm.ex Lam' Hook f.ex OEv. K Musegewa, Afusengura (K).
Rare, in grassland or woodland on hills. Reported occasional on Nkombi Ridge.
Philippia benguelensis (Engl.) Britten K,K-K
Omuhugye, Mugonja (A), Omuhungye, Munyabusisi (K).
Frequent in grassland and woodland on hills and ridges.
Erythroxylum fischeri Engl. M
Frequent in closed woodland along west margin. TJS. 211, 462.
Acalypha spp. M
Recorded by Eggeling and Lock in South M. A. bipartita Muel. Arg., and
.A, villicaulis Hochst, ex A. Rich. have been collected. (J.M.L.)
Alchornea cordifolia (Schum. & Thonn.) Muell. Arg. M
Found in swamp and lakeside around Ishasha. (J.M.L.)
Alchornca hirtella Benth forma glabrata (Prain.) Pax et K. IIoffm. K, M, K-K.
Ekitigando (A), Ekigogwa, Oruzhogwa, (K).
Understorey shrub, occasional throughout forest area, especially on forest edges
and in openings. TJS. 284, 353.
Antidesma laciniatum Muell. Arg. var. membranaceum Muell. Arg. M, K-K
Understorey tree, occasional in mature mixed forest in central and west South M.
Also collected in North Kitomi forest. TJS. 234
Argomuellera macrophylla Pax. M, K-K
Understorey shrub, frequent, in mature Cynometra forest including dwarf forest
along river Kaizi. Also found under mature mixed forest east of Kyabakara, K-K.
Recorded by Osmaston in these M habitats under the non-existent name of'
A. schweinfurthii.
Bn.delia brideliifolia (Pax.) Fedde and B. micrantha (Hochst) Baill. K, K-K
Kataza, Mujiji (A), Omuji, Omujimbo, Mubamnbantoni (K).
Frequent in savanna, and on edges of forest. TJS. 334. Relative distribution
of the two species, is uncertain.
Croton macrostachyus Del. K, M, K-K Omulangara (A), Murangara (K).
Frequent in grassland and bracken, on forest edge and colonizing forest and in
relatively mature forest of colonising species. In M noted only in extreme south
(Bwambara) and north (Nyamasingiri).
Croton megalocarpus Hutch. K, K-K Mutugunda, (A', Omutakula, Omuyuni (A).
Occasional. locally abundant, in mature forest and in young forest of colonising
species in K. Also occasional in the richest mature forest in K-K. TJS.323.
Drypetes bipindensis (Pax.) Hutch. K
Small tree recorded in I.T.U. Eggelng 3628.
Drypetes sp. aff. D. battiscombei Hutch K, K-K Mushabarara (A), Kakobo (K)
Very abundant large understorey tree, throughout mature areas of K.
Drypetes sp. probably this species, also frequent in mature areas of K-K.
Drypetes sp. aff. D. leonensis (Pax) & K. Hoffm. K Mushabarara (A).
Forest tree, collected in K.
Elacophorbia drupifera (Thom. ex Schum. & Thonn.) Stapf. M
Noted in Ruhewa and Nchwera valleys in west. and in areas of mature mixed
forest throughout central South M. This may be wrongly named,

Erythrococcus bongensis Pax. M
Abundant shrub in young forest and colonising scrub along west margin. TJS. 262.
Euphorbia candelabrum Trem. M Enkukuru (A).
TreeJ of all ages found in scrub and savanna along north and west margins, and
old relicts found deeper in the young mixed forest.
Euphorbia dawei N.E.Br. M
Frequent tree in woodland and scrub along west margin; locally abundant
especially along steep sides of river valleys.
Alacaranga kilimandscharica Pax. K, K-K Omuburashasla, Omurara, Omusasa (K\.
Abundant in K, mainly on forest edges and in young forest, Recorded as
abundant in Medium Quality Maesopsis forest in K-K. (Cahusac,W.P.)
Macaranga monandra Muell. Arg. K, K-K Omurara, Omufurafura (K).
Frequent in certain areas of young forest in northeast K-K, along first part of
road into forest from Bihanga. especially around grassy openings. Also collected
in mature but relatively open forest in K.
Macaranga pynaertii De Wild. K-K
Recorded by J. Ball in poor forest in the central part of the northwest border of
K-K. (W.P. Appx. 3). Not confirmed.
Macaranga schweinfurthii Pax K, M, K-K Mukokoma (A).
Abundant along rivers and in swampy ground throughout forest area.
Meineckia phyllanthoides Baill. M
Dwarf shrub in mature forest dominated by Cynometra. J.M,L. 68/314
Neobouionia macrocalyx Pax. K, K-K Kinyabuhere (A), Omwanya, Echanva (K).
Frequent in K especially around swampy areas. Recorded for similar habitat in
K-K. TJS. 268A.
Neoboutonia melleri (Muell. Arg.) Prain M, K, K-K
A tree of valley bottoms and swampy areas. Collected around lake Nyamasingiri
in M, and in valley in K. TJS. 214, 218, 475. Reported common in swamps in K-K.
The relative distribution of these two Neoboutonia spp. is uncertain.
Phyllanthus discoideus (Baill.) Muell. Arg. K, M, K-K
Muremampango (A), Omukale, Omusongati, Omuhahara (K).
Occasional small tree on forest edges and in young forest. Sometimes a large tree up
to 30 m in mature forest on hillsides in K. Recorded in central and eastern areas
of South M.
Phyllanthus inflatus Hutch. K, K-K
Small tree or shrub. Rare. Collected once under mature forest on north side of
K-K near Kyabakara. TJS. 383. Recorded in K in I.T.U.
Ricinodendron heudelotii (Baill.) Pierre ex Pax. M
One tree reported by Eggeling in South M. (W.P.)
Sapium ellipticum (Hochst.) Pax. K, M, K-K Musasa (A), Omusasa, Omushasha (K).
Abundant in young forest, colonising woodland, forest edges and in riverine forest
throughout forest area. Seldom seen in north end of North M.
Securinega virosa (Wild.) Pax. & K. Hoffm. K, M, K-K Omuturika (A).
Abundant in young forest and colonising scrub around margins and in open
areas within forests.
Tetrorchidium didymostemon (Baill.) Pax. & K. Hoffm. K, K-K Nyakahoko (A).
Frequent in medium-aged colonising and Maesopsis areas in K. TJS. 412. Noted
from K-K new road alignment.
Thecacoris lucida (Pax.) Hutch. M
Occasional understorey tree in mixed forest in central South M. TJS. 297, 349.
Uapaca guineensis Muell. Arg. M
Found along the east and central Nchwera valley. (W.P.)
Caloncoba schweinfurthii Gilg. K, K-K
One tree found in forest associated with river Ngoro, in K-K. Alo collected
in K by Hamilton. Rare.
Casearia battiscombei R.E. Fries. K
Small tree, collected at forest edge in Tea Estate. north K, TJS. 357. Rare.
Casearia engleri Gilg. K Omburatutu (K).
Medium sized tree, rare, in hillside forest. Found in Cpt. 8 with Prunus,
Maesopsis. TJS. 293k
Dasylepis eggelingii Gillett. K
Occasional understorey shrub in mature hillside forest of Prunus, Maesopsis etc.
TJS. 364.


Dasylepis leptophylla Gilg. K Omushondo, Musalyla (K).
Understorey shrub common in mature mixed forest in central and north K, but
not noted in harvested areas of South K. TJS. 255, 428.
Dovyalis abyssinica Warb. K
Shrub 3 m. collected in Cpt. 6, K. TJS. 476.
Dovyalis macrocalyx (Oliv.) Warb, M, K-K
Frequent understorey shrub in mixed and colonising forest, in central and western
M, TJS. 351. Also collected in Kakasi and near Kyabakara, K-K TJS. 390, 372.
Dovyalis xanthocarpa Bullock M, K-K
Frequent understorey shrub in young mixed forest in north ard west M, usually
in more open vegetation than D. macrocalyx. Also found on forest edge near
river Ngoro, K-K.
Flacourtia indica (Burm. f.) Merrs. K-K
Recorded by Eggeling on forest edge, 1936. Collected at lake Lutoto.
Lindackeria bukobensis Gilg. K
Small tree, found in felled and treated forest, Cpt. 3, K. TJI. 365 Uncommon.
Lindackeria mildbraedii Gilg, K, M, K-K
Frequent understorey tree or shrub in most of K. Also collected in mixed forest
in central South M, and east of Lutoto in K-K. TJS. 257, 354, 298.
Oncoba spinosa Forsk. M, K, K-K
Occasional shrub or small tree, found in open, or on forest edge or under mature
canopy, Collected at Kyabakara; Oncoba species recorded by Egglelixn on forest
edge in east of South M. Found in K along main forest road, TJS. 432, 371.
Rawsonia ugandensis Dawe et Sprague. K, M, K-K
Understorey shrub in mature forest, found in central South M. (J.M.L. 69/282.)
Also noted in K. Rawsonia sp. collected near river Ngoro, K-K TJS. 441.
Symphonia globulifera Lf. K, K-K Musandasanda (A), Musisi (K).
Frequent large tree in mature forest, particularly in valleys and near watercourses.
Often found with Parinari,
Harungana madagascariensis Poir. K, K-K Omulengero, Mulimanga (K), Omutaha (A).
Frequent small tree in colonising forest and forest edges. TJS. 246.
Leptaulus holstii (Engl.) Engl. K, K-K
Understorey shrub in mature forest south of sawmill, collected once in Cpt. 1,
TJS. 341. Also collected in poor hillside forest south of Kyabalara, K-K TJS. 448.
and near river Ngoro, TJS. 482.
Raphiostylis beninensis (Planch.) Benth. K-K
Straggling shrub, collected beside river Ngoro, TJS. 443.
Hoslundia opposite Vahl. K, M, K-K Omunyamukasa (A).
Frequent shrub in young and colonising forest and around forest edges'.
Ocimum suave Willd. M, K-K
Occasional shrub in young and colonising forest. TJS. 241 & 303.
Beilschmeidia ugandensis Rendle. K, K-K Mukarata (A).
Frequent forest tree in mature areas of K and occasional in K-K. Usually in
wetter areas.,
Ocotea usambarensis Engl. K Omwiha (K).
Very rare forest tree. One specimen found during 1952 enumerations.
Baikiaea insignis Benth. subsp. minor (Oliv.) Leonard. M, K
Tree of valleys and streamside. Reported common by Eggeling, and found in
central Nchwera valley by Osmaston. Also grows near Ishasha rad beside river
Kaizi and Nyamweru. Recorded once in K.
Baphiopsis parviflora Bak. K, K-K
Small tree found beside river Ngoro, north of K-K, in patch of mature riverine
forest with Piptadeniastrum, Pterygota. TJS. 444. Occasional in. K.
Cassia didymobotrya Fres. K, M, K-K Omugabagaba (A).
Common in K and occasional in K-K. Understorey shrub in young forest, and
in canopy openings. TJS. 472. Also in young forest at north end of North M.


Cassia floribunda Cav. K
Shrub in established colonising forest, and in gaps, forest edges and road-eides,
Locally frequent in south. TJS. 322.
Cassia occidentalis L. M
Small partly woody plant, usually less than 1 m in scrub and grassland along
west margin of M. TJS. 465.
Cynometra alexandri C, H, Wright. K, M, K-K Muhindi (A).
Dominant in most of the mature forest of M. Restricted to valleys in the west,
where 'dwarf' forest reaches the Ishasha road along the rivers Kaizi and Nyamweru.
Recorded in the west K, above the edge of the escarpment, and lake Lutoto. Also
recorded in riverine forest beside river Ngoro, near K-K.
Mildbraediodendron excelsum Harms. M
Recorded by Eggeling in South M. (W.P.)
Acacia sieberiana DC. M Mutiaza (A).
Margins of M in north and west. Old relict trees, occurring in young forest of
Celtj~, Diospyros, etd.
Albizia adianthifolia (Schumach.) W.F. Wight. K, K-K Omurera (A).
Small tree of grassland and forest edge, on hillside in and around main forest.
Not uncommon, especially around K-K and Kakasi forest.
Albizia coriaria (Welw. ex) Oliv. M, K-K Omurongo, Musisa (A),
Muyenzayenze (K).
Tree of wooded grassland and forest edge along east margin of South, M and
along northeast border of K-K; large old relicts are found among young. forest
in central and west M and in young forest patches between K-K and lake George.
Albizia ferruginea (Guill. et Perr.) Benth. M, ?K, ?K-K
Recorded in central Nchwera valley by Osmaston. Noted for either K or K-K
by Eggeling 1936. Not collected or confirmed. Tree of closed forest.
Albizia grandibracteata Taub. K, M? K-K Omushebeya (A).
Found beside river Kaizi and Rwempuno, near main Ishasha road. Noted for
K-K but uncertain. Collected by Cree in K. Tree of closed forest, riverine forest
and wooded grassland,
Albizia gummifera (Gmel.) C. A. Smith. K, M, K-K Omushebeya (K),
Omulera, Murhebeya (A).
Occasional forest tree in K, and reported abundant in poor forest in north K-K
by J. Ball. Recorded for central Nchwera valley, South M, by Osmaston. (W.P.)
Albizia zygia (DC.) MacBride M, K-K Omusebeya (A).
Reported in South M by Eggeling 1936, and K-K. by Dawe 1905, but not recorded
for either area in I.T.U. Possibly wrongly identified.
Entada pursaetha DC. K-K
Woody climber in trees to 25m, growing on streams:des. Found on river Kitomi at
Kakasi mine and a short distance north of reserve. Also found beside rwer Ngoro in
unreserved riverine forest. Pods up to 1.5 m long TJS 484.
Newtonia buchananii (Baker) Gilb. & Bout K, M, K-K Omukungu (K),
Mutole, Mutoyo (A).
Frequent in mature areas of K & K-K Mature trees also found in east and south
of South M. often apparently relicts, but not occurring '~ young western areas.
Parkia filicoidea (Welw. ex) Oliv. M, K-K Omusese (K'
Rare, usually near streams or in valleys. Saplings found near east boundary of South
M near Biteriko track, and large trees at river Ishasha. Also near river Ngoro and
Piptadeniastrum africanum (Hook.f.) Brenan M, K-K
Rare. Often recorded in past years in mistake for Newtonia, Collected in central
K. on track to Kitampungu Hill. Also beside river Ngoro and east of Kyabakara
K-K. Always in mature mixed forest,
Tetrapleura tetraptera (Schumach. & Thonn.) Taub. K-K
Rare. Collected near Kakasi Mine, in Ankole. Forest tree.
Abrus precatorius L.
Climber, in mixed forest. Collected in central M and in Diospyros-orest near river


Baphia wollastosii Bak. f. M; K-K
Small tree found once in riverine patch of forest near Kyabakara, north of K-K,
TJS. 187. Also found in mixed forest in central south M, e.g. at Rwensama fuel-
cutting area, TJS, 296.
Craibia brownii Dunn. M
Found in 'dwarf' Cynometra forest, river KaiziW by Osmaston. (W.P.)
Erythrina abyssinica Lam. K, M, K-K Ekiko, Emuko (A), Ebwiko (K).
Frequent in grassland and scrub. Relicts found occasionally in young forest. e.g.
one found by Osmaston south of river Nchwera, and on certain forested hills in K.
Not found on flats above lakes Edward and George. The bark is often stripped
off for net-floats, and this may have eliminated the species from the lake-sides.
Erythrina excelsa Baker. M
Found along west Nchwera valley by Osmaston, and also observed in north M.
Indigofera arrecta Hochst. ex A. Rich. M
Partially woody plant, usually less than 1 m, in scrub and grassland along west
Kotschya africana Endle K Ekibundibunzi (A.)
Occasional shrub. Collected beside main forest road.
Millettia dura Dunn. M, K-K Murongo, Kiragara (A), Omutete, Omutate (K).
Frequent shrub or tree in young mixed forest in most areas of M. Seldom sen
in Cynometra areas or in colonising strub along west margin, but abundant
coloniser at north end, even regenerating in open grassland. In K-K "t is abundant
in young and poor forest in north and east.
Tephrosia spp. K, M, K-K
Partially woody plants in colonising forest edges. Collected north of North M
and on Rubare ridge.
Asparagus racemosus Will. M
Partly woody climber in western South M. (J.M.L, 69/49).
Hugonia platysepala Oliv. M, K-K
Climber, collected in M. (J.M.L. 69/278). Also collected in mature mixed forest
near river Ngoro, K-K; TJS. 458
Anthocleista vogelii planch. and A. grandiflora G'lg. K, M, K-K Muzibaziba (K)
Frequent in and around swamps, streamside, forest edges, and open areas within
all forests. Both spp. present but distribution uncertain .
Strychnos mitis S. Moore M, ?K-K
Collected near lake Nyamsingiri, TJS 220. Strychnos sp. aff S. mitis noted by
Hamilton along northwest border of K-K.
Flabellariopsis acuminata (Engl.) Wilczek. K
Collected by Eggpling, and by TJS, 411B. Climber or scrambling shrub.
Abutillon spp. M
Small yellow-flowered shrub, occasional in margin and open areas throughout
western South M.
Hibiscus spp. K, M K-K
Several spp. found in many habitats. H. calyphyllus frequent in western M.
Memecylon sp. M
One reported in South M. by Eggeling in 1936. (W.P.)
Sakersia laurentil De Wild & Dur. K
Rare, noted on edge of forest outlier south of Cpt. 1 and in riverine outlier
near Kyamahunga. TJS. 331S
Carapa grandiflora Sprague. K, K-K Mutongana (A, Omuruguya (,).
Abundant understory tree in mature areas of K, often with Parinari. Much
less common in K-K.
Ekebergia sp. K, M
Rare. Recorded from both forests, but species uncertain. (W.P.)

Entandrophragma excelsum (Dawe & Sprague) Sprague. K, K-K
Muyovu, Muhaki (A), Omushalya, Omuyove (K),
Large deciduous tree, frequent in K, less common in K-K.
Entandrophragma spp, K, M, K-K
All or most of the species occur, especially in K-K; very rare in K, bit exact
identifications and distributions are uncertain
LepidotrichiKa volkensii Guerkle. K
Very frequent understorey shrub or small tree in many areas of mature mixed
forest. Less common in areas dominated by Parinarsi
Lovoa swynnertonii Bakf. K, ?M, K-K Mukusu (A), Mukumbo (K)I
Rare throughout mature forest in K, but uncertain distribution in M, and K-K4
Lovoa trichilioides Harms. K-K
Collected near Kakasi mine, and known to occur elsewhere in K-K.
Trichilia dregeana Sond, K, K-K Omushaya (A).
Occasional forest tree in -mature forest.
Trichilia prieuriana A. Juss. K, ?M
Noted by Osmaston in Nchwera valley, South M, also noted in K. (Working Plan)
for mature Parinari forest. Not collected or confirmed. Doubtful.
Trichilia rubescens Oliv. K, K-K
Uncommon small understorey tree of mature mixed forest. Noted in stream valley
in K-K east of Lutoto and on boundary above Kyabakara. TJS. 436.
Turraea robusta Guerlde. M, K-K Omukarakare (K).
Frequent in young closed woodland, and older forest of colonising species in
north and west M, and in scrub and thickets. Also found in young forest and
edges around Kyabakara and river Ngoro, north west of K-K.
Turraea vogelioides Bagshawe et Bakf. K, M, K-K
Uncommon but widely distributed in mature forest. Collected along road through
South M, in north and south K, and in K-K above Lutoto. Usually less than
50 cm high. TJS. 431,435.
Bersama abyssinica Fresen. subsp. abyssinica K, M. K-K Omuhingura (A),
Omukaka (K).
Uncommon in forests. Collected beside rivers Ishasha and Ntungu, southwest of
South M, in felling area of K, and in young woodland in Kakasi forest and north
of Bihanga. TJS. 309.
Xymatos monospora (Harv.) Baill. K, M, K-K Omubarara (A). Omuhotora (K).
Occasional understorey shrub or small tree, in mature forest, usually under canopies
of medium density. TJS. 411A.
Antiaris toxicarai (Rumph. ex Pers.) Lesch. K, M, K-K Mumaka (A). Sometimes
called Mvule. Occasional large tree of mature mixed forest, widely distributed.
Bosqueia phobeos Baill. K, M, K-K Munyabweya (A), Omukumbwe (K).
Frequent understorey tree 1n mature mixed forest of K & K-K not often in Parinar-
dominated forest. Two specimens reported seen in South M by Eggeling 1936. (W.P.)
Chlorophora excelsa (Welw.) Benth. et Hook. M Mvule (A).
Two trees found (felled by pit-sawyers,) in South M by J. M. Lock, 69/404, in
relatively rich forest in valley near Biteriko track through the Reserve. This
is the only confirmed record of this species growing wild in Ankole/Kigezi. Also
reported near Bwambara.
Ficus spp. K, M, K-K
Found in all habitats. Several species present, but inadequate information is
available about distribution.
Morus lactea (Sim) Mildbr. M, K-K
Rare. Recorded by Eggeling in South M 1936. Also found in mature mixed
forest east of Kyabakara K-K
Musanga leo-errerae Hauman & J. Leon. K Omurukura, Nyamagozi, Musogasoga (A).
Frequent small tree of forest edges, road-sides and regenerating forest. This may
be conspecific with M. cecropidides R.Br.
Myrianthus arboreus P. Beauv. K, M, K-K Kiruhura (A EcBhuvu, Mufe (R10
Occasional small understorey tree, usually in valleys or wet places in young and
old forest. In K-K, noted mainly in the younger forest of north and east. Noted
by Osmaston in Nchwera valley, but uncommon in M. Collected by lake Rutoto.
Possibly confused, or conspecific, with M4 holstii Engk


Treculia africana Decne. M, African breadfruit.
Rare. One tree noted by Eggeling in 1936, and one found beside river Ishasha
by Lock
Myrica salicifolia A. Rich; K
Shrub 3 m. found in open vegetation beside main forest road, Cpt. 4, K TJS, 470.
Pycnanthus angolensis (Welw.) Warb. K, M, K-K
Occasional tree of valley forest or forest edge, Found also i mature mixed
forest in K and K-K. Riverine examples are found at Kakasi mine, at stream
crossing on track from Biteriko to South M, and in Ruhewa and east Nchwera
Maesa lanceolata Forsk. K, K-K Omuhanga (A, K), Muhangabagenyi (K)~
Frequent shrub or small tree, of young or colonising forest and forest edges.
Eugenia bukobensis Engl. M
Understorey tree in mature mixed forest collected once half way along Biteriko
track, South M. TJS. 404,
Syzigium guineense (Wild.) DC, K, K-K Omusimangwa (AX Omugote (K).
Occasional forest tree usually "n valle ys of mixed forest,
Ochna bracteosa Rob. et Law. M
Small straggling understorey shrub in mature forest. Collected in central South M
along Biteriko track. TJS.. 3484
Ochna membranaceae Oliv, M
Occasional understorey shrub in mature mixed forest along Biteriko track, South
M. TJS. 402
Ochna sp. cfr. 0. holstii Engl. K
Tree 10 m beside main forest road, in harvested and treated forest4 TJS. 268.
det. E.A.H.
Ouratea hiernii (Van Tiegh.) Exell. K, M, K-K Muryangabi (AX Bitigandwa (K).
Understorey shrub or tree, occasional in mixed forest and forest edges. Frequent
in some areas along Biteriko track, South M, and near river Ngoro, K-K. TJS. 171.
Reported as a large tree in K.
Strombosia scheffleii EngL K, K-K Munyankono, Munyakasikuro (A), Omuhika (K).
Abundant large tree, typical of mixed forest in K. Also abundant in most of the
mature forest areas in K-K.
Jasminum dichotomum Vahl. M
Frequent scrambling shrub in scrub, forest edge and young forest along west and
south margin. Leaves in whorls of 3.
Jasminum pauciflorum Benth. K-K
Straggling climber beside track to Kyabakara in forest associated with river
Ngoro. TJS. 191.
Jasminum sp. M
Rare scrambling shrub in same habitat as ., dichotomum. Leaves in opposite
pairs. J.M.L. 69/111. K, K-K
Linooiera johnsonii Baker. K, K-K
Understorey shrub or tree in mature forest. In K-K it is found in the mixed
forest along the northwest. TJS. 362, 442j
Olea mildbraedii (Gilg. & Schellenb.) Knobl. K
Forest undershrub, collected by Eggeling at lake Lutoto and seen in K.
Olea welwitschii (Knobl.) Gilg. & Schellenb. K, M, K-K Omusoko (A), Omugando (K).
Forest tree usually in young or colonising forest. Occasional in K, but rarely
seen in South M (one reported by Eggeling, 1936) or in K-K (one reported by
Hamilton in northwest border, 1968).
Schrebera arborea Chev. K-K, ? K, ? M
Tree of mixed forest, found in the vicinity of river Ngoroj K-K. Also reported
in K and M but not confirmed,

Calamus deeratus Mann. et Wendl. M, Rattan Cane..
Climber or scrambler, in swamps and river valleys in mature forest.
Phoenix reclinata Jacq. K, M, K-K Ekikindu (A).
Frequent along streams and swamps in and around forests. Rare in K.
Raphia monbuttorum Drude M Oluhivu (A), Kahungye (KI
Rare. Found in central Nchwera valley, beside river. (Osmaston),
Pandanus chiliocarpus Stapf. K-K
Rare. Found in groups in stream beds in mature forest east of Kyabakara, near
road alignments
Pittosporum sp. M
Recorded by Eggeling on forest edge of South M. (W.P,)
Carpolobia alba G. Don. M, K-K
Understorey shrub, collected in M at east end of Biteriko track on forest edge,
and in mixed forest 5 km from east end. TJS, 173, 422, Alsd collected in
Diospyros forest near river Ngoro, K-K. TJS, 439,
Securidaca welwitschii Oliv. K
Woody climber collected once in harvested forest. TJS. 356,.
Faurea saligna Harv. K, K-K Mutaha (A) Omulenjere (K).
Occasional large tree of mature forest, also small tree in grass, bracken and
rocky hills on Rubare ridge and other hills,
Protea madiensis Oliv. K, K-K Omukoyoyo (A).
Abundant shrub in grassland or scrubby bracken areas on Rubare ridge and other
rocky hills.
Clematis grandiflora DO. K
Partly woody climber, collected beside main forest road (TJSL 358 & 483) and
observed in several parts oft the harvested area.
Clematis hirsuta Perr, & Guil. K
Partly woody climber in forest margin of North M. (J:jI.L.)
Helinus mystacinus (Ait.) E. Meyl. M
Scrambling shrub with tendrils, Rare, in scrubby forest in North M. (J.M,.L 659).
Lasiodiscus mildbraedii Engi, M
Abundant understorey tree in mature Cynometra and mixed areas. TJS4 424,
Maesop4is eminii Engl. K, M, K-K Muguruka (K) Musizi
Frequent in young and medium aged mixed forest in most areas. Seldom found
in old mature forest or in the lower drier areas of M or K-K.
Cassipourea congoensis DC. K
Collected in forest by Hamilton.
Cassipourea gummiflua Tul. var. ugandenais (Stapf.) J. Lewis. K
Understorey tree collected in Cpt. 13 (J, Ball 156.
Cass:pourea rumensorensis (Engl.) Alston. M, K-K
Occasional understorey tree in mixed forest towards the west of South M.
Collected in the west Nchwera valley, and on flatter ground north and south.
TJS. 405. Collected and confirmed from forest associated with river Ngoro, K-K.
Parinari excelsa Sabine. K, K-K Mubura (A), Omushamba (K).
Abundant large forest tree, dominant over much of K. and over large areas of
west K-K. Not usually on the upper slopes of forested hills, achieving greater
dominance in valleys.
Prunus africana (Hook.f%) Kalkm. K, K-K Mugote (AL Omumba, Omukumbo (K).
Frequent large tree in mature forest in K, mainly on forested hillsides rich in
Maesopsis. Occasional in K-K, e.g. in certain valleys in the west.
Aidia micrantha (K. Schum.) F. Whte K, K-K
Understorey shrub recorded (as Randia lucidula HiernQ in I.TJU. for KaIyoha
forest. The var.msonju (K.Krause) Petit has been collected in harvested treated
forest Cpti 11, K. TJSj 339%


Aulacocalyx diervillecides (K. Schum.) Petit, K
Understorey shrub or small tree in mature mixed forest. Recorded for K in W.P.
and I.T.U. as Heinsenia.
Bilonophora g4lmerata M.B. Moss. K
Occasional shrub in forest, (W.P.)
Canthium captum Bullock M
Woody climber collected beside Biterikt track in central South M. TJS, 283.
Canthium rubrocostatum Robyns K-K
Understorey tree 10 m collected once in mixed forest east of lake Rutoto.
TJS. 434.
Canthium schimperianum A. Rich. M
Collected from scrub along. Congo road, west margin of M. (J.M.L. 68/306).
Canthium vulgare (K. Schum.) Bullock. K, M, K-K Mukyiragai (A), Mukyiraji (K).
Occasional shrub in young forest and edges in many areas. Relatively frequent
in some areas of K near Tea Estate.
Cephaelis sp. M
Small shrub collected in South M (J.M.L.)
Chassalia sp. aff. C. afzeli Hiern. K
Collected by Hamilton and Eggeling.
Chassalia cristata (Hiern) Bremek M
Scrambling shrub collected in South M, (J.M.L4 69/346).
Coffea eugenioides S. Moore K, M, K-K
Frequent understorey shrub, usually in medium-aged mixed forest. TJS. 266,
286, 340.
Coffea excelsa A. Chev. M
Recorded in west Nchwera valley in Cynometra forest by Osmaston. (W.P.)
Craterispermum laurinum Benth. K, M. Omunyamwezi (K).
Understorey shrub or small tree, abundant under mature Parinari forest in K
and characteristic of that forest type. Also found in mature Cynometra forest
in west Nchwera valley (Osmaston).
Dictyandra arborescens Hook.f. K, M, K-K
Frequent understorey shrub or small tree. Found mainly in medium aged m'xed
forest 'n all reserves, and on forest edges. TJS. 244, 292.
Galiniera coffeoides Del. K. K-K Ekibare, Omuryanyongi (K).
Bush or small tree, not usually more than 10 m high, found in colonising forest,
or young forest of colonising species. TJS. 316, 389.
Lasianthus kilimandscharicus K. Schum. K
Occasional understorey shrub. Collected in mixed forest in Cpt. 1. (TJS. 343.)
Leptactina platyphylla Wernham K
Shrub 3 m. collected in harvested and treated forest near K sawnr:ll. TJS. 483B.
Mitragyna rubrostipulata (K. Schum.) Harv. K Omuziko (A), Omuziko, Ngomera (K).
Frequent tree beside rivers and swamps4
Morinda lucida Benth. K, M, K-K Omuganzura (A).
Tree to 15 m uncommon. Found in mature forest in K, in Sample Plot 2. Found
in valley in M, near west end of Biteriko track and in Ishasha riveim flats, and
in grassland and young forest around Kyabakara, north of K-K. TJS|. 367.
Morinda titanophylla Petit. K-K
Lightly branching bush to 3 m collected in saturated valley bottom forest under
canopy of young Macaranga,Anthoclelista etc., in young forest north of Bihlanga.
TJS. 317.
Mussaenda arcuata Poir K
Climber. Occasional in mature forest along main forest road. TJS, 468.
Mussaenda erythrophylla Sch. et Thonn, M, K-K
Climber in mixed forest or open areas. Collected at east end of Biteriko tracY
in South M, and also in forest associated with river Ngoro, and in' K-K east
of Kyabakara. TJS. 190.
Oxyanthus formosus Planch. vel sp. aff. K, 4
,U'nders*orey shrub 3 m, rare. Collected along eastern end of Biteriko track.
South M. TJS. 420, 421. Also observed in central K, in mature) mixed forest
west of Kirambi grade.
Oxyanthus speciosus DC. K, M
Small understorey tree, occasional under mature forest in K, and under medium


aged mixed forest along Biteriko track, central South M. TJS. 352, 399.
Oxyanthus unilocularis Hiern. K-K
Bush or small tree, under mature forest on north side of K-K forest, collected
along new road alignment east of Kyabakara. TJS. 382.
Pauridiantha butanguensis (de Willd.) Brem. K
Understorey shrub. Collected in harvested forest in Opt. 7, previously~ mature
forest with Parinari, Carapa. TJS 328.
Pauridiantha callisarpoides (Hiern.) Brem. K
Small tree noted in woodland or colonising forest with Croton spp., Premna,
Bridelia. (W.P.)
Pauridiantha holstil (K. Schum.) Brem. K
Underatorey shrub or small tree found in mature mixed forest. (W.P., I.T.U.)
Pavetta spp.
Numerous species present, but not enough collections have been made to show
their distributions. The following have been identified by EA.H.:
P. albertina S. Moore. M TJS. 237, 261.
P. asimilis sond. M J.M.L.
P. insignis Brem. var glabra Brem. M TJS. 461. K Eggeling 3709.
P. oliverana H.ern. K-K TJS. 288. 440.
P. ternifolia (Hook. f.)H;ern. K TJS. 388.
Psychotria spp.
Numerous species present, but distribution uncertain. The following have been
identified by E.A.H.: (
P. faucicola K. Schum. M J.M.L. 68/319.
P. ?fractinervata Petit. M TJS. 400, 423.
P. lauracea (K. Schum.) Petit. M TJS. 215, K TJS. 256.
P, maculata S. Moore M TJS. 232.
P. nairobiensis Brem. M TJS. 302.
Rothmannia longiflora Salish. M K-K
Understorey shrub, 5 m, under mature Cynometra forest, collected near east
end of Biteriko track. TJS. 347. Also collected in mixed forest near river Ngoro,
K-K, TJS. 453.
Rothmannia urcelliformis (Hiern) Bull. ex Robyns. K, M, K-K
Frequent understorey bush or small tree. Widely distributed in most forest types.
Rytigynia beniensis (De Willd.) Robyns. M, K-K
Frequent shrub in scrub and young forest along west margin of M, with colonising
species characteristic of drier areas. Found also in woodland on rocky hillside
south of Kyabakara. TJS. 447.
Sabicea cf, calycina M
Small climber collected in South M (J.M.L. 69/349).
Tarenna graveolens (S. Moore) Bremek. M, K-K
Colonising understorey shrub, up to 5 m, collected in young forest of colonising
species north of Bihanga, and in old forest near river Ngoro on track to Kyabakara.
Frequent in scrubby forest along west margin of M. TJS. 202.
Tarenna pavettoides (Harv.) Sim K, K-K
Understorey shrub or small tree in mature forest. Collected in east K and near
river Ngoro. K-K. TJS. 287.
Trycalysia sp. K
Forest shrub. Collected by Eggeling and St, ClairT-lhompson. Presumably rare,
Uragoga ciilato-stipufata De Willd. M
Dwarf understorey shrub, usually less than 1 m. Collected under mature
colonising forest, South M. TJS. 306,
Vangueria apiculata K. Schum. M
Understorey shrub. Collected in medium age mixed forest at Rwensama fuel,
cutting area. Occasional in that area. TJS. 304.
Aeglopsis eggelingtl M.R.F. Taylor K-K
Understorey shrub or small tree. Collected in mature mixed forest in vicinity


of river NgoroA beside track to Kyabakara. Occasional in that area. TJS. 291.
Balsamocitrus dawei Stapf. M. K-K
Occasional shrub or tree, in mature or medium aged mixed forest. Found on
western parts of South M and around river Ngoro and Kyabakara.
Citropsis, schweinfurthi (Eng~1 Swingle M,K-K
Small understorey shrub, found in similar habitat to Balsamocitrus, Collected
in west Nchwera valley by Osmaston, and seen elsewhere in M4 Near river
Ngoro, K-K, in mature mixed forest. TJS. 2894
Clausena anisata (Willd.) Hook.f. ex Benthy K, M, K-K Mutanwa, Omutana (A & K)
'Frequent shrub in young or colonising forest in all areas.
Fagara leprieurii (Guill. et Per.) EnglE K-K
Shrub or stragglEng tree. Occasional in forest in vicinity of river Ngoro, TJS. 375:
Also collected on edge of grassy patch in young forest north of Bihanga. TJS. 248.
Fagara macrophylla (Oliv) Engl. K, K-K, ?M Mulemankobe (A), Omushaga (K).
Frequent forest tree in young and mature forest in K, but seldom seen in K-K,
Fagara sp., possibly F. macrophylla, noted in South MP4 (W.P)
Fagara mildbraedii Engl. K Mulemankobe (A).
Rare forest tree collected in southern K.
Fagara rubescens (Planch4 ex Hook4f.) EngiL M, K
j'nderstorey shrub in medium-aged forest of colonising species in dry areas.
Collected along Biteriko track, M, associated with Diospyros. Also noted in K.
TJS. 300.
Fagaropsis angolensis (Engl.) Dale. K, M, K-K
Occasional tree in mature mixed forest in K. Rare in K-K, and noted in Ruhewa
valley and central Nchwera valley, South M. (W.P.).
Teclea nobilis Del. K, M. K-K ... Muzo (A, K)
Understorey shrub or small tree, occasional throughout all forests, but not usually
under the most dense canopiesl
Toddadia asilaica (L.) Lams. M
Scrambler in young forest along west margin. (J.M.L. 69/344).
Azima tetracantha Lam. M
Small woody plant in colonising scrub along West margin, and in grassland flats.
Allophyllus dummeri Bak.f, M
Shrub or small multistemmed tree in understorey of coloni(ing forest, or
established foreIt of colonising species. Collected at extreme north of North M,
and extreme south of South M, and relatively frequent In parts of western
South M. TJS. 223. 260.
Allophyllus spp.
Various species found but identification and distribution uncertain.
Aphania senegalenshl (Jusj. ex Pair.) Radlkl M Omukaka (A).
Understorey shrub or tree, under and at edge of Cynometra forest Collected
at east end of Biteriko track. TJS. 174, 180.
Blighia unijugata Bak. M, K-K
Occasional forest treel in mixed and riverine forest in central and west M, eg.
around Rwensama fuel area, where the bark is subject to elephant damage. Also
collected in Kakasi (TJS. 392) but apparently rare.
Cardiosperumum grandiflorum Schwartz; K, M, K-K
Climber, int mixed forest often on edges. Noted beside tracks in north of North
M, central K1, and river Ngoro K-K.
Deinbollia fuluo-tomentella Baki.. K-K
Shrub, 3 m, collected once in the valley of river Kitomi, K-K. TJS. 393.
Dodonia viscosa (L.) Jacq. M, K, K-K Omushambya(A, K)
Occasional but locally abundant shrub in grassland and forest edge in many
areas. Found beside main road on west margin of M by river Kaizi. In K it
occurs in patches of overgrown clearings within the main forest. Also along
the southeast border of K-K.
Lychnodiscus cerospermus Radlk. M
h'nderstorey shrub or small straggling tree. Collected in patch of young mixed
forest within Cynometra area in eastern South M. TJS. 229,


Majidea foster (Sprague.) Radllq. K, M, K-K
Occasional medium sized tree, in mixed forest patches within main Cynometra
area. Collected in this habitat in east and central South M. TJS. 228. Seen
once in mixed forest in central K, Collected by Hamilton along north border of
K-K (Hamilton 670.
Pancovia turbinata Radlk. K Akalema (A).
Frequent understorey shrub or small tree in mature mixed forest.
Paullinia pinnata L. M
Occasional woody climber, 'n young or mature forest of colonising species.
Afrosersalisia cerasifera (WelW) Aubrev. K, K-K Sekoba (A).
Frequent tree in mixed forest 'n. K, usually with colonising species e.g. Maesopsis.
Not recorded in main area of K-K, but collected from one old tree in valley on
east side of Kakasi Reserve, K-K. TJS. 278,q
Aningeria altissima (A. Chev.) Aubr. et Pellegr. K, K-K Mutokye (A).
Occasional large tree in mature mixed forest,
Chrysophyllum albidum G. Don. K, M, K-K Mulyanyonyi, Omuhinguba (A),
Omushayu (K).
Occasional tree in mature mixed forest in all reserves, locally frequent.
Chrysophyllum gorungosanum Engl. K, M, K-K
Occasional tree in mature mixed forest, but probably less extensive than C.
albidum. Also known as C. fulvur,
Manilkara dawei (Stapf.) Chiov. K
Collected by Dawe in West Ankole Forest in 1905, but apparently not confirmed
since then.
Mimusops bagshawei SI Moore K
Very rare tree, in mixed forest. Collected once in Cpt!. 8. TJS$ 385.
Bahanites wilsonliana Dawe & Sprague. K, M, K-K
Occasional but local tree of mixed forest. Rare in K. Collected near K-K
in forest in vicinity of river Ngoro. Reported abundant by Osmaston on sides
of Nchwera valley, and collected in gulley within forest near Biteriko track.
It apparently occurs in patches or valley-strips of relatively rich forest within
areas where Diospyros is the main species
Harrisonia abyssinica Oliv. K, M, K-K Omulange (K).
Frequent straggling shrub or small tree in forest edges, gaps, and in established
colon ising forest. Often found in young forest in western parts of South M.
TJS. 267, 181.
Klainedoxa gabonensis Pierre. M
Recorded in Nchwera valley by Osmaston. (W.P.)
Odyendea longipes Sprague. K
Recorded asi occasional in Kg (W..P.)
Capsicum sp. M
Occasional small shrub, usually less than 1.5 m, in medium aged mixed forest
in north and west M,
Solanum dasyphyllum Schum. & Thonn. M
Small very prickly shrub. (J.M.L.) Found in western South M.
Solanum spp. K, M, K-K Mutobotobo (A).
tWidespread shrubs, mainly in colonising vegetation. Several spp, present
S, indicum L. TJS. 415, and S. aculeastrum Dunal TJS. 247, collected in K.
Cola gigantea A. Chev. K, M, K-K Omujugangoma (A), Omulehe (K).
Forest tree, usually in valleys. Infrequent,
Dombeya spp, K, Omukarabo (A).
Small very prickly shrub. (J.M.L.) Found in western South M.
vegetation in grassland, around south and east K.
Dombeya kirki Mast, K, M, K-K Mukole (A).
Forest tree, usually found in mature mixed forest in lower drier habitats. Found
occasionally throughout South M, often with mature trees of Diospyros or
colonising species. Also in forest associated with river Ngoro with Diospyros,
and occasionally found deeper in K-K, east of Kyabakara,. Rare in K. The


bark suffers from elephant damage in west of South M. (Also known as
D. mukole Sprague). TJS. 195.
Leptonychia mildbraedii Engl, K Nkomakoma (A)
Understorey shrub, occasional in forest. TJS. 427, 474.
Pterygota mildbraedii Engl. M, K-K Omwifa (K).
Large forest tree uncommon but locally frequent. In M found around bat caves
at north end and in very large sizes among Cynometra at south end, and
occasionally in mature forest in the eastern part of the Biteriko track and
along river Ishasha. In K-K., frequent in mature mixed forest in vicinity of river
Ngoro along track to Kyabakara.
Sterculia dawei Sprague K-K
Forest tree, rare. Collected near Kakasi Mine in Ankole, and also east of Kakasi
Reserve in Toro. TJS. 277.
Gaidia lampranthus Gilg. K, K-K
Shrub or ,lmall multi-branched tree in grassland recorded as locally abundant on
hills and ridges, and also collected near lake Lutoto. (W.P.)
Peddiea fischeri Engl. K, M Onmushinya (K).
Occasional understorey shrub or small tree, in mature forest in K. Recorded
in east Nchwera valley, by Osmaston, and found in mature forest of colonising
species round fuel-cutting area and western parts of Biteriko track, South M.
TJS. 324, 344.
Glyphaea brevis (Sprcng.) Monach'lno. K-K
Small straggling tree, rare, in mature mixed forest. Collected in rich forest east
of Kyabakara along new road alignment, also close to r'ver Ngoro near track to
Kyabakara. TJS, 381.
Grewia similis K. Schum. M
Frequent in scrub along west margin.
Triumfetta macrophylla K. Schum. ?K., ?K-K
Small shrub of forest edges, open areas, and bracken-land with colonising species.
Recorded in K but uncertain.
Triumfetta tomentosa Boj. K
Shrub, 3 m, found abundant in open regenerating forest after harvesting and
treatment, K. TJS. 438.
Celtis duranddi Engl. K, M, K-K
Forest tree, usually 12-13 m., frequent in first generation forest. One of the
dominant constituents in most of the young forest in Kitomi and Kakasi Reserves,
and in the north of North M. Occasional in certain areas of K, associated with
other colonisers. TJS. 414.
Celtis mildbraedii Engl. M
Noted (two trees) by Eggeling in South M in 1936 as C. soyauxii, and recorded
as abundant along east end of river Nchwera by Osmaston. (W.P.)
Celtis zenkeri Engl. M
Noted (several) by Eggeling in South M in 1936. (W.P.)
Chaetacme aristata Planch. K, M, K-K
Shrub or straggling tree, infrequent, usually in scrub or forest edge. Found as
small shrub on east edge of South M and tree 10 m at Kakasi Mine. TJS. 394.
Holoptelea grandis (Hutch)) Mildbr M
In mature mixed forest or full-grown forest of colonising species in west of M,
usually in or near valleys. Noted mainly in South M but also found in younger
colonising forest at north of North M. Frequent in its valley habitats, not common
Trema orientalis (L.) BI, K, M, K-K Omubengabakwe, Omugwampira (K).
Occasional small' fast-growing tree, on edges and in expanding early stages of
colonisation. TJS. 322.
Boehmeria pglayphylla Don. var ugandensis Rendle, K
Understorey shrub, 6 m, collected in young forest along control road through
Cpt. 1 Kalinzu,. TJS. 416.


Urera cameroonensis Wedd. M
Shrub found beside Biteriko track, South M.
Clerodendron angolense Gurke K, K-K
Shrub, 3 m, collected in mature mnxed forest east of Lutoto, K-K, and in har-
vested forest in K, TJS. 433, 485
Clerodendron grandicalyx E.A. Bruce. K
Rare, partially woody climber on forest edges. Collected beside main forest
road, TJS, 359.
Clerodendron melanocrater Gurke. M
Rare climber in mature nmxed forest, South, M. (J.M.L.)
Clerodendron myricoides (Hochst.) R.Br. ex Vatke. M
Found near Biteriko ranger post, east margin if South M. (J.M.L.)
Clerodendron rotundifolium Oliv. M
Small woody plant to about 1 m in fringes of forest in west. (J,M.L.)
Clrodendrom triplinerut Rolfe K-K
Scrambling climber collected in Diospyros Turraea forest norTth of Kyablakara
camp, north of K-K. TJS. 373.
Duranta repens L. M
Frequent straggling shrub in scrub along west margin.
Premna angolensis Gurke K, M, K-K Nkubwa, Omuhororo (A), Banyumunkiro (K).
Frequent tree, usually small, in colonising and young forest, often with Celtis
durandii, but more widely distributed. An important constituent of Kitomi,
Kakasi and northernmost M young forest. Occasionally found as a large tree in
apparently mature hillside forest in K.
Vitex ambonensis Gurke M
Recorded by Osmaston in central Nchwera valley, South M. (W.P.)
Rtnorea ilicifolia (Welw. ex Oliv.) Kuntze M
Recorded from central Nchwera valley by Osmaston. Collected and determined,
occasional in central M along Biteriko track, under mature Cynometra forest.
TJS. 425.
Rinorea oblongifolia (C.H. Wright) Chipp. K-K
Tree of 9 m, collected under mature mixed forest along new road alignment
east of Kyabakara. TJS. 384.

Uganda Journal, 35, 1 (1971) pp. 23-42.



This article is an exercise in the correlation of oral evidence about a
battle around 1900 between the Jie and Acholi. In part 1 the first author
describes the battle of Caicaon, as it is called by the Jie, from evidence
collected entirely from Jie elders. In Part II the second author describes
the same battle in Acholi called Tongotut's war, from traditions collected
entirely from Acholi elders. The third section written jointly by the two
authors makes a plea for greater trust and less suspicion in the handling of
oral evidence and tradition.
Part I The battle of Caicaon
"The wife of Raimorot cried, "waitakoi, iyo!" The wife of Akut cried,
"waitakoi, iyo!" Cattle have killed my husband in Jie. Had he sought
sim sim he would not have been killed. Had he sought millet he would
not have been killed. Had he sought groundnuts he would not have
been killed. Oh, Oye! Oh, Oye!"
(Jie Song commemorating the battle)
The battle of Caicaon' was fought in the Rengen territorial division of
western Jie, sometime between the years 1898-1901. 'Karamoja' Bell, the
elephant hunter, in a visit to Jie in 1902, learned of "an attack on their
country by a Nile tribe with numerous guns of the muzzle-loading type. The
Jiwe with spears alone had not only repulsed the attackers but had
massacred most of them ...... The firearms which had been picked up by
the Jiwe had since been traded off to Swahilis."2 From this, it would seem
that the battle was still fresh in the minds of the Jie, but that time enough
had elapsed for the Jie to dispose of all the firearms captured in the battle.
Only thirteen veterans of the battle, all of whom were over eighty years
of age in 1970 were found in interviews with well over 200 Jie informants.
Most of these men indicated that Caicaon was their first battle and that
they fought as uninitiated teen-age boys. A number of other informants from
the Caicaon area witnessed parts of the battle as small herd-boys driving
cattle to safety.
The battle was fought at a crucial moment of Jie history. In the decade
before the battle, Jie armies had had a marked lack of success in coping
with increasingly heavy incursions of enemy forces. The Bokora Karimojong
had driven the entire Panyangara division of the Jie from their homes near,
Mt. Toror and were launching raids into the heart of the Jie settled area.
Dodoso armies were harassing the whole northern frontier of the Jie and
cattle camps to the east had to be recalled after repeated Dodoso and Kari-
mojong hostilities.
Acuka, the Jie war-leader, of the earlier nineteenth century was dead,
having been killed by Karimojong spears near Mt. Toror. Teko, his eldest
son and successor, was also dead, possibly of the small-pox which swept
through the Jie only a few years before the battle. Teko had been replaced
by Loriang, his young half-brother. Although still comparatively young,


Loriang had already won the respect of the elders, because of his skill as
diviner.3 Older warriors who had fought under Acuka were somewhat
sceptical of the sweeping changes in Jie military organization and tactics
which the new war-leader was constantly formulating.
At the time of the battle the Jie were still recovering from the disaster of
the early 1890's: famine, rinderpest and small-pox. Many of the Jie were
forced to emigrate,4 but it is impossible to estimate how many Jie perished
during that time. The grim recollections of Jie elders give at least some idea
of how bad things were:-
"Nearly all the cattle in Jie died. Only one bu'l, belong to Lokalong of
Panyangara, was left in all of Jie. People used to bring their cows to
his bull to be serviced and they would even come to him to buy cow
dung to smear the walls and floors of their houses. I remember that my
father had only two cows left out of his entire herd. Many people went
to the bush and hunted."s
After. the cattle disease, the Jie had no food and so they went up to
Kapeta and gathered wild fruits. "My grandfather lived by collecting
wild fruits like a monkey because he was left with only one donkey, a
cow, and a few goats. Those did not provide enough food and so he had
to live on those wild fruits."6
"At the time of Caicaon, I was about 20 years old, but I was unable to
fight because I had small-pox. Many people, especially the older. people
had it. My father and grandfather had it. Many people died. After the
main outbreak, the Acholi came and attacked us."7
It would seem, then, that the Jie ability to wage war was at a low ebb at the
time of the battle.
Jie military organization and tactics before the battle were little more
than rudimentary. Organization seems to have been based primarily on
age-sets, but as often as not small bands of warriors would adhere to a
chosen battle-leader who had won a reputation because of his bravery and
success in raids. Personal bravery was greatly admired and encouraged.
When a large number of Jie warriors gathered together they usually did so
as a patch-work of individual squadrons rather than a cohesive army.
Tactics were as poorly defined as the organization. In a pitched battle the
idea was simply to hurl a line of warriors at the opposing force, to beat
them back by skill of arms and personal bravery, to capture as much booty
as possible, and then to get away as rapidly as possible, before the enemy
could regroup for a counter-offensive.
These tactics and this organization were typical of all the Para-Nilotic
tribes at the time. The Jie have one important refinement of them and that
was the hereditary war-leader. Loriang was probably the fourth hereditary
war-leader of his line, but none of his predecessors seem to have been
particularly distinguished. For example, E!uii, who was merely a small-scale
battle-leader living at the same time as Acuka, the hereditary war-leader,
is universally better remembered by Jie elders than his commander.
In Loriang the Jie were to find a military genius who was revolu-
tionize Jie tactical organization. At the time of Caicaon, Loriang had just
begun his innovations. Already Loriang had introduced a system of batta-
lions based on territorial divisions. Men were now to fight in company with
their relatives and neighbours.


The chief Jie weapons were willowy, eight-foot spears made for the Jie
by Labwor smiths, and heavy rectangular shields made by the Jie themselves
or by Ngikuliak trappers from the skins of buffalo, rhinoceros, giraffe or
elephant. Fighting sticks, wrist-knives and finger-knives were used to a
much lesser extent in hand fighting. Most warriors carried two spears which
they had been trained to use from childhood by throwing sticks through a
rolling ekorobe hoop. The average warrior could invariably hit a moving
target at twenty five yards or more, and most of men who fought at Caicaon
were seasoned veterans who had fought the Dodoso and Karamojong for
many years.
Historically, Jie relations with the Acholi were mainly good. In the
earlier part of the nineteenth century when other tribes with rival pastoral
interests had limited Jie grazing on the north, east, and south, the Jie had
turned to the west for their dry-season cattle camps, and had grazed peace-
fully on the frontiers of Acholi and Labwor. There was traditionally a
certain amount of intercourse between the Jie and Acholi, and during
famine years members of one tribe could always expect help from friends
or even relatives of the other. Indeed, a number of important Jie clans could
trace their descent to Acholi ancestors, and there were Jie and other Para-
Nilotes who had become Acholi.
Conflict between the Jie and Acho'i seems to have been extremely rare
before the very end of the nineteenth century. When the more pastoral east-
ern clans of the Jie began to push into Kalomide area northwest of Kitodo
early in the nineteenth century, they encountered a people called Poet or
Poot living there already. The Poet were a heterogenous group, containing
both Acholi and earlier Para-Nilotic speaking elements. The encroaching
eastern Jie were badly in need of fresh pasture and water, and so the Poet
were pushed out of the say.
"Originally the Poet had come from the east like the others who speak
Akarimojong languages, but the Poet came before the others and there
were Muto Acholi settled with them. They had a few cattle, but mainly
they were cultivators and trappers. The Jie attacked them and drove
them away from Lolelia, Makal, Kaceri, Kalomide and Kapeta and
captured all those places. The Muto Acholi went back to the west."8
The only other definite instance of Jie hostility against the Acholi appears
to have taken place in the middle of the nineteenth century when the Jie
age-set Ngikokol were young warriors.
"The Ngikokol stayed at the ngauyoi (cattle camps) in the west for
several years without coming home and they became strong and brave.
Their fathers, Ngimadanga, became angry with them for not coming
home and they gave the nick-name Ngikiwan (little children). The
Ngikokol organized a big raid against the Acholi at Logili without
telling their fathers, but they were badly defeated by the Acholi . .
They were driven back to Kanamuget river which had been swollen by
rain. Some managed to escape, but many were swept away and drowned.
Those who escaped came back with only one cow."9
It is doubtful that either of these early instances of Jie-Acholi conflict pro-
duced any long-lasting feelings of hostility between the two peoples, and
indeed they appear to be the only exceptions to an otherwise peaceful co-
existence during perhaps 150 years of contact.10


By tne last quarter of the nineteenth century the picture was beginning
to change. Traditions relating to that period contain frequent reference to
quarrels and skirmishes between Jie and Acholi throughout the area of
western Jie, eastern Acholi and northeastern Labwor. The Labwor may well
have been the initial cause of these troubles, and some Labwor informants
even admit the responsibility.
"The continuous troubles with the Acholi were begun by the Labwor.
We attacked them first and they retaliated.""
By the end of the nineteenth century a tremendous degree of inter-depen-
dence, based on the iron trade, had grown up between the Labwor and the
Jie, and it is very probable that the Jie felt themselves obliged to stand
beside friends. Jie cattle camps located in northeastern Labwor were caught
between the feuding Labwor and Acholi and Jie stock was lost.
"Acholi attacked the (Jie) cattle camps at Loyoroit and stole goats at
the same time that they were fighting the Labwor. All the Jie cattle
camps were withdrawn to the east, but the Acholi followed them and
attacked again."12
At roughly the same time, gun traders began making their appearance
in eastern Acholi. Because of them, Jie refugees, fleeing the famines and
diseases, were often badly treated by the Acholi.
"During the famine the Jie used to go to Acholi, but often the Jie men
would be killed there and their wives and children sold as slaves by
the Acholi to the Acumpa in exchange for guns."'3
It would seem clear, then, that the Jie fully realized that their relations
with the Acholi were rapidly deteriorating. Just before the battle, the Jie
made a successful raid against a Dodoso leader called Amodule in which
a great number of cattle were captured. These newly acquired cattle undoubt-
edly put the Jie even more on guard than usual, but there are no indications
that look-outs were posted on the frontiers or that imminent trouble was
The Acholi, on the other hand, did send out scouting parties and
reports brought back by them seemed to indicate that the time was right
for a major attack on the Jie.
"Acholi spies came to Jie and found black excrement. They misunder-
stood, saying, 'the Jie are sick. They have dysentery. We should attack
them!' But the Jie were not sick. The excrement was black because we
had been drinking blood and milk."'4
During the night before the battle there was a heavy rain. The large
Acholi army which had gathered near Maru mountain five or six miles west
of Caicaon was undoubtedly soaked and uncomfortable. As the majority of
the men in the army were musketeers, there was probably quite a bit of
concern about wet powder as well.
The Jie cattle were still in the stock enclosures and the sun was hardly
up when the Acholi army began its attack. The Acholi divided themselves
into three divisions: two wings and a centre. The left wing was to swing
north of Caicaon to attack the cluster of the settlements near Lokatap rock,
the right wing was to swing south against Lominit and Nabwalin, while the
centre was to march directly east, crossing the dry bed of the Dopeth river,
to attack Caicaon itself.


"The Acholi were in a formation like horns. They were trying to
surround us.""15
The right wing under Koywel seems to have made contact with the Jie
first. The villages at Nabwalin in southern Rengen and at Kakuloi and
Lominit in western Kotiang were taken by surprise and nearly annihilated.
Living at Nabwalin was a famous Jie war-leader called Lorathi. The Acholi
burst into his enclosure and killed his wives, but Lorathi himself escaped
fleeing toward Caicaon with fifteen survivors of his private squadron.16
Apparently the Acholi of the left wing, understandably worried about
the condition of their powder, had tried to fire their muskets during this
initial attack instead of using spears or musket butts. At least a few of the
muskets functioned, and the Jie at Caicaon and even more distant places
were alerted. Herd-boys in Caicaon and even as far away as Kanawat
frantically drove their, fathers' cattle out of the enclosures and away to the
east. A Caicaon warrior called Napiritom grabbed up his atom horn and
began blowing it towards the east. Caicaon women began to cry the alarm.17
In the tradition of individual bravery, the battle-leader Nacada of
Kadwoman ran out alone to meet the Acholi left wing which was still
advancing toward Lokatap. Nakwo, the battle-leader at Caicaon itself, drew
up his band of twenty warriors near Katayo water-hole and was quickly
joined by the fifteen fugatives under Lorathi, who came running in from
the direction of Nabwalin. With splendid bravado the little group of thirty-
five men tethered an ox to a tree behind them and promised that they would
all die before an Acholi laid a hand on the ox.
Against these thirty-five was advancing the centre division of the Acholi
under Akut, the war-leader of Paimol. Akut's bodyguard carried with them
a red flag which they believed would give them success. Once the flag had
been planted in Caicaon the Acholi would never retreat. As the Acholi came
into good musket range, they paused and fired on Nakwo's tiny group of
warriors. The Jie took shelter in the water-hole, but four of the thirty-five
men were hit. Although Akut's own musket was firing properly, many of
his men found that their guns refused to fire at all. Undoubtedly the heavy
rain had dampened much of their powder and many of the Acholi found
themselves holding a weapon no more useful than a club.19 Some of the
Acholi had spears, however, and these made an attack on Nakwo's force
killing four. more of his men. Only twenty-seven men stood between the
Acholi army and Caicaon.
Perhaps twenty minutes, however, had gone by since the initial attack
of the Acholi right wing against Nabwalin, and warriors from the other
parts of Jie were now beginning to arrive at the scene of the battle. Most
of the new arrivals from Rengen joined with Nacada who had run out alone
to meet the Acholi left, and a counter-attack was launched before the Acholi
were even in sight of their objective, Lokatap. The Acholi left wing (which
seems to have been the weakest) crumbled and began to fall back. The
Acholi right wing, flushed with their success at Nabwalin, had stopped to
loot the villages there, thereby wasting valuable time.
"Most of our friends at Nabwalin and those villages were killed by the
Acholi. The Acholi attacked them and defeated them before the other
Jie arrived. The Acholi stopped to cut the hands off many of those


people they killed in order to get the bracelets of coiled wire they
They had hardly gone on a mile toward Caicaon before a Jie force,
probably the battalions of Kanawat and Kotido, met them at Kadokwoi
river and stopped their advance. The Losilang and Kotiang battalions were
the next to arrive and reinforced Nakwo's dangerously thin line before
Caicaon. Akut's musketeers managed to maintain a fairly good rate of fire
and Jie casualties here heavy.
Loriang, at his home in Panyangara some miles from the battlefield, had
heard the reports of the Acholi muskets attacking Nabwalin and blasts of
Napiritom's horn, and so immediately began to organize the men of his
area.21 Panyangara and neighboring Kapelimoru were the most distant
territorial divisions from the battle-field. These divisions were closest
respectively, to the Bokora Karimojong and Dodoso, and the were acknow-
ledged by all the Jie to be the best warriors. Each division had had to defend
its home against enemy attacks on numerous occasions. The fighting skill
of these divisions was recognized by Loriang who had assigned them the
elite flank positions of his newly devised offensive tactical organization.
Under Loriang's personal supervision, it can be imagined that their, batta-
lions formed up quickly and efficiently, and they were probably well on
their way to the battle as the battalions from the nearer territorial divisions
were going into action.
The battle had now been going on for about an hour. The Acholi left
wing had dissolved and the right wing had been checked. The centre was
till intact, but no Acholi had laid a hand on Nakwo's ox, still tethered to
its tree near the settlements of Caicaon. The sun had now risen so that
Akut's musketeers had to squint directly into its glare as they tried to choose
targets among the darting and bobbing forms near the Katayo water-hole.
The Acholi leaders ordered their men to concentrate their, energies on
killing the Jie battle-leaders like Nacada, Nakwo, and Larathi who had done
so much to stall the attack. It was probably at the same point that the Jie
began to realize that among the Acholi ranks were many Jie famine refugees
who had fled to Acholi some years before and had now returned to attack
their own people.22
The attacks on their leaders and the recognition of the 'traitors' seem
to have infuriated the Jie and at this point the fighting appears to have
become terribly confused. The Jie seem to have charged the Acholi centre
and in the melee, Akut was speared, some accounts say by Nakwo himself.23
With Akut dead, the Acholi centre began to give way. Just as their
retreat began, Loriang and the elite battalions of Panyangara and Kapeli-
moru arrived and the retreat became a rout. In hand to hand fighting even
those Acholi muskets which were functioning properly were no match for
the Jie spears. A Panyangara veteran recalls:-
"We arrived at Caicaon with Loriang. Many of the Acholi had guns,
but only a few had spears. My friend Belukamoe and I both killed
Acholi and we captured their guns".24
Some of the Jie veterans from territorial divisions other than Kapeli-
moru or Panyangara claim that Loriang and his men arrived after the
battle had already been won. While this is strictly true, the arrival of


Loriang and the Kapelimoru and Panyangara turned a successful defence
into a resounding victory.
Loriang immediately took command of the Jie forces at Caicaon, and
probably those who had made the defence at Kadokwel against the Acholi
right. A co-ordinated and methodical pursuit was begun in which Acholi
fugitives were run down and killed for an entire day. Nacada and his force
had begun their own pursuit of the defeated Acholi left wing long before
the Acholi centre was broken, but as he led the main Jie army to the west,
Loriang made sure to gather in Nacada and his men so that the Jie moved
together in a single unified group.25
Back at Caicaon, Jie herd-boys, cautiously returning from the east
with cattle, found the battle-field littered with wounded and dying Acholi
whom they dispatched with hyena-spears.26
The Jie followed the Acholi back to the frontiers of eastern Acholi
and even launched their own attack on Acholi villages at Moruethe. Lorathi,
whose own wives had been murdered at Nabwalin that morning, took his
revenge by spearing a number of Acholi women.27 The Jie continued to
track down Acholi fugitives hiding in the bush for a month, and the final
toll of Acholi casualties must have been staggering.
It is difficult to estimate either the number of casualties or the number
of participants in the battle. Jie veterans all estimate that the entire Jie
force numbered between 300 and 500 men, and probably the larger estimate
is closer. In 1911, Tufnell estimated the Jie adult male population at 1,500,
and it can be imagined that as many men and boys as were able were
present.28 Informants indicate that age-sets of the senior generation, Ngi-
koria, who were rather too old for. normal military activity were present at
Caicaon, and most of the veterans still living fought as boys in their early
Veterans of the battle always say that the Acholi were "many more"
than the Jie.
"The Acholi had many more men than the Jie. Even their old men and
those who were hungry came to fight us."30
Another Jie veteran estimated the Acholi numbers in another way.
"There were very many Acholi in that battle. They were formed into
many different units. Some of those units occupied as much space as
an entire Jie village."31
As several hundred men, even in a very loose formation, could easily
be formed up within a space as large as a Jie village, the Acholi force must
have been considerable. It would perhaps not be an exaggeration to esti-
mate the Acholi force at 2,000 warriors.
The extent of the Acholi casualties can never be known. A reliable
Jie informant stated that he counted fifty-eight Acholi muskets gathered up
from the slain, but it is very likely that he was referring to only those
captured from the Acholi right wing against whom he fought himself. Other
informants who were too young to fight at the battle visited the battle-field
some years later and found skulls of the Acholi dead "scattered about like
pebbles on the ground".32
The Jie themselves give a number of reasons for their, victory.
"The Jie defeated the Acholi because we were brave and because we


were angry. Why did those Acholi think they could come and disturb
us here in our own home?"33
"Most of the Acholi guns did not fire. That was because those guns
had been bought with Jie children (whom the Acholi sold as slaves).
God was angry, therefore, and he helped the Jie and caused the Acholi
guns to misfire".34
As in all battles, it is probable that the Jie victory can be attributed to
a number of factors. The diseases, famines, and defeats which the Jie had
suffered before Caicaon had doubtlessly left them in a desperate state.
Undoubtedly the Jie saw the Acholi attack as a threat to their very existence
as an independent group. The rain which dampened the Acholi powder,
and the noisy attack by the Acholi right wing on Nabwalin were certainly
important. Equally important was the personal bravery of the local Jie
battle-leaders, which typified the traditional Jie military system, and the
arrival of the well-organized territorially based battalions, which were to
typify the more sophisticated system of Loriang. In this way, the battle was
symbolic of all of Jie military history. The Jie held out through sheer
personal bravery until more efficient and better organized system finally
allowed the Jie to take the offensive.
The battle of Caicaon marked the end of major hostilities between the
Jie and the Acholi. The Acholi continued their feud with the Labwor, how-
ever, and the Jie continued to support their traditional allies. Many of the
Acholi muskets captured during the battle were soon traded to the Labwor
who used them against their original owners.
"In the battle I killed two Acholi and captured two guns. One I sold
to the Acumba (Swahili) and one I sold to a Labwor called Apalobu
for 10 goats".35
"The Jie captured some guns from the Acholi. After the Labwor got
some guns we were able to drive the Acholi away and they made
Finally, Loriang himself led a Jie force to the aid of the Labwor and the
Acholi sued for peace.
"Peace was made at Lomejan in Rengen. The elders of Lomejan -
Lomuria, Loitar, Ebula Akoda and Aparuku were in charge of the
ceremony. A bone (thigh-bone of an ox) was broken and elders from
all parts of Jie attended".37
With this ceremony, hostility between the Acholi and Jie ended. During
Loriang's campaigns against the Bokora Karimojong in the first decade of
the twentieth century, large numbers of Acholi riflemen began to join with
the Jie army, led, ironically, by many of the same leaders who had led them
against the Jie at Caicaon.
"There were many Acholi in Loriang's army. They had been summoned
by the Jie to fight and they came. Their leaders were Amet, Adoko,
Lodweny and Koywel".38
The same Acholi seem to have been numerous enough to form an inde-
pendent battalion of the Jie army which attacked Loreapabong in Bokora
in October, 1910. The advance guard of the British colonial administration,
which was just beginning to penetrate into Karamoja at this time, was
greatly concerned by such large scale military operations. Although aware
that there were Acholi in the Jie armies, the colonial officials did not seem


to realize that it was mainly the Acholi who were the possessors of the
firearms used by the armies.39 Both Jie and Karimojong informants
indicate that this was the case.
"Loriang did not buy guns from the traders. He did not want them.
His men fought with spears. The only men in his army who had guns
were those Acholi who came to join him after Caicaon".40
"At the battle of Loreapabong, the Jie themselves had a few guns, but
the Acholi had most of them. It was the first time the Jie had ever
fought us with guns. They had only spears before that".41
It is probable that Loriang, having seen the destruction of any army armed
with muskets by one armed with spears, put very little trust in fire-arms.
Nevertheless, the fire-arms of the Acholi who fought in his army were to
create enough concern in Entebbe to help bring about the colonial adminis-
tration of Karamoja.

Part 11 Tongotut's War

Tongotut's war was the most disastrous military defeat ever suffered
by the military confederacy of the Acholi kingdoms now grouped in Agago
county of Acholi district in Uganda. These Acholi kingdoms had a common
frontier with the Jie and .the Labwor. The kingdoms had been set up after
1680 by Lwo migrants coming out of northern Bunyoro. The formation of
the kingdoms had been a co-operative effort between the incoming Lwo
and. the Ateker or Para-Nilotic people and Madi who occupied the area.
The kingdoms combined Lwo kingship with the religious system of the
Madi and the age-sets and fire making ceremonies of the Ateker.
The Ateker people of the Agago area were probably the same people
or closely related to the Poet people which the Jie drove out or absorbed
once they began their westward migration from Koten in the middle of the
eighteenth century. It would appear that the Ateker and Lwo were inter-
mingling in the whole area of eastern Acholi and modern Jie-land in Kara-
moja. The Jie advance around 1750 submerged the Lwo language to the
east of the mountain chain which separates modern Acholi from Karamoja
while to the west the Para-Nilotic language was given up in favour of an
Acholi dialect.
Among modern Acholi elders there is some confusion in distinguishing
between the older Para-Nilotic population of Karamoja and the Jie new-
comers after 1750. They tend to refer to all of them as Lango Jiwe and
they claim that strife between the Acholi and Lango Jiwe goes back a long
way. A few more knowledgeable admit that Tongotut's war. was a major
break in tradition between the Acholi and the Jie.
The Laparanat famine of about 1785-1792 brought another wave of
Ateker peoples into the Agago kingdoms and recurring famines in the
nineteenth century continued the spasmodic movement from east to west.
Thus even by 1890 many people in the Agago kingdoms were bilingual.
Rwot Lakidi of Paimol had one Jie and two Acholi wives at the time of
Tongotut's war 42 and he was by no means unique. Furthermore the great
military leader of Paimol, Akut, who was killed in the war was of the
Karuke -clan whose origins lay in Karamoja and who had come to Acholi
around the mid-eighteenth century.43- In the situation in the nineteenth


century it must have been difficult to distinguish just who was Acholi and
who was Jie and certainly there must still have been many people who
did not as yet consider themselves to be either. In these circumstances it is
not surprising that the Acholi kingdoms did not attack the Jie. They might
have faced civil strife at home.
However, the Arabs and especially Baker's Nubians later began to
upset this delicate situation. Nubi-Acholi armies made a number of major
raids against the Dodoso and a number of these were very lucrative, large
herds of cattle being driven back into eastern Acholi after each expedition.
Nubian policy had been to locate in the small and weak kingdom of Pabala
and to use Pabala personnel for the nasty business of collecting tribute
from the surrounding states. Once the Nubians withdrew the powerful and
reputedly war-like kingdom of Paimol created an alliance of kingdoms to
fall upon the unprotected and pitifully weak Pabala. Kinship ties brought
other states to the side of Pabala and a full scale war took place among
Agago states. This was in the 1890's and was unique in the history of the
area. It was the only real war among these Acholi kingdoms.
All the Agago kingdoms were at best very petty states. There were
some such as Patongo, Lira Palwo, Pader and Paimol which were larger
and which could raise sizeable armies and then a number of client states
which could never think of military action of any kind unless in conjunction
with their larger neighbours. However, the smallness of political scale was
compensated for by a council of Rwodi or kings which met to plan joint
military action, settle inter-state quarrels, prevent inter-state strife and even
assist in settling serious disputes within any of its constituent kingdoms.
In addition to this supra-state body, age sets were correlated over all of
the Agago kingdoms and this provided a common linking bond which
prevented the development of intense patriotisms. At the time of Tongo-
tut's war the chairman of the council of Rwodi was Ryemarot, the king of
Lira Palwo probably the largest of the kingdoms. Furthermore Ryemarot
had come to the throne very early in life and by 1900 he had been on the
throne longer than any of his fellow kings. He was acknowledged as first
among equals with immense prestige but certainly no power or right to
coerce the smaller kingdoms.
The Nubians had been very careful never to allow firearms to fall
into the hands of any Acholi, not even their, collaborators, the Pabala. Once
the Nubians departed, Cumpa traders came in from the direction of Orem.
The Cumpa are often referred to as Ethiopians and some were of light skin
and straight black hair while others looked little different from the Acholi
or Jie. They usually came as individual traders with five or six porters
and occasionally horses. They would locate in the home of a wealthy
Acholi farmer from where they traded guns for cattle or ivory. At least in
Paimol they never stayed with the rwot, nor did the rwot seek either to
control or monopolize their trade. The Paimol elders noted that in Tongo-
tut's war soldiers from wealthy homes usually possessed guns while the
poor possessed spears and shields.44
Iwel Tongotut after whom the people of Agago name their disastrous
defeat at the hands of the Jie, is an historic character about whom the
Acholi love to talk.45 They admire him and laugh at him and excel in
stories about him. One group of elders described him as follows;


"Tongotut was shorter than five feet two inches. He had a red hat
which no one was allowed to touch. Tongotut was a great womanizer.
His eyes were black. He was an Ajoka".46
Tongotut was a jago to Ryemarot the king of Lira Palwo. The area he
ruled, called Paimol in Lira Lapono, lay on the Acholi-Jie frontiers. Ton-
gotut was obviously a man not to be dictated to as the British found a few
years later. While officially subject to Ryemarot he seems to have done
much as he pleased in his frontier province. Most sources agree that he
was loyal in his fashion to his sovereign, Ryemarot, although the people
directly in his area today like to picture him as a full rwot. Because of his
exploits and popularity he probably held a position of power and influence
closer to the leader, of a sub-kingdom within Lira Palwo rather than a
mere jago.
The devastating famines of the 1890's had taken a great toll of human
and animal life. Just before or even during Tongotut's war the Mamoyo
famine was causing hardship and two sets of elders stressed that famine
was the basic cause of the war.
"People quickly agreed to assist Tongotut in his war because of famine.
They were very eager to get cows and goats from the Lango Jiwe".47
A few months prior, to the war, Tongotut had led a combination of
Agago kingdoms plus Pajule against Labwor. This had been in revenge
for the death of his brother, Onoi, in the hands of the Labwor. Onoi with
a number of other Acholi had gone to trade in Labwor presumably for
spears and hoes, the usual manufactures of Labwor, and much in demand
in the Agago kingdoms. All of the traders were killed and Onoi had his
stomach cut open. This was done treacherously in the night. Tongotut's
rage can be imagined. He led an army into Labwor and had an immense
victory returning with many goats and women.48 This raid seems to have
made his reputation as a military general.
The Acholi had for long had trouble with the Labwor. However, when
Tongotut's warriors wanted to carry out a raid into Jie, Tongotut refused to
join them possibly because he feared that such a breach of the peace
would not be favoured by his king, Ryemarot. Nevertheless the warriors
went off without him and when they returned laden with booty they gave
Tongotut only one cow as his share of the booty. This enraged Tongotut.
By tradition he should have been given the largest share of the booty
whether or not he had joined the expedition.49 By presenting him with one
cow, the warriors were, in fact, lowering him in status and hinting that he
lacked courage.
Just at this time two of his subjects, Loimoi and Loyama, who were
Jie in origin and language, reported that on a recent visit to Jie-land they
had seen black excreta which signified that the Jie were suffering from
dysentery. Tongotut immediately decided upon an attack to retrieve his
reputation among his warriors.
"He had told people that the Lango-Jiwe had dysentery and so they
could not fight if they (the Acholi) raided them. Actually it was proven
that the blood Tongotut had reported in the Lango-Jiwe excreta was
the blood it was their custom to drink".50
Modern informants stressed that the Council of Rwodi always met to take
a decision regarding war. In this case they argued that Tongotut issued the


call to arms and within four days the four largest kingdoms and at least
five of the smaller had mobilized their forces. This represented all of the
people of the present county of Agago except the sub-county of Parabongo.
The various armies moved through the Wangongo Omor pass, through the
range of mountains which formed the border between the Acholi and the
Jie. They all gathered at Mt. Maru. The speed of mobilization was designed
to prevent the word of the attack from leaking to the Jie. The plan was
that the Jie were to be completely taken by surprise.
Battle strategy was worked out at Mt. Maru. Each of the larger king-
doms was to lead a fighting unit. Lira Palwo with its sub-kings of Lira
Lapono and Paimol and led by Iwel Tongotut and accompanied by Rwot
Ryemarot were to strike towards Labwali. Paimol supported by Pabala,
Pacabol and Omiya Pacua were to strike at Cameao. This fighting unit was
led by the war leader of Paimol, Akut, and was accompanied by two rwodi,
Lakidi of Paimol and Okedi of Omiya Pacua. The Acholi far right was
divided into two, Patongo supported by Adilang and Ajali with all three
rwodi, raided Kakuloi while Pader and its smaller allies led by Cana Gola
raided Ominit.51
This was probably the largest military force ever mustered by the
Acholi kingdoms of Agago. It was accompanied by six rwodi and was led
by their outstanding military leaders, Akut, Tongotut and Cana Gola. By
modest estimates of numbers, supposing each of the larger kingdoms sup-
plied 400 men and the smaller kingdoms and sub-kingdoms 50 men, this
would place 500 men on the left wing; 550 in the centre and 1,000 divided
into two on the right; a total of 2,050 warriors. The estimate might well
be higher since the Acholi army consisted of four age-sets. This was unusual.
Elderly men normally considered past the fighting age, the Tirai, and
uninitiated boys later to become Jodewa accompanied the army. The two
main fighting age-sets were Ikwei and Gunareng.52
The elders of Lira Kato in describing the battle said that the section
led by Akut of Paimol was the first to be defeated. They fled homeward in a
rout. This, the elders admitted, was unusual for Paimol was outstanding
among all the kingdoms for its valour and fighting spirit. It is possible that
Paimol may have gained its reputation in the early colonial period when its
citizens alone of all the kingdoms had the courage to challenge British
When Akut was killed and the Paimol-led regiment fled, the Jie forces
did not pursue them as might be expected. Rather they circled behind the
forces to left and cut off the Acholi flanks from escape. The only route of
escape for the Acholi lay through a very muddy area. Gana Gola, leader on
the right flank killed about 30 people with his gun but finally he was speared
in the leg while caught in the mud and finally killed by a Jie called
In Acholi practice the war leaders were at the front in the battle line
but the rwodi did not fight. They stayed well behind guarded by a small select
bodyguard. It was a terrible disaster for a rwot to be killed and in theory
every Acholi soldier must give his life for his rwot. When the Jie armies got
behind the Acholi forces the rwodi were in particular danger. Thus, instead
of the forces concentrating upon escape once the battle was lost, they turned
to rescue their rwodi. This was particularly true of the right flanks. In this


manoeuvre many more soldiers were killed than in the initial encounter.55
In any case the right flanks failed to save Rwot Ryemarot who was
speared to death. If nothing else made Tongotut's war a disaster in Acholi
eyes, the death of Ryemarot certainly did. If one mentions Tongotut's war,
the first information provided by the elders is about the death of Ryemarot,
the most prestigious king in Agago and chairman of the Council of Rwodi.
As might be expected Tongotut's experiences in the battle provided a
touch of humour for what was otherwise a major disaster for the Acholi
"In this war Tongotut fell down among the dead and covered himself
with intestines and so escaped being killed."56
In summing up the causes of their defeat, modem elders in Agago
advanced three reasons. Some said that the battle proved that the Jie had a
more powerful Jok (God) than the Acholi. Others admit frankly that the
Acholi were in the wrong. They had gone to disturb the Jie in their own
country without provocation. They claim that when a man or people act in
this way the Jok will not assist them. Finally they claim that the spy, Loimoi,
leaked the information of an impending Acholi attack to the Jie. Once the
war was over the second spy, Loyama, is said to have to'd Tongotut about
the treachery of Loimoi.57 It seems possible that following the military
disaster Loimoi became the scapegoat. The traditional penalty for treachery
was death, but Loimoi left Tongotut's area of jurisdiction and settled in
Pabala. No effort was made to bring him back, nor did Pabala, which also
suffered in the battle, take legal action against him.
Sometime after the battle "Loriang and Pairuku of the Jie met with
Amet, Lugweramoi, Tongotut and Odyeny of Acholi hnd decided to make
peace for many people had been killed, and formerly they were at peace."58
(Author's italics.) Adoko who was leader under Tongotut, took a
prominent part in initiating the reconciliation between the two parties.
The Ribbe (union of reconciliation) ceremony was described by Balajar Der,
a member of the royal clan of Adilang;
"The originator of the war, a Jie man, brought the tail of giraffe to
Adoko in Kaket. Negotiations then began. Each part, the Acholi and
the Jie, brought two he-goats. The clan of Adoko provided the Acholi
goats. Each side also brought a bull. Each side brought a spear. An
Acholi man speared the animals given by the Jie and vice versa. The
tips of both spears were bent and exchanged. Adoko got the Jie spear.59
The elders examined the intestines of the slaughtered animals to see
how the pace was to be kept. The animals were roasted and eaten by
the whole assembly of Jie and Acholi. The foreleg bone of the bull was
taken. The bone was held by two elders, one Jie and one Acholi. An-
other elder struck the bone in the middle with a rock. If the bone split
evenly in the middle it meant that the peace would hold. If is splinter-
ed, then the side on which it cracked was likely to break the peace in
future. Each side preserved the bit of the bone they held and kept it
along with the bent spear. If in future one side attacked the other, the
people attacked wound unbend the spear if compensation was not paid.
On the occasion of the Jie-Acholi Ribbe the bone split clean and since
then the two peoples have not fought. All the Acholi rwodi who were
concerned, attended."60


It is generally accepted in Agago that the Acholi were guilty of
aggression. The interveiw with Balajar Der was conducted individually
which was unusual in this research where group interviews were the rule.
Had he been in a group the writer is sure that he would not have been
allowed get away with saying that the Jie originated the war. After all it
is not without significance that the war is referred to as Tongotut's. Der's
original intention was to discuss the ceremony in the abstract. But when he
began with the words, "the originator, of the war", the writer rather im-
pulsively and unfortunately broke in with "and who was that?" Der hesitat-
ed and replied "the Jie". Thereafter Der was allowed to tell the story with-
out interruption and he returned to the abstract.
While the Acholi accepted war guilt it seems unlikely that the Jie
demanded a public acknowledgement of it. Adoko may have taken the first
initiative but if the Jie leaders had already decided to seek Acholi assistance
against the Karamojong they might have taken the initiative or, at least have
made things as easy for Adoko as possible. Certainly the Acholi of Agago
hold the memory of the great Jie leader, Loriang, in great respect and
modern elders give the impression that almost immediately after the Ribbe
the Acholi began to assist the Jie against the Karamojong in the Bokora
Following the peace settlement and upon the invitation of Loriang the
Acholi began regularly to supply troops to fight with the Jie. Occasionally
a war leader, even a junior one, might merely lead away a few of his follow-
ers to join Loriang. Upon other occasions the rwot of a kingdom might go,
presumably leading a larger group. Tongotut often went, and among the
rwodi to go at one time or another were Lakidi of Paimol, Odyeny of Adi-
lang and Kidila of Patongo. An unusual innovation in the Bokora war was
that the rwodi began to lead their troops in battle and not remain behind
the lines as before. Modern elders say this was because the rwodi now had
guns and the musketeers were up front and the spear men behind. The
rwodi may also have been influenced by the example of Loriang.
The Acholi do not give the impression that they formed any kind of
elite rifle corps within the Jie army. They say that many of the Acholi
possessed muskets, but so they claim, did the Jie leaders, but many Acholi
spearmen also joined the Jie army.62
After a successful expedition Loriang divided the captured cattle into
two equal parts, half being given to the Acho'i and half to the Jie. Loriang
is pictured as being scrupulously fair. If the rwodi were present they divid-
ed the Acholi share among the soldiers; cattle to the musketeers and goats
to the spearmen. If the rwodi were not present the distribution was in the
hands of Adoko who played a prominent role in the Bokora war. He rec-
ruited Acholi to fight far more regularly than did any other leader. His son,
Amet, was to make a name for himself in the Bokora war and in the early
colonial period. There were complaints that Adoko often cheated in dis-
tribution of the booty. Upon one occasion the contingent from Adilang was
only given one bull and "thereafter not many went from Adilang".63
After the last major engagement in the Bokora war, the elders of Aga-
go tell of the first encounter with the Europeans.
"After the Bokora war Europeans came on the battlefield and found
lots of empty cartridges. They asked "what did it" and were told "it


was guns". The Europeans followed the departing Acholi army. Amet
was tired and lagged behind with Remo, his bodyguard. The Europeans
captured them and said that Amet could go on but that they would
keep Remo. Remo began to run away; he was shot and killed. Amet
was left alone because he was a leper".64

Part Ill How far may one trust oral evidence?

For some time oral tradition and oral evidence have been accepted as
valid sources for the writing of history. It has also been accepted that oral

evidence should be subjected to the same scrutiny and the same techniques
employed as those which an historian uses in his handling of documents.
Most historians working in Africa would accept these statements without
further argument. However, in practice a great deal of scepticism still sur-
rounds oral tradition. This becomes evident at seminars and academic con-
ferences where a paper which depends largely or entirely on oral tradition
for its sources will often be discussed almost exclusively in terms of the
reliability of its source material with consequently less time for criticism of
its content analysis. Such a session can hardly ever be held without some-
one giving a speech on the dangers and weakness of oral tradition. Further-
more, at African Universities, an African history examination can rarely be
set without a question on the merits and demerits, strengths and weaknesses
of oral tradition as a source.
Are we being super-critical? Are we not in danger of relenting in our
scrutiny of written sources so that a researcher feels that he has clinched
his point when he can quote a written source to confirm or discredit his
oral evidence? Many writers have been led into error because they failed
to place sufficient trust in tradition. A blatant example comes from Lango
in Uganda. When it was firmly believed that Ateker or Para-Nilotic peoples
poured out of Karamoja and mixed and fused with Lwo-speakers already in
residence in Lango district, then almost universal Langi tradition that they
were speaking Lwo before they left Karamoja was explained away by argu-
ing that the Langi were anxious to give the impression that they had always
spoken their present language. Recent research confirms that the ancestors
of the Langi in Karamoja were in all probability speaking something akin
to their present language. Finally and reluctantly historians have come to
accept a tradition which had it been accepted earlier would have allowed
researchers to guess that the Lwo had at one time been in Karamoja.
Instead of the great scepticism regarding the reliability of tradition, the
rule should be substituted that oral tradition should be accepted unless a
counter argument through other oral traditions can be built up. In addition
an African historian might be on safer ground to accept tradition, at least
tentatively, as against nineteenth-century traveller's accounts. After all the
historian may have only one traveller's account, but against it he can check
a large number of oral traditions.
The all-pervading scepticism regarding oral tradition is often most
serious for the student embarking upon his higher degree research. He
comes to Africa for his field work so full of fears and the "demerits" and
"dangers" of oral tradition that it often takes him months before he gains


confidence. Probably unavoidably he arrives in Africa having spent the six
months prior to arrival absorbing the travellers's accounts and forming
theories on the basis of them. Once in the field he feels it necessary to spend
an inordinate amount of time proving that a written account is inaccurate.
Psychologically it might be best for students to have six months in the field
before they approach the written sources, then turn to the accounts, and
return to the field. Initial theories (often abandoned with difficulty) would,
at least, be framed upon the oral evidence.
It is certainly far from the intention of the authors to suggest that oral
tradition and evidence should not be scrutinized thoroughly but as against
the expanding body of literature warning against the dangers and weak-
nesses of tradition, we offer some evidence to show that oral evidence collect-
ed casually from opposing sides in a war can correlate very closely. We say
casually, because for neither author was the evidence of this war vital to
his study. The first author was engaged in a history of the Jie from about
1750 to the imposition of colonial rule in about 1910. His main theme was
the development of the Jie nation, the creation of a feeling of Jie-ness and
the development of centralization. The second author, fifty miles away, in the
Agago kingdoms of Acholi was concerned with ethnic fusion which took
place in these kingdoms after about 1680. Since this war, was peripheral to
the work of both authors, neither checked it out and cross-checked it as
one would do if it was intended to be central to one's research. For example,
in Agago no effort was made to seek out the Paimol story, yet Paimol play-
ed a prominent role in the battle. Neither were any of the veterans of the
battle questioned, nor was Adoko's family interviewed, a family which play-
ed a leading part in much of the story.
In October, 1970 the second author had just finished three weeks of
field research in eastern Acholi. He then drove to Kotido about fifty miles
distant to consult with the first author who had been collecting historical
tradition for twelve months among the Jie. The object of the meeting was
to compare age-set systems particularly in relation to dating and chrono-
logy. In the course of discussion the authors came to realize the close cor-
relation relating to a war between the two peoples which had occurred
around 1900. This article was then suggested. Initially it was decided that
both authors should return to the field to collect more exhaustive and care-
fully crossed-checked evidence. This idea was discarded because it was felt
that having known each other's evidence we could be charged by our readers
with having thereafter "led" our informants to provide corroboration. It was
therefore decided that each author would compose the story of the war
from the evidence which he had. This was how this article was written. Two
independent accounts of the war were produced. The result was basically
two remarkably similar versions of one account. The divergences are mostly
the result of accident. The first author gathered more evidence of Jie-Acholi
relations before the battle than did the second author; while the latter,
collected a more detailed description of the reconciliation ceremony than did
the former. Despite this the correlation of evidence is remarkable even to
historians with strong faith in oral tradition.
Both peoples report the famine conditions before the war. While the
Acholi note this as one of the causes of the war, the Jie do not. Both
peoples confirm their good relations in the pre-war period. Both see the


Labwor people (and the Labwor confirm this) as an important factor in the
deteriorating situation. The Jie note that this led the Acholi to attack Jie
cattle camps and the Acholi confirm that Tongotut's warriors first attacked
the Jie and returned with cattle. Again both sides report the stories of the
spies and the black excrement. The Jie story has the names of the important
Acholi leaders Riamarot (Ryemarot), Akut, Amet, Adoko, Ledyeny and
Tongotut correct and the Acholi correctly name Loriang and Pairuku
(A Paruku), The reconciliation ceremony is related by both peoples with one
minor difference concerning which bone of the ox was used.
There are certain important discrepancies. The Jie saw a three prong-
ed attack while the Acholi report four and fail to report the attack on Lo-
katap. The major military objectives are agreed by both sides. Finally, while
the Jie report that the regiment striking towards Lokatap collapsed first, the
Acholi say that the Paimol regiment in front of Caicaon broke first. How-
ever both agree that when the centre collapsed the confusion and rout began.
Cross-checking in Acholi would likely have brought out the truth. After all
no tradition of any kind about the war was collected in Paimol.
In the final analysis the most vital correlation of evidence is not in the
details of fact but in the question of war guilt and causes of the Acholi
defeat. It is far easier for people to agree on events than on causes. Both
sides agreed that it was a disastrous defeat for the Acholi. Both agreed that
God was angry and rewarded the righteous and punished the guilty. While
the Jie talk of their bravery they also link this to the fact that they were
fighting for their homes. They do not suggest that they were brave and the
Acholi were not. Furthermore the Jie admit that the rain gave spears the
advantage over guns. This might have been a logical excuse for the Acholi
but they did not use it.
The most serious divergence of evidence of all was regarding the part
played by the spies. Both admit there were spies. Was the treachery of one
spy an excuse created by the Acholi leaders to explain their, defeat? Jie
evidence is convincing that the Jie were totally unprepared. On the other
hand Jie mobilization appeared to be incredibly rapid and their tactics sup-
erb. Thus the Acholi war leaders may have been misled into believing that
the Jie had been forewarned and were lying in wait in full preparedness.
Since the Acholi had planned the war in haste how could the Jie have known
unless the spies had been treacherous? Had this episode been written from
Acholi evidence only, it seems clear that the spy's treachery would have
been believed by the researcher and recorded that way. Few modern re-
searchers could accept that God or righteousness and guilt could decide a
battle, especially given the fact that the Acholi vastly outnumbered the Jie,
and that the Acholi had guns and the Jie had spears. The treacherous spy
story would have been believed.
Thus oral evidence is fallible just like any other type of evidence.
But it seems unlikely that in the history of any documented battle in Africa
or elsewhere, there would be such close consensus and correlation of facts
and interpretation from the opposing sides to the conflict as is presented in
these accounts from the two sides of a single battle front.


1. The battle was fought over much of Rengen territorial division, and the
pursuit of defeated Acholi after the battle went on back to eastern Acholi
itself. Caicaon was the focal point of the Acholi attack (as well as their
high-water mark), and the battle is now almost always referred to simply
as 'Caicaon' by the Jie.
2. W. D. M. Bell, Wanderings of an elephant hunter, London,1925, p. 63.
3. Jie Historical Text (hereafter J.H.T.) No. 34.
4. Turpin C. A. The occupation of the Turkwel river area by the Karamojong
tribe (Uganda Journal, 1948, p.163), estimates that one half of the Bokora
Karimojong population were forced to emigrate and seems to indicate
that at least a proportion of Jie also fled to the west.
5. J.H.T. No. 104.
6. J.H.T. No. 89.
7. J.H.T. No. 47.
8. J.H.T. No. 97.
9. J.H.T. Nos. 21 and 43.
10. A possible third exception is the tradition of a large-scale Jie cattle raid
against people called 'Ngikapor', probably at the end of the 18th century.
It is more likely, however, that the Ngikapor referred to in these traditions
were an early Labwor or Para-Nilotic group, rather than Acholi.
11. Labwor Historical Text (hereafter L.H.T.) No. 6.
12. J.H.T. No. 45.
13. J.H.T. No. 42.
14. J.H.T. No. 11. The story of the black excrement is universally remember-
ed by Jie informants.
15. J.H.T. No. 31.
16. J.H.T. Nos. 31, 32, 44 and 46.
17. J.H.T. Nos. 33 and 36. All the Jie accounts indicate that the Acholi
were armed with muzzle-loading muskets (lonume-musket or shot-gun)
and some veterans demonstrated how the Acholi loaded their guns with
ram-rods as they advanced. All seem agreed that none of the Acholi had
breach-loading rifles.
18. J.H.T. No. 44.
19. Bell, op. cit., p.63, indicates that the Acholi musketeers ran out of ammu-
nition during the battle and this is supported by an Acholi informant of
J. Barber Imperial frontier, Nairobi, East African Publishing House, 1968.
Jie veterans always maintain that the Acholi muskets were just misfiring.
20. J.H.T. No. 123.
21. J.H.T. No. 34.
22. J.H.T. No. 46.
23. J.H.T. Nos. 48 and 31.
24. J.H.T. No. 49.
25. J.H.T. No. 31.
26. J.H.T. No. 31.
27. J.H.T. No. 44.
28. Entebbe Archives, Secretariat Minute Report 2119 Tufnell's Report,
4 October, 1911.
29. On occasions where it has been possible to check (e.g. large ritual gather-
ings, etc.). I have invariably been surprised at how closely Jie elders are
able to estimate large number of people. (J.E.L.)
30. J.H.T. No. 31.
31. J.H.T. No. 123.
32. J.H.T. Nos. 46 and 40. Jie informants often indicate that the battle
of Caicaon and the battle of Loreapabong against the Bokora Karimojong
about ten years later were of about equal magnitude. The Report of
T. Grant, Political Officer of the Turkwell Mission, who seems to have
visited Loreapabong soon after the battle, states that the Bokora suffered
"hundreds" of casualties. Entebbe Archives, Secretariat Minutes Papec
1049, Part II.


33. J.H.T. No. 46.
34. J.H.T. No. 42. There is a common Jie proverb which has come about
because of the Jie victory; Kvrum Nyekuron ngikacoli which means 'Ashes
have caught the Acholi'. The meaning is difficult to translate, but roughly
it means that because the Acholi had attacked their former friends fate
intervened for the Jie.
35. J.H.T. No. 57.
36. J.H.T. No. 4.
37. J.H.T. No. 101.
38. J.H.T. No. 109.
39. T. Grant, in his Report of 13 February 1911, states that the attacking
force was composed of "Jiwe, Kamchuru, Chimareng, Tabaru, Ja-leno,
Muggenei and Turkana of Tarash", but implies that it was the Jie them-
selves who had most of the firearms. Entebbe Archives, Secretariat Minute
Paper 1049, Part II.
40. J.H.T. No. 34.
41. Bokora Historical Text, No. 8.
42. Maratino Lukok and his brother Alosia Okulo of the Otim section of the
Kaluke clan, Paimol oral interview (indexed as Acholi Historical Text,
hereafter A.H.T.), No. 14, 25 May 1970. The original A.H.T.'s are available
in the Department of History at Makerere University, and will ultimately
be made available to Makerere Library on microfilm. (A Labwor informant
indicated that a great many Acholi at the time of the battle had Jie
wives including the chiefs Riamarot, Akut and Canagola. Labwor Histori-
cal Text. No. 11, J.E.L.).
43. Maratino Ocen and Kocuna Okidi of Kadwera clan, Paimol A.H.T. No. 15,
26 May 1970. (To the Jie, the Acumpa usually mean the Swahili rather
than Ethiopians whom they term Habaci, J.E.L.).
44. A.H.T. No. 15.
45. Tongotut is known to the Jie as Koywel (J.E.L.).
46. Ajoka means "Priest of the Jok or God." Eleven elders of Pabala of whom
three gave the most information: Abono Ayonga and Peneriko Tona
(royal clan) and Pacifiko Omolo (Aduno). A.H.T. No. 20, 31 May 1970.
47. A.H.T. No. 20 and also reported by Yakobo Omony (Obia) and Muea
Odera (Olwiva) of Lira Kato, A.H.T. No. 13, 6 May 1970.
48. Eight elders, mainly royalist or royalist supporters, Lira Palwo. A.H.T.
No. 47, 1 May 1970 and A.H.T. No. 13.
49. A.H.T. No. 13.
50. A.H.T. No. 20.
51. A.H.T. No. 13.
52. Okidi Lutimony and Tadayo Ogwang (Pajimo), Bajilo Keny (Karuke),
Pwaoto Obongo (Padi), Agengo, Lira Palwo, A.H.T. No. 72, 29 September
1970 and A.H.T. No. 13.
53. Rwot Lakidi of Paimol was imprisoned at Kitgum when the British
established their authority over Paimol. Initially the British appear to
have sought to raise the Rwot of Lira Palwo to a position of paramountcy
in Agago. In any case Odong Lira, son of Ryemarot and Rwot of Lira
Palwo, was reported as the chief collaborator of the area with the in-
coming British until the British later cast him aside. It was argued that
the British asked his advice on who to appoint to the vacant throne of
Paimol and he suggested Amet who figures later in this article. Amet
had lived at Ryemarot's palace, gained the Rwot's favour and as a reward
had been made a jago over Lira Kato, a frontier area of Lira Palwo.
Amet distinguished himself in the wars against the Karimojong. Once
installed in Paimol he was fiercely resented as a foreigner, a commoner
and a leper. In 1917 the people of Paimol revolted against him and killed
two Christian teachers as British collaborators. The British sent in the
troops to suppress Paimol and claiming that Rwot Lakidi had fostered
the war, had him executed. Paimol is proud of its admittedly hopeless
war against the British and surrounding kingdoms also grudgingly respect
Paimol's valiant effort. (From Jie tradition generally, the Paimol and
the Muto are credited with considerable fighting ability. It would seem,


therefore, that the Paimol military reputation preceded the early colonial
54. A.H.T. No. 53.
55. A.H.T. No. 47. (Jie traditions do not mention anything about their
forces circling around behind any Acholi group. It is possible that in the
confused fighting which ensued after Akut's death a number of Jie war-
riors did find themselves to the rear of the installed Acholi right wing,
and it could have been at that point that the Rwot Ryemarot was sur-
rounded and killed. It is not surprising that Jie tradition has very little
to say about the death of Ryemarot. Invariably, his name is simply listed
among the Acholi leaders slain, while a great deal more attention is paid
to the death of Akut. The Jie had only a hazy understanding of Lwo
Rwot-ship,, but the importance of a war-leader, like Akut, could be
appreciated with the context of their own system. The death of Akut,
therefore, was probably infinitely more meaningful to the Jie than the
death of Ryemarot.-J.E.L.).
56. A.H.T. No. 20.
57. A.H.T. No. 13.
58. Beneventu Lumic, Adilango, A.H.T. No. 66, 22 September 1970.
59. The Jie spear is today in the care of Adoko's family (J.E.L.).
60. Balajar Der, Adilango, A.H.T. No. 65, 22 September 1970.
61. (It is not unusual for Jie veterans to claim that the battle of Caicaon was
the hardest fought battle they ever participated in: "The biggest and
hardest battle that the Jie ever fought was against the Acholi at Caicaon.
We never had to fight so hard in any of our battles against the Karimo-
jong or the Dodoso." Jie Historical Text, No. 123-J.E.L.).
62. A.H.T. No. 66.
63. A.H.T. No. 65.
64. A.H.T. No. 65.

Uganda Journal, 35, 1 (1971) pp. 43-48.



When a young Marconi engineer, Reginald Kenneth Rice, received
instructions in the summer, of 1914 to install a wireless transmitter and
receiver at Mombasa, he had no grounds for thinking this assignment
would present any different problems from those he had encountered on
similar projects in other, parts of the world. But when he arrived in East
Africa on 20 September 1914, he found Mombasa in a state of seige and
in daily expectation of invasion from the south and bombardment from the
Kinigsberg's guns. The island had been denuded of troops by emergencies
elsewhere, and the port installations were left to the protection of volunteers
in the Town Guard. Rice helped the volunteers to dig trenches and to
improvise defensive positions, and was unable to devote all his attention
to his specialist commitment until Punjabi sepoys arrived from Nairobi to
reinforce the Mombasa garrison.
The decision to establish a wireless telegraphy station at Mombasa
had been taken in 1912 without much regard for its usefulness in the event
of war with Germany. The idea had originated in December 1907 from a
request by the Italian Government, which was anxious to connect the
proposed network of Marconi stations in its East African colonies with
the Zanzibar cable through a wireless installation at Lamu.1 Largely
through the representations made by John Thomas Gosling,2 the Postmaster-
General of the British protectorates, the Colonial Office decided against
the Lamu installation in favour of a station at Mombasa, which could
eventually be linked with Kismayu and Lamu in order to bring the most
troublesome part of the East African Protectorate into more rapid
communication with headquarters. Funds for the Mombasa station were
allocated to the Public Works Departments for site preparation, labour and
station buildings, and the contract for the technical work was placed with
the Marconi Company.3
The project represented a belated awareness on the government's part
that wireless telegraphy had passed the experimental stage, and could play
a useful role in administrative and commercial development. Previous
discussions on the subject had come to nothing and it was left to others to
pioneer the introduction of wireless in Africa. Only six years after Marconi's
first successful experiments in 1894, the Foreign Office had rejected a
proposal to establish wireless communication across Lake Victoria,4 and
recommendations by army officers from 1902 onwards for wireless stations
in Jubaland met a similar fate.5 The Zanzibar Government was less cautious,
however, and provided funds in 1907 for the first wireless link in East
Africa between Mnazi Moja on the main island and Chake-chake on Pemba.6
Zanzibar's initiative had little immediate effect on the Colonial Office, and
proposals for wireless installations on the mainland were not given serious
reconsideration until after the Imperial Conference in 1911.7


In the meantime the Germans had begun to construct a network of
strategically situated stations in their African colonies. In German East
Africa the Tabora installation was under construction at the beginning of
the war, but Mwanza (with its subsidiary station at Bukoba) and Dar es
Salaam were already in communication with the rest of the African network
and also, either directly or through intermediaries, with Damascus and
Berlin. The Royal Navy was much concerned about German superiority in
the 'ethereal air', and some of the earliest operations in 1914 were directed
against enemy wireless installations: the Dar es Salaam station was destroyed
four days after Great Britain entered the war; and by the end of the year
all the principal installations had been demolished with the exception of
Windhoek, which was being threatened by South African forces, and Mwanza
which had no bearing on the conduct of naval operations.8
While preparation of the Mombasa site progressed depressingly slowly,
Rice improvised a temporary installation on which he intercepted a number of
messages relating to enemy movements in the Bosphorus and on the Eastern
Front. The success of these experiments led to a discussion on the feasibility
of intercepting messages passing between Mwanza and Bukoba. Efforts
had already been made to receive German messages on the Lake but
these had failed, presumably because the experiments were conducted by
an amateur enthusiast with inadequate instruments for the task. Although
Rice's short experience of reception conditions at the coast pointed to even
greater interference problems in the electric-storm belt around the Lake,
he thought these problems would not prove insoluble and that the interception
project was worth a trial. This meant that he would have to interrupt his
work on the Marconi contract, but his presence at Mombasa was not
considered essential so long as there were naval vessels keeping wireless
watches in the port.
Rice accordingly left for. Kisumu with the Mombasa receiving equipment
to join the S.S. Clement Hill, which had been chosen as the base for the
interception experiment. For the next few weeks Rice kept watch during
the unarmed steamer's scheduled runs between Entebbe and Kisumu and at
the intermediate ports of call. A kite aerial was tried at first but this was
later replaced by a single wire supported on the ship's mast. The crystal
receiver, headphones and batteries were installed in one of the cabins, in
which Rice kept watch shrouded in a net to exclude mosquitoes and lake
flies. Long watches had to be kept under these hot and trying conditions,
until the wave lengths of the German stations and their transmission times
had been determined. Most of the technical difficulties were eventually
overcome although the quality of reception was often poor because of
atmospherics. A number of messages were intercepted and telegraphed in
code to Nairobi, and those which could be acted upon locally were also
copied to the area commanders or civil administration. Sir Frederick
Jackson, the Governor of Uganda, was handed the message relating to
German activities on the Kagera front, and the Provincial Commissioner.
at Kisumu was supplied with information about enemy movements in the
Mara and South Nyanza districts which were likely to threaten railway
viaducts and terminus installations.
The experiment on the Clement Hill had proved worthwhile and its
continuance from a land base was discussed between Rice and J. J.


Killingbeck, the Assistant Postmaster-General at Entebbe. The object of
the proposed change was to improve the quality of reception, and also to
ensure regular manning of the apparatus after Rice's impending return to
Mombasa. Killingbeck's suggested site at Kisumu was rejected by Rice
on technical grounds, and the equipment was transferred to Entebbe. An
aerial wire was suspended from a 30 foot flag-pole at the post-office, and
the receiver was worked alongside the telegraph key so that there was no
delay in transmitting the intercepted messages to Nairobi. The transfer was
made without the knowledge of the Postmaster-General or the army
authorities. G.H.Q. was concerned lest the Entebbe aerial should make the
Germans suspect that their messages were being intercepted, but these fears
were allayed when it was realized that the station was not transmitting.
Authority was given for Rice to continue to operate the receiver, and he was
also instructed to train morse telegraphists to take over his watch duties
when he returned to the coast to complete the Marconi contract.
Although the Germans undoubtedly knew the nature of the equipment
that was to be installed at Mombasa, it seems they had no inkling that a
receiver had been brought within range of their stations on the Lake. This
is borne out by the frequency with which messages were exchanged
between the Bukoba and Mwanza commandants, especially after communi-
cation by water was denied them when the Uganda Railway flotilla gained
undisputed control of the Lake. The operators generally transmitted the
messages in clear at dictation speed, with frequent repetitions when
atmospherics were bad; and they often obligingly announced the time of
the next transmission. Translation from the German was carried out at
Entebbe by Claude Espeut, the Director of Public Works, before the
messages were coded for. distribution. General von Lettow-Vorbeck, in
one of the rare references in the literature to the interception project,
implies that his suspicions has been aroused at the end of October 1914
when an attempt to reinforce Bukoba by boats from Mwanza was
circumvented by the arrival of British steamers.9 The General's suspicions
were presumably not communicated with any urgency to the local com-
manders, since it was some time after this incident before messages in clear
were dropped in favour of a letter cypher. Decoding of the cypher was
beyond the resources of the Nairobi staff, so the messages were telegraphed
to Mombasa where they were cabled via Zanzibar and Aden to Bombay
for overland transmission to Simla. After the code had been broken down
by Indian Army experts the translations were sent back to Nairobi over
the same route.
While Rice was intercepting messages on the Clement Hill and
at Entebbe, he was becoming concerned about his Mombasa commitments.
General Wapshare, the G.O.C., and the Postmaster-General were anxious
for him to remain in Uganda; and Captain R. Meinertzhagen, who had
taken over all the intelligence services from the Game Department after
the setback at Tanga, took a keen personal interest in Rice's activities. The
Marconi engineer. nevertheless had an obligation to complete the company's
contract, and to return the reception equipment that was being used at
Entebbe to the Mombasa station. Rice's anxieties about his civil commit-
ments had been heightened during a rush visit to the coast at the beginning
of November, when he was summoned to repair the Mombasa transmitter


so that it could be used for the Tanga offensive. He found that the
temporary installation had been demaged by a drunken naval signaller
who had been allowed to operate the equipment without Rice's permission.
Rice's protests about this misuse of the company's property went
unheeded by the military authorities, who insisted that he should continue
his work at Entebbe. The Postmaster-General also considered Rice could
be more usefully employed on interception than at Mombasa, where work
on the station buildings was still behind schedule. The Marconi engineer's
movements were not, however, subject to the wishes of either, the army or
postal authorities. The deadlock was eventually resolved on 23 November
1914 when Rice accepted an appointment as Director of Land Wireless
Telegraphs with the local rank of Captain.10 Although this compromise
placed him under military orders, it was tacitly recognized that Rice still
had obligations to his company and the other contracting party, the
Protectorate Government, for the completion of the Mombasa station. In
order to expedite the fulfilment of this commitment, Rice suggested that the
receiver should be left at Entebbe, providing the Postmaster-General would
accept the Mombasa station without it, and that the Government should
cable the Crown Agents for an instrument to replace it. Rice addressed
himself personally on the subject to Andrew Gray, the Company's Chief
Engineer in London, but the Eastern Telegraph Superintendent refused to
accept the cable until he received written assurance that its content was
concerned entirely with wireless business! The Government eventually
wired to the Crown Agents for three additional headphone sets to be
despatched by letter post, and the Marconi receiver remained at Entebbe.
Having trained a former Uganda Postmaster, A. G. Pagett, to take over
his watch duties at Entebbe, Rice decided to return to Mombasa in the
second week of December.. This decision was adhered to in spite of a
telegram from the Postmaster-General stating that Rice was not needed
in Mombasa, because the Marconi station had closed down and regular
watches were being kept on S.S. Karmala.
After Rice's departure interception continued at Entebbe under
Killingbeck, who changed the lay-out of the equipment so that the operator
was doubly shielded against noise and interruptions. These improvements
proved of little avail, however, during the thunderstorms which occurred
every day at the onset of the rains. A marked falling-off in the number
of messages intercepted at this time was attributed by Killingbeck partly
to technical difficulties in maintaining regular communication between
Mwanza and Bukoba during electrical disturbances, and partly to the
closing in of British forces around the latter station. In spite of the many
promises made by the postal and military authorities, they failed to provide
an assistant for Pagett, whose departure at the beginning of 1915 threatened
to suspend the interception project. By a fortunate chance a replacement,
A. O. Kane," was secured locally and the station watches were maintained.
The only assistance Killingbeck received from Nairobi during this period
was a series of letters reminding him of the importance of maintaining the
service. These important exhortations prompted the Assistant Post-
master-General to comment privately to Rice: 'do they think that a man
keeps his nose to the grindstone from 9.0 a.m. to 11.0 p.m. as an


amusement,12 or that I visit the office after 10.0 in the evenings during the
rains simply to admire its architectural beauty! '
Kane's devotion to duty was rewarded towards the end of January
1915 when the Entebbe receiver picked up a series of situation reports at
around .11 p.m. These reports, which had originated from Governor
Schnee at Morogoro, were relayed from Mwanza apparently for transmission
to Berlin. In order to ensure reception at the intermediate station, the
Mwanza operator increased the power of his transmitter to its utmost
.capacity. This exceptional procedure, together with the careful repetition
of every word in the messages, led Kane to conclude that the receiving
station was a long way from the Mwanza transmitter. Although the
German operator called up the intermediate station for, ten minutes before
sending the messages, no answering signals were heard at Entebbe, so it is
possible that Schnee's efforts to get in touch with the outside world through
his one remaining high-powered transmitter were unsuccessful.
As the main enemy forces retreated towards the south, the messages
intercepted at Entebbe were probably restricted to local transmissions
between Mwanza and Bukoba. The Entebbe station possibly closed down
shortly.after the Bukoba installation was dismantled on 23 June 1915, but it
may have continued to function -until the British forces captured Mwanza
on 14 July 1916.
While Kane kept watch at Entebbe, Rice was trying to hasten the
completion .of the station buildings at Mombasa. After a number of delays
and setbacks, the Postmaster-General reported on 13 April 1915 that the
Mombasa contract had been satisfactorily completed. Three days later Rice
handed over the station to the Protectorate authorities and resigned his
military appointment. He left immediately for the Seychelles, which he had
visited in January 1915 to site a station for the Admiralty, and where he
remained in charge of the installation at Mahe until the autumn of 1917.
A number of the messages that were intercepted at Entebbe and on
the Clement Hill have survived. Although some are mutilated or in code,
and a few are undated, enough have been preserved in a clear and identifi-
able form to give an indication of the scope and importance of the intelli-
gence collected by the interception team. Some of the messages containing
accounts of engagements in the East African campaign, such as the Tanga
invasion and the German victory on the River. Kagera in November 1914,
were evidently prepared for transmission to Berlin. The majority of the
items refer to matters of immediate local interest to the station commanders
at Mwanza and Bukoba. These include such topics as troop reinforcements,
supplies of boots, grain and telegraph materials, tactics, intelligence, wire-
less communications and shipping. A touch of light relief is provided by
two of the messages demanding the return of a veterinary surgeon's mule
and an officer's bicycle, or a cash payment to cover, the cost of the purloined
articles. Only one of the intercepted messages has been found in the volu-
minous literature on the East African campaign: a footnote on page 114
of the Official History records that a message decoded on 10 December
1914 revealed that the Germans 'proposed to dump at suitable spots' (Uke-
rewe and Majita in the original) 'tempting piles of logs, among which one
or. two were to be hollow and filled with dynamite', in the hope that they
would be fed into the furnaces of of British steamers. Apart from Gereral


von Lettow-Vorbeck's suspicions in October 1914, no other references to the
intercepted messages have been traced, so it seems that the secret of Rice's
activities was well kept in a theatre that was notorious for. rumours and
security leaks.
Although Rice had demonstrated the practicability of wireless commu-
nications under equatorial conditions in 1914, several years elapsed before
much was done towards establishing a network of stations throughout the
East African territories. This was largely because of lack of funds and the
priority given to the improvement and extension of telegraph and telephone
facilities. The invention of the short-wave beam system in 1924, and the
inauguration of regular air services a few years later, marked the turning
point in the extensive use of wireless telegraphy. As a result of these
developments, the principal beam station for East Africa was located at
Nairobi, and a subsidiary installation was established on Kololo Hill, near
Kampala in 1931, seventeen years after Rice had attached the aerial from
the Clement Hill to the flagstaff outside the Entebbe Post Office.


After completing a wireless telegraphy course in London, Rice joined
Marconi in April 1909. He had represented the Company at the Turin
Exhibition in 1911, and had also been employed in building stations at
Colombo, Malta and Galway, and in installing equipment on a number
of British and European vessels. Rice was only 24 when he arrived in
1. General Post Office, London file 6837/1913.
2. See A. Workman, Colonial P.M.G.'s Reminiscences, (1937), 163.
R. Meinertzhagen, Army Diary, (1960), 113.
3. G.P.O., London file 6837 1913; CO 533 series in Public Record Office,
4. E. Stallibrass Uganda Railway Committee, 31-12-1900, FO 2/301. Foreign
Office minutes to Johnston-FO, 22-1-1901, FO 2/297; and to Stallibrass FO,
2-12-1901, FO 2/523. Stallibrass-FO, 4-2-1902, FO 2/579, Foreign Office
Confidential Print 7946/61 in Public Record Office.
5. Some of these are noted in H. Moyse-Bartlett, King's African Rifles,
(1956), Ch. 7.
6. Zanzibar Gazette, 1907-1908; J. E. Craster, Pemba, the Spice Island of
Zanzibar, (1913), CO 533/94.
7. A wireless link was established between Berbera and Aden in 1910 as
part of the Somaliland defence scheme. For the Imperial Wireless Chain,
see Cd. 5741 (1911), G.P.O. file 2682/1913, Wireless World; one of the
stations was to have been located near Nairobi.
8. Admiralty, Handbook of German East Africa, (1916); Sir C. Lucas, Empire
at War, iv, (1925); C. Hordern, Military Operations East Africa (Official
History), (1941).
9. Von Lettow-Vorbeck My Reminiscences of East Africa, (1920).
1o. Official Gazette of the East Africa Protectorate, XVI/400, 1230,
11. Kane was a member of the Post & Telegraph Department; he retired from
Uganda as a Postmaster on 5-1-1933.
12. Cf. T. Gunzert, Tanzania Notes & Records. 66(1966), 175: 'Postmaster P..
who during the war, spent night after night at the wireless telegraph' at
13. See Colonial Reports Annual, Uganda, 1931; H. B. Thomas and R. Scott,
Uganda, 1935, p. 242.
14. I am grateful to Mr. Rice for allowing me access to his papers and his
copies of the intercepted messages; these have now been donated to Rho-
des House, Oxford. Also to Mr. H. B. Thomas for helpful criticisms.

Uganda Journal, 35, 1 (1971) pp. 49-54.



Some eight years after the interception equipment at Entebbe had been
dismantled,' a proposal was mooted for a network of wireless stations in
the Eastern and Northern Provinces. A despatch outlining the projected
network was submitted to the Colonial Office on 17 June 1924 by Sir Geoffrey
Archer, who had assumed office as Governor in February 1923. As a result
of a tour of the cotton areas of the Eastern Province from Jinja to Lake
Kioga, and policy discussions on the administration of the Karamoja District,
Archer was convinced that wireless could play an important part in the
control and development of remote areas of the Protectorate.2
The advantages that could be derived from rapid means of communica-
tion in similar circumstances had been brought home to him during his
service as Commissioner and then Governor of British Somaliland from 1913
to 1922. As a result of the expensive, indecisive operations against Mahomed
bin Abdulla Hassan (the Mad Mullah) in that Protectorate, and the unwill-
ingness of the British Govrnment to implement Sir Reginald Wingate's plans
for a massive expedition to crush the protracted revolt, it was decided on
12 November 1919 that administrative officers and Protectorate forces should
be withdrawn from the interior and concentrated at the coast. In order, to
ensure that reinforcements could be swiftly summoned in an emergency,
authority was given for the erection of wireless installations to link the
capital, Berbera, with the Aden Residency.3 The station at Berbera, which was
handed over to the Protectorate authorities on 14 May 1910 by a Marconi
engineer, S. T. Dockray, was the first installation established in Africa with
Imperial funds and one of the few British stations sanctioned on mainly
strategical grounds.4 Its value had been proved during the First World
War, when a portable set carried by camels and worked by a Somali operator
had enabled Archer to maintain contact with his headquarters and the
Colonial Office. A year before he left Somaliland for Uganda, an even more
impressive demonstration was given of the value of the Protectorate network
by the speed with which Archer was able to obtain R.A.F. planes from Aden
to avenge the murder on 24 February 1922 of A. Gibb, the District Com-
missioner of Burao. A wireless message from the upcountry station brought
the needed help from Aden the following day when the Burao township
was destroyed by incendiary bombs.5 Apart from this dramatic incident,
which was fresh in his memory when he arrived in Uganda, it is also likely
that Archer, during his visit to Ethiopia in February 1917 for the enthrone-
ment of Queen Zauditu, had discussed the plan formulated by Wilfred
Thesiger, the British Minister, to establish a wireless station at Addis Ababa
in order to improve communications with Somaliland, the Sudan and British
East Africa.6
The scheme proposed by Archer in 1924 formed part of his recom-
mendations for the final disposal of the balance of the 550,000 which had
been loaned at 5% interest to the Protectorate by the British Treasury in
1921. Improvement of communications was included among the numerous

items for the general development of the Protectorate to which these funds
could be allocated.7 Archer recommended that stations should be established
at Moroto, Gulu, Kitgum, military headquarters in Karamoja and Lira, all
places to which Thomas Fitzgerald, the Postmaster-General, considered the
cost of extending the land-line system would be prohibitive. The central
'station was to be located at Lira, which was to be brought into the existing
telegraph system by an extension of the land-line (on iron standards) from
The choice of sites had been based principally on the need to develop
improved communications with administrative posts in outlying areas. An-
other consideration was the commonly held view that the country to the north
of.Lake Kioga was likely to prove the most suitable area for the increase in
cotton acreage which the government was anxious to encourage.9 In this
connection Archer commented that Lira was already "an important producing
area." The Karamoja stations were included solely on strategical grounds,
so that K.A.R. headquarters could keep in touch with detachments guarding
the passes from Turkana, and be quickly alerted if reinforcements were
needed in this troublesome district during the difficult period following the
substitution of civil administration for military government. The unsettled
conditions that had existed when district officers assumed control in 1921
were exacerbated by the unaccustomed demands made on the people by
their recently appointed chiefs. Opposition to the new order of things came
to a head in October 1923 when the Karamojong murdered Chief Achia
and harassed a number of his subordinates. Archer decided against continu-
ing an energetic administrative policy in this remote and badly serviced
area,10 and also followed the Somaliland precedent in another particular
by recommending the inauguration of a wireless service. Subsidiary consi-
derations in locating the stations in the Uganda network were that they
would provide connections with Mongalla in the Sudan and with some of
the Belgian installations near the eastern frontier of the Congo.
The technical details of the scheme were outlined by the Postmaster-
General, who recommended that portable Marconi Y C 5 sets should be
used. Even if the manufacturer's guaranteed range was reduced from 600 to
300 miles under tropical conditions, inter-communication within the network
and with the Sudan and Belgian Congo stations would still be possible.
European operators would be needed at the outset, but when Africans had
been trained to undertake the work one inspecting engineer would suffice
to control the whole group. Fitzgerald was satisfied that his departmental
engineers were capable of erecting the stations, but Archer recommended
that an expert from Marconi's should be engaged for this purpose, and also
to ensure that the installations had worked satisfactorily for some time
before they were taken over the Posts and Telegraph Department. Dockray,
who had carried out both these tasks in Somaliland, was one of the two
Marconi engineers suggested for employment in Uganda. Archer justified
this recommendation on the grounds that the total cost of the scheme would
be over 10,000. This sum was based on five stations costing 1,851 each
for equipment, freight, transport and erection. A separate estimate of
9,867 was included to cover the cost of extending the land-line from Soroti
to Lira."
Archer's proposals had more in common with the modest schemes that


had been completed and projected in Kenya than with the extensive network
created by the Italians in their East African colonies, or with the forty-two
stations that were operating in the Belgian Congo.12 Neither the Kenya nor
Uganda administration planned to use wireless telegraphy to speed up com-
munications with the Colonial Office, or even to provide a direct link bet-
ween district headquarters and the capital. Furthermore, the strategical
arguments for the stations in Karamoja were identical to those advanced
in 1914, and 1921 by Kenya officials, who claimed that a wireless network
would help to strengthen their hold over the nomadic tribes in Jubaland,
the Northern Frontier and Turkana.3
The Colonial Office referred Archer's despatch to the General Post
Office for a technical assessment of the scheme. The Engineer-in-Chief
considered that the proposed apparatus was too low-powered to ensure
continuous transmission in view of the atmospheric disturbances character-
istic of tropical regions, and if, as he surmised, the network was to operate
over country that was hilly and heavily forested. Fitzgerald corrected the
Engineer-in-Chief's surmise about the nature of the country, and refuted
the assertion that Lira was too distant (200 miles) to communicate with Kilo
in the Belgian Congo. He pointed out that it was not intended to operate
the system continuously but only during those parts of the day when there
was no fear. of interruption by atmospherics.14 Fitzgerald relied on the
manufacturer's guarantee of the equipment's range and power, and the
Engineer-in-Chief temporised by agreeing that the Y C 5 sets were satisfactory
under normal conditions and that only experience would show whether more
power would be needed for their successful use in the tropics.35
Nothing further was done before Archer left for Khartoum towards the
end of 1924 for assume his new appointment as Governor-General of the
Sudan. His Chief Secretary, J. R. L. Sturrock, who had served in Uganda
(and England) as tutor to Kabaka Daudi Chwa before joining the adminis-
tration, became Deputy-Governor. He had little experience of other African
territories and was probably, by training and inclination, not very conversant
with technological subjects. On 17 December 1924 Sturrock informed the
Colonial Office that he did not propose to pursue the matter further, but
intended to leave a decision to Archer's successor after he had discussed
the scheme with the Postmaster-General and reviewed its financial aspects
in relation to other capital works under consideration. Sturrock agreed with
Fitzgerald that the employment of a Marconi engineer would be too ex-
pensive in comparison with the total cost of the scheme. He also referred the
Colonial Office to his despatch dated 2 December 1924 on the reorganisation
of the K.A.R., in which he had pointed out the value of wireless telegraphy
in improving communications between headquarters and detachments in the
north of the Protectorate.'6
The Colonial Office accordingly referred the scheme to W. F. Gowers
on 9 February 1925, five days after his appointment as Archer's successor.
The new Governor had spent most of his service in northern Nigeria, a
territory in which no wireless stations had been established. Nigeria had
been slow to make use of wireless communications, probably because of its
remoteness from the principal shipping lanes. A ship-to-shore installation
had been established at Lagos in 1914, some years after similar facilities
had been operating in the British, French, Spanish and Portuguese colonies


and Liberia to the west, and it was not until the 1930's that wireless was
used in Nigeria for purposes of internal communication.17 With this back-
ground and his interest in education and other fields of development, it is
not surprising that Gowers informed the Colonial Office on 18 September
1925 that he had not been sufficiently convinced of the necessity for the
wireless stations to warrant further consideration of Archer's plans. He
preferred an extension of the land-line from Nimule to Rejaf in order to
establish speedier communications with the Sudan,18 and commented "with
regard to the problem of communication with military headquarters on the
northern frontier, I do not think that it is necessary to establish wireless
stations in Karamoja in order to deal with a strategical situation which
cannot be assumed to be permanent."19
Gowers' decision was possibly influenced to some extent by the inaugura-
tion of the land-line link between the Belgian Congo and British East African
systems in June 1924, by proposals to extend the railway in the Eastern
Province, and by the fact that thirty police under the District Commissioner,
with the support of the K.A.R. detachments guarding the Turkana passes,
had maintained law and order and discouraged raiding in Karamoja after
Archer had ordered a change of policy as a result of Achia's murder..20
The decisions was also probably influenced by the new Governor's desire to
use the balance of the loan money for schemes of his own devising in the
more developed areas of the Protectorate that had more prospects of quick
and visible results.
Nevertheless it is strange that Gowers brushed aside the recommenda-
tions in the report of the Ormsby-Gore East Africa Commission which had
been presented to Parliament in April 1925. When the Commission visited
Uganda from 8 to 29 October 1924, Archer won unanimous support for his
proposals from its members, who recorded that "the development of wireless
communications in East Africa is of great importance and would be of great
value to the administration and to the development of the country, and in
our opinion it would be far cheaper than the extension of the existing
inadequate system of ordinary telegraphic wires." Archer's representations
evidently made a considerable impression on members of the Commission,
who "recommended that, in accordance with the request of the late Governor
of Uganda, enquiries should be made and that, if necessary, a wireless expert
should visit East Africa for, the purpose of estimating the cost of linking
up the principal centres, and those districts not yet served by any telegraphic
communication, by means of wireless telegraphy . Further, in this connec-
tion the possibility of wireless connection with the southern Sudan should
be borne in mind."21
Gowers' decision to disregard the strongly worded recommendations of
the Commission, and to sustain his preference for the land-line system in
spite of its patent deficiencies,22 delayed the introduction of wireless facilities
in Uganda for almost a decade. The Kenya Government took a similar stand,
and proved no more willing than Uganda to allocate loan funds and budget
for recurrent expenditure on wireless communications to the detriment of
other development projects.23 Although equipment for four installations
was in store at Mombasa at the end of the war, no stations were operating
in northern Kenya (after Kismayu was ceded to Italy on 29 June 1925)
until 1929 when a start was made on a network connecting military and


administrative posts in the frontier provinces.24 Uganda waited two years
longer for its first wireless station on Kololo Hill, Kampala, which was initi-
ally restricted to communications connected with the Cape to Cairo air
service. Certain classes of traffic were later accepted for Belgian Congo
installations, and on 23 March 1934 the opening of the Arua station inau-
gurated an internal wireless service in the Protectorate. With the opening
of Gulu on 26 August 1935, Entebbe on 1 May 1938 and Kitgum on 27
September 1938,25 a number of items in the scheme propounded by Archer
in 1924 had been implemented, and a belated start had been made on
establishing communications with outlying areas by speedier and more reli-
able means than heliograph and mail-runner.
1. For the interception project, see Uganda Journal, previous article.
2. See G.P.O. (London) file 6837/1913. G. Archer, Personal and historical
memoirs of an East African administrator, 1963, pp. 154-157: though he
does not mention the wireless scheme for Karamoja, and J. Barber,
Imperial frontier Ch. 16
3. The four expeditions between 1901 and 1904 cost over 5,000,000. Archer,
Memoirs; D. Jardine, The Mad Mullah of Somaliland, 1923; H. Moyse-
Bartlett, The King's African Rifles, 1956, Ch. 7.
4. M.P.A. Hankey (Secretary, Committee on Imperial Defence), 12 June 1914
G.P.O. (London) file 23543/1914. The ZanzibarPemba link inaugurated on
9 October 1907 had been paid for from Zanzibar Government funds.
5. Archer, op. cit., pp. 86, 136-137: Moyse-Bartlett, op. cit., p. 449. In 1922
Somaliland had two coastal and four interior wireless stations.
6. G.P.O. (London) file 6837/1913. (Between 1912 and 1917 Thesiger was
concerned over French and Italian attempts to establish a wireless station
at Addis Ababa). Archer, op. cit., pp. 82-85.
7. H.B. Thomas and R. Scott, Uganda, 1935, p. 226; K. Ingham, The making
of modern Uganda, 1958, Ch. 5, and G.P.O. (London file 6837/1913.
8. G.P.O. file 6837/1913.
9. Cf. Report of the East Africa Commission, Cmd. 2387 (1925). pp. 11-137.
10. Barber, op. cit.. Ch. 16.
11. G.P.O. (London) files 2286/1909, 6837/1913; Archer, op. cit., p. 86. African
operators were employed in German East Africa (Wireless World, Nov.
1914), and in Kenya from 1924 (Colonial Annual Reports 1924).
12. Eleven stations were operating in Italian Somaliland in 1924. For the East
Africa Commission's comparison between British and Belgian achieve-
ments, see Report, pp. 126-127. and A. Church, East Africa, a new domin-
ion, p. 81.
13. C.O. files 533/136/144 (Public Record office), G.P.O. (London) file 6837/
1913, Moyse-Bartlett, op. cit. pp. 455-456.
14. Fitzgerald was in charge of the unified Kenya and Uganda Posts and
Telegraph Department, and had experience of the working of the Momba-
sa and Kismayu stations.
15. G.P.O. (London) file 6837/1913.
16. G.P.O. (London) file 6837/1913.
17. Post Office Guide; Nigeria handbook 1933.
18. This connection of 100 miles, which has been canvassed as early as June
1909 (G.P.O. London) file 6837/1913, had not been made by 1938.
19. G.P.O. (London) file 6837/1913.
20. Kenya Manual, 1924, p. 192. The Congo link was based on agreement
signed on 9 December 1921 (G.P.O. London) file 11096/1923. East Africa
Commission Report, pp. 11-18, 137-139. Thomas and Scott, op. cit., Ch. 16.
Barber, op. cit., Ch. 16.
21. East Africa Commission Report, pp. 126-127 Church, op. cit., pp. 81-82.
22. In 1926 the land-line mileage was increased from 1403 to 18261 and tele-
graphic facilities provided for certain areas in the northern part of the
Eastern Province. (Colonial Annual Report Uganda 1926).


23. Das es Salaam (opened on 26 August 1927) was the only station to be
opened as a ersult of the Commission (Report, p. 126).
24. Colonial Reports Annual, East Africa Protectorate, 1919-1920; G.P.O.
(London) file 6837/1913; Northern Frontier District Report, 1929.
25. Thomas and Scott, op. cit., Ch. 16; G.P.O. (London) file 6837/1913.

UgOtda Journal, 35, 1 (1971) pp. 55-61.


The dance starts in the early evening and ends about midnight. Each
neighboring village provides its own team of boys and girls. Boys wear
nothing but a strip of cloth over their genitals, and ostrich or cock feathers
on the head. In the left hand they carry a calabash, in the right old bicycle-
wheel spokes. They also carry small axes, clubs or knives to defend them-
selves with in case a fight breaks out during the dance. The girls wear skirts,
and a cloth round the breasts. They tie a mass of beads round their waists
and strap rattles to their legs. The leader of each girls' team has a whistle.
The teams from various villages meet in the arena which is a clearing
outside the home of the Larakaraka organiser. As each team arrives, its
leader silences the big drum in the centre and starts a new song. Most of
the songs are short, repetitive, and deal with love and bridewealth. Here is
a typical song:-
Laliba has taken the wealth
To buy meat in the market.
With what shall Kolo marry?
Behold the child of Aol's mother,
Laliba has spent the wealth.
With what shall Kolo marry?
Laliba had a married daughter, Ao!; but he wasted the bride price,
neglecting his son Kolo who also wanted to marry.
In the arena the boys form arcs of circles, with their legs interlocked.
The girls line up facing them in the centre. When the song starts the boys
take it up, swaying from side to side and strumming the spokes against the
calabashes. The girls dance silently; only their team leader's whistle sounds.
One of the latter's duties is to arrange with the other leaders for one set
of dancers to take turns with another. Girls may not dance in front of their
own brothers.
While the boys sway in unison, the girls shake their breasts and twist
their hips. The climax is reached with the moko ("getting stuck") stage -
for which reason the Larakaraka dance is also known as moko. Each girl
singles out a boy and pushes him out of the arc. They run to a quiet spot
and make each other's acquaintance but without sexual action. After a
while they go back to dance again. Sometimes late in the dance a couple
may run for good. A good dancer may get "stuck" many times in the course
of an evening.
The Bwola (Royal) Dance and Otole (War) Dance are rare. They are
performed only on important occasions, traditionally organised at the call
of a chief. The Bwola is performed by mature men and women. A village
may have its own Bwola team or it may combine with another village to
make up a large group. The dance is held in the daytime. The songs tell of
historic persons and events. They praise (or rebuke) the deeds of chiefs
and of heroic warriors. Here is an example:-


The people of Alero are away at Langwen
You, Lagem, help me in the fight
O Paibwoo! Have you seen the Lango spears?
This battle will never end
Lango spears drive me back home
The Lango spear is deadly
As deadly as Panyagira's
Alero opong i Langwen ye
Lagem konya ki lweny
ii! ii!
Palibwoo ye! Oneno tong Lango?
Tong Lango tera paco
Tong pa Lango tek macalo man
Macalo Panyagira!
The people of Bwobo are a minority clan to the west of Gulu. At one
time in their history they fought the formidable Langi, hence this song. It
seems from the words that the Bwobo were overwhelmed. "Paibwoo ye!"
is their common war cry dating from the time of their ancestor Obwogo.
There are three stages to the Bwola dance. First the dancers advance,
closely packed in rows one behind the other, stooping close to the ground
and humming the song with a buzzing noise. The men have small drums
and sticks. They wear antelope skins round their waists and leopard skins
on their backs. Ostrich plumes decorate their heads. The women are group-
ed in the centre. The men move forward with the big mother-drum leading.
Inside the arena they form a circle round the big drum and the second stage
begins. The men now circle the big drum sideways, stooping and straighten-
ing up, playing their small drums to the rhythm of the mother-drum.
During the last (Labala) stage the small drums no longer sound. The
men do not move sideways but in file round the big drum. The women
change their positions but stay inside the circle joining in the men's songs.
Occasionally when a man leaves the circle to blow his horn or perform a
mock fight, a woman will run after him to gyrate and excite him still fur-
ther. The Bwola dance is complicated and thrilling. It is often included in
the repertoire of the Heart Beat of Africa dancers as a show-piece for visit-
ors to Uganda.
For the Otole War Dance the men wear the same dress as for the
Bwola but they carry spears and shields. The Otole is less intricate but very
tiring. The men run round the arena with the woman behind them. From
time to time they regroup and engage in mock fighting. One Otole song
goes :-
Son of Anyala,
Olebe, lead on to the front.
Olebe, your courage equals the whites'
O son of Anyala,
The spear that was blessed by the elders
Heads not the dangers!
Son of Anyala, Olebe,
Lead on to the front.
O the spear that was blessed by the elders!


Another songs is:-
Tong man butu koyo ye!
Aligo yo! Ladwar!
Tong ma yam ageno
Tong man butu
O! Aligo we, Ladwar!
Maa tong ma yam ageno
Tong man butu koyo.
The above song, an elegy for a dead warrior and hunter, may be rend-
ered as follows:-
Alas! This spear lies cold
O Aligo! O hunter!
This spear that I once trusted
Now lies cold
O Aligo! 0 hunter!
The spear that I once trusted
Now lies cold.
The historian has only to look at the Bwola and Otole songs of the
Acholi to learn a good deal about their past.
Guru Lyel.
The Guru Lyel (Funeral Ceremony) also has a dance. There are no
elaborate preparations for it. Men may take spears and shields but the
women are normally dressed. The dance expresses grief and the songs are
mostly sorrowful; though at funerals of very old people a certain amount
of gaiety is permitted.
Most funeral dances consist of moving backwards and forwards and
leaping into the air; also of the mock fight.
One song (in Bitek's version) goes:-
Behold Oteka fights alone
The bull dies, alone.
O men of the lineage of Awic
What has the son of my mother done to you
That he should be deserted?
Behold the warrior fights single-handed
My brother is armed with bows and barbed headed arrows
He fights alone, not a single helper beside him
My brother fights alone,
He struggles with death.
The traditional funeral ceremony is so deep rooted in traditional religion
that it will not easily be ousted from Acholi customs. Even so, one can
detect the influence of modern times in some of the new funeral songs.
Brother, there is death in the kettle
What can we do?
A! brother, I warned you in vain,
Where did the child get death?
He got it in the beer
O brother, too long you were roaming the villages
What shall we do?
This sort of song would be used at the funeral of some delinquent, who
has ignored warnings of friends.

Here is another song that expresses anger at death:-
Death has no home
No man knows where death's hose is
You boys would have fought death bravely
But no one knows death's home
We lay an ambush for death
But death does not come
We would have fired our guns at death
Even women would have fought this battle with us-
But no one knows where death's home is.
Apiti dance.
The Apiti is a dance for women, and as it is meant for older. people it
is (like the Bwola and Otole) rarely performed. Nowadays women danct it
at political rallies.
Apiti songs are generally praise songs, or express concern for men -no
are loved. Here are two such songs:-
O our Odai!
Our only child
Odai is like a European
Odai !
When he stayed away
The village was silent
O our Odai
The phrase "Odai is like a European" is a term of praise; for the
European, who had "conquered customs", was all-powerful.
The only son of my father
The only one
My brother is gone
The war has called him away
It was because of anger that he went
The war called him to Gil-Gil
The war called him to Nairobi
The only son of my father
War has taken him away
It was anger, that took him.
The reference here is to a young man who because of some personal
row or anger, decided to enlist as a soldier.
In the Apiti dance, the women stand in a ring. When the drums play,
they dance round the drums. A woman with the sweetest voice starts each
song. The women wear their best skirts and a top piece of different material.
At the climax of the dance they stop singing and begin to murmur, and to
stretch their long necks like giraffes.
The Nanga is a wedding dance, spectacularly revived of late. It is
played on the nanga instrument, from which the dance takes its name.
Acholi men love playing this harp. They play it to themselves, brooding,
thinking of a girl. They play it while strolling about. They play it in
company, round a fire at night, to entertain guests.
To play the navga well, one must first carefully tune it, then rest it on
a calabash, and if one is expert one will produce beautiful music. The nanga
really comes into its own at a wedding. This takes place at the bride's


home, and the bridegroom's party make sure they have their best nanga
player with them. The dance starts in the evening after everyone has drunk
much beer. The bride brings over a party of girls to join the in-laws, and
the best way "to break the ice" and to get some "serious" talk started
(what is said otherwise is mostly bluff and boasting) is to start dancing.
The girls do the teke (rhythm of the waists), of which there are two
main variations: the La-pa'laro and AMginya. In the La-palaro the move-
ment is violent and fast. The girls cover much ground quickly and it is
tiring. So the Anginya is preferred, with a slower waist rhythm (just visible
in the shaking of the dress), and the girls move much more slowly. This is
a chance for the boys to join in. They jump up and interlock their legs as
for Larakaraka, facing the girls. Instead of strumming calabashes they clap
their hands. When a girl approaches too near with her teke a boy rushes
up to raise her hand. It is very embarrassing for a girl if she cannot perform
the teke.
Some nanga dance songs recall historic occasions. Here is one that takes
the form of a dialogue between the girl Awili and her sister:-
Sister Awili, mother calls you Tiloko.
Awili Why does mother call me? Tiloko.
Sister Mother calls you for men Tiloko.
Awili What are the names of the men? Tiloko.
Sister Some are called Opuk Tiloko.
A wili Tell those of Opuk to go away Tiloko
Onguka-pa'Owiny is coming
And the drums sound "king" under Goma hill.
Awili was a beautiful girl of the Bura clan. Her people were defeated
by Payira and absorbed by them. Awili was in love with Rwot Onguka, son
of Owiny and leader of the Payira. The Bura opposed marriage, saying that
Onguka had done harm to them. So Onguka came back, seized the Bura
chief's drum, and the Payira drum was beaten under. Goma hill, home of
the Bura (just east of the river Aca). The Payira war cry, "A aata ye!"
meaning "To absorb" dates from this event. The Payira are the largest clan
in Acholi.
Nanga songs may also take the form of friendly insults or banter bet-
ween in-laws. For instance:-
Behold the owner. of the cows
His ears don't suit the copper rings
O mother!
You want to have your own way
You arrange marriage by tricks
But behold the owner of the cows
His ears don't suit the copper rings.
This is a familiar theme: a young girl complaining about her parents'
choice of a husband for her.. In this case she is being given to a rich man
whom she finds ugly even his ear-rings don't fit. Bridewealth was not a
mother's concern, but she could influence it by bringing pressure to bear on
her daughter or husband.
Jok dance.
By Jok we understand various spirits, both good and bad. Young girls
are often said to be seized by Jok anyodo (the spirit of birth), and the diviner
expels it in a ceremony that includes the Jok dance (Myel Jok). This is done


at night. The diviner wears black goat skins, people assemble with gourd
rattles, and the young girl is sat on a stool with a black goat skin round her
waist. The people begin to sing Jok songs and to shake their rattles. When
the girl quivers it is a sign that Jok anyodo is ready to dance. The songs are
intensified, the rattles shake louder, and the girl jumps up to dance. It is
said -that the girl is not aware she is dancing, for it is the Jok in her that
dances, being about to leave the girl.
The Jok drum is small, and only one note is played, repeatedly, on
it. When the girl is in the throes of her dance, other girls are asked to help
her. One of them will usually start to quiver and tremble too, with Jok; and
she will be placed on the stool.
Three major spirits are exercised in this way: Anyodo (spirit of birth);
Urongo (spirit of wild beasts); and Kulu (spirit of the river). There is a
special song for each spirit, intended to incite it to dance. Here are some
examples: --
Anyodo Song.
Laboke has crossed the Pajule sea
He has gone to seek bride wealth
How he suffers and dies!
But the girl walks with flat breasts
O the earth has defied me
There is no one to help me.
Urongo Song.
The hunter trembles
O the hunter fears.
You elders, grip the spears
The beast hides under the cwaa tree.
Kuit Scvg.
O the spirit of the river
The spirit has killed my house
The spirit has killed my child
What can I do?
A new spirit, called Jok mnumi (the white man's spirit), also seizes
people who have travelled outside the district in government service. A
typical Jok inumi song will show how foreign it is:-
O the white man drops bombs
It is one o'clock, one o'clock.
The white man drops bombs
It is two o'clock, two o'clock.
The white man drops bombs
It is three o'clock, three o'clock.
Now the white man takes tea.
The words are an obvious satire on the white man's habits: love of routine,
making war, and tea drinking.
Of all Jok dances, the Rut (twin) is the most important. Rudi (twins)
are believed to be the gift of Jok Anyodo (the spirit of birth), and the wish
of the ancestors, who, it is said, turned on their backs in the grave in order
to look after the children on earth (corpses are always buried on their
sides). Jok Rut is performed before the ancestral shrine (Abiila)..The ances-
tors are thanked and food offerings are made to them. People abase them-
selves before Anyodo, smearing ash on their bodies and singing songs of


pathos all this to persuade Anyodo not to call away one of the twins.
For twins are more vulnerable, more likely to die, than normal infants.
When one twin dies it has said to have "escaped", and no one sheds tears
lest the surviving twin should decide to escape too, or be called away by
the dead one. Here is a Rut song:-
Behold the mother of twins lies on her back
O twins
O Ocen and Opiyo
The mother of twins lies on her back
Her body is covered with ash-dust
O twins
O Ocen and Opiyo.
Other dances.
Other dances that are popular today the Rumma, Lukeme (Aije),
and Dingi-Dingi are youth dances copied from elsewhere. The Rumma and
Lukeme are a corrupt version of the rumba, but whereas the Rumma is
danced to guitar music or to a record player, the Lukeme is danced to a
local instrument and the songs resemble those of Larakaraka. The Dingi-
Dingi is a girls' dance based on the movements of physical drill at school,
said to have been invented by Palabek ex-servicemen of east Acholi.



PAMELA ARMAN had been for twelve years a lecturer in agricultural chemis-
try in the Faculty of Agriculture at Makerere University and now works
for the Highlands Development corporation of Scotland.

MR. S. CARR is an adviser to the Church of Uganda Wambabya Develop-
ment Scheme, and had previously worked for a number of years on a similar
project at Nyakashaka in Ankole, and before that for a long time in the
southern Sudan.

MR. D. E. EARL had been an official of the Department of Forestry of
the Uganda Government and had been instrumental in establishing the char-
coal industry, he is now writing this subject up for a higher degree of the
University of Cambridge.

JOHN LAMPHEAR is a research fellow of the School of Oriental and African
Studies of the University of London, and has recently completed fifteen
months of field work at Kotido on the oral traditions of the Jie.

OKUMU PA 'LUKOBO is a final year student of the National Teachers College.
Kyambogo and has already had some of his poems published in anthologies
and has been a frequent contributor to Nanga, a magazine of the N.T.C.
from which the article published here has been selected.

BARNABAS OTAALA is a lecturer in the Department of Educational Psycho-
logy and has contributed an article on a related topic to the previous issue
of the Uganda Journal.

STANLEY Ross is an American who has recently been appointed a lecturer
in the Faculty of Law at Makerere.

TIMOTHY SYNNOTT is attached to the newly formed Department of Forestry
at Makerere University having spent four years as the Forestry Officer for
Western Province, in the service of the Uganda Government Forestry Depart-

BERTIN WEBSTER for the past three years has been the Professor of History
at Makerere University and the contribution here is part of any intensive
study of the oral traditions of the people of north Uganda which he has
undertaken in collaboration with undergraduate and postgraduate students
of the department.

Uganda Journal, 35, 1 (1971) pp. 63-67



This essay is a follow up to the one produced in the last issue of the
Uganda Journal,' with similar tests being applied to adults who had not
been to school in place of school-children. According to Piaget conservation
refers to the ability to understand that certain properties of objects remain
invariant (e.g. are conserved) in the face of external transformation.
In one of his classical experiments, that of conservation of an amount
of liquid, the child is shown two identical cylindrical containers containing
the same quantity of liquid. The contents of one container, are then transfer-
red to a broader, shorter container or a taller, narrower container, and the
child is asked whether the quantity of liquid in the new container is still
equal to that remaining in the other container.
Piaget indicated that a child who is not conserving (who is not opera-
tional) would have difficulty with this problem, and he attributed this diffi-
culty, in the case of a pre-operational child, to what he refers to as successive
centrings. Suppose a child estimates that there is more liquid in the taller,
narrower container because the level has been raised. He thus "centres" his
thought, or his attention on the relation between the heights of the containers
and ignores their widths. But if the contents of the taller, narrower glass
are emptied into a yet taller and narrower container, there must be a point
at which the pre-operational child will reply that the contents in the new
container is less because it is too narrow. There will thus be a correction of
centring on height by a decentring of attention to width. To Piaget "this
transition from a single centring to two successive centrings heralds the be-
ginnings of he operation; once he reasons with respect to both relations at
the same time, the child will, in fact, deduce conservation."2
In the development of the ability to conserve, Piaget stipulates a three-
stage development of understanding: pre-operational, transitional and opera-
tional. In the first stage there is no evidence of conservation. In the case
of liquid, for instance, the child's responses indicate that the quantity of
liquid increases or decreases according to the size of the containers. He
pays attention either to the height or width of the container, and does not
co-ordinate them in arriving at his judgement. In the transitional stage con-
servation emerges gradually. In some instances the child maintains conser-
vation, but not in others. This second stage, according to Piaget, is not
necessarily found in all children. In the third stage the child assumes conser-
vation for each of the transformations the quantity undergoes. Whatever
chance he observes, the child knows that if the amounts were originally
equivalent, they must remain equivalent. As Piaget put it, "there always
comes a time (6--7 years 8 months) when the child's attitude changes: he
no longer needs to reflect, he decides; he even looks surprised that the
question is asked, he is certain of the conservation. If we ask him his reasons,
he replies that nothing has been removed or added."3 Or else he replies
that the height makes up for the width lost by the new glass; or. he replies
that a transfer from A to B can be corrected by a transfer from B to A


and this reversibility is certainly essential.
Some investigators have claimed that the development of conservation
is related to whether or not the individual had any formal schooling. In her
study of the Wolof children, Greenfield found in connection with unschooled
children that "the most striking thing here is the one point at which conser-
vation ceases, for all practical purposes, to be related to age. The oldest
unschooled bush children show no significant increase in conservation over
eight and nine year. olds. Only half of the unschooled bush children attain
conservation at this late stage."4 Greenfield suggested that "without school,
intellectual development, defined as any qualitative change, ceases shortly
after age nine." To Greenfield "it would appear at first glance that the
technologies and skills absorbed from the schooled experience may indeed
strongly affect the question of whether some children in Senegal (and perhaps
elsewhere) even achieve conservation of a continuous quantity."5
The present investigation was aimed at exploring, on a preliminary basis,
the conservation ability of Iteso unschooled adults. Greenfield's study sug-
gested that unschooled adults would respond in essentially the same way as
the eight and nine year old children. The experiment was designed to see
if this applied to unschooled Iteso adults.
The subjects of this investigation were 78 men and 15 women all of
whom, on the basis of the report of the interviewers, had never had any
formal schooling. The interviewers, who were themselves teachers in the
schools where the writer6 was conducting interviews with primary school
children, visited one village in the evenings and after a preliminary introduc-
tion of what they were after, interviewed those adults who were willing to
subject themselves to such interviews. The interviews were conducted
individually, in Teso, and written verbatim in Ateso. The Ateso responses
of the subjects were later translated into English by the writer who is
himself an Etesot. Before interviewing, the procedures of he interview
were role-played several times in Ateso by the two teachers who carried
out the interviewing.
Conservation of a number of buttons: During the orientation for this task,
the subject compares ten yellow buttons with seven red ones, and adds red
buttons to make the rows the same; then compares the rows with one yellow
button removed, one yellow added; two red buttons removed, two red but-
tons added, etc. For the testing the red buttons are bunched and the subject
is asked, "who has more buttons, you or I, or do we both have the same
number?" The yellow buttons are then spread apart, and the above question
is repeated. After each response of the subject, he is asked, "Why do you
think so?"
Conservation of an amount of water: During orientation the subject com-
pares water in two identical glasses, indicating which one has more water
than the other, and adjusting the water to indicate when the water is the
"same." The interviewer then empties the water from one glass into a shallow
glass dish, asking, "Now, who has more water, you or I, or do we both have
same amount?" The experimenter then transfers the water from the dish
to a taller, narrower glass, an depeats the above question. After each
response of the subject, he is asked for. his explanation, "Why do you think


Conservation of an amount of clay: In this task one of two equal balls of
clay are transformed into a "sausage" or "banana" shape; then back into
a ball shape, and finally it is cut up into several pieces. After each transfor-
mation the subject is questioned about the equality of the two amounts of
clay; and after each response he is asked for his explanation, "Why do you
think so?"
The data were categorized and scored for the total task on the basis
of the pattern formed by the separate responses to the subsections of a
particular task. The categorization scheme attempted to separate responses
that provided evidence of operational thinking from those that were definitely
non-operational or transitional. Based on this differentiation, the evidence
for each task could then be categorized as definitely indicating operational
thought (conserving); definitely indicating thought that was not operational
(non-conserving); and transitional (partially conserving).

The validity of the data is dependent, of course, not only on the adequacy
of the translation of the interview schedule, but also on the ability of the
interviewers to communicate with the adults and to record their responses
accurately. Any findings must consequently be taken tentatively. Nevertheless
certain trends are apparent and are of such nature as to suggest that the
adults did understand what was expected and responded in accord with their
own ways of viewing the world.
Table 1 indicates the number and percent of adults revealing conservation
in the various tasks. An examination of the table indicates that in each of
the tasks at least 50% of the children of a particular age group can success-
fully complete a task, it can be assumed that children of that age should
normally be able to perform that task.7 When this criterion is applied to
this study, it can be seen from Table 1 that in no conservation task do the
unschooled adults meet this criterion.
The data were next examined to see whether a sequence in task diffi-
culty could be detected. For American children conservation of number
generally appears before either conservation of discrete or continuous
quantity.8 In support of Piaget's theory discrete precedes continuous
quantity conservation. It appears from Table 1 that there is parallel develop-
ment of conservation of an amount of water and conservation of an amount
of clay, but not of conservation of a number of buttons.
The data were then examined to see what pattern of performance on
conservation could be detected. Table 2 shows the number of and percent of
unschooled adults whose performance fell into one of four most common



Number and Percent of Adults Revealing Conservation
in the Various Conservation Tasks

Men Women Total

N % N % N %

Buttons 39 51.30 10 66.66 49 53.80
Water 55 72.36 9 60.00 64 70.32
Clay 51 67.10 10 66.66 61 57.14

There are 76 men and 15 women, making a total of 91 adults.


Patterns of Conservation Abilities
Revealed by Unschooled Adults.

Pattern Adults %

1 Conserving in no task ... ... ... ... 11 12.08
2 Conserving in only the buttons task ... ... 7 7.69
3 Conserving in only the buttons and water tasks ... 8 8.79
4 Conserving in all three conservation tasks ... 55 60.44
5 Other patterns ... ... ... ... ... 10 10.68
From this table it can be seen that the number and percent of adults
showing pattern four conservation in all the three conservation tasks is
quite large. This pattern, however, includes 20 adults (12.96 percent) who
were not conserving on the theoretically less difficult tasks, but were conser-
ving on the theoretically more difficult tasks.
The results obtained from this preliminary investigation show that Iteso
adults made somewhat low scores on the Piagetian conservation tasks used.
This finding seems to be in agreement with that of Vernon who was working
with 11-year-old boys who were, however, schooling.9 Part of Vernon's
explanation for the low scores of his subjects was that magical beliefs and
superstitions play a large part in African samples on conservation may be
explained, in part at least, by belief in magic and superstiton: "If we follow
Piaget's views, we would expect magical beliefs to be linked with non-
conservation as aspects of the pre-operational stage."
Pr;ce-Williams in discussing the classification abilities of "bush"
children in Nigeria suggested that a highly relevant feature in analysing the
process of classification in non-Western people was motivation or interest.
Where there was little incentive in forming different kinds of categories, it
was not surprising to find apparent dependency upon the concrete.10 In the
present investigation, the interviewers were unanimous in reporting the
suspicion with which they were greeted when they visited villages. At the
time of the interviews the school-fees of school children had just been raised,
and there was no telling whether these teachers who had come to the village


were not going to bring about further increases in school fees as a result of
their interviews. When adults did submit themselves to interview, quite
often they were reluctant to answer some questions on the ground that "they
are for small children." This latter attitude agrees with that found by Price-
Williams among the Tiv.
In conclusion, performance of Iteso unschooled adults on there conser-
vation tasks has indicated some tentative norms, but has also underlined the
importance of the disposition of the interviewees, and the importance of
methodological approaches used in the investigation of conservation ability.


1. Otaala, B. The performance of Uganda African children on some Piaget
conservation tests, (Uganda Journal, 34, 1970, pp. 171-178).
2. Piaget, J. The psychology of intelligence, Paterson, New Jersey, Little
Adams, 1966, p. 131.
3. Ibid, p. 140.
4. Greenfield, P.M. On culture and conservation. Essay in Studies in cognitive
growth, edited by J. S. Bruner, R. R. Oliver and Greenfield, P.M., New
York, Wiley, 1966, pp. 233-234.
5. Ibid, p. 234.
6. Otaala, B. The development of operational thinking in primary school
children: an examination of some aspects of Piaget's theory among Iteso
children. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Teachers College, Columbia University,
7. Piaget, J. Cognitive development in children. Essay in Piaget rediscovered
edited by R. E. Ripple and V. N. Rockcastle, Ithaca, Cornell School of
Education, 1964, pp. 6-48.
8. Almy, M.E.C. and Miller, P. Young children's thinking, New York, Teachers
College Press, 1966.
9. Vernon, P. E. Intelligence and cultural environment, London, Methuen,
10. Price-Williams, D.R. Abstract and concrete models of classification in
primitive -society. (British Journal of Educational Psychology, 32, 1962,
pp. 50-61).

Uganda Journal, 35, 1 (1971) pp. 69-78

ROBIN-CHAT (Cossypha heuglini: Turdidae) AND OF THE
BLACK-HEADED GONOLEK (Laniarius erythrogaster: Laniidae)


The White-browed Robin-chat and the Black-headed Gonolek are
common and conspicuous birds of Uganda gardens and bush. Both have
distinctive colours and calls, and are strongly territorial; they are therefore
good subjects for study. Studies have been made of their behaviour on
Makerere Hill, Kampala, since July 1967. The observations have been re-
grettably intermittent, but intensive watching has been carried out for short
periods. Some of the birds were colour-ringed, so that individuals could be
Description, Habitat and Feeding:
The adult bird has a black head with a white stripe over the eye,
bisecting the black. The rump, underparts and outer tail-feathers are tawny-
orange, the mantle and central tail feathers are brown and the wings are
slaty; the sexes are alike. The preferred habitat is grassland interspersed
with dense thickets, and the species has adapted well to suburban gardens,
where hedges and shrubs provide cover and lawns and undergrowth are rich
feeding grounds. The food consists mainly or entirely of insects, obtained
largely from the ground. Smallish prey is preferred, large worms and larvae
sometimes being left unfinished. The birds are rather shy, and keep to
cover most of the time.
Calls and Song:
1. The whistle. This is a long, strident whistle, sometimes double, on a
slightly rising note, often repeated many times. It seems to be made when
the birds are nervous or anxious. Typical situations when it is used are:-
in territorial challenge; when an intruder is approaching a nest but is still
some distance away; when a predator is seen and so on. It is often the
first call made at dawn, and is often used when they go to roost at night.
Both sexes can make it, and the other partner often comes to investigate
when the mate calls.
2. The alarm scold. This is a typical scold note, a soft double "Krrr-
krrr." It is not often used, and is mainly heard when an intruder or predator
comes close to a nest or young, although it has been heard in other situa-
tions, as, for example, when a bird was trespassing in another's territory, or
when a person's presence prevented a bird going to its roost at night. It
seems to denote extreme anxiety rather than aggressiveness, and is not used
in territorial defence. Both sexes use it.
3. Alarm ticking. This intermittent soft ticking is occasionally made at
the approach of man or a predator. Also, in anxiety situations, preening
may take place as a displacement activity. Al of these distress calls may
interpersed with snatches of song or whistles, wing flicking and so on.


4. Begging call, This is a thin seeping made by the young birds.
5. The crescendo song. This is a superb song, given by the male only,
from a perch in a bush or tree. It consists of a phrase of several notes, which
is repeated three to six times, starting very softly and getting louder until
it reaches a climax. When the bird is in full song the sequence may be
topped off by two or three whistles. The same phrase is usually used a
number of times before a change is made, but occasionally the phrase may
be changed in the middle of a cresendo. The bird often flicks his wings
while singing. Each bird has his own set of phrases, and individuals can
be recognized; there appears also to be some geographical variation. It
is often said that this Robin-chat is a mimic, but it is borrowing rather than
mimicry which takes place. The song phrases may sometimes resemble
those of other species, such as bulbuls or thrushes, but these phrases are
always incorporated into the typical Robin-chat pattern, and the listener
is never in any doubt as to which species is singing. This song is used in
territorial defence and probably also helps in maintaining the pair bond;
for the hen is often nearby when the male is singing. There is a peak of
song in the morning and evening, and they often sing during or after rain.
There is also a quieter version of this song, a secondary or subsong.
The duetting song. This is sung by both birds simultaneously, when
they are close together in a tree or bush. The cock sings from
two to ten (usually four to six) phrases at level volume. On the second
phrase the hen joins in with about 2 18 whistles, usually in a regular
pattern of two whistles to each phrase of the cock's. The hen will occasionally
join in a duet while the cock is singing the crescendo song, but his normal
duet part is quite distinct. Again, characteristic individual phrases are used
by the cock. The song is repeated, often many times, and the birds
reach a high state of excitement, so much so that they may become nearly
oblivious of observers. The starting signal is given by the male, who flicks
his wings and tail; sometimes two quiet notes from him may precede the
duet. While singing, the fema'e depresses her tail slightly and flicks it, and
both birds often quiver their wings. Between duets both may give a slight
bob of the head. The female stays close to the male, and this song
undoubtedly maintains the pair bond. It is at its most intense during court-
ship, but is also used in territorial defence, in which both sexes take part
(the crescendo song and the whistle are also used).
The song pattern of one pair of Robin-chats was followed for nine
months from August 1967, measurements of song being taken for half an
hour three times a day, on ten days in each month. The number of whistles
reached a peak in late November to early January, which was the period
after they had hatched their young, while they were still feeding them.
A few scolds were heard in the same period. The crescendo song reached a
peak in late September and early October, when courtship was at its height,
but this song was heard at other times of year as well. It was at a minimum
in December and January, and again in March and April, but was main-
tained to some degree throughout the year. The birds appear to pair for
life, and are never completely silent. Duetting followed a similar pattern,
reaching a peak in early October but never dying away completely. In species
which acquire and defend territories only during the breeding season, as
in most European birds and, perhaps, in some tropical species such as the


African Thrush, the changes in song levels throughout the year are much
more dramatic. Farkas2 studied the related Cossypha natalevmsis in South
Africa. He distinguished four adult ca'ls and three types of song, which
in this species is largely imitative and does not include a duet. He also
noted some diminution of territorial behaviour in the non-breeding season.
It would be interesting to see how breeding and territoriality vary with
latitude (i.e. with the degree of variation in day-length, temperature and
so on). This could be done by complementary studies, for example on
C. heuglini in South Africa, or on C. natalensis in Uganda, where it occurs
in the forests.
Capture actd Ringing.
These- birds are difficult to catch, food and water being so abundant
that they are not attracted by bait. The territories are fairly large, so that
it is difficult to anticipate their movements. They make only short flights
from cover, which they seldom leave, and are very wary. There is,
however, some pattern in their movements, and they tend to be in the same
area at about the same time for a few consecutive days. Later, perhaps
when food on that "beat" is getting scarce, the pattern of movement changes.
One pair was caught by putting a mist net in front of a clump of bamboo
in which they had been seen at the same time on the previous day. Another
successful technique has been to play a tape-recording of their song. The
resident birds are very upset by this, and engage in vigorous song battle.
Two were lured into a net by putting the tape recorder at its base, but
the birds soon became so excited that they flew around frantically high
up in the trees, and the recorder had to be withdrawn for fear of causing
too big a change in their behaviour. This method is, however, promising
provided the recording is played for only a short time, and can also be used
for mapping territories quickly over a large area. It works with a number of
other territorial species, including the African Thrush. In order to be suc-
cessful in catching adults, knowledge of their habits is essential, and it may
take a long time to catch particular individuals. If a nest is found, the
nestlings can be colour-ringed on about the ninth day after hatching. It
should not be done too late, for fear of making the young leave the nest
prematurely. Any future ringing should be co-ordinated through the Uganda
Territorial Behaviour.
Each pair of Robin-chats maintains a territory for the whole year round,
and the boundaries remain practically the same over several years at least.
The pattern is so unchanging that no opportunity was found of watching
a bird actually acquiring a territory, and they mate for life.
Some territories were measured on Makerere hill, and the approximate
sizes were:- 0.9, 2.0, 2.5, 3.4 and 4.1 acres (0.4, 0.8, 1.0, 1.4 and 1.7 hectares
respectively). The boundaries often run down a convenient natural line
such as a hedge or drive, but may go across an open space. The territory
is maintained largely by song. Actual fighting has been seen but is rare,
perhaps because the boundaries are fixed over such long periods of time
that the birds become completely adapted to them. There are a number
of song perches in each territory. Some are near the periphery, from which
song battles with the neighbours are mounted. Others are in the centre of
the territory, especially near the roosting site.


All the food is obtained from within the territory. In cases where there
are large open spaces between areas of gardens, there appear to be no-
man's-lands which are little used, although they may be included in a ter-
ritory in the sense that an intruder would be chased away. Really large
open spaces, devoid of suitable cover, are not used or "owned" by Robin-
chats at all.
The roost is usually fairly central, and is in thick cover in a tree or
large bush, at a considerable height
There are two main breeding seasons, from about September to Decem-
ber and March to May, but young birds have been seen outside these dates,
and it may depend on the timing of the rains. The normal breeding seasons
coincide with the two rainy seasons.
Mackworth-Praed and Grant3 give the nesting site as being on a stump
on bank. There may be individual or geographical variation in this, but
on Makerere no nests have been found at ground level, or on any sort of
solid foundation. The typical nesting site here is in a dense overhanging
bush, about four to ten feet from the ground. The nest is built among small
branches or twigs, often towards the edge of the "umbrella" where predators
cannot easily reach it. Favourite sites are in overgrown Bougainvillea or
Acalypha wilkesicvna bushes. The same site may be re-used, and old nests
may be found near the current one. From below, the nest looks like just
one of the many clumps of dead leaves collected in the twigs. It is made of
roots and fibres on this leafy foundation.
One ringed pair was watched very closely during the breeding season
in October to November 1967. The pair was active in territorial defence
throughout August and September, and may have moulted just before this.
In late August, one was seen actually fighting with a trespasser. Singing
reached a peak in October, and the birds started to spend most of their
time in one garden, near their roost. In the first week of October they
were duetting a lot, and the male was chasing the female, in rapid flights
around the garden. The male also became very aggressive towards other
birds, particularly to thrushes, which have similar ground-feeding habits;
it would sometimes fly at them and drive them away. Both birds were very
excitable, and the male would make ostentatious display flights with his
tail fanned out, making a fluttering noise with his wings. Even feeding
was done in short, nervous rushes, and there was a lot of wing-flicking.
On 14 October, the courtship display was seen. The cock, while feeding
on the ground, came close to where the hen was perched low down in the
hedge. It then crouched low on the ground among the dead leaves, with
its head low, its wings spread out to their full extent along the ground, and
its tail similarly fanned out; its rump and head feathers were erected. The
male stayed completely motionless in this position for two or three minutes.
The hen then came down and stood in front of it, flicking its wings and
tail, with its head up and its feathers sleeked except on the breast, which
was puffed out. The cock then flew a little way away and both resumed
From then until the 22nd they stayed close together, in the same area.
From the 24th to the 29th the hen started skulking in a thick hedge. It was
so secretive that its activities could not be followed closely, but it must


have been building the nest in this period. The male, on the other hand,
was usually visible and perhaps did not help with the building. The nest
was found on the 29th. It was complete, and contained two eggs, which
were heavily blotched brown on a blue background. The nest was watched
for some time and the hen did not return. This, combined with the fact
that the eggs were stone-cold when found, led to the conclusion that full-
time incubation had now started. The hen was definitely sitting on the
following day, and the eggs were always warm after that. It would tolerate
human activity within a few yards of the nest, and even when closely
approached did not give an alarm, but slipped silently away through the
hedge. The male was usually nearby, and occasionally seemed to guard
the nest while the hen went off to feed.
The incubation was watched closely on 25 November. The shade
temperature was 250C in the morning from 9-12 a.m. The hen spent 63%
of this time on the nest, with spells of 7-34 minutes on and 10-21 minutes
off. From 5-6.30 p.m., when the temperature had fallen to 210C after rain,
it spent 52% of the time on the nest, with spells of 10-17 minutes on and
off. When off the nest, the hen hardly ever moved away from the vicinity.
An area of about 40 x 15 yards, in, under and alongside the hedge, provided
nearly all the food for the female, some for the male, and partially maintain-
ed some domestic chickens as well. Later, the food for the two nestlings
also came from the same area. It seems clear from this that the size of
the territory held by this pair of birds was unlikely to have been governed
by their food requirements.
If 12 hours sitting at night is assumed, plus about 60% incubation
during the day, a total of about 19 hours out of 24 is reached. This
is rather less than the time spent in incubation by the related Blackbird
under temperate conditions. Show4 recorded 90% sitting during daylight,
giving a total of 23 hours out of 24, in Britain in May. The difference may
be a reflection of the warmth of the tropical environment, where longish
spells off the nest would not chill the eggs severely.
During the incubation period, the cock bird sang a little and the hen
occasionally joined him in a duet, usually at dusk. The male roosted in
the same hedge, near the nest. One of the eggs had hatched by mid-day
on 8 November, and the second was out by the same evening. This makes
a nine-day incubation period, which seems too short compared with the
14 days recorded for. C. natalensis2 and the 13 days for the Blackbird in
temperate conditions4. Lacks gives 13 days as the average incubation period
for Passeriformes, with an equal period before the young leave the nest.
The fledgling period for these Robin-chats was 15 days (17 days for C.
natalensis2), which therefore throws still more doubt on the figure here re-
corded. In view of the uncertainty about the date on which the hen started
sitting, further measurements are needed.
The newly-hatched chicks were naked except for a few tufts of dark
grey hairs, and were too feeble to lift their heads. There was no sign of
'he shells, which had presumably been removed by the parents. After this,
both parent birds scolded at intruders, instead of slipping away as before.
The nestlings started to beg and respond to touch on the third day, when
they were just able to lift their heads. The gape and sides of the bill were
bright yellow, with some projections on the roof of the mouth. They were


fed on small larvae, which were brought 10-12 times an hour, both parents
helping with the feeding. The hen brooded the nestlings for about 40%
of the time, with spells of 2-10 minutes on and 2-30 minutes off the nest.
By the fifth day the nestlings were larger, and stronger, and were begin-
ning to sprout feathers, which steadily increased in number as the days
passed. The bill started to harden and darken on the seventh day and their
eyes opened on the eighth. They were ringed on the ninth day, by which
time the two of them nearly filled the nest. They were still unafraid and
made a thin seeping begging call. By the tenth day they followed the
direction of approach of the hand or parent bird. Brooding had stopped
by the eleventh day, and the larvae brought to them were up to an inch
and a half long. Vibration of the nest, caused by the parent perching on
its way up to feed them, triggered off a rapid series of begging calls,
audible for about 20 yards. The parents were by now very nervous. Food
was brought every half minute to every four minutes, about 25 times an
hour, with longer gaps about once an hour, when the parents went away
to feed themselves.
On the twelfth day they were quite well-feathered, and the orange
colour was starting to appear; they were defaecating outside the nest, and
only one begged from the writer. On the thirteenth day they both showed
fear for the first time, freezing when approached and giving no response
to touch. On the fourteen day they were dull dark brown above, tipped
with orange-brown on the wing-coverts. Below, they were orange-brown
with dark flecks; the rump was mainly orange and the head was streaky
orange-brown. The bill was darkening and the gape was no longer sensitive
to touch. The development of the young of C. natalensis2 follows similar
One chick had left the nest by mid-day on the fifteenth day, and the
second left on the following day (this one was not seen again). For the
next week the area was watched closely. The adults were about, and were
often heard whistling. Whenever they were watched, however, they stopped
feeding the young, which did not beg or move. All efforts to find the fledg-
lings failed, and it was conclude that they had not survived. This incredible
secretiveness paid off, because they did in fact rear one young bird success-
fully, in spite of the almost constant presence in the vicinity of a pair of
Goshawks, plus cats and other predators.
There was a gap in observation for, most of January. The surviving
young bird was seen again, six weeks after leaving the nest. A different
pair were watched feeding a newly-flown fledgling. Both parents were feed-
ing it, bringing caterpillars, worms, pea-sized beetles and so on. The two
parents went round in a circuit, each one working a different part of the
garden. The fledgling was fairly high up in a tree, in thick cover. The parents
were very cunning in their approach; they were collecting food even while
moving away from the young bird, and visited a number of bushes on the
way back, so that it was quite difficult to work out where the food was
being taken.
At six to nine weeks of age, the young Robin-chat was speckly-orange
below, with an olive mantle and a dull rump and outer tail-feathers. The
wings were dark, with a line of orange stops on the secondaries. A few
white feathers were coming through over the eye, but there was as yet no


black on the head. It could make a scold note, and was trying out a few
quavering calls and snatches of unformed song, which sounded like early
attempts at the crescendo sequence; it was therefore at that stage believed
to be a male. It spent much of its time away from the parents.
At 11-12 weeks of age, the head was beginning to turn black, and the
white stripe was clearly forming. On several occasions it was heard and
seen joining in a duet with the parents, fluttering its wings and apparently
joining in the female part with its mother. On other occasions it was alone,
attempting to sing. The "song" was quite unlike an adult's, with a lot of
twitters and chuckles (rather reminiscent of a budgerigar), interspersed with
calls and shrill whistles. Unfortunately it disappeared at this stage and its
development could not be followed through. It may not have survived.
On other occasions three generations have been seen together an adult
pair and full-grown young duetting together, with a new fledgling nearby.
The young birds usually stay in the parents' territory for some time. At
about 15 weeks after leaving the nest, they look nearly adult and the song
is beginning to crystallise out into a more normal form. They may then
assist in territorial defence and duet with the parents, who may by now
have started to chase the young bird, so that sooner or later it leaves.
The adults go into a gradual moult after breeding. Singing declines,
and some of it is the quieter secondary song. Insufficient data have been
collected to show whether the birds normally breed twice a year, but cer-
tainly two broods are sometimes raised.


Description, Habitat and Feeding:
The adult bird is entirely shiny black above, to below the eye; it is
bright red below, with yellowish under tail-coverts. The sexes are in-
distingushable. The size is about that of a Robin-chat or. Thrush, and it
has a typical shrike bill, fairly thick and slightly hooked at the tip. It is
found in similar habitats to those preferred by the last species and likewise
has adapted well to suburban gardens. The species is insectivorous, but eats
rather larger prey than members of the thrush family do; for they have
even been seen struggling to eat small lizards, and they may also destroy
eggs and so on. They keep mainly to thick cover, packing insects and larvae
from inside bushes and hedges, but they are sometimes seen in trees.
1. The Duet. The Black-headed Gonolek is another of the tropical
species which has a duetting call, made by the two sexes simultaneously.
The function of the duet in this species may be quite different from that
of the Robin-chat, described above. Some of the other members of the same
genus, e.g. the Tropical Boubou Shrike (Ldaiarius aethiopicus) have a much
more varied repertory, consisting of a number of male calls and female
responses, and this seems to represent something nearer to true song, as in
the Robin-chat. In the Black-headed Gonolek, however, there is basically
only one type of duet. Mackworth-Praed and Grant3 suggest that duetting
does not occur in all localities where this species is found, but the author
nas no experience of any areas in East Africa where duetting does not occur,
although it may be seasonal.


The male's part in the duet is a liquid whistle, rather oriole-like in
quality, repeated many times. There are at least two and possibly more
variants. The normal call is on a slightly falling note, but there is another
slightly higher-pitched whistle, on a slightly rising note. Closer study might
reveal more variants, and it might be possible to distinguish their functions
and to recognize individuals, as the birds presumably do themselves.
The female's reply, starting a split second after the male's call, is a
harsh rasping call. There are a number of contrasts between this type of
duetting and that shown by the previous species. In the Robin-chat it is
undoubtedly a form of song, and a singing intruder invokes an immediate
response. In the Gonolek, on the other hand (although it is also a territorial
species), playing a tape-recording of their calls produces little or no reaction,
and this useful trick for finding birds and mapping territories does not work.
In the Gonolek the duet may be started by either partner (the female gives
a single or double call, to which the male may reply) but the cock bird may
call for long periods without being answered, whereas the male Robin-chat
does not sing his part alone. Again, the Robin-chats only duet when they
are close together and the signals are visual. Gonoleks may answer each
other from considerable distances, and the signals are undoubtedly auditory.
The female calls a split second after she hears the male, and the duet seems
to function as a sort of echo-location device. Even the human observer can
place the birds almost exactly by judging the loudness, direction and the
interval between call and response. Since the birds live in dense cover and
the territories are large, the pair are able to keep track of each other by
this means. The duet may also function territorially, in the sense that it
advertises the occupancy of the territory, making up for the absence of true
song in this species. The mutual displaying and excitement shown by duetting
Robin-chats is absent in the Gonoleks, who may even continue feeding while
calling, but the duet may nevertheless function in maintaining the pair
2. The hiss. This can probably be made by either sex, and is seldom
heard. It is made with the head up and the bill wide open. It is similar to
the sound made as a duetting response by the female Tropical Boubou,
but in the Gonolek it is uttered on its own, and never more than a few
times. It has been heard so seldom that the author had not been able to
work out its function, or the circumstances in which it is used, but it may
indicate nervousness.
3. The alarm scold. This is a harsh sound, made by either sex, often
as a double call; it strongly resembles the warning note of a Vespa scooter
It is freely used in various situations, for example on the sight of intruders
or predators. The author was frequently greeted in this way, sometimes by
all four members of the family at once, after she had incurred their dis-
pleasure by netting some of them.
4. Alarm ticking. This indicates slight nervousness, as when an intruder
is some distance away, or when a bird emerges from cover to feed on the
Capture and Study:
Like the Robin-chats, the Gonoleks seem to follow the same routine
for a few days, and can, with luck, be netted. The territory is very large
and they are not always easy to find.


Territorial Behaviour:
The territories are maintained throughout the year, and the birds appear
to pair for life, although this point has not been proved. The territories are
large, two typical areas being of 2.9 and 10 acres (1.2 and 4.1 hectares).
In many places on Makerere Hill, the whole of a block of gardens constitutes
one territory, with no-man's-lands of open spaces between them. In a few
places territories have contiguous boundaries, but conflict is rarely seen
and little information has been gained on methods of territorial defence. It
is strange that such large territories can be held without any apparent pres-
sure from intruders, in spite of considerable longevity and breeding rates.
To some extent the same argument applies to the Robin-chats also. One
suspects that the mortality rate in young birds must be very high, but the
few which do succeed in pairing and acquiring a territory have, on the
average, a fairly long life.
Breeding and Development of Young:
Throughout July 1967, the pair around the author's house duetted fre-
ly, and were somewhat aggressive. They were seen chasing a Black-headed
Paradise Flycatcher (whose colour pattern may have been sufficiently similar
to a Gonolek's to trigger off an aggressive reaction) and also Dark-capped
Bulbuls and Yellow-throated Leaf-loves. On 9 August they were seen feeding
two newly-flown young; these were blackish with buff bars below and buff
speckles above. By mid-August they were blotched red and brownish-yellow
below, with some buff markings above. They tended to stay near the female
parent (the male and one fledgling were ringed). By the end of August only
one young bird was seen. This was partly feeding itself and was nearly the
colour of the adult, except for some dark bars on the throat. It was still
begging, with trembling wings and a thin, tremolo call.
In early September, when about 4-6 weeks old, the young bird was
heard scolding, and perhaps trying a female call and by the end of this
month the parents were harassing it a little. In early October it still had
buff spots on the wing, and the sides of the throat were not red. It was
then seen and heard joining in the parents' duet, and seemed to be taking
the female part, but with a truncated call. Late in October it was seen duet-
ting with its father, giving the female response call. At the end of this
month the adult male was often calling alone but was sometimes answered
by the young bird, usually with a short call. Occasionally all three were
seen calling together, the young bird perfectly synchronised with the adult
female. By early November the young bird was sometimes giving the normal,
full-length female call. The other, unringed, juvenile disappeared at this
stage. By the end of November the juvenile looked almost completely adult
but still had pa'e edges to the throat (it was then about four months old).
By February it had lost these, but was rather dullish black. Late in February
the young bird, previously thought to be a female because of its calls, was
heard giving a high-pitched imperfect male call. It could also make the
scold, hiss and ticking. The male cal developed rapidly after that, and the
two different variants could be distinguished. The adult female was not in
evidence from February onwards, and may have gone into moult, or even
have left or died (it was, unfortunately, not ringed). Both old and young
males were then calling in the same territory. Female calls were again heard
from late March onwards, occasionally at first and increasing later. The


female looked a bit ruffled, as though it had been moulting. The two males
appeared to be competing for it, and it would occasionally answer the young
bird. There was a great deal of chasing, ticking and scolding and the female
was constantly harassed by the two males, in a way that was very amusing
to watch. At the end of March the female was calling more, but sometimes
still used the truncated call. It gradually started to ignore the young male.
There was then a long gap in observation until September. During this
time a second brood was raised and the ringed juvenile disappeared, but the
ringed male remained in possession of its territory.
A courtship display was seen in another pair. The hen was pulling off
dry grass, perhaps for nesting material, while the second bird perched nearby
with drooping, quivering wings. The nest is usually in a thick bush, a few
feet from the ground, and is a tightly-woven cup of coarse fibres and grass.
The main breeding season seems to be from July to December, with a second
brood in the long rains in at least some cases.


At the time of writing (April 1970), the birds ringed in 1967 were still
maintaining the same territories, and must be at least three years old. There
is a great deal more to be learned about these and other species, and tro-
pical birds in general have been relatively little studied. The functions of
the different calls, longevity, mortality rates, dispersion of the young and
so on are only imperfectly understood. There are some intriguing questions
raised here about the development of the young males, with an apparent
inversion of the calling pattern. It is hoped that these notes will stimulate
others to make observations on these and other species.


The author would like to thank Professor W. B. Banage for stimulating
her interest in bird behaviour, and for his interest and help throughout the
period of study. She would also like to thank her neighbours for giving her
the freedom of their gardens.

1. A record of the colour-rings used, and the dates, has been left with the
Uganda Society and also with Professor W. B. Banage, who lived in the same
2. Farkas, D. Notes on the behaviour and ethology of the Natal robin, Cossupha
natalensis. (Ibis, 111 1969, pp. 281-292.)
3. Mackworth-Praed, C. W. and Grant, C.H.B. African handbook of birds, Vol.
2nd edition, London. Longman, 1960.
4. Snow, D. W. A study of blackbirds, London, Allen and Unwin, 1958.
5. Lack, D. Ecological adaptations for breeding in birds, London, Methuen,



Mabira and is now in much demand for matches. In the Sese area vigorous
new forests occur as a result of the replanting of a 2,000 acre windblow in
1963. A piece of virgin forest remains and is one of the finest in Uganda,
which it is hoped to preserve as a nature reserve. Further plantings of
Maesopsis eminii may be seen before reaching Namaganda. These areas
were once encroached upon by people who were removed by the Forest
Department in 1960-1962. At Namaganda. the traditional home of the
Nakalanga, a hill has been recently planted with Pinus caribaea, Pinus
patula and Cupressus lusitatica. Some of the natural vegetation of Com-
bretum and Terminalia species has been preserved and blends with the
conifers to make a most attractive scene. It is rather extraordinary to find
typical dry area savannah vegetation in the middle of a tropical forest.


Membership for 1970 showed a slight increase over the previous year
from 684 to 706 full members including a small increase in the number of
institutional members. But as in previous recent years over a hundred members
left the Society which poses a considerable problem of a very rapid turnover.
Concern has also been expressed over the failure to attract Ugandan members.
Increasingly, too, the Society faces financial problems which may only in
part have been met by the increase in subscriptions for 1970.
During 1970 the Society maintained a very active programme. As may
be seen from the programme the Natural History section continued to flourish,
with meetings arranged by both the bird group, and a recently established
butterfly group. Also one excursion of a non-biological nature was held to
places of religious interest. Monthly newsletters and bird lists have been
distributed to members resident within Uganda.
25 January Natural History Excursion to Mabira Forest.
28 January The Education of Uganda's elites 1900-1924 T. Watson.
1 February Bird Group outing to Ba'hai Temple.
13 February Bird Group outing to Kaazi.
22 February A launch trip on. Murchison Bay.
24 February Some Aspects of the Snakes of Kampala Area J.G. Mathews,
W.M. Casperd and B.C. Whaler.
25 February Traditional Songs and Dances of Uganda.
10 March Features of Birds of the Kampala Area R. Frankum.
11 March Makerere's crash programme to save Uganda's history -
Professor J.B. Webster
15 March Outing to Busia Island Led by Mr. R. Frankum.
25 March The Relations of the Bairu and the Bahima in the pre-colonial
kingdom of Nkore Dr. S. Karugire.
5 April Namasagali excursion. Including talks on the railroad history
by Peter Bevan and on local fisheries by Mr. Nsherenguzi.
16 April A demonstration of Uganda Traditional music by the Uganda
22 April Cults and divination in peri-urban Kampala Professor
P. Rigby.
26 April A bird walk at Makerere.
28 April Botanising in Uganda Dr. K. Lye.
26 May The Lawyer in Society Mr. Nkambo-Mugerwa.
27 May Pre-colonial Africa, the case of Madagascar Dr. P. Mutibwa.
10 June The early African Press in Uganda Mr. J.F. Scotton.
14 June Excursion to the Mpanga Forest led by Mr. Katende.
16 June Uganda's Fishing Industry Mr. E.S. Kanyike.
20 June An Ornithological Excursion around Namulonge Cotton


Research Station conducted by M.R. Passmore.
24 June Language loyalties and nation building in Uganda -
Mrs. C.M. Scotton.
15 July Iron Cows and copper spears: the Royal Insignia of Karagwe
south of Ankole Mr. H. Sassoon.
19 July Excursion to Kajansi Experimental Fish Station.
20 July Black Gold from the Forests in Uganda in World Perspective
Mr. D.E. Earl.
18 August Mimicry in Uganda's Butterflies Mr. P.M.H. Davis.
23 August Bird Group Trip to Lutembe Beach.
26 August Past, Present, and future contribution of archaeology to the
study of African History Mr. S. Lwanga-Lunyiigo.
13 September Butterfly collecting expedition to Bajuko Forest.
18 September Demonstration of butterfly mounting by Mr. Davis.
20 September Butterfly collecting trip to Kisubi Forest.
23 September The Lugbara of northwestern Uganda: migration and early
settlement Dr. O.J.E. Shiroya.
25 September Bird Group trip to Kaazi.
14 October Schistosomiasis Transmission in Ghana Dr. F. Paperna.
18 October Excursion to the Kalagala Falls.
1 November Butterfly collecting trip to Kifu Forest.
7 November Bird Trip to Namulonge.
9 November Bar Art in Kampala Mr. G. Kakooza.
13 November Trip to Mpanga Forest.
25 November School leavers as agents for rural development Mr. S. Carr.
6 December An An Excursion to places of religious interest in and around
Kampala Led by Dr. L. Pirouet and Dr. M. Fitzgerald.
13 December Butterfly excursion.
15 December The amateur's view of East African landscapes Dr. W. Van
18 December Butterfly mounting meeting.




Osasa publications, Kampala, 1971, 208p., Ug. Price 25 Sh.

Dr. Lugira is to be congratulated on scoring another East African
'first.' This is, as far as this reviewer knows, the first book purporting to be
a study of art and crafts written by an African in eastern, or for that matter,
in central Africa. Unfortunately the title of the book is somewhat misleading.
In fact only one third is actually about Art and students of arts and crafts
may be disappointed.
As a collection of interesting facts about Buganda beliefs and customs
of the past, this is a useful, if somewhat confused book. The author states
as his purpose, that he is setting out "to investigate the Ganda mentality in
relation to the problem of local Christian Sacred Art". He therefore divides
the book into three main sections: Buganda which deals with the country
and the people; Ganda Art which covers the Ganda aesthetic drive, crafts,
visual art and symbolism; and Ganda-Christian Art which describes early
missionary activities, acculturation, and practical considerations.
In attempting to cover such a wide field, it is inevitable that there
should be omissions, some of which will appear more important to some
readers than others, depending on the viewpoint of the reader. The author
has, as is evidenced by numerous quotations and footnotes and the massive
booklist, done a lot of research. But it is mainly research into books, not, as
one might think from his stated purpose, a research into people. The first
section dealing with Buganda, the country and the people, almost entirely
deals with both in the past tense. His references are to Roscoe, Kaggwa,
Johnston, Speke and others. This is fine as an historical background; but as
the purpose of the book is forward looking, it should surely be followed
up by some reference to the Buganda of today. It is of great importance
to Dr. Lugira's investigation to know how the young Baganda view the
traditions, institutions, and ceremonies of the past, and how far they either
rebel against, or go along with, them. They are the ones who, if there is
to be Ganda church art in the future, are going to produce it.
In the next section on Ganda Art, the author assumes that his readers
will not be familiar with Tribal Crafts of Uganda: Trowell and Wachsman,
O.U.P. 1953. This is a curious assumption on his part as anyone likely to
buy and read a book entitled Ganda Art is also very likely to have studied
the Trowell and Wachsman book. In every sub-section except that dealing
with visual arts, he has borrowed text, and while he acknowledges that he
has copied illustrations he omits to acknowledge his indebtedness to the
text. There seems little point either in copying the illustrations which were
never the best feature of the book, unless by doing so they are improved.
Alas, they are not. Dr. Lugira would have been wiser, to have found an
artist friend to have done his re-drawings for him. The omissions here are


difficult to understand. To a foreigner who has lived in several African
countries, one of Uganda's outstanding cultural features is the music: the
playing of xylophones, harps, lyres and drums; the singing of both men
and women; and the dancing. The author, in this section, describes only
drums, and only a very brief mention of sacred dancing. This section dis-
appoints again in its lack of reference to contemporary arts and crafts.
The 'pop-art' placards of Baganda proverbs and mottoes are illustrated,
perhaps for the first time, and there are photographs of the modern
Martyr's Memorial Church at Mityana, but the renewed interest in traditional
crafts provided by the crafts shop markets, the new crafts being developed,
such as tie-dyeing and silk-screen printing, or the many examples of modern
religious art, much of it by Baganda artists, in churches in and around
Kampala are not noted. Not even Brother Joseph, and his stained glass
workshop at Nsambya, gets a mention. The section on symbolism, in which
the sacred and social mores of the Ganda are described is of great importance
in the authors' consideration of the "possible inspirations for an acculturation
of art in church activity in Uganda." Here again there is no reference to the
beliefs and behaviour of the younger people.
The third section on Ganda-Christian art, starts with an historical
account of the coming of the Christian missionaries, with special reference
to the White Fathers; and the sub-section on acculturation and acceptance
which follows is based on the Catholic church's attitude towards Ganda
beliefs. I am not competent to comment on this part. But on page 176, at
the end of this section, he says . there is practically nothing in Buganda
that could be turned directly to the use of the Church as a worthy sacred
art object or building." I am surprised at this statement. It seems to an
observer that there is much; the traditional building, as strengthened in
more permanent materials at Kasubi Tombs, would surely make a church
building far, more acceptable than many at present built in 'contemporary'
styles; the barkc:oth used as hangings and covers, is an indigenous material
far more beautiful than imported silks and damasks; the finely plaited mats
are worthy coverings for any floors. Of course I do not know what the
church wants in the way of church art and may well be speaking from
The last section is a full description of the group picture of the first
martyrs of Uganda, by Mr. Albert Wider. It is a tragedy that, at such a
supreme moment for the whole of Africa, and particularly for the Catholic
church, a foreign artist should have been chosen to produce the authorised
illustration of the martyrs. With such a number of excellent Baganda artists,
many of them Catholics, why was it necessary to go abroad?
The author has been badly served by his publisher or proof reader
who have allowed far too many spelling mistakes and typographical errors
past, although the index is good. The corrigenda is not nearly exhaustive
enough. There are an unnecessary number of quotations in French and
German and could no: the quotation form Freiburger Nachrichten of Kenyatta
at least, have been translated? The source list is very full and will be wel-
comed by students of Buganda (which the exception perhaps, of the reference
to Jonveaux!) and by students of East Africa generally, and the Catholic
Church in particular.




University of Chicago Press, 1969, xi+359 p.

When a lawyer reviews a book by an anthropologist, he necessarily
emphasises the jurisprudential aspects of the anthropological study. Pro-
fessor Fallers went to Busoga in 1950 to study politics and administration
and has already written a book on this subject, Bantu Bureaucracy. In the
process of doing his original research he discovered that the Soga had an
intense pre-occupation with litigation. As a result he collected a significant
amount of excellent legal material from court records and from observations
of numerous proceedings. When he finished his field research in 1952 he
did not know what to do with all this interesting material. It took him
fifteen years of reflection and study of jurisprudential concepts to finally
achieve the writing of this excellent work.
The book is divided into eight chapters, but in reality is made up of
four parts. Chapters one and eight pertain to the jurisprudential aspects of
the Soga legal system. Chapter one makes a comparison with Anglo-
American law, emphasising the similarity between the legal reasoning of the
Soga and that found by Hart and Levi in the Anglo-American legal system.
He returns to this analysis in the final chapter, and in addition makes a
comparison with similar anthropological studies done by Gluckman among
the Barotse in Zambia, Bohannan with the Tiv of Nigeria, and Gulliver
with the Arusha of Tanzania.
The second part of the book is a description of the "setting" of the
courts within the present Soga society (1950's) and the historical develop-
ment of the legal system and its sources of law (chapter two). The third
part is a discussion of the count's personnel (the judges) and the type of
actions that are submitted to it (chapter three). The final part is a reporting
and analysis of the cases, so as to determine the substantive law (family
law and land law). By comparing the cases, Professor Fallers shows the
reasoning process by which the Soga form their legal concepts (chapters
four to seven).
The book includes two interesting appendices. The first entitled "Soga
Kinship: A Patrilineal Puzzle" helps the reader to understand the law of
landholding as described in the text. The second is a description of the
case records, including an extract from a page of the register of a county
The main criticism of the study is that it was completed in 1952. Pro-
fessor Fallers realises this defect, but feels that it is still too early to do
additional field research on the changes that have taken place. This I feel
is not a correct assessment of the real situation. Almost twenty years of
rapid social change have passed since the study was completed, and Uganda
has been an independent country for almost ten years. In addition there
have been tremendous changes made to the legal system throughout the
country. The Magistrates' Court Act 1964 unified all the courts and abolished
the Native Courts, and the Government is pursuing a policy of profession-


alising the bench. This policy will not be accomplished for a long while;
but the influence of the new law school at Makerere University, which now
has more than one-hundred students (including many from Busoga) and of
the courses given to magistrates at the Law Development Centre, must be
exerting an influence on the Soga legal system. Finally, Professor Fallers
does not refer to Penal Code section 86 which states "Any person who
- (a) not being a judicial officer, assumes to act as a judicial officer . .
is guilty of a misdemeanorr" Since there still exist many courts in Busoga
similar to the ones described by Professor Fallers, and still functioning,
a possible interpretation of this section is that the judges of the "unofficial
courts" (local traditional courts) are violating the law. Such changes on
the traditional courts in Busoga must necessarily be of a revolutionary nature.
Therefore even though only seven years have passed since the adoption of
the Magistrates' Court Act, it would seem that follow-up field research is
already necessary to show the true nature of the Soga legal system today.
Professor Fal'ers' description of the Soga legal system is still of great
interest even though it does not take into consideration recent developments.
The Soga are shown to have a relatively highly legalistic system as compared
to other African societies. They have a set time and place for hearings, and
the judges are trained through a system of on the job apprenticeship so as
to become familiar with the legal concepts that are applied. Professor Fallers
places the Soga on the extreme end of the scale of dispute settlement in an
African society, and the Arusha on the other end, in their use of legal
concepts. He describes the dispute settling gatherings (engigwana) of the
Arusha as "morally quite holistic and also relatively political." The Soga
in contrast, decide "whether or not a particular set of 'facts' falls within the
reach of one particular concept of wrong." (p. 327) He places the Tiv
and the Barotse in between the two extremes of the Arusha and the Soga.
In the comparisons made of the Soga legal system and that of the
Anglo-American, Professor Fallers has leaned too heavily on the theories
developed by Hart and Levi. However he does accurately describe and apply
to the Soga situation, their use of secondary rules and categorizing concepts
developed from their analysis of Anglo-American law. He goes on to show
that the Soga differ in that they have developed a system of law, without
the use of precedent. In fact he considers this to be the most important
revelation of his study, as shown by the title of the book and his statement
on p. 312 in italics that "The interest of the Soga material for comparative
legal studies, I suggest, is that it shows how legal a system of social control
can be without overt communication about the application of legal concepts
without precedent or legislation." But Professor Fallers fails to mention
the criticism that has been levied at Hart by Dworkin, namely that Hart
does not take into consideration "legal principles"; that judges, especially
in America, apply not only rules in deciding cases, but also balance the
rules against certain legal principles.
In conclusion, this is an excellent book not only for anthropologists, but
also for lawyers and law students. It will help students of jurisprudence to
understand the legal philosophy of Hart as applied in an African setting.
1. Dworkin, R. M. Is law a system of rules ? Essay in Essays in legal philo-
sophy edited by R. S. Summers, p. 25.
S. D. Ross


University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper No. 128.
University of Chicago Press, 1970, 152 p. USA, Price $4.50 or about 35 Sh.
Professor Good has written, and written well, a long needed and pene-
trating geographical study concerning rural markets in Africa. The title
may be misleading in that detailed analysis is directed only to the Ankole
district of Uganda rather than to all of East Africa. Nonetheless, the study
is housed in a theoretical framework that considers the development and
character of markets across all of Africa while the Ankole case is in many
ways generally representative of markets in Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania.
The reader is impressed with the rigorous field work and detailed analysis
of the academic literature and archival records from which the raw data
has been assembled. Professor Good's manipulation and evaluation of the
data has resulted in a thorough and perceptive study which may be regarded
as a milestone in the analysis of rural markets in Africa.
Although the core of the study focuses on a spatial economic historical
analysis of Ankole rural markets, this is but one aspect of the study. Good
has tried to analyze the Ankole markets in the context of contemporary
theories of market origin, evolution, function, character and base of support.
In addition to the chapters concerned with the Ankole markets, the preface
and concluding perspective provide a thorough review of the references to,
and a meaningful assessment of, the current theoretical and substantive
knowledge regarding market development, operation, functions and character
within varying economic systems. Indeed, these sections may be regarded as
valuable contributions by themselves.
Following a descriptive account of the study area, the author examines
the contemporary market system in three chapters focusing on: (1) Types
of markets and their distribution, (2) Market traders and the organization of
exchange, and (3) Patterns of consumer behaviour. The second prominent
section of the study is concerned with market origins and trade development
which also is analyzed in three chapters titled: (1) Exchange institutions and
trade in Ankole during the late nineteenth century, (2) Extention of alien
rule and its impact on the traditional economy of Ankole: 1890-1920, and
(3) Development of the market system in Ankole: 1920-1968.
In the second section the reader is treated to a systematic consideration
of the pre-colonial African trade in salt and a detailed discussion of the
Lake Katwe and Lake Bunyampaka salt trade. Even more valuable, perhaps,
is the insight gained regarding the processes and institutions of economic
development as a subsistence economy evolves toward one of commercial
Illustrations in the form of maps, diagrams and photographs are numer-
ous and well done. In addition, 32 tables present a wealth of statistical data
that permit easy analysis and comparison. The bibliography is a rich supply
of sources of information concerning Ankole in general as well as the
literature related to traditional markets in Africa and elsewhere.
Department of Geography,
California State College, J. B. SPLANSKY,
Long Beach, California.


OF EAST AFRICA, 1900-1950. By Ann Beck. Cambridge, Massachusetts,
Harvard University Press, 1970, 271 p. Price US. 3.50.

By W. D. Foster. Nairobi, East African Literature Bureau, 1970, 112 p.

With the notable exceptions of Uganda Memories and Dr. Clyde's two
books on medical services and malaria in Tanzania, almost all the published
material on this largely neglected subject has appeared in technical and other
learned journals, many of which are not readily available to the general
reader. Professor Beck and Dr. Foster have now provided useful accounts
of some aspects of East African and Ugandan medical history in an accessible
and relatively inexpensive form.
Ann Beck's book is a courageous venture, for it attempts to give a
bird's-eye view of the development of medical administration in the three
territories over a period of half a century. Within this context, it is under-
standable that much of her material is derived from central government
reports, and that examples of how policy was worked out in practice are
provided sometimes from one territory and sometimes from another. The
book also describes the influence of outside factors on the East African
scene, the relations between the medical services and other aspects of
administration, and the competition between the various branches of govern-
ment for financial support for their, projects. Departmental organisation,
the training of African assistants, and the development of rural treatment
and environmental services are described, and a summary given of the
measures adopted to establish facilities for medical research. The success
achieved by the territorial departments is illustrated to a large extent by
the progress they made in combating tropical diseases, the main emphasis
being placed on the treatment and prevention of sleeping sickness and
malaria. Considerable space is devoted to the changing relationship
between the several governments and the medical missions, and there is a
short discussion on some of the factors, such as withcraft, that delayed
African acceptance of scientific medicine. An index is provided, together
with a glossary (not, unfortunately, free from factual errors), tables of
statistics (some of them estimates and of doubtful value), and a selected
A pioneer work attempting to cover so wide a subject in so small a
compass inevitably lays itself open to criticism for sins of omission. Among
the most notable of these, as far as Uganda is concerned, is the scant
attention given to venereal disease and its effect on the development of
the Protectorate's medical services. Although the anxiety expressed by
missionary and other observers before World War I that the population
was declining to an alarming degree because of the ravages of syphilis and
gonorrhoea has proved to have been exaggerated, the problem was sufficient-
ly serious to warrant investigation by Colonel Lambkin in 1907, the recruit-
ment of specialist R.A.M.C. doctors (including Captain Keane), and the


promotion of propaganda activities by successive governors and their staffs.
One would also have liked to have heard more of African response to
measures to reduce morbidity and mortality and, in particular, of the co-
operation given by Buganda and Busoga local authorities in carrying out
the radical programme of sleeping sickness control. These and other
topics might have been treated more fully if there had been fewer d gressions
on subjects which have been discussed elsewhere and which could not be
adequately analysed within the compass of this book. A case in point is
the 13-page discussion on the Kikuyu female circumcision controversy, an
issue which was confined to a small part of the region, and which had
only marginal repercussions on medical policy. It is questionable whether
this conflict was more important, within the context of the title of the
book, than the utter rejection of European medical services by the Malakites
in Uganda, as we'l as by at least one of the important independent churches
in Nyanza. Another surprising omission, especially in view of the provenance
of the book, is the absence of comment on the Phelps-Stokes Commission
on African Education in 1924 with its emphasis on .medical training
environmental health services and the Jeanes school concept.
Despite these shortcomings, Professor Beck has provided a useful
reference book for other scholars in this field, who now have a handy
framework within which to work, and a number of promising guide-lines
and suggestions to aid them in prosecuting their researches.
Dr. Foster's book is less ambitious in scope, and is really a collection
of four self-contained and very readable essays about the men who pioneered
scientific medicine in Uganda and the problems they faced. After a useful
summary of the work of early European doctors in Uganda, a detailed
account is given of the career of Robert Moffat, his contribution to the
creation of a government medical service, and the part he played in tackling
the sleeping sickness epidemic and other, less dramatic problems. The
third essay tells the story of the Cook brothers, and describes the inception
and development of the C.M.S. medical missions at Mengo and Kabarole.
The final chapter provides an excellent review of the diseases prevalent in
Uganda at the beginning of the twentieth century. This is more technical
in content and style than the other essays, and would benefit from a glossary
or explanatory footnotes where it is not possible to express technical terms
in ordinary language.
The essays are full of human interest and should prove widely accept-
able to the general reader, and as an authoritative guide for the student
of Uganda history and the author's professional colleagues. Some of the
subject matter is also treated by Professor Beck, although on occasions
the two books show marked variations in interpretation and emphasis. Dr.
Foster, for example, stresses the important role of venereal disease in
Uganda medical history; he also gives a different version of the engagement
of Castellani for the Royal Society's sleeping sickness commission. The
absence of a g'ossary has been noted, and it is regrettable that a bok of
this quality should have been published without an index. It is to be
hoped that Dr. Foster will publish other books and articles on the material
he has collected and that he may be encouraged, by the interest aroused by
the works under review, to edit a collection of some of the early manuscript
accounts and technical papers to which he and Professor Beck have had


Both authors frankly acknowledge that their work has been based on
an examination of only a part of the source material available for consulta-
tion. This is unfortunate but understandable. What is more unfortunate
is that both books are marred by too many factual mistakes, dating errors,
misspelt personal names and careless proof-reading. Two examples taken
from the first paragraph of the opening chapter in each case will suffice:
Dr. Foster tells us that Stanley's first approach to Uganda was from West
Africa; and Professor Beck states that Uganda and Kenya became British
protectorates in 1904 and 1905, and that Lugard left Buganda in 1891.
Although many of the errors are less significant, they are nonetheless
irritating and detract from the value of both books as works of reference.
Most of these blemishes could have been avoided if the manuscripts had
been scanned by a knowledgeable reader and the proofs subjected to more
diligent scrutiny.
The welcome that should be given to both these books should not be
adversely affected by their shortcomings. Apart from their intrinsic value
as contributions to the medical history of East Africa, they should also
serve to bring to the notice of medical personnel, scholars and students
the many interesting aspects that remain to be explored in this important
branch of human endeavour.

Uganda Journal, 35, 1, (1971), pp. 101-122.


Compiled by


Published in Association with the Uganda National Trust
This is the sixteenth bibliography on Uganda published in the Uganda
Journal. This list contains over five hundred items of which about half were
published in 1971 and two-fifths in 1970. The previous list was rather shorter
than usual which helps to explain the length of this one. Since the last issue
the Albert Cook Library of the Makerere Medical School has commenced
the publication of an East African Medical Bibliography. The entries listed
here under medicine have, for standard works on medicine in Africa, been
derived from an independent search; but for the obscurer references the
compiler is indepted to Mr. V. Nadanasabapathy, the compiler of the Albert
Cook Library list. Apart from these, asterisks are used to indicate references
which have not been seen by the compiler, but which have been obtained
from usually reliable other bibliographical sources. A list of standard abbre-
viations used was given for the 1969-70 list in Uganda Journal Vol. 34, no. 1,
1970, p. 95, to which the following should be added:-
E.A.C. = East African Community.
E.E.A. = Educationt in Eastern Africa, Nairobi.
J.L.A.E.A.= Journal of the Language Association of Eastern Africa, Nairobi.
T.J.H. = Trans-African History Journal, Nairobi.
Kampala business directory 1971. Kampala, Uganda Publishing and Advertising
Services, 1971, 147p. List of addresses of all education establishments in
LANGLANDS, B. W. Uganda: physical and social geography. Entry in Africa
south of the Sahara 1971, London, Europa, 1971, p. 856.
LWANGA, T. K. Union list of periodicals in East African libraries. 3rd Edition.
Makerere, 1970, 287 p. (Makerere Library Publications, no. 6).
MACKAY, J. A. East Africa: the story of East Africa and its stamps. London,
Philatelic Publishers, 1970, 192 p. 371 illustrations.
Uganda. Annual report of the Department of Lands and Surveys, 1969. Entebbe,
Ministry of Mineral and Water Resources, 1971, 36 p., 10 maps. (Photolitho).
-. Statistical abstract 1970. Entebbe, G.P., 1971, 115 p.
Uganda. Entry in Africa of the Sahara 1971, London, Europa, 1971, pp.
WEBSTER, R. and BECKETT, P.H.T. Terrain classification and evaluation using
air photography. (Photogrammetria, Vol. 26, no. 2, August 1970, pp. 51-75).
With reference to Uganda.
AGRAWAL, G.D. and RAJU, A.G. An economic study of six settlers at Mubuku.
(Agricultural Economics Bulletin for Africa, Vol. 11, May 1969, pp. 37-51).*
ARNOLD, H. M. Progress report from experiment stations Uganda 1969-1970.
London, Cotton Research Corporation, 1970, 67 p. Annual report of Namu-
longe and Serere Cotton Research Stations with sections on agricultural
meteorology, cotton breeding, food crop variety trials, herbicides, plant path-
ology, entomology, crop physiology, soils and agronomy.
BRANDT, L. H. Die organisation bauerlicher Betriebe hunter dem Einfluss der
Entwicklung einer Industriestadt: der Fall Jinja. Berlin, Institut fur


Auslandische Landwirtschaft, 1971, 200 p., numerous fig. and tables, 3 maps.
Farm organisation under the impact of a developing industrial centre: the
case of Jinja.
Farm management under the impact of urbanisation and industrialisa-
tion in the Jinja area: hypothesis, fieldwork, some impressions and notes.
Kampala, Makerere, Economic Development Research Papers, 1968, (E.D.R.P.
no. 142 Cyclostyled and RDR 66).
CHAUHAN, J. K. Social and economic aspects of the Mubuku irrigation project.
Berlin, Institut fur Auslandische Landwirtschaft der Technischen Universitat,
DE SILVA, W. H. Some effects of the growth retardant chemical C.C.C. on
cotton in Uganda. (Cotton Growing Review, London, Vol. 48, no. 2, April
1971, pp. 131-135, 5 tables).
GITELSON, S. A. The Mubuku irrigation scheme: a case study. (E.A.J., Vol. 8,
no. 5, May 1971, pp. 16-25).
GOODE, P. M. Indigenous and local vegetables in Uganda. (Journal of the
Uganda Agricultural Society, Kampala, Vol. 3, no. 2, October 1970, pp. 2-10,
1 table).
HALL, M. Agricultural development in the coffee banana zone' of Uganda: a
linear programming approach. Cambridge, Ph. D. thesis, 1971.
JAMESON, J. D. (Ed.). Agriculture in Uganda, London, O.U.P., 1970, 395 p.,
73 photos, 13, maps. Contains 9 chapters on the physical and social environ-
ment of Uganda, plus chapters on Agricultural systems, (D.J. Parsonss,
Staple food crops (S. K. Mukasa and D. G. Thomas), Cotton (M. H. Arnold,
J. Bowden and D. G. Thomas), Coffee (T. M. Loudon), Other crops (D. G.
Thomas), Crop estimation (J. D. Jameson and D. Stephens), Implements
(W. T. Brown and others) and Weeds (G. E. E. Tiley).
KOEHLER, C. S. and RACHIE, K. O. Notes on the control and biology of Heliothis
armigera on pigeon pea in Uganda. (E.A.A.F.J., Vol. 36, no. 3, January 1971,
pp. 296-297, 1 table).
MACKENZIE, M. K. Present location and past diffusion of the flue-cured tobacco
industry in West Nile District. Makerere, Department of Geography, 1971,
196 p., 30 tables, 36 maps. (Occasional paper, no. 21).
MAJIsu, B. N. Effects of autoploidy on grain sorghum. (E.A.A.F.J., Vol. 36,
no. 3, January 1971, pp. 235-242, 1 fig., 4 tables).
- Genetic male-sterility in tetraploid sorghum improvement. (EA.A.F.J.,
Vol. 36, no. 3 January 1971, pp. 243-246, 1 fig., 2 tables).
NYAKANA, E. A. The production of fire-cured tobacco in Uganda. Hoima, District
Agricultural Office, Bunyoro, 1969, 25 p.*
OLwoc, S. Y. Agriculture and the common man: food for thought. (Journal
of the Uganda Agricultural Society, Kampala, Vol. 3, no. 2, October 1970,
pp. 12-19).
PORTER, H. G. and HARNESS, V. L. Cotton in Uganda. Washington, U.S. Foreign
Agricultural Service, 1970, 12 p.*
ROBERTSON, A. F. Big farms in Bugerere county: an examination of large scale
agricultural entrepreneurs in an immigrant society. Edinburgh, Ph. D. thesis,
SCHUBERT, B. Die Vermarktung von Grundnahrungsmitteln bei beginnender
Urbanisierung und Industrialisierung: Der Fall Jinja. Berlin, Institut fur
Auslandische Landwirtschaft, 1970.* The marketing of staple foods at the
initial stage of industrialisation: the case of Jinja.
UCHENDU, V. C. and ANTHONY, K. R. M. Field study of agricultural change,
Teso district, Uganda. Stanford University, Food Research Institute, 1969.*
Preliminary report, no. 3. Economic, cultural and technical determinants
of agricultural change in tropical agriculture.
Uganda. Annual report of the Agriculture Department, 1967. Entebbe, G.P.,
1971, 61 p. (Signed by Commissioner, 1970).
WURSTER, R. T. The development of improved potato varieties for Uganda.
(Journal of the Uganda Agricultural Society, Kampala, Vol. 3, no. 2, October
1970, pp. 20-28, 4 fig., 3 tables).


BATAHI, V. Marriage among the Kiga. (Nanga, Kyambago, Vol. 2, no. 4,
February 1971, pp. 14-26).
BEATTIE, J. H. M. "Cutting kinship" in Bunyoro. (Ethnology, Pittsburgh,
Vol. 10, no. 2, April 1971, pp. 211-214).
BROCK, B. Customary land tenure, 'individualisation' and agricultural develop-
ment in Uganda. (E.A.J.R.D., Vol. 2, no. 2, 1969, pp. 1-27).
BUNKER, S. Making it in Bugisu. Kampala, M.I.S.R., Nabugabo Conference
Paper, 1971, 18 p. (Cyclostyled).
BYARUHANGA-AKIIKI, A. B. T. Religion in Bunyoro. Summary of thesis in
Theses in psychology and education edited by H. El-Abd, Makerere, Depart-
ment of Educational Psychology, 1971, 32 p. (Cyclostyled).
CHARSLEY, S. R. A note on marriage in Bunyoro. (U.J., Vol. 34, no. 2, 1970,
pp. 195-199).
DUNBAR, A. R. and STEPHENS, D. Social background. Chapter 8 in Agriculture
in Uganda edited by J. D. Jameson, London, O.U.P., 1970, pp. 98-108.
HADEN, J. Okebu iron smelting. (U.J., Vol. 34, no. 2, 1970, pp. 163-170, 2 fig.,
1 map).
HASSELMANN, K. H. Kulturlandschaftsstudien in Busoga: dargestellt am Beispiel
Namasagali. (Abhandlungen des 1 Geographischen Institute der Frein
Universitat, Berlin, Vol. 13, 1970, pp. 515-538).*
- Untersuchungen zur Struktur der Kulturlandschaft von Busoga. Berlin,
Ph.D. thesis, 1970.*
HEALD, S. Casualties of the social structure: a discussion of ways of failing
and its consequences amongst the Bagisu. Paper in U.E.A., S.S.C. Conference
1969, Vol. 1, M.I.S.R., 1970, pp. 105-121.
KAPP, I. Traditional southern Iteso social structure. Kampala, M.I.S.R., Nabu-
gabo Conference Paper, 1971, 16 p. (Cyclostyled).
KIBERU, E. Grandparents and aunts among traditional Baganda. Essay in
Readings in educational psychology, Vol. 2, edited by H.A. El-Abd, Makerere,
Department of Educational Psychology, 1971, pp. 151-158.
LUGIRA, M. A. Ganda art: a study of the Ganda mentality with respect to pos-
sibilities of acculturation in Christian art. Kampala, Osasa, 1970, 230 p., 24
photos, numerous fig.
LUBEGA, B. The burning bush. Kampala, E.A.L.B., 1970, 83 p. A portrayal
of village life in Buganda.
MIDDLETON. J. Conuict and variation in Lugbadaland. Essay in Local-level
policies edited by M. Swartz, Chicago, Aldine Press, 1968, pp. 151-162.*
-- Some categories of dual classification among the Lugbara of
Uganda. (History of Religions, Vol. 7 no. 3, February 1968, pp. 187-208).*
- The study of the Lugbara: expectation and paradox in anthrop-
ological research. New York, Holt, Rinehart, 1970, 78, p., 6 photos. (Studies
in Anthropological Method.)
MUSHANGA, M.T. Polygyny in Kigezi. (UJ., Vol. 34, no. 2, 1970, pp. 201-210,
2 tables).
OCITTI, J. P. Growing-up in Acholi. Essay in Reading in educational psycho-
logy, Vol. 2, edited by H.A. El-Abd., Makerere, Department of Educational
Psychology, 1971, pp. 111-144.
OKUMnU PA 'LKOBO, Religion among the Acholi. (Nanga, Kyambogo, Vol. 2,
no. 4, February 1971, pp. 26-41).
OMORI, M. Conflicts at a village, Buhara, Uganda. (Japanese Journal of
Ethnology, Tokyo, Vol. 35, no. 1, 1970, pp. 1-24. English summary).* Kigezi.
ORLEY, J. H. Culture and mental illness. Nairobi, E.A.P.H. for M.I.S.R., 1970,
82 p., (E.A. Studies, no. 36). Buganda.
PARKIN, D. J. Anti-tribalismus in Uganda. (International Afrikaforum,
Munich, Vol. 6, June 1970, pp. 369-374.)*
QUAM, M. D. Social change in Karamoja. Kampala, M.I.S.R., Nabugabo
Conference Paper, 1971, 15 p. (Cyclostyted).
RICHARDS, A.I. Socialization and contemporary British anthropology. Essay in
Socialiazation: the approach from social anthropology edited by P. Mayer,
London, Tavistock, 1970, pp. 1-32. Reflections on attempts to co-ordinate
anthropological and psychological research at Makerere in the 1950's.
RIGBY, P. and LULE, F. Divination and healing in peri-urban Kampala. Kampa-
la, M.I.S.R., Nabugabo Conference Paper, 1971, 76 p. (Cyclostyled).


SASSOON, H. Iron cows and copper spears: the royal insignia of Karagwe.
(U.J., Vol. 34, no. 2, 1970, p. 200).
TABAN Lo LIYONG. Eating chiefs. London, Heinemann, 1970, 113 p. A literary
creation based on the myths and legends of the Lwoo peoples of Uganda.
TURNBULL, C. M. Tradition and change in African tribal life. Cleveland, World
Publishing, 1966, 271 p. Pages 119-136 deal with the Ik.
UCHENDU, V. C. Socio-economic and cultural determinants of rural change in
East and West Africa. (Food Research Institute, Stanford, Vol. 8, no. 3, 1968,
pp. 225-242).*
WHYTE, M. A. Friends, customers, kinsmen and neighbours: some thoughts on
social structure and role in Bunyole. Kampala, M.I.S.R., Nabugabo Confer-
ence Paper, 1971, 15 p. (Cyclostyled).
WHYTE, S. R. Misfortune and divination in Bunyole. Kampala, M.I.S.R., Na-
bugabo Conference Paper, 1971, 16 p. (Cyclostled).
ZIMON, H. Regenmacher und Regenzeremonien in Uganda. Essay in Anthro-
pica Gedenkschrift, Anthropos Institut, 1968, pp. 429-452.*
BARRETT, M. A. Quartz cone artefact from the Achwa valley. (U.J., Vol. 34,
no. 2, 1970, p. 146, 1 fig.).
LANNING, E. C. Ntusi: an ancient capital site in western Uganda. (Azania,
Nairobi, Vol. 5, 1970, pp. 39-54, 1 photo, 4 fig., 3 maps).
NELSON, C. M. and POSNANSKY, M. The stone tools from the re-excavation of
Nsongezi rock shelter. (Azania, Nairobi, Vol. 5, 1970, pp. 119-172, 7 fig., 9
SAssooN, H. Guide to Nyero rock paintings. Kampala, Antiquities Depart-
ment, Ministry of Culture, 1971, 9 p., 1 fig., 1 map.
Uganda. Annual report of the monuments section for the year 1969, Entebbe,
G.P., 1971, 30 p. This is the first annual report produced by the monuments
division and contains a valuable inventory of all previous archaeological
work ever done in Uganda.
HARRINGTON, G. Associated pasture production problems. Paper in Proceed-
ings of the Beef Cattle and Ranching Development Conference. Kampala,
Ministry of Animal Industries, Game and Fisheries, 1968, pp. 69-77.
HORRELL, C. R. and TILEY, G.E.D. Grassland. Chapter 19 in Agriculture in
Uganda edited by J.D. Jameson, London, O.U.P., 1970, pp. 318-332, 1 map.
HUXLEY, P. A. Leaf volume: a simple method for measurement and some
notes on its use in studies of leaf growth. (Journal of Applied Ecology,
Oxford, Vol. 8, no. 1, April 1971, pp. 147-153, 2 fig. 2 tables).
HYAMS, E. and MCQUITTY, W. Great botanical gardens of the world. London,
Nelson, 1969. Entebbe botanic gardens are described on pp. 228-231, 5 photos.
LANGDALE-BROWN, I. Vegetation. Chapter 7 in Agriculture in Uganda edited
by J. D. Jameson, London, O.U.P., 1970, pp. 90-97, 1 map in pocket.
NAPPER, D. M. Cyperaceae of East Africa. Part V. (J.E.A.N.H.S.N.M., Vol- 28,
no. 124, August 1971, pp. 1-24).
STOBBS, T. H. The effect of grazing management upon pasture productivity in
Uganda. III-Rotational and continuous grazing and IV-Selective grazing
(Tropical Agriculture, London, Vol. 46, no. 4, 1969, pp. 293-302 and pp.
TILEY, G. E. D. Weeds, Chapter 18 in Agriculture in Uganda edited by J. D.
Jameson, London, O.U.P., 1970, pp. 297-317. Checklist.
VERDCOURT, B. Studies on 'ast African Annonaceae. (Kew Bulletin, London,
Vol. 25, no. 1, 1971, pp. 1-34, 2 fig.).
-. Studies in the Leguminosae-Papilionoidae for the 'Flora of Tropical
Africa'. (Kew Bulletin, London, Vol. 25, no. 1, 1971, pp. 65-196, 10 fig.).
- and TRUMP, E. C. Common poisonous plants of East Africa, London, Col-
lins, 1969, 248 p., 21 fig., 1 map.
WENDT, W. B. Effects of inoculation and fertilizers on Desmodium intortum at
Serere. (E.A.A.F.J., Vol. 36, no. 4, April 1971, pp. 317-321, 6 tables).
WILSON, J. G. The discovery and evaluation of termite-eaten wood of the tree
Heeria reticulata. (U.J., Vol. 34, no. 2, 1970, pp. 211-212).


BROWN, L. H. and COCHEME, J. Agrometeorology survey in the highlands of
eastern Africa. (Nature and Resources, Paris, UNESCO, Vol. 6, no. 3, Sept-
ember 1970, pp. 2-10). Fort Portal climate and tea.
FARBROTHER, H. G. and MUNRo, J. M. Water. Chapter 4 in Agriculture in
Uganda edited by J. D. Jameson, London, O.U.P., 1970, pp. 30-42, 2 fig.
FIDDES, D. The analysis of daily rainfall records for a raingauge network at
Jinja. Crowthorne, Berks., Road Research Laboratory, 1970, 22 p., 2 maps.
(R.R.L. Technical Note, no. 539).
- The density of raingange networks over representative catchments in
Kenya and Uganda. Crowthorne, Berks, Road Research Laboratory,
- and FORSGATE, J. A. Representative rural catchments in Kenya and
Uganda. Crowthorne, Berks, Road Research Laboratory, 1970, 30 p., 14 maps.
(R.R.L. Report LR 318).
HANNA, L. W. Climatic influence on yields of sugar-cane in Uganda. (Transac-
tions of the Institute of British Geographers, London, Vol. 52, March 1971,
pp. 41-59, 4 fig., 1 table).
JAMESON, J. D. and MacCALLUM, D. Climate. Chapter 2 in Agriculture in Uga-
nda edited by J. D. Jameson, London, O.U.P., 1970, pp. 12-23, 1 fig., 3 maps.
MORTH, H. T. A real and temporal distribution of major rainfall anomalies in
East Africa. Paper in Symposium on tropical meteorology, Honolulu, 1970.*
POTTS, A. S. Maximum daily rainfall in Uganda: a sample survey. (E.A.G.R.,
Vol. 9, 1971, pp. 25-34, 4 fig., 1 map, table).
RIJKS, D. A., OWEN, W. G. and HANNA, L. W. Potential evaporation in Uganda.
Entebbe, Water Development Department, 1970, 48 p., 4 folded pages of maps.

HANCE, W. A. Population, migration and urbanisation in Africa. New York,
Columbia U.P., 1970, 450 p. Numerous reference to Uganda and pp. 373-378
on Kampala.
LANGLANDS, B. W. The population geography of Kigezi district. Kampala, Make-
rere Department of Geography, 1971, 43 p., 2 folded maps. (Occasional Paper
no. 26). Cyclostyled.
ditto. Bukedi district, no. 27, 41 p. 2 maps.
ditto. Bugisu and Sebei districts, no. 28, 48 p., 3 maps.
ditto. West Mengo district, no. 29, 57 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Acholi district, no. 30, 47 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Madi district, no. 31, 31 p., 2 maps.
ditto. West Nile district, no. 32, 49 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Mubende district, no. 33, 45 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Toro district, no. 34. 51 p., 3 maps.
ditto. Bunyoro district. iio. 35, 63.p., 2 maps.
ditto. Teso district, no. 36, 45 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Lango district, no. 37, 45 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Karamoja district, no. 38, 49 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Masaka district, no. 39, 47 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Busoga district, no. 40, 53 p., 2 maps.
ditto. East Mengo district, no. 41, 53 p., 2 maps.
ditto. Ankole district, no. 42, 51 p., 2 maps.
A preliminary review of land use in Uganda. Makerere Depart-
ment of Geography, 1971, 219 p., 13 maps. (Occasional Paper, no. 43).
.Population distribution in Uganda: 1959-1969. (E.A.G.R., Vol.
9, pp. 59-68, 5 maps).
PIKE, M. C. and MORROW, R. H. Statistical analysis of patient-control studies
in epidemiology. (British Journal of Preventive and Social Medicine, Vol.
24, 1970, pp. 42-44).
Uganda: Population growth and rural development. (Studies in Family Plan-
ning, Vol. 43, June 1969, 1-6).*
Uganda: annual economic review, London, Standard Bank, 1970, 12 p.