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Title Page 1
Title Page 2
Table of Contents
Table of Contents 1
Table of Contents 2
The diaries of Emin Pasha - Extracts XII
The reception of alien rule in Teso: 1896-1927
The reign of Kasagama in Toro from a contemporary account
Drums in Padhola
Bugoto: A fishing community on Macdonald Bay, Busoga
Uganda bibliography 1966-1967
Index to Volume 31 (1967)
Back Cover 1
Back Cover 2
The Uganda Journal
THE JOURNAL OF THE UGAN7- SOCIETYY
VOLUME 31 T 2 1967
THE DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA-EXTRACTS XII
THE REBELLION AT DUFILE - Edited by SIR JOHN GR-.\ 155
THE RECEPTION OF ALIEN RULE IN TESO:
1896-1927 - - - -G.EMWANi. 171
THE REIGN OF KASAGAMA IN TORO FROM
A CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNT- - - 0. W. FURLEVY 183
DRUMS OF PADHOLA - A. SHARMAN AND L. ANDERSON 191
BUGOTO: A FISHING COMMUNITY ON MACDONALD
BAY, BUSOGA L- - - B. INEIGHCEN 201
THE MONIKO PETROGLYPHS--J.H. CHAPLIN AND M. MCFARL kN E 207
ROCK ENGRAVINGS FROM LOTETELEIT, KARAMOJA-W. H. MOR U N 209
THE SURVIVING REGALIA OF THE NAKAIMA,
MUBENDE - - -- - E. C. LANNI\ 210
THE BAGANDA MARTYRS-A CORRECTION B. M. KALEMLR.x 211
CASSAVA IN NORTH UGANDA -- - - R. M. BERE 213
Os INCAE AND WORMIAN BONES IN EAST N. GUNDARA AND
AFRICAN SKULLS-- - - - - S. ZIVANO\ It 214
L - - - - - - 218
The Way to the Mountains of the Moon
(By R. Bere) -- - - P.H. TEMPLL 219
Growing up in East Africa
(By E. B. Castle) -- - - B. OTAAL k 220
(By N. Dyson-Hudson) - - - K. A. GOURLA\ 222
The British rule in Kenya
(By G. H. Mungeam) - - M. S. M. KIWANI K 223
Evolution und revolution in der Landschaftsenwicklung Ostafrikas
(ByJ. H. Schultze) - - - -H. JOHNSUo 225
Wild animals in an African National Park
(By R. Bere) -- - - A. W. R. McCiRE 226
SOCIETY NOTES - - - - - - 199
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS - - - - 206
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY 1966-1967 Compiled by B. W. LANGLAND- 227
INDEX TO VOLUME 31 (1967) - - - - 243
THE UGANDA SOCIETY
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THE JOURNAL OF THE UGANDA SOCIETY
B. W. LANGLANDS (Hon. Editor)
A. W. R. McCRAE P. RIoBY
THE UGANDA SOCIETY
Copyright Uganda Society 1967
THE DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA-EXTRACTS XII
THE REBELLION AT DUFILE - Edited by SIR JOHN GRAY 155
THE RECEPTION OF ALIEN RULE IN TESO:
1896-1927 - - - - - -G. EMWANU 171
THE REIGN OF KASAGAMA IN TORO FROM
A CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNT - - - O. W. FURLEY 183
DRUMS OF PADHOLA - A. SHARMAN AND L. ANDERSON 191
BUGOTO: A FISHING COMMUNITY ON MACDONALD
BAY, BUSOGA - - - - B. INEICHEN 201
THE MONIKO PETROGLYPHS-J .H. CHAPLIN AND M. MCFARLANE 207
ROCK ENGRAVINGS FROM LOTETELEIT, KARAMOJA-W. H. MORTON 209
THE SURVIVING REGALIA OF THE NAKAIMA,
MUBENDE - - - - - E. C. LANNING 210"
THE BAGANDA MARTYRS-A CORRECTION B. M. KALEMERA 211
CASSAVA IN NORTH UGANDA - - - -R. M. BERE 213
OS INCAE AND WORMIAN BONES IN EAST - N. GUNDARA AND
AFRICAN SKULLS- - - - - S. ZIVANOVIC 214
LIMI- - - - - - - - - 218
The Way to the Mountains of the Moon
(By R. Bere) - - - - P. H. TEMPLE 219
Growing up in East Africa
(By E. B. Castle) - - - B. OTAALA 220
(By N. Dyson-Hudson) - - - K. A. GOURLAY 222
The British rule in Kenya
(By G. H. Mungeam) - - M. S. M. KIWANUKA 223
Evolution und revolution in der Landschaftsenwicklung Ostafrikas
(By J. H. Schultze) -- - -H. JOHNSON 225
Wild animals in an African National Park
(By R. Bere) - - - - A.W.R. MCCRAE 226
SOCIETY NOTES - - - - - - 199
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS - - - - 206
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY 1966-1967 Compiled by B. W. LANGLANDS 227
INDEX TO VOLUME 31(1967) - - - - 243
THE UGANDA SOCIETY
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Uganda Journal, 31, 2, (1967), 155-170
THE DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA-EXTRACTS XII
Edited by SIR JOHN GRAY
(These extracts from Die Tagebicher von Emin Pascha, edited by Dr. Franz
Stuhlmann, vols. i, ii, iii, iv and vi, (Braunschweig: Westermann, 1916-1927)
have have been translated and provided with introductory notes and comments
by Sir John Gray. They have been planned to appear in the Uganda Journal
as a series covering Emin's first visit to Buganda in 1876, his visit to Bunyoro
in 1877 and his second visit to Buganda in the same year, followed by such
portions of his later diaries as are relevant to Emin's contacts with the Uganda
region during the years spent as Governor of Equatoria until his withdrawal
in 1889. Extracts I to X have appeared in successive issues of the Uganda Journal
commencing with Extracts I in Uganda J., 25, (1961) no. I until Uganda J., 29, (I
(1965) no. 2. Extracts XI appeared in Uganda J., 3o, (1966) no. 2. (EDS.)
XII-THE REBELLION AT DUFILE
19 August to 15 November 1888
These present extracts deal with the period when Emin was held captive
by mutinous Sudanese officers at Dufile. The site of this station on the west
bank of the Nile was to come under Belgian control in 1894 as being within the
Lado enclave. But following the death of King Leopold in 1909 it passed to the
Sudan by whom, in 1914, it was transferred to Uganda.
The portions of Emin's diaries which deal with these three months fill pages
155 to 181 of Volume iv of Stuhlmann's edition of the Tagebiicher. In Schweit-
zer's Life of his uncle (as translated by Felkin) they occupy only eight pages of
summary with a few excerpts from his diary.
Contemporary accounts by others who lived at Dufile during that period are
to be found in
(a) A. J. Mounteney Jephson, Emin Pasha and the rebellion at the equator
(18go). Chapters VII to XI not only supplement Emin's diary in a number of
details, but also supply particulars regarding Emin's reactions to his captivity.
Jephson has drawn copiously from his own diary, which is shortly to be pub-
lished by the Hakluyt Society. I am much indebted to Mrs Dorothy Middleton,
who is to edit that publication, for supplying me with extracts which do not
appear in Jephson's book.
(b) Gaetano Casati, Ten years in Equatoria (English translation from the
original Italian, 1891), ii, 175-92. Mrs Middleton informs me that Jephson's
diary is full of unfavourable comments upon Casati. Reading between the
lines one is disposed to think that such comments aie not entirely undeserved.
156 UGANDA JOURNAL
He and Emin from time to time quarrelled, but the fact remains that at times
he proved a useful intermediary between Emin and the mutinous officers.
In the very last lines of these Extracts, Emin pays tribute to this fact.
(c) Vita Hassan, Die Wahrheit iiber Emin Pascha (1895), ii, 153-73. This gives
an account of the author's experiences as a captive of the mutinous officers
and his personal comments upon Emin, Jephson and Casati.
Extracts from Emin's Diaries
August 19, 1888, I got ready sixteen porters for my people (two for myself
and three for Jephson) and at 5.30 a.m. we marched out (from Khor Ayu).
Just before this I heard that with the utmost secrecy letters had passed through
to the officers of the first battalion, no doubt to summon them to Dufile.
Marching well we reached the River et-Tin at 9.25 a.m. where we rested and
reached Dufile at 3.15 p.m., where everybody was drunk. Neither were there
any of my soldiers ready to receive me nor did any one come to greet me-an
ominous sign. We had hardly got into our house, when a guard was posted
there in front of it. Hawash Effendi's servants were permitted to bring us all
our necessaries and after a while our servants were allowed to go out and in.
I have sent to Selim Aga to learn what is the cause of this disturbance. He came
back a little later without having seen the leaders of the rebellion. He said letters
had come from the Egyptian officers at Tunguru and allegations had been
made by Ahmed Effendi Mahmud, one of the prisoners who had been released
and the preparations for the evacuation of Mugi were responsible for it. The
officers were now intending to summon a large meeting of all the officers and
had already written to Wadelai and Tunguru and were waiting to see what
would be decided. Selim Aga asked us to be patient. He promised to come back
in the evening after he had seen Fadl-el-Mula Aga.
Later in the evening he came back. The chief speakers were two other
officers-not Fadl-el-Mula. Hawash Effendi, with whom I have an understanding,
must in all circumstances act in accordance with their wishes. As regards my-
self, they have unanimously decided to accept me, if I accept them, but if I do
not, to replace me by another officer. Vita is employed as a spy and must be
got rid of etc. etc.1 That sounds very edifying, and moreover I have heard
that I will not be allowed to return to Wadelai. But nothing will be so warm to
eat as that which is cooked.
August 20. The night has passed quietly. The sentries in front of my
door have not been withdrawn. Selim Aga has not been to see me today. I
hear he had his midday meal with Hawash Effendi. Strangely, entry is strictly
forbidden to everybody. In the evening Hawash's servant came with the
following letter in his handwriting:
"The officers are demanding further things of you. Firstly, my dismissal . .
Secondly, the people are not willing to leave here. Thirdly, the restoration in
rank of the officers just recently set free and in this do as they wish. They are
all your children, and, if Mr. Stanley comes, you can then always do as you
wish. Selim Aga is working zealously on your behalf and thinks all these things
are necessary. Excuse the freedom I have taken with you"2.
Later in the evening Selim Aga informed me that he has not been able to
come to me, but he wishes to come to me early in the morning after he has
spoken to Fadl-el-Mula Aga about the sentries. Only I must be patient.
August 21. Two of my clerks have sent me a couple of lines to express
their regret for what has happened here and the troubles which have overtaken
DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA EXTRACTS XII 157
me. One of these was locked up as being a friend of Hawash Effendi, but has
been set free today. Selim Aga came in the evening. He has had a long talk with
the officers from Pabbo. As he promised, he had asked for the sentry to be with-
drawn from in front of my door. The reply was that it was impossible. (A
number of officers whose names are set out are being summoned to Dufile).
We shall have to wait. Owing to damage to various parts of the machinery the
steamer is out of action. As always, Selim Aga counsels patience.
August 22 to 27. (Emin sets out daily and at length various messages and
reports concerning the activities of the mutinous officers. Some of these are of a
most conflicting nature).
August 28. Today a mail has been brought from Wadelai. Soon after its
arrival all the officers were summoned by Fadl-el-Mula Aga. There must be a
mail from Mswa.
August 29. Early today I sent to Selim Aga to tell me what the mail from
Wadelai has brought. He informs me that there are two covers directed to me
from Shukri Aga and Kodi Aga requesting me to come in all haste. Stanley
has reached the Lake (Albert) and Suleiman Aga has been sent with the
Nyanza to fetch him. God be thanked! Selim Aga has come to me. One of the
two letters which arrived yesterday bears my address and the inscription
"Very urgent-good news". Fadl-el-Mula wanted to send it to me, but his
colleagues have prevented him and have left the letter unopened (!) until the
officers arrive tomorrow. The other letter was from Koki Aga to Fadl-el-Mula
with the information that Stanley has arrived, bringing with him three ele-
phants and a large boat and a request that I at once send to him.3 It is ru-
moured that Fadl-el-Mula Aga thinks of going himself to Stanley, Hamid
Aga is halfway to Kiri, but he is being brought back to Rejaf. The people
from Rejaf should come tomorrow.
August 3o. Rajab Effendi sends a quite unintelligible note, from which it
may be gathered that the steamer will leave on Saturday and that the news of
Stanley's arrival is true. After I had sent back a note to him, I received from
him the information that, according to what he has heard, it is intended to
take Stanley by surprise and seize his property and ammunition, that the
steamer sails on Saturday, and that possibly, on hearing of Stanley's arrival,
the people from Rejaf will be frightened and will prevent this plot. All this is
gossip. On the other hand Vita says Fadl-el-Mula's clerk has told Hamid
Aga's clerk that the officers are going to Stanley and will give him an indict-
ment against Hawash and myself with a request that he will take us to the
Viceroy and set up another governor in my place.
August 31. In the evening Hawash Effendi sent a message to me to say
that he has heard that tomorrow there will be a great open air meeting to
which I shall be brought. They will deprive me of all my servants who have
by their words stirred up unrest in the Province. Whither they will go Hawash
does not know.
September I. Mr. Jephson was sent for. After an hour's discussion he came
back. After much debating it was decided that next Tuesday he will go on the
steamer to Wadelai in order to go with the officers to Stanley in order to
lodge their complaints (?). I and Vita are to remain here in custody. If Stanley
and his officers come, I together with Hawash will be brought for trial before
them, as I have been intriguing with Hawash. God be thanked that Jephson
is going there.
158 UGANDA JOURNAL
September 2. Chor Aga, the officer of this place, came in full regalia with a
(The letter and Emin's reply are set out in the Appendix A).
I sent my answer to this letter at once, but up to now have received no reply..
It has cost of lot of talking to obtain consent to Jephson's journey to the south
He had further been assured that the steamer would leave on Tuesday, but its
departure has secretly been ordered for Monday. Finally, he is permitted
to go on the condition that, if Stanley is not there, he shall come back here.
September 3, Monday. At 7 a.m. the Khedive left for the south. Jephson
went with her and six officers, one clerk and fifty soldiers. After much talk
Stanley's boat was also taken. At the last moment Jephson's journey was very
nearly prevented, because his clerk Ahmed Mahmud, whom he had dismissed
and he said was a rogue, went to Fadl-el-Mula Aga (to complain). If Stanley
is really there, it is unfortunate for us to hear of this. I fear that the people in the
south would stir up considerable unrest.4
September 8. Every day we hear hundreds of different rumours without
being able to know whether they are really reliable. Yesterday there was a new
moon and the new year 1306 according to Muslim reckoning began.
September Io, Monday. Today a dragoman came from Wadelai without
any letter for me. Jephson has undoubtedly written but found nobody able to
bring the letter. The dragoman says that soon after the arrival of the steamer
at Wadelai the officers from here took possession of the magazine. The rumours
regarding the doings of the officers in Wadelai are so contradictory, that no
reliability can be attached to them
September 17, Monday to September 23, Sunday. (Rumours and gossip).
September 22. A mail has arrived from Wadelai without any letter for me.
September 23. At 6.30 a.m. the Khedive arrived and at noon the Nyanza
with Jephson and Casati, whom I was expecting. Stanley has not come. He
is at a big river (? the Ituri) with a lot of armed men. Perhaps they may be
Arabs. Jephson had written to me twice and given the letters to Marco, who
sent them back to him. They informed me as to what was happening at Wadelai
etc. It is hoped that a decision will be arrived at here.
September 24. Quite early a great number of officers, clerks etc. gathered
under the trees before my door. Casati, who was present, reports that after a
stormy discussion it was decided to write to me to set up a commission to
inquire into all their grievances. The clerks had spread a report that I wrote to
Egypt saying that all the Sudanese officers were rebellious. My copying books
were called for and it was found that it was exactly the opposite. In the evening
I had a note from Arif Effendi giving more or less the same information.
September 25. Early to-day Vita had this note from Osman Effendi:
'Inform the Pasha that last night Tai Effendi, Mustapha Effendi Ahmed, and
Sabri Effendi drew up a document demanding his immediate deposition,
and want to get this signed by all the officers. Let him send Jephson and
Casati to Hamid Aga at once, so that Casati may be with him when the do-
cument is presented to him.' Raphael Effendi and Arif Effendi confirm this
A large meeting was very promptly held, presided over by Hamid Aga,
who came up from Rejaf yesterday, but I was refused admittance. Casati
was there. The three clerks read out their long list of complaints against me,
and as they doubtless acted in agreement with Fadl-el-Mula, the meeting was
taken by surprise, and a declaration was signed to the effect that I wasreliev-
DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA-EXTRACTS XII 159
ed of my functions, Hamid Aga being appointed Commander-in-Chief and
Administrator of the Province, Selim Aga commander of the second
Battalion, Abd-el-Wahab Effendi of the first. Then with much noise and
shouting, all Hawash Effendi's belongings were confiscated; nothing but
absolute necessaries were left him, the rest being deposited in the magazine.
After a long search only 800 dollars was found in money. What they mean
to do with me is not clear.
September 26. Another stormy sitting, and repeated calls for the original
orders from Egypt; in the end they were admitted to be genuine, and were
hailed with acclamation. In the afternoon I had a note from Osman Effendi,
with a request for a certificate that he wished to hand to Stanley. I asked
what the purpose of this request might be. He then wrote that it had been
decided to send me to the north, Vita to stay here, and Hawash to go to Beden.
In the evening I received a letter from Hamid Aga (signed: Administrator of
the Province), and addressed to me without the title of Governor. Rajab
Effendi, whom I sent for, says that I am to go to Rejaf, Vita to Makraka, and
Hawash to Beden.
September 27. Casati went early to Ali Aga Jabor, to obtain the reversal
of my decree of banishment.
Ali Aga and Feraj Aga pledged their word to obtain it. Mustapha Effendi-
el-Mjani has promised the same. Is this true? Hamid Aga, Selim Aga, and
Mustapha likewise promised Casati to keep me here if possible.
At one o'clock in the afternoon I at length received the decree deposing
me, in these terms: 'In consequence of the irregularities of which, in con-
junction with Hawash and Vita, you have been guilty, the officers have met
together and decided to remove you from the direction of affairs, and, as soon as
their investigation is completed, to bring the matter before the supreme author-
ities. Any documents belonging to the Government that may be in your
possession you must forward to me with a table of documents. Signed by both
chief clerks, and by Hamid Aga as Lieutenant-Colonel (!) and Admini-
strator, and addressed to me as a private individual without any official title.
In the evening all the Sudanese officers met in secret. Halil Aga, who is
taking the lead of the discontented officers and men here (in my favour!)
was ordered away to-day to bring in the Dufile dragoman Fadl-el-Mula,
suspected of an intention to join the rebellious negroes in Nurviva mountain,
but he directly refused to go, and has been left here. The whole day has been
spent in endeavouring to pacify the clerks, but without arriving at any result.
September 28. Early a note from Osman Effendi. Mugi has been chosen as
my destination and Pabbo as Vita's. Casati went out to obtain information.
He did not return till noon. There was a meeting lasting three hours. The
Egyptians were excluded, but Casati was admitted and was almost insulted.
It has been decided tc send me to Rejaf. Nothing has been settled about
Vita or Hawash.s
September 29. The soldiers here are greatly excited, and refuse to have
anything to do with the new order of things. Casati is much annoyed at the
treatment meted out to him, and did not go out till towards evening. After
sunset Osman Effendi sent me the following note:
"In writing as you did to Hamid Aga about caps etc. you did well. I (Osman)
have today received orders, which appoint me to be chief in all inquiries
respecting Hawash, Vita and others and all documents have been handed
over to me. If any letters are written to you, they shall be calm, businesslike,
160 UGANDA JOURNAL
and free from anything calculated to offend. Don't let anything worry you.
For the present you will not go north, but remain here. Get Hamid Aga's
permission to go away and fetch your daughter; Vita ought to do likewise.
Send no one to me but Binza, with a note in your own handwriting, upon
which I will write my answer, and which you may then burn. Tell no one of
these communications. I am sending a hundred dollars for Mr. Jephson.'
Casati came subsequently, bringing me much the same news, from Ahmed
Effendi Mahmud, especially as regards my staying here provisionally. They are
fully occupied in searching for Hawash's money.
September 30. We hear a rumour that Ali Aga Jabor is preparing to pro-
ceed to Rejaf. Also that the under-officers who have been detailed as orderlies
to Selim Aga have refused to do so and that the steamers are being made
ready to depart. Once again I have been written to demanding the orders
which came from Egypt and accordingly sent them. Towards evening Kodi
Aga sent for my three orderlies. Later a note came from Osman Effendi.
'Ali Aga and Kodi Aga are not going yet. I beg you not be to anxious. At
last things are becoming calm and it would appear as if the soldiers are opposed
to your going from here elsewhere. Casati should come to me early tomorrow.'
October I, Monday to October 7, Sunday. Casati has been to Osman
Effendi. Both steamers are to go to the south to fetch the families of the clerks
etc. Hamid Effendi requests me to have my household effects brought here.
All the Egyptians, clerks etc. are against me. Early today my three orderlies
were taken away. The two steamers should sail on Thursday.
At eleven o'clock there was a great uproar. Osman Effendi threw himself
into the river, but has been fished out.6
Towards evening Casati went to Hamid Aga to request him and Selim
Aga to come to me tomorrow morning. He hears that Osman Effendi, being
over weary with all his drudgery, has entirely withdrawn and is now living in his
house. Furthermore, sentries have been posted at our doors to prevent our
servants from entering the houses of Hawash and Osman.
October 2. Early, Arif Effendi brought me an exceptionally civil letter.
He told me the officers were supposed to be sending to Wadelai to search my
house and Marco's for money belonging to Hawash. In the evening there was
a great clamour. Hawash was called to the divan. During his absence six
officers and officials forced themselves into his house and beat the women on
account of the money. However, they found only a few iron shovels. Hawash
came back, but was not permitted to enter before the scene was over. Then
they locked him up in one house, and the women in another and will search
Osman Effendi wrote to me saying it was too much for him. Hence he had
thrown himself into the river. He has simply been ordered to keep to his
house. Hamid Aga and Selim Aga have not come. Early in the morning I sent
to Hamid Aga to let him know we had neither meat nor oil in the house;
that I wanted some from the stores as part of my salary, for which I would
give him a receipt. He answered my servant that he must consult the officers
first. That is our new chief of the land. However, at the instance of Casati,
a goat and some oil was sent us later on. Early today I had a letter from Hamid
Aga saying 'Up to the present we have not confiscated your house. But we
must request you to inform us what caps, ammunition, ivory, cloth, and papers
belonging to the Government are in it, and who has charge of them, so that wI
may send and have them brought here, and put an end to the matter'. ne
DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA EXTRACTS XII 161
reply, I asked them to consent to Casati's going to Wadelai, and men with
him, in order to see what was in my house. They promised that they would do
so. In the evening, however, I heard that it had again been determined to
confiscate all our belongings of every kind, and to send up some of the officers
and the clerk Ahmed Mahmud for the purpose. I am also informed that
Marco, Ibrahim Gattas, Haji Ahmed, and some of the under-officers have
been ordered to come here.
October 4. Today Hawash presented a petition to the officers, stating that I
had defrauded him, and claiming from me I,3oo dollars, 99 head of cattle,
500 goats, 16o pieces of damur, etc. His scribe was Ahmed Effendi Mahmud.
In the evening the Sudanese officers assembled and violently disputed with one
another about me. Ali Aga insisted on conveying me to Rejaf; Selim Aga,
Hamid Aga, and Fadl-el-Mula Aga spoke against this. Finally they wanted
to come to me! The clerk Raphael Effendi sends me similar information
quite late. Even Kismallah has gone over to my enemies!7
October 5. Promotions were conferred today upon the soldiers at Wadelai.
A lot of rumours in the air, but none of them are good. Tomorrow the Khedive
leaves for Wadelai, Tunguru, and Mswa. The Nyanza follows in a few days.
October 6. The Khedive left, having on board Kodi Aga, Auad, Ahmed
Mahmud, Taib Sabri etc. Casati, too, went by the steamer to be present at the
examination of my house. Jephson attended (sc. to see him off). The steamer
left at 7.30 a.m. A little later Ali Aga Shamruch came with further written
questions to me. Hawash Effendi, who has made presents to the clerks, now
throws all the blame upon me. To put an end to this disgusting affair, I have
given written notice to the officials concerned that I cannot recognize their
right to interrogate me. They must collect all the evidence against me and lay
it before the Minister of the Interior. As soon as he inquiries into it, or sends
an official to do so. I will be prepared to answer for myself. That settles the
matter. Today Abdallah Aga Mansal and Bachit Aga Bargut arrived from the
October 7. In the evening Abdallah Aga Mansal sends me with his greetings
a letter from Mugi. I am to fear nothing. The soldiers have been questioned
and have with one voice declared against the new regime and have asked for
my reinstatement. A little later Raphael Effendi told me more or less the
same news. At 5 p.m. the soldiers had been asked what they wanted and they
had declared that, if I was not again reinstated, they would take their weapons
and go home.
October 8, Monday to October 14, Sunday. Shortly after half the soldiers
had been sent into the forest to fetch wood, the remainder were mustered and
the officers went to them. Fadl-el-Mula Aga announced to them that I wanted
to betray them. When four sergeants and an under-officer spoke against this,
they were locked up. Selim Aga then announced that he wanted me to be sent
to Rejaf and Hawash somewhere else. Therewith the movement in my favour
has come to an end. A little later the under-officers went to Hamid Aga,
who for some days past has not left his house and does not meddle in anything,
and asked for the release of the prisoners, which was at once granted. In the
evening Mr. Jephson was at Hamid Aga's and met Bachit Aga there, who
assured him that all the soldiers were on my side and that with patience we
should yet attain our object (?). Hawash had sent to Jephson to say that all
that he had written against had been extorted from him by the clerks under
threat of death.8
162 UGANDA JOURNAL
October o0. Early today I heard from Osman Effendi that Ahmed Raif
had been with him, and related that the officers had become somewhat ir-
resolute because I threatened to kill myself, if coerced into going to Rejaf.
In the evening he sent me a note saying he had heard that he was to go to
Labore, whilst I should remain here, but it was still uncertain.9
October 12. At midday the officers met at Hamid Aga's. Ali Aga was invited
to fetch two companies from Makraka-Rejaf in order to set up stations towards
the east. He declined, and threatened to take me to Rejaf by force, if I did not
go there willingly.
October 13. The steamer N.anza left for Wadelai early today. Late at
night I had word from Osman Effendi that the non-commissioned officers
and men had determined to set me free, and that I was not to be alarmed at
hearing a hubbub and trumpet sounds before my house.
October 15. Monday to October 21, Sunday. (A report is received that
three steamers and eight boats have reached Lado from Khartum. It is decided
to send troops to Rejaf to ascertain what are the facts).
October 16. (The expedition set out 6 a.m. under the command of Hamid
Aga. Emin sets out the names of the officers. Ali Aga Jabor refused to go "The
biggest scamps unfortunately remain here").
(A letter from Rejaf arrived at midday. The arrivals at Lado are Dongolawi
from Khartum commanded by Emin's former clerk Osman Erhob, who sent
four messengers with a letter to me, which should reach Dufile on the morrow.
The Dongolawi are in possession of Gondokoro).
October 17. (Osman Effendi sent Emin a report regarding the steamers,
regarding which Emin writes "This sounds comical").
Ali Aga Jabor has given an order to Selim Aga (his superior officer!) to
send Hawash Effendi and all his servants to Pabbo.
(Orders have been issued for the families of the men in the stations to the
north to be sent to Dufile and thence to Wadelai).
At 4 p.m. the emissaries of Osman Erhob arrived here with the letter.
They are three Dervishes dressed in their customary patchwork clothes. One
has a long sword and there are three lances, but no guns. They were received
by Fadl-el-Mula Aga and most of the officers and the letter was read. Feraj
Aga proposed that they should be killed, but he was outvoted, and it appears
that they will be interned at Pabbo.
October 18. Fadl-el-Mula Aga assembled the officers early in the day.
To my surprise an officer came and requested me to come to the meeting. This I
refused to do but declared myself ready to receive them if they came to me.
They all came and there was read to me an Arabic letter from Osman Salib,
the head of the Mahdists.
(An English translation of the letter is set out in full in Jephson pp.245-53.
It was addressed to the "Honoured Mehmed Emin" as Mudir of the Province.
Emin gives a brief summary of its contents. It informed him of the deaths of
Gordon and Hansal at Khartum and that Slatin, Lupton, and Nur Bey (see
Extracts I and II) were prisoners. Jephson says (p.253) "there was a second
letter much shorter than this addressed to the Christian clerks of the divan, in
which Osman Saleb granted them free pardon provided they consented to
I was asked to give my advice as to the answer to be given to this letter,
but I refused because I had been removed from my post. I said I would write
to Stanley and would do this in order to secure a return journey for Jephson.
DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA EXTRACTS XII 163
Soon afterwards Ali Aga Jabor, Feraj Aga Aojoli, Ali Aga Shanruch, and Dau-
el-Beit Aga set out for Rejaf. What is now going to happen I do not know.
(At midday at a meeting of the officers and clerks certain measures were
decided upon to cope with the situation. They included (inter alia) "No ser-
vility but war against the Dongolawi". All weapons in the hands of the Mahdist
messengers were to be taken from them and they were to be sent to the south).
October 19 and 20. (Emin received various reports regarding the Mahdists
and the operations against them).
October 21. (Further reports of a like nature received. According to one
"Feraj Aga's company has fought well, but has eventually fallen back on
October 22, 23 and 24. (Further reports of a like nature).
October 25. Yesterday evening a letter came with the following contents.
The chief ship's officer of the Khartumers says Stanley has come and
brought a large quantity of ammunition, but he has gone back and is now
waiting with much ammunition and many Europeans. Haste must be made to
attack us. At the same time the letter says the Khartumers are not showing
The three Khartumers have today undergone a form of torture, whereby
bamboo splinters have been tied round their heads and gradually drawn
tighter. They have announced that they came on an invitation from me.
(Their information as to the military strength of the Mahdist expeditions is set
out in detail). Now my people are ready to believe this nonsense.10
October 26. Jephson went yesterday to Fadl-el-Mula Aga, who told him
that if matters at Rejaf go wrong, he will send him (Jephson) and me to Tun-
Hawash Effendi has let Jephson know that he has no evil intentions re-
garding him and that all that he has said against me is untrue. He has only
done this because he was threatened with death.
(Jephson also received a message from Osman Effendi, which is set out in
full in Emin's diary. It reports the capture of Rejaf by the Mahdists and threats
to Mugi and ends by saying "It appears to me that they (the troops) are only
brave in their cups. May God grant that Stanley comes soon." Reports have
arrived that Stanley is at Nsabe. Emin's comment regarding these reports is
that "I regard all these as the imagination of drunkards.")"
October 27 and 29. (Further reports regarding the Mahdists and Stanley).
October 29, Monday to November 4, Sunday. A servant of Ali Effendi
has come to me here from Rejaf. At 5.30 p.m. the Khartumers took the station
at Rejaf. No clerks and only a few officers have escaped.
At noon Osman Effendi wrote to me that the soldiers at Mugi refused to
fight on the pretext that I was a prisoner, and they would take no orders
from their officers.
October 30. At 7 a.m. the Khedive at last returned from Wadelai with
Casati. The steamer had lain ten days at Mswa. Shukri Aga was making a
razzia from there, and had not yet got back. My house at Wadelai was searched
by the people sent to search it and every thing they found-goods, beads,
etc.-was confiscated and lodged in the Government store. No news of Stan-
(Reports are coming in from many out-stations that soldiers are refusing
to obey their officers' orders).
164 UGANDA JOURNAL
October 31. (Reports as to casualties amongst the officers). Ali Aga Jabor
at Mugi is utterly contemned by his soldiers and does not leave his house.
Feraj Aga Adjole is now their commander.
(There is talk of Emin's reinstatement in his post).
November i and 2. (Fugitives are coming from the northern stations).
November 3. In the evening Osman Effendi writes "The officers have split
into two parties-one for you (me) and the other for Fadl-el-Mula Aga."
(He asks for advice as to the attitude he should adopt).
November 5, Monday to November I, Sunday. Today the Khedive arrived
from Wadelai and I have received some letters! The steamer goes on Thursday
to Wadelai and with it Osman Effendi, who today offered to give me 250 dollars
-150 for myself and Ioo forJephson.
November 6. Osman Effendi is getting ready for his journey. He has sent me
150 dollars. I am to repay him in Egypt! He sent Ioo dollars to Jephson.
Letters arriving today say that the soldiers marched yesterday from Mugi to
Rejaf. The boatswain of the Khedive has asked for his discharge. The captain is
going to be discharged. A loss to my poor steamer!
November 7. Permission has been graciously granted me to send one of my
servants to Wadelai. In the afternoon the belongings of Abdallah Aga Mansal
and others arrived. Osman Effendi sends me a cypher key for correspondence
with him at Wadelai. My new informant, Ejub Effendi, a Coptic clerk, writes as
follows: "The troops from Mugi marched to Kiri, where they met twelve men
and an under-officer whom Hamid Aga sent to Makraka previously. Two
hundred and seventy men have been sent from Makraka. Their arrival at
Kiri is now being awaited. When the Khartumers heard that it was intended to
attack Rejaf, they fled, putting many of the Rejaf people in irons. As soon as
I get further particulars I shall write again." The bearer of this mail frankly said
that the soldiers are grievously discontented, obeying neither Hamid Aga nor
Ali Aga. As soon as the Makraka soldiers reach Kiri, the soldiers propose to take
counsel among themselves. I fear the end of it will be an exodus to Makraka.
November 8. (Names given of officers and families proceeding to Wadelai).
November 9. News has come from Kiri that the soldiers have revolted against
Ali Aga Jabor.... Hamid Aga, Abd-el-Wahub Effendi, Feraj Aga are said to
have declared themselves to be on the soldiers' side.
November I. Departure of the Nyanza with Hawash (for Wadelai).
Yesterday and today there were some very agitated meetings, at which Suleiman
Aga has supported me and told the clerks and their supporters the truth.
On the whole my party is become braver and more in evidence.
November 12, Monday to November 18, Sunday. Ibrahim Aga Gattas
has died at Wadelai. He served twenty-five years here and Bahr-el-Ghazal.
He was one of the old school, but reliable and honest. I am sorry to have lost
November 14. Suleiman Aga has intervened with Fadl-el-Mula Aga re-
garding my departure for Wadelai. He has told him that he is responsible for
the first battalion to me and must write to that effect.
November 15. Some negroes have brought the news that white men have
been seen south-east of Padibe. Suleiman Aga has sent for Casati. On his
return the latter said that a letter had been received from Abdallah Aga with the
following contents. When the soldiers reached Rejaf, they were taken by
surprise by a sudden onslaught of the Khartumers and left the place in a
thorough panic. (Casualties amongst officers are here set out).12 Until now this
DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA EXTRACTS XII
news has been kept secret.
Since quite early a lively discussion has been going on at Selim Aga's,
and the loud tones of some of the officers can frequently be distinguished.
The clerks, too, were called together, but after a short time went away. It
looks as if Selim Aga had made up his mind to treat after all. At 1.3o a.m.
Casati was called to him, returning soon after with the intimation that the
officers intended to callon me. At noon they came: Selim Aga, Fadl-el-Mula
Aga, Suleiman Aga, Bachit Aga, and Abd-el-Wahd Effendi (Egyptian).
I began to chat with some of them, but Selim Aga begged me to listen to an
intimation they desired to make. He explained that amongst other things that
he had convoked all the officers early that morning to tell them it was about time
to let me go back to my own house at Wadelai. Matters were getting wearisome,
and everybody saw very well that all these things could only lead to a disaster.
But a number of clerks and officers thought that if I returned to power I should
take vengeance on them. So, to reassure them, and to give time for informing
the absent officers who took part in the former conference, they had resolved
to ask me to go to my house at Wadelai. I was to leave tomorrow morning, as
Suleiman Aga wanted to wait till I returned home. They assured me that they
still looked upon me as their chief and benefactor, and begged my pardon
for the harm done here at the instigation of a few scamps. As soon as all the
officers came from the north, everything should be put in order, and I would be
told how it all happened and requested to lead and direct them as I had done
hitherto. During this speech Fadl-el-Mula Aga, my gaoler, stood by Selim
Aga, looking very downcast. Suleiman Aga then began an apology for him,
saying that he had been led astray by the clerks, but was loyal to me at heart.
I cut this short, however, and I thanked the officers for their friendliness, and
and declared my readiness to start tomorrow morning. As to resuming the
conduct of affairs, that was out of the question; even if they wished it, I could
not entertain the suggestion. Selim Aga begged me to defer the consideration of
this point and added a few words in favour of Fadl-el-Mula Aga, with whom
I thereupon shook hands, promising to forget what he, misled by others, had
done to me. He pressed my hand, but when the officers took their leave he
was obviously glad to get away. Before they left Selim Aga begged me to do my
best to interest Stanley on their behalf when he arrived. Then they went,
the sentries were withdrawn from the door of my house and I was free once more.
Jephson and Casati were present.
I may at once state what appears to me to have led to this revulsion of
feeling. To begin with, the officers were no longer sure of the men. Even the
soldiers who arrived at Kiri from Makraka had declared for me. The utmost
difficulty was experienced in getting together the expedition to Rejaf. The
soldiers were unwilling to fight for officers who maltreated them and misled
them by misrepresenting that Khartum remained in the hands of Egypt, and
that I had deceived them and intended to sell them to the English, etc. Con
sequently they abandoned their officers and ran away. The mutineers at Labore-
publicly declared that their captain, Surur Aga, had driven them to mutiny,
and that they meant to tell me so. Only yesterday, at Dufile, when one of the
soldiers was put in irons by Fadl-el-Mula Aga on a charge of collusion with me,
his comrades immediately delivered him by force. Moreover, when told off
for the usual evening duties, they point-blank refused to do them. In addition,
there was the depressing news of the death of the six officers, among them four
of the ringleaders. Besides, a party had been forming in my favour for some time
166 UGANDA JOURNAL
among the officers at Dufile, and, though some of them were sent to Wadelai,
the rest became all the louder (sc. in their support). In this group I include
Selim Aga, Hussein Effendi, Bachit Aga, Suleiman Effendi, Abd-er-Rahim, and
others. Suleiman Aga, in fact, since his return from Pabbo, had never ceased
to inveigh against the seditious agitators, and it is due to the pressure exercised
by Suleiman Aga and Casati that Selim finally consented to treat. Fadl-el-
Mula Aga had long been urged to sanction my departure; but he constantly
entrenched himself behind his promise to Ali Aga Jabor, to hold me a prisoner
until his return to Dufile. But this morning Selim Aga sent for all the officers here
and simply told them that in view of the occurrences at Rejaf he had decided to
send me to Wadelai. All approved immediately, except the two Egyptians,
Mustapha Effendi who had summoned Fadl-el-Mula Aga to Dufile, and
Effendi el Adjami, who both demanded guarantees for their safety. Selim Aga
next sent for the clerks, the instigators of all the mischief (Ahmed Mahmud,
Sabri, Ahmed Raif, Michael Saad, etc.), and in blunt words told them what
the officers had determined. The two first-named tried to remonstrate and de-
clared they would rather die, but were met by a brusque reply and sent about
their business, with the intimation that their rule was ended, and that in
future they would take no further part in consultations. Selim Aga next re-
quested the captains to accompany him in full uniform to acquaint me with
their decision. All consented, except Mustapha Effendi el Adjami, who openly
declared he 'did not want to look upon my face.' They ignored him and came
In the afternoon various people came to give me their good wishes. To-
wards evening I paid a short visit to Selim Aga to thank him for his efforts.
Jephson went with me to obtain an order enabling him to take Stanley's boat;
it was granted immediately. Selim Aga was most affable, and begged me not to
be angry with him; he would do his very utmost to put everything right.
He had ordered Abdallah Aga Mansal to bring the soldiers to Dufile as soon as
practicable; subsequently they would come to Wadelai and follow my lead, if
I liked. Soldiers, under-officers etc. came to Selim's house to kiss my hand.
In the evening my things were put on board, whilst in the station there was music
and dancing to celebrate the occasion. I cannot close these notes without again
emphasising how much I am indebted to Casati for all his endeavours.
Letter of rebel officers to Emin delivered to him on 2 September 1888-
To the Governor of the Equatorial Province Excellency, Some officers and
officials have in disregard of military orders issued from Egypt been deprived
of their rank. We have therefore decided to deliver this petition with a request
that a letter be sent to the Diwan to order their restoration in rank with all
that appertains thereto so that the public peace may be restored and we are
DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA EXTRACTS XII 167
Emin Pasha's reply to (x) dated a September 1888.
In order to restore public peace all orders relating to the officers and officials
referred to in the petition have been retrospectively revoked and they are
restored in rank.
(Jephson p. 182 says "the rebels also requested Emin to sign a paper re-
lating to a change in the administration of the Province; to this he also put his
Letter received on to October i888 by Emin from Osman Effendi Latvi
My Benefactor, I have the honour to tell you that your servant has heard,
that the soldiers, when the officers read them their decision to put you aside,
declared unanimously they did not wish your deposition, but they wished
the removal of Hawashi Effendi, Ibi ahim Effendi, and Abdul Wahab Effendi
only, and wished you to remain here and look after them as before, for that you
were their mother and father-and the soldiers are all united in this opinion.
When you have been addressed in a letter and questioned about ivory and other
things and you have answered the rebels "I am your Pasha and Mudir and no
one can put me under examination except the Minister of the Interior in Egypt"
you have done very well, for it is perfectly true, and from this moment they have
refrained from troubling you with any questions. The chief clerk, Mahomed
Effendi Raif and others, who have made themselves chiefs amongst the rebels,
are very much discomposed and the council has now become a mere farce.
Moreover they are getting to be afraid of the soldiers and fear Mr. Stanley's
return. Tell Mr. Jephson to go to Fadl-el-Mula and ask him to let him have some
fat-tailed sheep, and a milch cow, from those which have been taken from
Hawash Effendi, before they are sold. I am sure Fadl-el-Mula Aga will give
Mr. Jephson whatever he asks. I have heard the rebels have decided to leave
you here in Dufile and I am to be sent to Labore for not having submitted to
their Government. Without offence I beg you to make my best compliments to
Mr. Jephson. He should be tranquil about what happens. I beg you for some
few words, for a letter is half equal to a personal interview. With every respect
I kiss your hands.
Osman Effendi Latvi.
Emin Pasha's Will
Jephson p. 233 told us that Emin had made up his mind for the worst and
decided to make his will, but gives no date for the signing of that will. Mrs
Middleton has kindly supplied me with the following extract from Jephson's
diary bearing date 4 October 1888.
"The Pasha sent for certain of the officers today and a clerk to write his
will in case anything happens to him. He wishes me to take charge of Ferida,
his little girl, if I can get out of the country and he cannot. He makes over the
few thousand pounds he has left out of all his money which was lost in Khartum
to me to hold in trust for her. I suggested that another guardian should be
appointed as well, so he said he would write and ask Felkin to act with me."
In his book Jephson (p. 233) says that at the time of making this will Emin
"told the officers and priest (sic) that he would sooner blow his brains out than
go to Rejaf and that was what he intended to do if the rebels used violence to
168 UGANDA JOURNAL
It is doubtful whether Emin ever wrote to Felkin, as Jephson suggested.
What appears to be certain is that Felkin never received any such letter.
Later evidence points to the fact that Emin handed over this will to Jephson.
It would appear to have been a perfectly valid will according to Muslim law as
applicable in Egypt.
Emin may well have forgotten the existence of this will after his arrival at
Bagamoyo. In any event on 8 March 1890, he made a second will, which was
deposited with the German Consulate at Zanzibar in April of that year. It
evidently had the effect of cancelling the will of 4 October 1889. It translates
"In the event of my decease on the journey I bequeath all my property
without any exception whatsoever, as well as all my claims for salary and pen-
sion now in course of settlement by the Egyptian Government, to my only
legitimate daughter Ferida, whose Mother, the deceased Abyssinian, Safaran,
was my legitimate wife. And I appoint my sister Melanie Schnitzer, to be Fe-
rida's guardian until her twentieth year; thenceforward my daughter shall be
free to dispose of the legacy herself"-(Schweitzer (trans. Felkin), ii, 301-2).
On to April, 1890, the following note appeared in The Times.
"The will of Emin Pasha is on its way to the Stanley and African Exhibition
at Brussels, where it will be on view on Saturday next. It was written when
Emin Pasha was taken prisoner by his revolted troops, and he was ordered to
execution. He then made his will and appointed the Khedive of Egypt and
Mr. Jephson his executors. The will was witnessed by some of his officers who
had remained loyal. Accompanying the will is a letter written by the Mahdi to
Emin Pasha. These great curiosities hve been put into the care of Mr. D. de
Pinna, who is at present representing the Stanley and African Exhibition at the
reception given to Mr. Stanley at Brussels."
Putting aside any question as to whether the above statement accurately
represents the contents of the will of 4 October, 1888, one asks how did this
document get into Mr. De Pinna's hands. Either it was given to him byJephson
or else Jephson handed it to Stanley.
Both Jephson and Stanely had left Zanzibar for Egypt at the end of January
1890, and were in all probability completely unaware of the fact that Emin
had made a new will on 8 March 1890, and had deposited it with the German
Consulate at Zanzibar in the following month. But it is immaterial whether or
not they had this knowledge. It also matters not whether this earlier will was
valid or invalid or whether or not it was revoked by this subsequent will.
The earlier will was Emin's private property and could only be disposed of in
accordance with his wishes. After his quarrels with Stanley it is impossible to
believe that he was prepared to surrender the ownership thereof for purposes
ad majorem gloriam Henrici Stanley at Brussels.
On 15 March 1889, Emin records in his diary the fact that Jephson then
gave vent to his feelings regarding Stanley by saying "he may be everything,
but he will never be a gentleman". (Schweitzer, i, 305, German edition
omitted from Felkin's translation). Was Jephson very far wrong? The earlier
will and his subsequent correspondence shows that Emin was anxious to pro-
vide for Feiida's well-being. If that will had stood alone, this parade of it out-
side its legal custody in Stanley's thirst for self-glorification might well have de-
prived the child of the benefits which her father was anxious to bestow on her.
For Ferida's after career see Schweitzer (trans. Felkin), ii, 303. Stuhlmann
was one of the sponsors at her baptism into the Lutheran Church. She died in
1923 (Margot Krohn, Emin Pascha im Spiegel seiner Zeit', Jahrbuch des....
Universitat zu Breslau, I963).
DIARIES OF EMIN PASHA EXTRACTS XII
i. Jephson, pp. 160-4, describes the reception of himself and Emin on their arrival at Dufile.
He supplies the following additional information:
"As for me, they said they had personally nothing against me, except that I was an
envoy of Stanley, and was helping the Pasha and him to carry out their plans of forcing the
people to leave the Province, but they supposed I was only obeying orders. I was free to go
about the station, but I should be followed by sentries who would report to them all that
2. Jephson, p. 166, tells us that Emin's and his own servants were occasionally able to smuggle
in a note from Hawash Effendi and the few well-affected people in the station "under
vegetables or corn which they had been sent out to buy for us." The passages in Hawash
Effendi's letter which deals with the demand for his dismissal have been omitted here in
the interests of brevity.
3. Stanley did not return to Lake Albert until i6 January 1889.
4. Jephson, pp.185-2o6, gives a full account of his journey to the south and back to Dufile.
He says Marco had explained to him that his reason for not forwarding Jephson's letter
to Emin was because "things had been so unsettled in the station and he had so constantly
been threatened by people for being friendly to the Mudir, that he had not dared to send
the letter for fear of its being discovered, in which case he would probably have been put
in prison." ibidd. p.203). According to Jephson he had handed over only one letter for
Emin to Marco (p.g19).
5. I am indebted to Mrs. Middleton for the following extract from Jephson's diary.
"Today being Friday, the Arab day of rest, the council is not sitting, but there are a
good many officers out under the tree talking very noisily. Casati, however, who has just
come in, has told us that the discussion was on the subject of the Pasha's place of residence.
Ali AgaJabor, Feraj Aga Ajok, and Hamad Aga Dinkawi were the chief speakers and they
strongly insisted on Rejaf being the Pasha's residence. Casati spoke very strongly. They
were absolutely rude to him and asked him what he had to do with it. They had met here
to settle the affairs of the country and no one had asked him to put in his word. Just these
four (sic) officers by dint of shouting and insisting strongly carried the motion against
the entire lot of officers assembled. It is always so, one or two determined men may do as
they please. No Egyptians or clerks were admitted to the conference. Now that it is tolerably
certain that the Pasha will have to go to Rejaf, he is in much better spirits. It is the un-
certainty which was bad."
6. I am once again indebted to Mrs. Middleton for the following extract from Jephson's
diary of this date:
"The orderlies have been taken away this morning, they came to kiss our hands before
leaving. Some of the boys came in to tell us that Osman Effendi, the Vakil, who is a strong
friend of the Pasha's, refused to put his signature to a paper the rebels wished him to sign
and on their trying to force him to do so, he threw himself into the river. Some of the
rebels cried out "Let him perish, do not save such carrion", but other people fished him
out in a boat. He had been put at the head of a commission for enquiring into the charges
made against Hawash Effendi and Signor Vita; he was our last link by whom we got
information and now he has been put aside and sent to his house and Selim Aga has been
put in his place. He also is a friend, but is weak and perfectly useless to us. Things are
getting worse and worse, one never knows what the day will bring forth."
7. Emin omits to mention that on this day he made his will. As to the contents and history
of that will, see Appendix B.
8. Mrs. Middleton has kindly supplied me with the following extract from Jephson's diary
under this date:
"If he (Emin) is taken away to Rejaf, I'm afraid Stanley will never be able to extricate
him from the country. In case he goes to Rejaf, I shall go with him, if I am allowed by the
rebels, for I cannot desert him, and I shall probably be in the same box. We hear that
there are secret orders to bring the Pasha's house and people back in the steamer and his
little girl as well. He declares he will not go to Rejaf. He will shoot himself sooner and this
he has firmly made up his mind to do. He has spoken to me about it and tells me that it
means starvation for him to go to Rejaf, as there is nothing there. If he is once there neither
he nor his little girl will over get out. Therefore to save his girl he will destroy himself,
for if he is dead the rebels will allow me to take his little girl with me. I promised him I
would do all I could. I am sure amongst my friends at home, I shall be able to find some-
one who will be kind to the little Ferida."
9. A translation of Osman Effendi's letter is printed in Jephson pp.233-4 without any date
being assigned to it. The English translation thereof is set out in Appendix A3.
170 UGANDA JOURNAL
io. On 23 October Emin received the following note from Osman Effendi:
"The officers intend to collect here and to send the women and children to the South
and with them some soldiers for opening a new station south of Mswa. And only soldiers
with their arms and ammunition will remain here. At least so I hear, but what are their
true intentions no one knows but God whom I pray will assist us."
I am indebted to Mrs. Middleton for the following extract from Jephson's diary of
"The chief clerk and Ibrahim Effendi Ellam went this morning down to Labore to
try and persuade the officers not to go down to Rejaf and to try and retake it, but to
concentrate here. This move was in consequence of our having heard last night that the
officers in Labore had made up their minds to try and retake the station. The artificers
have been at work all day making silver bullets to fire at the Khartumers. They have
taken a hundred dollars from the money they took from Hawash Effendi and each dollar
makes a bullet. They do this because they believe the Mahdi's people are some of them
impervious to ordinary bullets, but silver bullets will kill them, if they were the devil's
I In his diary Jephson records on 26 October, that "the Pasha has been very seedy for the
past three days. He cannot get his breath."
12. The casualties included Hamid Aga amongst the killed. Jephson, p.286, pays this tribute
to his memory.
"He was the best, by far, of all Emin's Sudanese officers. He was a thoroughly good,
honest, straight-forward old fellow, and moreover a firm friend of Emin in fair and foul
weather. He was greatly beloved by by the soldiers, particularly by those at Wadelai, of
which station he was formerly chief. His death created a profound impression amongst
the soldiers and made them more than ever discontented with the rebel officers. At the
taking of Rejafsome weeks before, all his wives and children were captured by the Dongo-
lawi, and he seemed from all accounts to have become reckless in consequence. He was
one of those fatherly looking old negroes, with white hair, and I felt really grieved I should
not see again his kind old face."
Feraj Aga Ajok (one of Baker's "Forty Thieves") was reported to be missing, but it was
believed that he had escaped to Makraka. For his subsequent career see Stuhlmann,
,iit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika, pp.335, 365, 367, 565, 569, 584.
Uganda Jovrnal, 31, 2, (1967) 171-182
THE RECEPTION OF ALIEN RULE IN TESO: x896-1927
By G. EMWANU
This essay is a study of the introduction of British rule amongst the Iteso
people, the second largest group in Uganda. 1896 has been chosen for the begin-
ning of the survey because in that year a deputation of Iteso chiefs visited Mengo
to ask the Kabaka Mwanga for protection against the Lango.' The survey
ends in 1927 when the important Iteso chief, Enoka Epaku, was deported.2
The initial period of alien rule was by the introduction of Baganda agents.
The impact of this system and the reaction to the 'reign of terror' imposed by
the Baganda led to the creation of a degree of cohesion previously unknown
in Teso. The manner in which the Iteso reacted to the alien influences in the
first three decades of their contact with foreigners is the subject of this essay.
A theme can be traced throughout this period to the effect that although the
Iteso could and did welcome many outside influences, a trait of resentment was
always noticeable whenever the Iteso realized that the foreigners did not always
act for the good of the local people. This theme of resentment and resistance
has largely been ignored by earlier writers on the history of Teso. More usually
the impression has been given that the Iteso were the most easily conquered
and the most responsive to the implementation of changes introduced by the
aliens of all the peoples of Uganda, only occasionally has it been recognized
that the alien over-rule faced minor mishaps, and then these events have been
undervalued. As an illustration The Iteso by J. C. D. Lawrance may be cited.
The gist of what Lawrance has to say about the subjugation of the Iteso by
Kakunguru and his followers is set out in the following passage:
"The pattern of occupation was everywhere the same; first an armed
expedition would be made from an established fort to a new area; the pretexts
were often obscure, sometimes a request for help from a warring faction or
sometimes a threat of attack by local inhabitants; after skirmishes or pitched
battles a new fort would be established and a garrison of armed Baganda
installed. This garrison would then extend its influence over the surrounding
countryside by establishing armed posts or minor forts. When local opposition
had been overcome the region would be proclaimed as saza and the smaller
areas controlled by the outlying posts would be defined as gombolola. Baganda
chiefs were appointed down to muluka level".3
Within this context some questions become evident. In particular there
are three points requiring further investigation: firstly, whether or not in the
type of encounters mentioned there were any Teso leaders with organized
followers; secondly, how harmoniously or otherwise the conquerors and the
people lived together in the years following the military subjugation; and,
thirdly, how meekly or otherwise the local people conducted themselves in
response to the policies of the British administrators during the period of trans-
ition, when the Iteso were being placed in important posts of chieftainship to
replace the Baganda agents.
172 UGANDA JOURNAL
Although the Iteso were what the anthropologists call a segmentary de-
centralized society whose organization was based on lineage and age-set
arrangements, they had nevertheless achieved a good degree of group organiza-
tion by the turn of the century. It was this organization that had enabled them
to terrorise some of the tribes around them. As the late Eria Emookor, one of
the early saza chiefs in Teso, said "When Kakunguru came, there was already
a system of chiefs appointed by the people", and the most important duty of
these chiefs was to lead their followers in battle.4
There is a good deal of evidence to indicate that the regional groupings
that existed among the Teso people were considerably bigger than is usually
assumed. It would appear, in fact, that these groupings in some cases contained
the germ of the modern county or at least subcounty arrangement. At any rate
by the time of Kakunguru's march through the district there were specific
persons' names that stood out and are still well remembered in the district. In
Usuku county Okolimong had a wide influence extending beyond his home area
of Usuku subcounty to parts of Katakwi subcounty; while Omiat of Amuria
was well known over Amuria county and parts of Soroti county. One of the
leaders for Kabermaido county was Otagi and that for Serere was Oiba. In
Ngora county Okalany commanded a very large following; and in Kumi
county Oumo was the leader of his people. Bukedea county had Okalang as
one of its outstanding leaders, while Pallisa was controlled by Tukei.s
When Otagi, Omaswa, Amolo and about a hundred others,6 contacted
Kakunguru at his fort on Kaweri Island in 1896 to lead them to seek help from
Mwanga against the hostile Lango, it may be assumed that the Teso leaders
were looking for effective means of ensuring the security of their people and
also that they hoped thereby to maintain their own positions of leadership.
Kakunguru had been commissioned by Colonel Ternan "to bring the unruly
tribesmen under control and keep the region free of mutineer fugitives".7
When Kakunguru came to Teso, the Teso leaders were unaware of his com-
mission and assumed that he came in response to their request for help and to
help maintain themselves in positions of leadership. They were soon disil-
Kakunguru subdued the Lango at Kagaa and Dokolo, and established a
fort at Bululu in I9oo.9 When the external threat was removed and when the
Teso leaders had seen how effective an alliance with the Baganda could be,
they sought assistance from the Baganda in dealing with various internal
problems in gaining control over local rivals.
Ijala of Ngora was one of the people to avail themselves of this opportunity.
After earning the disfavour of his wealthy father Omasuge, for alleged social
misbehaviour and, therefore, incurring heavy fines which had to be paid by his
father, Ijala had been banished to Busoga.10 From there he heard of the pre-
sence of Kakunguru's men at Gogonyo fort in Pallisa. Ijala therefore made his
way to Gogonyo and offered the Baganda a warm welcome in Ngora provided
they would subdue his arrogant father. Meanwhile Kakunguru had already
been contacted by Sir Harry Johnston, the Special Commissioner for Uganda,
who directed him to extend his influence to the rest of Teso so as to make sure
that all signs of unruliness in the country were removed. So, when Ijala made
his request" to the Baganda, the latter promptly complied and, going through
Opege, where they erected a fort, fulfilled their mission against Omusage.
Another example was that of Omiat of Komolo, in present-day Amuria
county. Omiat was already a great leader.'2 He was a huge, dark man of com-
ALIEN RULE IN TESO 173
manding structure who wore a sizeable bell, similar to the type commonly
tied round the necks of bulls and cows.13 But there was noticeable resistance
to Omiat's regime, especially on the Katakwi side across the great Komolo
swamp, where he had ambition to extend his control. He therefore desired
to hasten the downfall of his adversaries and extend his domain by obtaining
the help of the Baganda. Owing to unfavourable circumstances, Omiat ap-
proached the Baganda several times in different places before his petition was
eventually met. The first time he did so was in 1901 at Bululu, when he ac-
companied his petition with ivory as a present for Kakunguru. Unfortunately
for Omiat, Kakunguru had just gone to see to the complaints of his people
in Bugwere. Reubeni Bitege, who was in charge of Bululu, therefore told Omiat
of this fact, adding that Kakunguru would be fully informed.14 The second
time that Omiat asked for help from the Baganda was in August 1904 at
Gweri, where Kakunguru and his party were camping on their way back to
Mbale. But Omiat was again unsuccessful as Kakunguru could no longer under-
take commitments of the nature requested by Omiat without first consulting
the District Commissioner resident in Mbale. Eventually, Omiat had to present
his petition in Mbale itself, in October 1904, before it was favourably answered.
With the Baganda help under him, Omiat was able to establish a more effective
control over his domain.Is
These three episodes, the petition of the Otagi deputation, and the
approaches of Ijala and Omiat, indicate that in some senses the Baganda
were invited to appear in Teso. This phase of 'invitations' represents the
initial stage of the reception of alien rule. To those who had been directly
responsible for inviting the Baganda, the presence of the latter in Teso
was at best a convenient weapon with which to put their own house in order.
As soon as the immediate aim of the invitation had been achieved a question
arose as to the future of the 'guest-host' relationship. The Baganda soon began
to assert their authority. They asked to be directed to all areas of possible
resistance and moved from place to place building forts and enforcing orders
on the local people.16 The initial hosts would probably have desired the guest
to eliminate potential rivals from neighboring areas. Thus in Ngora, after
eliminating Ijala's father, the Baganda spread out into neighboring areas
killing and capturing many people, such as Okelo of Kokong village, Emu-
genyait of Akisim, Orena of Omatenga and Okwerede of Alere.17
Whether it was a local leader who directed the trigger against his own
people, or the Baganda gunmen who on their own moved round devastating the
country, the people were faced with an intolerable situation in which death
was always imminent. Before the arrival of the Baganda the order of the day
had been hostility to all strangers. Semei Kakunguru realized the existence
of this hostility from the local people as early as 1896 when he established
a fort at Kaweri Island, and he communicated the same fact to Captain Kirk-
patrick of the Macdonald Expedition in 1896, while surveying the shores
of Lake Kyoga.'8
One aspect of the local hostility to the Baganda took the form of open
group resistance as the Baganda moved from one area to another. In this
case the natives would organize themselves under a leader by making an alarm
and blowing a horn or a gourd on hearing reports of the approach of the
Baganda. When the moment of action came the natives concerned would all
run forward to meet the enemy inspite of the bullets which were showered on
174 UGANDA JOURNAL
them.19 In such a battle the outcome was usually a foregone conclusion, as it
was merely a question-of the gun triumphing over the spear.
But the Baganda did not always have it their own way. There were a
number of battles in which the Iteso displayed great bravery and effective
tactics of warfare. The battle of Opege, two miles north of Ngora headquarters,
offers a striking illustration of how serious a clash between the two sides could
be. The Kiganda side was led by thiee generals: Samu Kaggwa, Arajabu
Sabakaki and Jafferi Mayanja. The Iteso were led by "a very famous and
fierce man called Okalany. He was extremely tall and big. He used to wear on
his head a huge hat of ostrich feathers, a very large shield of elephant skin
and he used to carry four spears. All this made his appearance all the more
terrifying."20 The Teso army on this occasion was unusually large and the battle
lasted about five hours. Although Okalany himself was killed along with many
of his soldiers, the Baganda also lost as many as seventy of their own number.
This was in 1900.
A second battle in which the Baganda had a very hard time against the
Iteso also took place in Ngora a year later. The leading combatants in this
battle were Esitasi Bakka on the Kiganda side and Oluka on the Teso side.
Again, the battle was chiefly noted for the bravery of the Iteso: "Oluka was a
brave and fearless man, for example, when he heard that Kakunguru was
at Budaka, he cleared all the roads saying that since Kakunguru would be
passing through there and he wanted to pass through clear roads, 'I am clearing
this so that he might come and fight me.' "21 The fierce attack which the
Iteso launched against the Baganda ended in the death of Oluka, but not
before he had killed at least one prominent Muganda by the name of Semei
In another clash which occurred at Abela near the present county head-
quarters of Usuku, the Baganda were so thoroughly routed by Okolimong's
people that all plans of subjugating that area had to be put off for at least
a year from 1907 to go8,22 in this case the reason for the defeat of the Baganda
lay in the fact that those who actually took part in the battle on their side were
few and inadequately armed. They therefore relied far more on the native
helpers from Omiat's domain than on their own strength. To make matters
worse, at the time of the battle the great warlike Omiat himself was away,
and this fact alone may have contributed to the lowering of the morale of his
It is worth noting too that the people of Usuku county were relatively
braver and more resistant to the incursions of foreign influences than in any
other part of Teso. It took the Baganda and the British almost ten years to
establish their administration effectively in that county, and during that
period there were no less than four incidents of serious military resistance.
This stamina for resistance among the Usuku people is still very clearly notice-
able. They are for instance the only Iteso near the Teso-Karamoja boundary
who have been able to stand up to the challenge presented by the Karamojong
determination to steal the Teso cattle.
Another aspect of the hostility offered against the Baganda was that of a
secret nature, in which a military attack was conducted almost entirely at
night. A group of natives would get together at dusk and swoop upon a
Kiganda camp, taking the occupants therein unaware. The attackers in this
case would usually retreat as quickly as the Baganda within the camp got
at their guns and began shooting in self-defence. Soon this method of attack
ALIEN RULE IN TESO 175
became impracticable owing to the adoption of an effective defensive system
by the Baganda, whereby rectangular moats were made to protect the camps.24
During the period when they were making contacts with the Baganda, the
Iteso were said to be "Natives rich in flocks, herds and food . .". Iteso in-
variably fled from their villages and homes and stayed in hiding for days on
end. If these people eventually returned, they could count themselves lucky
if they found their homesteads unburned. The sight of burnt homesteads
could be sufficiently shocking to stamp an indellible mark of revengefulness
in the hearts of the vanquished for all was pillaged to an unforgettable degree.25
Although this state of affairs was bound to make the Iteso very resentful
to the presence of alien rulers in their country, many of them soon realized
that the new order had come to stay. The local leaders of fortune who were
originally associated with the invitation of the Baganda were the first to profit
in this new regime because they were the ones utilised by the Baganda in
attempting to communicate with the people, especially for purposes of public
works. A number of others also soon realized the futility of military resistance
and the advantages of becoming subservient to the Baganda rulers. Within a
short period there was a host of headmen, butlers and messengers, ready to
carry out various orders among their fellow tribesmen.26
Thus following the initial invitations a period of resistance developed,
and the Baganda retaliated by devastating the countryside and imposing, what
may reasonably be described as a reign of terror. This was sufficiently effective
and further resistance was reduced to opposition to communal works. The
ensuing years may be referred to as a period of resentment. Communal work
was necessary for the construction of forts, chiefs' homes and roads. But
labourers were unwilling to do this work for which they were not paid. This
intensified the ill-feeling against the Baganda and the "loyalists". Force was
necessary to obtain labour. Usually the lowest rank of chiefs were directly
charged with ensuring that the labour was maintained. Potential labourers
ran into hiding, and severe punishments were imposed if a person was caught
trying to escape from the work-gangs. Countless incidents are remembered of
punishments such as severe caning, having stomachs sat upon and having to
handle red-hot objects. In some areas women were forced to do public labour
In the early part of the second decade of the century the use of force to get
and keep labour began to be discouraged by the British administrators who in
g9o9 opened an administrative centre in Kumi where they were thus able to
keep a closer look on the manner in which their Baganda agents dealt with the
people of the district. Instead, voluntary labour was encouraged. But this new
policy was prematurely introduced because nine years later, in 1918, the
District Commissioner felt himself obliged to ask chiefs to collect, by force if
necessary, over 1,5oo people for distribution to ginners, missionaries and
government departments "on the ground that all such work is of a public
nature and helps to forward the prosperity of the District."28 As a matter of fact,
during 1917 the war demands called for greater effort on a number of public
activities and collection of porters by force became unavoidable. Even during
the 1920's forced labour had to be used for the continuation of the construction
Despite the opening of poll tax registers as early as 1912,29 and the intro-
duction of a wage of 3 shillings a month in 1917 as a lure for volunteers to come
176 UGANDA JOURNAL
forward as labourers, there was no satisfactory response to the new policy.
Moreover any genuine intention to adhere to the policy was undermined by
the fact that for the purpose of private and personal work chiefs were allowed,
within their own areas, the labour of each adult male person for three to five
days a month.30
Those peasants who might have required money for various purposes
felt satisfied with what was obtained from their cotton, reported to be doing
very well even as early as 1913. In that year the Director of Agriculture having
toured the district reported that he had "no hesitation in putting on record
the fact that, as a cotton growing centre, this district is unique in Africa-
excepting Egypt . .".31 The success of cotton growing in Teso at that early
period of its introduction probably resulted from one or both of two factors:
either the Baganda agents and the British Administrators used sufficient force
to make sure that the required cotton was promptly and properly cultivated,
or the people themselves realized the usefulness of cotton, and therefore took
to its cultivation seriously on their own. On the first factor there would seem to
be little doubt that in the initial stages people must have been forced to grow
cotton.32 One of the reasons for this conclusion is that cotton growing was an
innovation in the district and therefore the people could not be expected to
appreciate its cultivation on a voluntary basis. A second reason is provided
by the rapid rise of the amount of cotton produced from just under two tons
in 1909, the year of its introduction, to five hundred tons after only one year.33
A third reason lies in the fact that the Government attached a great deal of
importance to the activity of cotton growing in the whole country as a means
of bringing about economic development. This was illustrated by the early
establishment of a cotton experimental station at Kadungulu in 1909 to be
moved later to Simsa in 1909, and to Serere in 1920.34 Then there was also the fact
that after it was collected from the plots the seed cotton had to be transported
on human heads to the lake ports, such as Budongo and Lale, where canoes
could convey it to steamers. The district never looked back once it had taken
to cotton growing. People eventually came to realise the usefulness of cotton
growing and therefore cultivated without force. Previously cattle formed
the most powerful means of satisfying one's requirements, but the disas-
trous rinderpest of 189o as well as the plundering in the initial contacts
with the Baganda agents, had left many people destitute. Moreover it was
not at all possible for cattle owners to be certain of getting the traders to buy
their animals. Cotton became the most accessible means of obtaining money.
Cotton cultivation became essential for raising money for taxes and for paying
for missionary education. Education became a necessary possession for pro-
motion in the chiefship hierachy.
After the pacification of Teso the leaders were commonly those survivors
of the earlier leaders who later co-operated with the new regime. This is
shown by the fact that the persons put in to understudy the Baganda masters
during the first decade of the Baganda presence in Teso were the local chiefs
who were already influential at the commencement of imperial rule.35 Among
these chiefs were such outstanding personalities as Emookor of Bukedea, Oumo of
Kumi, Ocepa of Mukura (Ngora), Ejoku of Kapir (Ngora), Ojenatum of
Ngariam (Usuku), Amugei of Adacar (Usuku), Omiat of Komolo (Amuria),
and Okurut of Serere. Practically all of them were the first to meet the Baganda
when the latter set foot in their particular localities. Together with may more
of their countrymen they were introduced into administrative positions by
ALIEN RULE IN TESO
1913 and two were gombola chiefs in 1917.36
The main qualities required for this early chieftainship were a good im-
pression of hard work and courage as well as total obedience to the new rulers.47
Only the first aspect of these qualities was likely to be found naturally among
the Iteso, namely, hard work and courage. But on the question of "total
obedience" it is not at all clear how such a quality can be regarded as having
had strong roots in the tradition of the tribe. Meanwhile the Iteso realized that
chieftainship was the key to a good life in the new pattern of things, so it had
to be striven after. Conversely disobedience was the main case for dismissal.
Soon after the initial appointments it was evident that the Government
wished for a type of chief who had had some elementary education. So the main
basis of qualification shifted from mere personal qualities to a need to possess
some sort of formal education. This change of emphasis helped to make the
attendance of schools more attractive. In this way the missionaries became most
valuable not only to the people they taught but also to the Government which
wished to rceruit educated young men into its service. As early as 1913 the
district administration started to keep a register containing the names of
educated people supplied by the C.M.S. and the Mill Hill missions for the
recruiting of literate people to help in the civil service.38 Three years later the
Administration went even farther on this matter when the District Commis-
sioner asked the C.M.S. missionaries of Ngora High School to teach their pupils
the art of keeping tax registers so as to obtain "properly trained clerks".39
There gradually arose a new type of chief on whom greater expectations were
held. Consequently the demands too were greater as a new and higher standard
efficiency in chieftainship was expected. Those who did not measure up to
such a standard had to give way for other talents to be tried. In 1914, for
instance, the Acting Provincial Commissioner, Eastern Province, made the
following observation in a letter to the Chief Secretary, Entebbe: "The District
Commissioner, Teso, reports that now that the headquarters of the district
have moved to Soroti, Aliabu Chief of Soroti is quite unable to keep pace with
the new conditions prevailing, being a chief of the old school . ..40
It was through the system of chieftainship that the Teso people came to
realise their unity in the most unmistakable form within the second decade
of the twentieth century, thanks to the arrangement of W. G. Adams, the
District Commissioner concerned. They did so by coming together half-yearly
from the various corners of the district to discuss, among other things, ways
in which they could help more effectively in carrying out Government policies
and developing the many services necessary for the well-being of the district
as a whole. These meetings were held in different county headquarters in
The logical conclusion for these uniting meetings was reached in I920.
It was the District Commissioner who in that year called to a meeting in
Soroti the only remaining Baganda agents in Teso: Temiteo Kaggwa, of Soroti
county, Eria Gyagenda of Serere, Kezekia Musoke of Kumi and Yonasani
Namutale of Usuku. They were called to decide a single name by which the
whole district was to be known. "During the meeting, T. Kaggwa
suggested that since there was a legend that all the people in those
areas came from 'Tesyo' and since they were of one and the same origin,
and since they were originally called the 'Tesio', it would be wise
to call the whole area 'Tesio'. When the other agents heard they too
178 UGANDA JOURNAL
concluded likewise and adding that 'Tesio' would be the most appropriate
name that would unite all people of that country. The District Commi-
ssioner agreed that it would be most wise and appropriate to use the name
of their forefathers. The country, therefore, became known henceforth as
'Tesio' and the people as 'Iteso'. But as time went on these names changed
slightly due to the bad pronunciation of foreigners. After that meeting
others were also held locally to ask for the approval of that name."41
After this series of meetings, the British administrators felt that the Baganda
agents had come to the end of their service in Teso. It was considered that
local talent was now sufficiently developed to take charge of all the chieftain-
ships. The remaining Baganda agents were therefore withdrawn and the
Teso chiefs installed to administer the sazas in the district. Iteso county chiefs
were: Nasanairi Ipuruket for Kumi, Enoka Epaku for Soroti, Yonasani Oumo
for Serere, Eria Ocom for Usuku and Eria Emookor for Bukedea.42
This, one might say, sounded very much like the end of the story. An
isolated group of people, knowing no other type of life than their own semi-
pastoral and semi-agricultural one, with occasional glimpses of foreigners,
such as the Lango from the west the Banyoro from the southwest and perhaps
some Arabs, had experienced the greatest upheaval in their history; and had
made a pathetic bid to retain what they had known of life for generations
but had failed. Then, partly through acceptance of the inevitable and
partly through indoctrination, people had come to embrace the new values
introduced into their society by their conquerors; and at the beginning of
the third decade of the century they once more appeared to be in charge of
their own affairs.
But within a short period of this self-government there were a number of
developments which were to show that perhaps the British administrators
had overstepped their mark by appointing Iteso into the top posts of chief-
tainship in the district. The enthusiasm for chieftainship which had been
aroused among the people had brought in a mixture of talents. At least one
of these chiefs showed many signs of being a very gifted administrator. This was
Enoka Epaku who early in his career as a public servant led a spectacular
expedition which marked the boundaries of the district, covering an area much
wider than either his fellow chiefs or the British administrators ever thought
likely.43 Within a matter of six months from his appointment as a chief, he was
being highly commended by the District Commissioner as "an instant success;
he is immensely popular among the bakopi and has a sense of justice and fair
As a county chief Enoka Epaku was put in charge of the county of Soroti.
He was sufficiently close to be carefully watched by the District Commissioner's
office, and was expected to organise public receptions for important visitors into
the district, as such visitors were normally received within his county. An
example of this latter responsibility was the enthusiastic reception organised
for the Governor in Soroti in mid 1925, for which the District Commissioner
commended Epaku and all his fellow chiefs.45 The periodic reports that were
made concerning his administration continued to be full of praise for his ability
and tact, as well as "remaining very popular with all his chiefs and peasants".46
A similar attitude was indicated as late as the end of 1926 when, for instance, it
was proved that an earlier charge of corruption against Epaku was completely
ALIEN RULE IN TESO 179
It was however not the policy of the District Commissioners to shower
praises on local chiefs unduly. The writer could find little evidence to show that
some other Iteso chiefs were singled out for praise by the district administrators.
One of the few in this category was the old Oumo of Kumi who died in 1916.
Regretting the death of this chief, Assistant District Commissioner Adams
wrote: "He was the most progressive chief of the true Teso type and had
presided over Kumi Lukiko and his own area of Akum since the advent of the
administration".48 Another chief for whom evidence of praise by the British
Administrators appears was Echodu who was appointed saza chief of Usuku
in the rc-arrangment of 1925. A report on this chief stated: "Saza Chief Echodu
is doing well. He is exceptionally hard working and prompt in carrying out
Government orders. He is cleary popular with the peasantry and keeps a good
discipline over his sub-chiefs".49 The third chief that fell into this category of
having a complementary report was Yeremiya Opiti who was made a saza
chief for Sercre in 1925. He was described as "clever and progressive".50
But Enoka Epaku was singled out for praise on a number of occasions.
Yet within a matter of months of being exonerated on a charge of corruption
at the end of 1926 he was deported to an area remote from his home.51 Epaku
was sent to Port Portal, but there is no readily availablesource concerning
the nature of his offence. His deportation came shortly after a general charge
that the Teso chiefs were inadequate of intelligence and weak in character,52
but there can be no connection. A later writer has suggested that Epaku was
deported for "arguing about Protectorate Government policies."53 The
severity of the action against Epaku also calls for comment in that chiefs
normally dismissed for incompetence were not usually deported, and in any
case all the evidence is that Epaku was competent.54 A special factor in Epaku's
situation was the immense popularity which he enjoyed amongst his own
people, a fact which was well-known to the administration. He was especially
concerned with the welfare of the people of Teso as a whole. It would appear
that Epaku's sole unpardonable crime was to "argue about Protectorate
This episode of Epaku's administrative career has been discussed at length
because it brings cut in a striking way some of the more important features of
the reception of alien rule in Teso during the period under discussion. Epaku
himself was of the younger generation in Teso but he did not lack the spirit of
his forefathers. He joined them in embracing the values of alien rule by taking
up the new form of chieftainship seriously, as a channel of service to his country.
However, he did so not in the fashion of the sectionalism of old but in the spirit
of oneness for the district and its people. By his courage to stand on his principles
in opposition to the wishes of his administrative superiors, he was not really
setting a precedent of opposition to authority in Teso. His fathers had for a period
resisted both the destruction of their political independence and the policy
of forced labour. Epaku also put up a resistance, though of slightly different
nature, against submissiveness and what he considered the further exploitation
of his people.56
Since 1927 the district has continued to develop on the basis of the unity
gained in the first three turbulent decades of the century. Its earlier develop-
ment however, had not been without its stresses, as illustrated in this essay and
which had given the Iteso "the reputation of being such a 'difficult' tribe".57
The author would like to thank his fellow Itesot friends J. A. Ilemut, B.1.
Oluku and D. Omolo for help in interviewing informants. Among the various
people interviewed were Mr. Y. Bukulubuta (96 years old approximately)
and Mr. Mukidi (70 years) both former followers of Kakunguru; N. Okalebo
(70 years), Y. Okwerede (65 years), E. Engulu (70 years), Esingu (65 years),
E. Morunyang (50 years) and M. Akileng (60 years) all ex-county or sub-
county chiefs; and T. Okello the son of Enoka Epaku. The author thanks all
these and many others who readily answered his questions. He is also grateful
for the helpful guidance of Dr. M. S. M. Kiwanuka.
Note: This essay was the winning entry for the Faculty of Arts Research
Essay Competition, Makerere University College, 1966.
1. Thomas H. B., "Capax Imperii", the story of Semei Kakunguru, (Uganda Journal, 6,
1939, p. 130, quoted in Lawrance, J. C. D., The Iteso 1957, p.17).
2. Lawrance, Ibid, p.35
3. Lawrance, Ibid. p. 18
4. Ingrams, H., Uganda, a crisis ofnationhood, 1960, p. 166.
5. Kaggwa, T. M. The history of Bukedi, pp. 2-10 and 19-33. A manuscript account of his
personal experiences with Kakunguru. Practically all the Iteso leaders mentioned were
the first to meet the Baganda in their respective localities. Temiteo Mwebe Kaggwa was
with Kakunguru from the time Kakunguru entered Teso until he left Mbale for Busoga.
Kaggwa was then re-employed by the British Administration as one of its agents in Teso
until the withdrawal of such agents in 1920. A copy of his memoirs are available in the
Department of History, Makerere University College.
6. Lawrance, op. cit. p.17 mentions the deputation, but does not give the names. These
names were given by Yoswa Bukulubuta of Serere who was with the Baganda force that
first entered Teso with Kakunguru.
7. Thomas, op.cit. p.131.
8. The first disillusionment came when Kakunguru made it clear that he and his assistants
had been sent to rule. Kaggwa, op.cit. p.1.
9. Lawrance, op.cit., p.19.
10. loc.cit., p.24.
11. Lawrance does not state at which place the agreement was made, but it is possible it was
made at Gogonyo. Lawrance states that the agreement was made in 1901, but local in-
formants assert that Ijala went back with the first Baganda to arrive at Ngora which
probably occurred in 1900.
12. Kaggwa, op.cit., p.22. Omiat is described as "a very important Mukedi". Kaggwa's
name for him was Onyata.
13. This detail was provided by Enabu of Amuria who is still alive and who knew Omiat well.
14. Lawrance, op.cit., p. 19 and Kaggwa, op.cit., p. 22. Both sources agree on the date.
15. He became recognized as the first chief of the area with the rank of a gombolola chief.
16. Kaggwa, op.cit., p.6 gives a good indication of the speed with which Kaberamaido
(Kumam) was subjugated.
17. These names were provided by local informants who were already adult men when the
Baganda came. These men were already quite old in 1966, and one of them Iluria of Wera
died only a week after being interviewed.
18. Thomas, op.cit., p.131.
19. Kaggwa, op.cit., p.11.
20. loc.cit., p.10.
21. loc.cit., p.15.
22. Lawrance, op.cit., p.24.
23. Omiat died bravely fighting a lion in January 1918. Teso District Monthly Report, 12
24. Some of these moated camps can still be seen, as at Opege and Gogonyo. The moats at
Kagoa are particularly impressive.
25. Thomas, op.cit., p.133. "In the latter part of 1901, W. R. Walker, a junior administrative
officer, was sent to reside temporarily at Kakunguru's headquarters. He soon learned the
true state of affairs. Almost all cattle, sheep and goats had been approriated by Kaku-
ALIEN RULE IN TESO 181
nguru's Baganda followers: while the natives were found to be practically destitute and
were ousted from their land or relegated to the position of serfs."
26. Kaggwa, op.cit., p.11 refers to such people as 'loyalitsts'.
27. Teso District Annual Report, 1918-19, 13 May 1919.
28. Teso District Annual Report, 1917-18, "Native labour and porterage".
29. Teso District Monthly Report, September, 1913.
30. Ibid. 12June 1919.
31. Entebbe, Secretariat Archives, Department of Agriculture to Chief Secretary, 16January,
32. Kaggwa, op.cit., p.38.
33. Lawrance, op.cit., p.25.
35. Entebbe, Secretariat Archives, Eastern Province Report, 28 June 1912.
36. Teso District Monthly Report, 10 April 1917, listed two Teso chiefs of gombolola rank.
37. Information from Stephano Akabwai of Wera who was a gombolola chief as early as
1922, Y. Ekimat of Mukongoro also provided supplementary information.
38. Teso District Monthly Report, June 1913.
39. Teso District Monthly Report, Native Education, 4July 1916.
40. Entebbe, Secretariat Archives, Report of the Acting Provincial Commissioner, Eastern
Province to Chief Secretary, 7 September 1914.
41. Kaggwa, op.cit., p.37. In fact the district had been known as Teso from when it was first
gazetted in 1912 (Eds.)
42. Lawrance, op. cit., p.35, gives Onaba as the first county chief of Serere on information
supplied by Onaba's son, Yakobo Inyoin. It should also be noted that Bukedea was not
in Teso district at this time. (Eds.)
43. No written evidence of the boundary demarcation has come to light, but Nasanairi Oka-
lebo ofNgora, who was made a chief by Epaku took part on the expedition, was inter-
viewed. Epaku seems to have marked trees along the line of the boundary.
44. Teso District Monthly Report, January 1920.
45. Ibid. June 1925.
46. Ibid. February 1923.
47. Ibid. December 1926.
48. Teso District Annual Report, 1916-17.
49. Teso District Monthly Report, August 1926.
50. Ibid. March 1925.
51. Lawrance, op.cit., p.35.
52. Teso District Monthly Report, October 1926.
53. Ingrams, op.cit., p.171. Ingrams himself places these words in inverted commas, presumably
to indicate that this was the view of an informant, Ogaino, the Secretary-General of
54. Teso District Monthly Reports, August 1924, and April 1925.
55. The main history of the Iteso to date, by.J. C. D. Lawrance has very little indeed upon the
the reason for Epaku's dismissal. Since Lawrance was himself a later District Commissioner
of Teso District the writer had supposed that Lawrance's silence on the matter of Epaku's
deportation indicated a desire to avoid further publicity to the Epaku affair. Mr.
Lawrance has responded to this criticism: "If the documents to which I had access when
I wrote my Uganda Essay competition (which was later printed in the Uganda Journal
and subsequently in my book) had revealed some sinister or shady action on the part of the
Government in the Epaku affair, my position as an administrative officer might well
have caused me to omit references which might have embarrassed the Government.
But the facts are otherwise.
I wrote the essay while in Teso without access to Entebbe archives. I relied almost entirely
on two sets of documents in the Soroti office-annual reports and the more intimate
touring books. The archives were chaotic and despite efforts, I did not find confidential
files on this subject. (In fact I found very few confidential files going back to 1926.).
The material available to me referred only to Epaku's administrative failings as a county
chief. It is, of course, possible that there were other, political, reasons for his dismissal,
as Ogaino suggested to Ingrams in the passage quoted by Emwanu (footnote 53). The
fact remains that no documentary source has been quoted for the assertion that Epaku
was dismissed for arguing about Government policies and in the absence of such do-
cumentary evidence I see no reason to dispute the stated reason for his dismissal, namely
corruption and inefficiency. It is by no means uncommon for a chief who has earned good
reports in his early service, to deteriorate later in such respects. It is not safe to assume
that because Epaku was deported, he necessarily committed some particularly nefarious
182 UGANDA JOURNAL
act. It was not always the gravity of the offence which dictated whether or not a dis-
missed chief was deported, but the degree of his standing and the effect which his con-
tinued presence would have on the maintenance of good order in the district. Epaku
symbolised Teso "nationalism" in opposition to rule by alien Baganda agents and was
undoubtedly immensely popular. Given that he was to be dismissed, his deportation was
perhaps inevitable." (Eds.)
56. Informants interviewed by the writer maintain that Epaku was so strongly opposed to
forced labour that he became the champion of the underdog by openly speaking against it.
Others put forward the point that the British administration wanted to introduce a system
of land tenure that would allow individual freehold which Epaku opposed. Yet a further
reason given by the local informants is that Epaku had become so popular that the people
wanted to make him "Kabaka" of Teso, a proposition which the administration would not
57. Wright, A. C. A. Notes on the Iteso social organisation, Uganda Journal, 9, 1942, p.62.
Uganda Journal, 31, 2, (1967) 183-90o
THE REIGN OF KASAGAMA IN TORO FROM A
By O. W. FURLEY
Among the official archives at Fort Portal in Toro was a typescript in Rutoro,
running to many pages, headed "Toro Notes". Some years ago in my studies
of western Uganda history I used this document and had it translated into
English by Mr. A. Manyindo, a Makerere student. The translation I headed
"Kasagama's Diary", for this is what the document essentially was being a
a personal account of his reign, except for the last section which is a history of
Toro by his Katikiro, Omuhikirwa. In an article called "Kasagama of Toro",
in the Uganda Journal 25, no. 2, 1961, I made frequent references to it, and have
had so many enquiries about it since that a fuller description and appreciation
of it is due. This is especially true as the manuscript translation, in a large
ledger-book bound in red, appears to have been lost since I deposited it in the
library of Makerere University College.1
Any material of this nature written from an African viewpoint is naturally
of great interest to historians, and especially so in the case of this diary, which as
far as I know is the only example of a personally written account of the reign of
an East African ruler. It is hoped that the extracts given below from my own
notes of the diary will give some idea of its scope and of its value as an historical
Kasagama's life was an exceedingly eventful one. The son of the royal line
in Toro, as a child he had been forced to flee with his mother from Kabarega's
invasion, and lived as an exile in Buganda. When the Imperial British East
Africa Company arrived on the scene, an opportunity presented itself to go
back to Toro and revive the monarchy of his fathers. Captain F. D. Lugard
was known to be starting a journey to the west to enlist Emin Pasha's Sudanese
troops somewhere in the region of Lake Albert. Kasagama decided to throw in
his lot with him, and Lugard duly escorted him to Toro, set him up as Omu-
kama, and built a chain of forts to be garrisoned by the Sudanese troops.
These would protect Toro from the inevitable hostilities of Kabarega. The
latter had his chance when, on Sir Gerald Portal's orders, the troops were
withdrawn when the Company abandoned its activities in Uganda and instead
a British Protectorate was declared. But this "protection" did not extend to
Toro, and Kabarega's army again overran the kingdom, while Kasagama took
refuge in the foothills of the Ruwenzori mountains. In 1894 Colvile drove out
Kabarega's army and Kasagama was restored again, this time signing a
treaty of protection with the British government's representatives. His reign
thereafter was peaceful, though he had several brushes with the colonial
authorities, and the Agreements of 1900 and 1906 raised many thorny problems,
the land settlement being uppermost.
Most of these events are referred to in the diary, though some, especially
the negotiations leading to the treaties and agreements, are given tantalisingly
184 UGANDA JOURNAL
brief treatment. But in many respects the diary is a history of his "life and
times", and it begins with an historical account of how the Toro kingdom was
first established by splitting away from Bunyoro. This tends to confirm the
first, and as far as I know, the only two references to his diary in print. Ruth
B. Fisher, the Toro missionary's wife, in her book On the borders of pygmy land,
describes Kasagama, with whom she was on very friendly terms, as hard at
work writing a history of Toro, having acquired a typewriter and the services
of a typist. This was in the year 1900, so we may with some justification date
the beginning of his writing the diary then.2
He first describes how Omukama Kaboyo I came to Toro to set up an
independent kingdom, having quarrelled with his father, the Mukama of
Bunyoro. He tells the story, which has often been repeated elsewhere, of how
Kaboyo deceived his father by saying his wife had given birth to twins in Toro,
which meant that he must be permitted to go to visit her. He went, never to
return, but his defection must have been forgiven at some stage, for the diary
describes how the royal drum of Toro (Butwarane) was sent to Kaboyo as a
gift from his father.3 Kaboyo's rule is outlined in some detail, including his
conquest of Busongora and other conquests, and the names of his sons who were
made chiefs of the conquered districts are given. Kaboyo was a ruler of sub-
stance, "brave and respected", sociable and ready to reward hard-working
men and women. He mixed with the people and became known as "Friend".
A list of his royal residences is given. Toro became thickly populated under his
regime, but after his death a period of confusion followed, with civil wars
between his sons. An attack on Toro by the Banyankole was encouraged by
Kato, one of the princes, who also invited a Buganda army to invade, in 1871.
Kato as a result became Omukama, but was soon chased off the throne; the
former Omukama, Nyaika Kasunga, was able to return, and apparently
established better relations with Bunyoro. His daughter was betrothed to
Kabarega, with a bride-price of 700 cattle, several maids and servants. The
diary lists the reasons for Kabarega's later attacks on Toro, the immediate
provocation being the theft of a cow (its name is given) by some of Nyaika's
men and Nyaika's refusal to return it. There followed a series of regular attacks
by Kabarega, and the next Omukama, Kyebambe, ("The Pretender") was
put to flight on 30 November 1873. After nearly four years of confused
fighting, the whole of Toro was captured by Kabarega, and it was during this
period that the infant Kasagama was taken by his mother to Ankole and later
to Buganda. Kakende attempted to rule as Omukama, and brought another
Buganda army to Toro, but he was driven out and died in Buganda.
Very little is said of Kasagama's period in exile, and instead an insert is
included, describing the travels of his brother, Z. K. Musuuga. The first details
of Kasagama's association with Lugard come only when they have arrived in
Toro, and people were flocking to them. Lugard is recorded as giving him a
present of four cows from a captured herd when he signed the treaty with the
Company. Lugard also relates this. Concerning the Sudanese troops whom
Lugard brought back from the north to garrison the Toro forts, Kasagama
says they came to guard Toro, and "we were very pleased". Nothing is said of
the ravages and plunder which these troops perpetrated in surrounding areas
later on, but there is an interesting reference to the arrival of Moslems from
Buganda coming to try to persuade the Sudanese to join in the "rebellion" of
1892, that is, the religious war in Buganda.
The arrival of Sir Gerald Portal in Uganda and his decision to declare
a Protectorate, had very important repercussions for Toro, but these events
KASAGAMA OF TORO 185
are not mentioned. The foreign relations of Buganda were evidently of no
immediate interest. Portal ordered Owen and Grant to evacuate the forts,
and wrote to Owen that if Kasagama chose to remain in Toro, he did so
entirely at his own risk, as his treaty with Lugard did not now bind the British
government to continue protection. This could only be given if Kasagama
withdrew nearer to the new British Protectorate, and Portal suggested Kita-
gwenda as a suitable area.4 Kasagama refused to withdraw, and Owen entirely
sympathised with him, eventually persuading Portal to abandon only the
northernmost fort, and to build another, Fort Gerry, later called Fort Portal,
to protect Kasagama. Another blow came, however, when Capt. J. R. L.
Macdonald, the new Commissioner, went a stage further than Portal and with
drew all the Sudanese troops, again offering Kasagama a safe retreat elsewhere.
Macdonald actually feared that Kasagama might join Kabarega,5 but the
diary reinforces the view that he had no such intention, and wished to stand his
ground. Macdonald was able to report; "Kasagama King of Toru (sic) was
offered territory in Buganda for himself and his people, or if he thought he
could hold his own with some additional guns, Major Owen was empowered
to let him have up to 200 muzzle-loading guns and some ammunition. Kasa-
gama decided that he could look after himself with an addition to the guns
he possessed of 160 odd, which have been given to him."6 Kasagama confirms
this in his diary, saying he was now allowed to lead an army against Kabarega,
and Grant gave him a total of 200 muskets, but did not leave him many cart-
ridges. Fighting took place, and he describes one battle between his army and
Kabarega's, each displaying themselves on opposite hills, only to postpone the
fight because of the threat of rain. It does not appear that the muskets gave
the Toro army any advantage, and in 1894 the diary records a series of defeats,
at the end of which Kasagama had to retreat to Bwamba. He was in fact
reduced to being a fugitive with a diminishing band of followers, and the
the diary describes the very precarious time they had with many men dying
from cold and exposure in the difficult mountain country.
Col. Colvile, the next Commissioner, soon reversed the situation by his
campaign into Bunyoro, and he sent Owen and Villiers into Toro to restore
Kasagama. Kasagama returned to Kabarole, his royal residence, just as Owen
got there, the diary records. Owen then drew up a new treaty for him to sign,
on March 3rd, 1894,7 and in return for protection, which Kasagama needed
in a literal sense, imposed some harsh burdens on him, acquiring for the Pro-
tectorate Government all the salt produced from the salt lake at Katwe,
together with a tax of forty frasilas of ivory per annum, equivalent to 800.8
Historians often speculate now concerning how much African rulers under-
stood these one-sided treaties which they signed: the diary affords a clue here,
for Kasagama says "I had not learnt writing and knew very little about frasila."
The terms were later mitigated so that Kasagama retained two thirds of the
salt produced, and the ivory tax was reduced from forty frasilas to ten.
J. P. Wilson arrived as the first officer in charge of Toro under the new
treaty, and Kasagama apparently got on reasonably well with him. He asked
Wilson to give him some Sudanese troops to assist in an attack on Bunyoro.
This Wilson refused, but the attack was made in 1895, and while Kasagama
was away he heard that one of his rival chiefs, Rwabudongo, had launched an
attack on Toro. "We were not worried, however, for we had left Nubians
(Sudanese) behind." It is interesting that he placed confidence in the much
reduced garrisons that remained. Rwabudongo surrendered and gave forty
rifles to Wilson, while Captain Ashburnham arrived, according to the diary
186 UGANDA JOURNAL
with reinforcements of eighty Sudanese from Kampala.
It is at this point that Kasagama records his first conflict with the British,
and in the character of Captain Ashburnham he found an unrelenting personal
antagonist, who eventually was recalled by Entebbe for acting precipitately.
At the same time, it would appear that Kasagama was not averse to acquiring
arms and any other prizes on the quiet. After Ashburnham's arrival, Kasagama
was accused by Rwabudongo of stealing seventy rifles and seventy "clothes",
(probably bandoliers?) and Ashburnham was ordered to investigate. He also
accused Kasagama of not paying his tribute of forty frasilas of ivory to the
government though on a previous occasion he himself had suggested that the
amount was too much and would have to be reduced. He arrested Kasagama
without hearing his version. "Then, he ordered me to produce the seventy
rifles and seventy bandoliers. These were produced.9 Later, he came himself
and got hold of Yoswa, the Katikiro, and Mikairi, the Treasurer, and gave
them very many lashes so that they would report where the ivory tusks were.
Many of my cattle and goats together with twenty ivory tusks were captured
by the captain. I remained chained for two solid days. After setting me free,
he returned some of my cattle, goats and all the bandoliers. When people
realized that I was not on good terms with the European, they began going to
his fort and giving false information about me. The European used to give
these people Nubians with whom to capture women from my Kikaali (palace)
and all over the country." Ashburnham tried to re-arrest Kasagama on 14
November 1895, but he fled to the Ruwenzoris. This gave the Sudanese, who
had already plundered the town, the opportunity to plunder his kikaali. The
following year Kasagama appealed to Entebbe against Ashburnham and won
the case: he received eight rolls of cloth as compensation. The ivory tax was
reduced, and Kasagama was in future to be allowed to retain two thirds of
the salt produced at Katwe, the other third going to the government.
Such is the record of this unfortunate affair in the diary, and other sources
bear out the fact that Kasagama was treated harshly. Bishop Tucker of the
C.M.S. relates that Kasagama was charged with capturing slaves, illicitly
running gunpowder, and bribing the government interpreter. Kasagama was
not merely chained as the diary claims, but-a far greater insult to the Omu-
kama-he was put to work in the chain-gang like a common criminal, according
to two C.M.S. native teachers whose evidence came to Berkeley, the Com-
missioner.10 When he came to Entebbe for the Commissioner's enquiry into
the charges, he was quickly exonerated, in the presence and with the help of
Bishop Tucker and the C.M.S. Archdeacon". In April 1896 Berkeley sent
Captain Sitwell to replace Ashburnham, with instructions not to resort to
drastic measures, and to soft-pedal British control.12 Sitwell was a competent
officer but he too was soon antagonistic towards Kasagama. He considered
Kasagama to be too much under the influence of the C.M.S. missionaries,
Mr. and Mrs. Fisher. This led Kasagama to show a distinct bias against
Catholics in his appointment of chiefs and officers. No particular reference
against Sitwell appears in the diary, though the dates of his arrival and Ash-
burnham's departure are recorded accurately. Kasagama refers to a type-
writer which he received from "my friend Fisher", and clearly they were on
good terms. Elsewhere, however, there is much evidence to show that the
Catholics constantly complained to Sitwell about Kasagama's religious bias,
Pere Achte being foremost in these complaints.13 Sitwell thought there was
some truth in the Catholic complaints, and remonstrated with Kasagama so
KASAGAMA OF TORO 187
strongly that the latter threatened to abdicate. The king's elder brother had
arrived in Toro that year, having been taken as a child by Kabarega, and
Sitwell mooted the idea of putting him on the throne if Kasagama did not
exercise more religious toleration.14 He considered that the influence of Fisher
was partly to blame, and was relieved when the Fishers left Toro in February
1897. He reported an immediate improvement in relations with Kasagama,
and thereafter was on good terms with him.15
The relationship between the Omukama and the officer in charge of the
district was clearly a difficult one, but the next officer, Bagge, was easily the
most successful in striking a happy relationship. Kasagama's diary is full of
friendly references to him, with instances of the various types of encourage-
ment Bagge gave to him. Indeed, it would probably be fair to say that the
good relations he built up between Toro and the Protectorate Government
paved the way for the Toro Agreement of 1900. Bagge evidently believed in
"indirect rule", and was very careful to leave all matters regarding such things
as the appointment of chiefs in Kasagama's hands: the diary frequently tells
of his insistence that this was Kasagama's responsibility. One interesting entry
deals with the replacement of the Katikiro, Yoswa Rusoke, who was "un-
intelligent" and failed to debate official matters. On 11 April, 1899 Bagge
asked Kasagama to appoint a new Katikiro. "After he had asked me for the
person I preferred I told him that Nasanairi Mugurusi was the most suitable.
He agreed with me and said I should bring him the following Monday with all
the saza chiefs for registration." Bagge refused to receive secret information
about Kasagama or indeed about any matter, and had informers punished,
the diary claims. He also gave encouragement to kingly dignity as well as
security by suggesting to the Governor that a guard of honour of askaries
should be provided for the Omukama, and he told Kasagama, "In order to
keep your property safe from robbers, I am giving you Batoro askaries who
will be given government rifles and paid for by the government. They have
to guard the paths and should any robber appear they must arrest him. You
are Omukama of this land, and therefore Protestants, Catholics and Moslems
are the same to you. If a Protestant commits a crime, it is your duty to punish
him." This last admonition of course shows that the question of Kasagama's
religious bias was still far from solved, and the diary itself records the com-
plaints which the Catholic missionary, Pere Roche, made to Katikiro
Nasanairi. He said Catholics were never appointed to high posts, and some had
been driven from their lands and plantations. Bagge, in his correspondence
with Entebbe, shows that this was still a matter for concern, and Kasagama
was in fact summoned to Entebbe in the middle of 1899. On his return, Catholic
chiefs in Toro now told Bagge that they were satisfied that Kasagama was
tolerant, and Bagge described his efforts as praiseworthy.16 Ternan, the Com-
missioner, indeed thought that the French priests were offensive in their
protestations, claiming to "represent" the Catholics, which they could not do;
he deplored "the absence of gentlemanly feelings" over the issue.17 Bagge
replied to this letter deploring Pere Achte's "spy system," and upholding
The diary records more routine matters of administration which Bagge
urged Kasagama to take over, such as the supervision of the market. Toro
interests were safeguarded in the shooting of ivory; Europeans were to pay
one rupee for a licence to hunt, but Batoro got it free. Later, all shooting of
elephants was temporarily stopped when it appeared that the Baganda were
188 UGANDA JOURNAL
making too many incursions, and any of them found hunting were to be
arrested. Government protection regarding the purchase of land in Toro is
also recorded; Europeans and Baganda were by a new rule to be prohibited
from purchasing land; it was for Batoro only. The arrangement regarding the
Katwe salt lake was confirmed; Kasagama kept two thirds of the salt, the other
third went to the government. One of the last entries for 1899 is about the
Baganda agents whom Lugard had brought with him to help in the administ-
ration of Toro, as was done in many other parts of Uganda. By the end of this
year, only eight of them were left.
Kasagama was evidently anxious to keep a relationship with the British
entirely separate from Buganda's relationship, and nowhere is this clearer
than in the steps leading up to the Toro Agreement of 1900. In February that
year Kasagama records that it was proposed to introduce a hut and arms tax
into Toro, and he heard it had already been introduced into Buganda: three
rupees for a house and three for a rifle. Bagge asked Kasagama to report on the
number of houses in the kingdom. He was also asked to find plots for European
traders to buy, but not in cultivated areas. This made Kasagama anxious
about such purchases, and, in May, Maddox of the C.M.S., who helped
Kasagama with the preliminaries for the Agreement, read Kasagama a letter
from the Commissioner stating that no land should be sold to a non-Mutoro.
But Kasagama says he would not sign anything which was similar to the
Buganda Agreement, already signed in that year. "On June 12th 1900 we
received information from the Kabaka and his chiefs that they had agreed to
pay the six-rupee tax on houses and rifles. However, we suspended any com-
munication about this as we were not ready to base our agreement on the
A week later, however, Sir Harry Johnston, Special Commissioner, arrived
in Toro and succeeded in removing doubts about the new agreement. The
diary includes what purports to be a verbatim account of his address to the
Toro chiefs, illustrating many sides of Johnston's character including that of
naturalist turned administrator. "When I came to Uganda," he said, "I was
told that there were no wise men in Toro, and that all were extremely silly
and they feared Europeans. On the contrary, I have found good roads, and the
people are as wise as those of Buganda. I am, therefore, intending to advise
you how to make an agreement with the Queen, and also how to check locust
raids. The Queen does not allow us to come into your country to colonise it
and rob you of it. As she is such a wise person, she wishes all her colonies to be
educated, and for this you pay her taxes in return. Note that Africa was not
created for Europeans but for Africans. I shall remain here until the European
who takes over from Bwana Bagge is settled in. Should you later wish to in-
form me of anything, you can write to me at Entebbe. If at all you want to
please me, send me the skins of every type of animal and bird, for I intend to
send them to England where they may be of some use. Remember the Euro-
peans came into this country because there was a lot of hatred amongst your-
In fact, Johnston was bent on making an agreement basically similar to the
one with Buganda, and the diary records without comment, "On 26 June 1900
we were given Queen Victoria's Agreement with us". It is a pity that a more
detailed description of these events is not given. There appear to have been no
complaints at the time, though they soon came to the surface afterwards.
Prior notice had been given that uncultivated land and forests would be re-
KASAGAMA OF TORO 189
garded as Crown lands in a similar way to the Buganda Agreement, and indeed
this was normal in British colonial territories; but Bagge reported that this
announcement in May caused great consternation, the Batoro asking where
were the treaties mentioned in these notices as giving these lands and forests
over to the government.19 However, such clauses were duly incorporated in the
Toro Agreement, and Johnston wrote in a very assured mood to the Marquess
of Salisbury that he had made agreements with Toro and Ankole "of a less
formal nature than that concluded with [B]Uganda, but providing for the
settlement of land and taxes on much the same lines. As regards land, it is laid
down as a principle that all the land which was waste and uncultivated at the
date of the conclusion of the Agreement was and is the property of the British
Government. Likewise all forests which are not placed under cultivation. All
land which was in the occupation of native owners at the date of the conclusion
of the Agreement is guaranteed to those owners or occupiers subject to the usual
At first all was quiet, and Baile, the next officer in charge of Toro, reported
that the hut tax, which could be paid in ivory according to the diary, was
coming in splendidly. But by the beginning of next year many Batoro were
emigrating to the Belgian Congo just across the border in order to avoid the
tax.21 Further, there was agitation about the lands granted in the Agreement to
chiefs, and especially about the land held by chiefs who were not specifically
named in the Agreement. The diary mentions some aspects of this. In March
1901 Tarrant is reported as declaring he would soon settle the chiefs' "mailo"
lands, "for some land in possession of chiefs who were not considered in the
agreement was under the government." Kasagama told Tarrant that "the
Commissioner had asked them, not to make the boundaries of miles until an
expert had arrived, and that even then chiefs who had not yet been granted
land would be given some later." The expert was no doubt intended to be the
long-awaited government surveyor or surveyors, and Toro in fact had to wait
many years before tenurial boundaries were properly surveyed and titles
affirmed between 1923 and 1928. There is only one other reference in the diary
to the land question, for December 1902, when "Bwana Norman Wilson told
us how the 'mailos' given to a chief were not to be personal but were for every
succeeding chief. We did not feel that this problem had been well solved, for
we wished to have personal [i.e. permanent] 'mailos'. The government's
view from the start was that the land went with office. There were ambiguities
in the Agreement, however, and this problem together with many others
regarding land was not solved until after the crisis of 1926, which necessitated
a special enquiry.22
It remains to notice a few other items in the diary. In May 1905 Kasagama
claims to have investigated the murder of Galt, the Sub-Commissioner of
Ankole, and discovered the murderers. He gives a full account of this. The
text of the 1906 Agreement is given, but little comment. There is a description
of the crown-wearing ceremony after the signing of the Agreement. Little else
is reported until the death of Kasagama in 1928, when presumably the ex-
Katikiro, Nasanairi Mugurusi, continues the notes and describes the method
of making the royal tomb, and also the coronation of his successor.23
Lastly, as an individual, Kasagama reveals part of himself in the diary.
His friendship with the C.M.S. missionaries, for instance; his obvious pride in
recording the date of his baptism; his zeal for schools and education. His
"modern" ideas also appear; he records the date (March 1902) when small-
190 UGANDA JOURNAL
pox vaccinations were introduced in Toro; he records his triumph in breaking
the ban on eating mutton by making the babiito (princes) eat it.24
There are some surprising omissions from the diary. There is nothing
about his relations with the Lukiko, or assembly of chiefs, which rose in pro-
minence especially after the 1906 Agreement; and there is nothing about his
fairly frequent rows with Entebbe, which involved reprimands in 1913, 1922,
1923 and 1926. In many ways then the diary is a personal memoir, perhaps
with many of the unpleasant things left out, in the way that memory tends to
abolish them. At the same time it is in many places a remarkable corroboration
of historical detail, especially in the early years, and a type of historical source
which is all too rare in East Africa.
1. Recent reports on the state of the archives in Fort Portal also lead us to suppose that the
original diary has become misplaced. (Eds.)
2. Fisher, R. B. On the borders of pigmy land, 3rd edition, no date, pp. 60-61. See also her
Twilight tales of the black Baganda, 1911, introduction, pp. v-vi in which she also claimed to
have persuaded Andreya Duhaga, Mukama of Bunyoro, to write a history of his kingdom,
but it appears that nothing came of this.
3. Oral tradition more commonly asserts that Kaboyo was his father's favourite son and
heir, and he only wished to carve out a kingdom of his own because his father was so
long-lived. He did not quarrel with, so much as trick his father into allowing him to go
to Toro in the first instance before his rebellion. This fact, rather than later "forgiveness",
explains his father's softness in putting down the rebellion. It is said that the leader of the
expeditionary force which he sent after Kaboyo was ordered to capture Kaboyo alive,
and not to kill him, and that as he had a chest complaint they should not chase him too
far if he ran away. For this comment, as for several others, I am indebted to Dr.
4. Entebbe, Secretariat Archives, MSS Outward A 3/1 Portal to Owen 6 May 1893
5. Entebbe, S. A., MSS Outward A 3/1 Macdonald to ? 14 June 1893.
6. Zanzibar Residency Archives, B 27, Macdonald to Consul-General Zanzibar, 21 October
7. Parliamentary Papers, Africa, No. 7 (1895) C. 7708
8. Loc cit, Owen to Colvile, Fort de Winton 8 March 1894.
9. This seems to imply that they were in Kasagama's possession. Alternatively, Dr. Banage
suggests that the production of these items could have been to "bail" Kasagama out of
10. Entebbe, S. A., MSS A 5/1 Berkeley to Ashburnham, 2 December 1895.
11. Tucker, A. R. Eighteen years in Uganda and East Africa, 1908, Vol. 2, p. 40 and Fisher, R. B.
op. cit. pp. 190-191.
12. Entebbe, S. A., MSS A 5/1 Berkeley to Sitwell 25 April 1896.
13. Loc. cit. 25 August 1896.
14. Entebbe, S. A., MSS A 4/5 Sitwell to Berkeley 10 and 15 August 1896.
15. Report on Toro District for 1897-1898, 4 June 1898 F.O.C.P. 7400/82/-.
16. Entebbe, S. A., MSS A/20 Bagge to Ternan 20 August 1899.
17. Entebbe, S. A., MSS A 5/7 Ternan to Bagge 8 September 1899.
18. Entebbe, S A, MSS A 4/12 Bagge to Ternan 22 September 1899.
19. Entebbe, S A, MSS A 4/29 Bagge's Monthly Report on Toro, 31 May 1900.
20. Johnston t9 the Marquess of Salisbury 25 August 1900, F.O.C.P. 7689/28 (No. 191
21. Entebbe, S. A. MSS A 14/1 Baile to Johnston 16January 1901 and Johnston to Baile 19
22. Enquiry into the grievances of the Mukama and people of Toro, Entebbe, Government Printer,
23. The author regrets that his own notes do not contain a transcription of this, which would
have been interesting to compare with the coronation of 1966.
24. Fisher, R. B. op. cit pp. 74-75 also describes this incident. A sheep was once supposed to
have killed a mubiito child and this had led to the ban on eating mutton, but Kasagama
invited some Christian chiefs to a meal of mutton and the taboo then died out.
Uganda Journal, 31, 2, (1967) 191-199
DRUMS IN PADHOLA
By A. SHARMAN AND L. ANDERSON
This note on drums and associated instruments in Padhola rises incidentally
from a study of other apsects of social organisation of the Japhadola made by
one of the authors (A.S.) who resided in the area during much of 1965 and
1966 and from occasional visits to Bukedi by the author (L.A.) as part of an
extensive musicological survey of Uganda made from 1964 to 1966. There
have been few studies combing a sociological and a musicological approach
to the musical customs of any group in Uganda. Although this note is largely
descriptive, it is hoped that it will be of some value as a basis for studying
the role of music in ritual ceremonies elsewhere as well as the importance of
some musical instruments which may be restricted in use only to specific cere-
monies and restricted in ownership to certain clans. It should likewise be
valuable in determining whether material culture of the Padhola is more closely
related to the larger family of Nilotic peoples and to what extent neighboring
Bantu-speaking peoples have had an influence on the material culture of the
A further object of this note is to add to the small amount of knowledge on
the drums of the Jopadhola contained in Dr. Wachsmann's study, and to
add a social dimension to his work'. The basic distinction into "Single-skin
drums" and "Uganda drums" follows Wachsmann. The latter form uses two
skins of which only one is beaten so that it is regarded as misleading to call the
drum a double-skin drum. Double-skin drums are otherwise restricted in
Uganda to Mount Elgon.
There are two types of single-skin drums in Padhola. Skins used on both
drums come from the water lizard and both drums are hand beaten.
The typical drum used by theJopadhola on musical occasions is the fumbo, a
tall, cylindrical, single-skinned drum.2 The fumbo and its counterparts occur only
in eastern Uganda: among the Banyole who also call itfumbo, the Bagwere who
call it mudiri, the Teso who call it emidiri and the Jopadhola. In Padhola it is most
frequently played in an ensemble with the tongoli harp and kamogolo a curved
piece of wood beaten with two sticks teke. There are no particular ritual obser-
vances connected with the playing of this ensemble and it is used on a wide
variety of occasions, at burials and at other funeral ceremonies, at the dances
held at night by young people and at any other time when people wish to cele-
brate and have the money to employ the players. At the ceremony held after the
birth of twins and certain other children thefumbo is played alone, and at the
special okelo funeral, which will be described below, it is played together with
the okelo drums. It may also be played with the aciel drums, although these are
more generally played alone. Certain clans are famous for their skill in playing
fumbo, but ownership is not confined to any particular clan and anyone who
192 UGANDA JOURNAL
wants to learn how to play may do so. Relatives of famous players may be
possessed by the spirit of the dead player and in this way forced to acquire the
skill, as is the case with many other skills in Padhola, such as divination and
even the practice of witch-craft. The relative thus possessed is not always a
Another single-skinned drum used by the Jopadhola is the thimbo, which is
closely related to other single-skinned drums found among the inhabitants of the
shores of Lake Kyoga, namely the Baruli, Banyala, northern Basoga and Bakenyi.
It may also be classified as a variation of the single-skin drum found in the Inter-
lacustrine Bantu Kingdoms as a well as Busoga. Thimbo may be played with the
aciel drums, but is always played with the xylophone, endara. Two examples of
thimbo used with xylophones are of slightly different shapes, one showing a clear
differentiation in the join between the cup and stem and expanding gradually
from the mid-stem to the base, the other with the cup tapering slightly to
meet the stem and ending with a tapered foot. The xylophone is accompanied
by both this single-skinned drum and a Uganda drum. When playing the
drummers stand near the end of the xylophone, at the end of the lowest
pitched keys, with drums resting horizontally just below their sound-skins on
the edges of the parallel banana trunk supports of the xylophone keys. The
player of the single-skin drum straddles his drum and the Uganda drum is
anchored between the feet of its player. The drummers bend from the waist
down to play the drums which are only twelve to fourteen inches from ground
level. Both drums are played with the hands and the players rise up and
down in time with the music in a slow tempo, and movement of the player's
body preceding the initiation of a rhythmic pattern and an upward movement
following the completion of the pattern. This playing style and accompanying
dance-like movement has been found only among the Jopadhola. In other
similar xylophone ensembles found along the shores of Lake Kyoga, the single-
skin drum is held between the players legs so that the head of the drum is at
hand's length from the player in a standing position. The player of the Uganda
drum may keep a bent position to play the drum which stands on the ground in
an upright position or he may play the drum in a squatting position. In
addition, only the single-skin drum is played with the hands, the Uganda
drum is played with sticks.
The xylophone and associated drums are most probably not indigenous to
Padhola and have been found associated with only four clans, namely Wambwe,
Kijwala, Orua-Demba and Orua-Iap, and in one case owned by an individual.
In the last case the xylophone was brought to Padhola by a young boy who
recently returned from farming in Busoga, and is only played for the young
people's dances at night and is not associated with the spirits in any way. The
clans which have the xylophone are all said to have obtained it from the Basoga,
but it has become for them an important ritual instrument with a spirit of its
own3. It is generally used for funeral ceremonies, but only the later funeral
ceremonies which are times of rejoicing with the spirits and not of mourning,
and it may also be used occasionally for dances. In this it differs from the aciel
drums, although it resembles them in that it is used only for the funeral ceremon-
ies of important people.
The ensemble itself consists of a xylophone of 14 keys (consistent on both the
instruments seen on which the Padhola played and not found as the required
numbers for any other xylophones in Uganda according to Wachsmann). Two
drums are used of which one is of the single-skinned variety, the thimbo, and the
Fig. i Thimbo, a single-skinned drum with
clear definition between cup and stem.
Fig. 2 Thimbo with purely cylindrical stem, with endara xylophone.
Fig. 3 Sacrifice
being made to the large Aciel drum of the aciel ensemble
of the Nyapolo/Gule clan.
Fig. 4 The Okelo drum pair and the single-skinned Fumbo
at the okelo funeral ceremony.
DRUMS IN PADHOLA 193
other is a Uganda drum. This same combination occurs among the xylophone
playing peoples on the shores of Lake Kyoga, the Baruli, Banyala, Bakenyi and
The name of the xylophone may provide additional clues to its origin.
While the Basoga use the term embaire, the Padhola term endara finds its counter-
part only among the Konjo and Alur while closely related terms are found
among the inhabitants around lake Kyoga who use the term entara and the
Ganda and Gwere who use entaala as one of the words for the xylophone.
Uganda drums Aciel
Many of the ceremonies involving the playing of aciel drums are now
becoming rare events.
Aciel is the name given to a single large Uganda drum which is the most
important drum in the ensemble of which it is a part and after which the whole
ensemble is named. There may be two of these drums in a single ensemble and
they are always played together with three or four smaller drums. These Uganda
drums follow the profile of the shape found among the Bantu-speaking peoples
of Uganda. The upper part of the instrument is cylindrical while the bottom
is conical in shape. The cylindrical portion of the drum is usually more than half
the height of the drum, but the large aciel drum of the Nyapolo-Gule clan differs
somewhat in shape, the cylindrical portion of the drum being almost two-thirds
of the entire drum and the lower part tapers sharply to the base which
corresponds in size to the base of any of the smaller drums. The other Uganda
drums in the ensemble are similar in shape to the Soga drums, and the non-
sonorous skin is cut in a circle so that when attached to the drum it forms a
straight edge between the lacing and the skin.
The lacing is W in form and a horizontal thong which reinforces the
attachment of the lacing to the skin forms a ridge at the juncture of lacing and
sonorous skin. There may be alternating bands of coloured lacing as on the Soga
drums4 or resemble Gwere drums with a successive series ofgraduated lengths of
lacing where it enters the non-sonorous skin.5 All of the drums in this ensemble are
beaten with sticks. Each of the Uganda drums in the ensemble has its own person-
al name. In the ensemble of the Nyapolo/Gule clan, for example, the aciel drum
is called Achoka and the four small drums played with it are called Banja, Ogule,
Nyamahe and Olum. Other instruments such as the single-skin, drum thimbo, side-
blown trumpets (made from the horn of the swamp buck) and a small flute made
from the horn of the reed buck) may be included in the ensemble. Three aciel
ensembles were seen in 1966, and the following table gives an inventory of the
drums and other instruments with some associated regalia.6
Some examples of aciel ensembles
Clan Location Drums Trumpets Other regalia
Nyapolo/Gule Nyafumba,in 5 Uganda drums 2 2 spears
Kirewa Gombolola 1 thimbo Goat skin
Kijwala Wakasiki, in 4 Uganda drums 1 1 spear
Mulanda gombolola 5 Uganda drums 9 1 spear
Biranga Owiny Barinyanga, in 5 Uganda drums 9 1 spear
Only some clans own these drums and the second table shows their distribu-
tion in Padhola.
194 UGANDA JOURNAL
Distribution of aciel ensembles in Phadhola
Location Area of Padhola7 Clan
Nyafumba, Kirewa gombolola Lul Nyapolo/Gule
Kirewa, ,, ,, ,, Nyapolo/Rangi
Nawire, Paya gombolola ,Birangi/Owiny
S. ,, )3 Amor/Kagulu
Mikwana, Nagongera gombolola ,, Kijwala
Kitajula, ,, ,, Amor/Kagulu
Nyamwaya, ,, ,, ,, Morua/Guma
Kech, Mulanda gombolola Mawele Kijwala
Sirongo, ,, ,, Orua/Iapa
Poyemi, lyolwa gombolola ,, Jep/Odwi
Morkiswa, Kisoko gombolola Yawoko Amor/Kagulu
Kisoko, ,, ,, Biranga/Nyakango.
Five of the clans which are listed as having aciel were among the Luo clans
which first settled in Padhola8. A close association is described between these
clans in the following story of how they came to have aciel9. The Bagwere and
Jopadhola had been fighting and after hostilities had ended with theJopadhola
victorious, they were all returning to their homes. The Jopadhola had with them
a Mugwere child whom they had captured after he stole a hawk from them.
The Bagwere, desperate to keep their child, offered them aciel. the knowledge of
rain making10 and small banana plants to take back, all unknown in Padhola,
if they would leave the child. On this expedition four men led the fighting,
a man from Loli, Owiny (from Biranga), Banja (from Nyapolo) and Oriono
(from Amor, of which Kijwala is a sub-clan), and it was to these men that the
drums were given and in these clans that they remained. No other clans have
the real drums, others only made copies.
That others might have copied them is suggested by the story told by a member
of Morwa-Guma clan who intended to show that the Morwa-Guma clan is a
senior clan and one of the first to have aciel. The story describes how they cut
down a mvule tree (olwa) and a person from each of Amor/Kogulu, Nyapolo,
Biranga and Morwa/Guma took enough wood with which to make aciel, leaving
Bendo with only enough for okelo drums. Even in those clans said to have origin-
ally introduced aciel, the number of ensembles proliferated. The probable
reason for the proliferation of the drums is that they are regarded as a sign of
wealth and high status, and their ritual importance, resulting from the fact
that they have their own spirit and by playing them the ancestor spirits are
called, can give the one who keeps them, in the name of the clan ancestor, consid-
erable influence in the community. The way in which they were associated
with conflicts of leadership within clans is shown in the following events. In his
paper Southall (op.cit., p.14) mentions the transfer of the position of chief
priest of Bura from Akure to Majanga. Both men were from Nyapolo/Gule clan,
Majanga staying with Akure as his herdboy. Leadership of the cult of Bura passed
to him following a series of supernatural events indicating that Bura favoured
him over Akure, with whom Bura was angry for leaving Majanga to do things
such as milking Bura's cow, instead of carrying out these duties himself. Akure
was also keeper of aciel and the drum stayed in his family. Majanga had his own
DRUMS IN PADHOLA 195
aciel made to emphasise that his power and wealth now exceeded that of Akure.
However, ownership of aciel is not clearly related to the ritual power of Bura,
on which the ranking of clans in Padhola is also based. Before the ascendancy of
Nyapolo/Gule clan developed"", priests of Bura came from Koi clan12, which
does not have aciel.
Possibly aciel and Bura worship were brought separately to Padhola13 and
only subsequently became in some ways associated, even as aciel became ass-
ociated with other important Padhola beliefs. Thus the keeper of the drums is us-
ually a man of Bura; the sounding skin used in making aciel should be the skin of
a cow which belongs to Bura; and the sounding skin for the smaller drums should
be the skin of a cow belonging to the spirit of the compound'4. Of the regalia ass-
ociated with the drums, the large spear is called the spear of Bura and may have
its own personal name; the smaller spear is for the spirit of the compound and is
associated only with the smaller drums; and the goat skin which may be worn by
the keeper of the drums is said to be worn for Bura. The keeper of the drums may
also wear the tail of a buffalo on his upper arm and a hippopotamus tooth on his
forehead, both regalia worn on important ritual occasions by senior men, and
when the drums are taken out to be used he ties the vine luwombele round
aciel and on the spears and drapes it on himself. This vine is also used on
many other ritual occasions.
Before the drums can be used, special rituals have to be performed in honour
of the drums, in the place where they are kept. They are kept in a small round
house of their own or in a room of the keeper's house. Aciel is propped at an angle
on the floor, as it is for playing, and the smaller drums are hung from the walls,
sometimes permanently coupled in pairs.
There are four occasions on which the drums can be used:-
1. For the burial of an important man or woman of the clan5s.
2. For Lumbe, a later funeral ceremony which is a time of rejoicing the ances-
tors. This is done only for important members of the clan.
3. For cursing.
4. For making rain.
The objects of sacrifice and the spirits to whom sacrifices are made before
using drums vary slightly for each occasion, and the procedure for actually remov-
ing the drums from the home in which they are kept has become modified in a var-
iety of ways. The people from Biranga/Owiny described the following procedure
as that which was formerly used. The drums were always moved at night and were
moved from the home in which they were kept by important men from the clan
and the child of a woman of the clan, okewo16. These people took with them a
chicken which would be sacrificed to the drums and roasted before removing them
after the keeper had invoked the spirit of the drums and explained the occasion
for which they were to be used. On arriving at the home where the drums were
to be used they were put at the gate and okewo gently drummed to inform people
that they had arrived and to call people from the places in which they were hiding
for fear of the power of the drums. Then a chicken was again sacrificed and
roasted, the drums were moved into the compound and the drumming and
dancing would begin.
The keeper of the drum from Nyapolo/Ogule described the following proced-
ure for bringing out the drums for a burial. This same procedure was closely
followed on an occasion when the playing was witnessed. The drums are
taken out of the house with a white cockerel. The keeper of the drums promises
aciel that he will sacrifice the cockerel and explains why they are being taken out.
196 UGANDA JOURNAL
Then the drums are taken out, the chicken is killed and the blood is spilled on
aciel, after which the chicken is roasted, some of the meat being thrown to the
spirits and the rest being eaten by the keeper and the players. Then the drums are
carried to the place where they are to be played and the procedure is repeated.
Money must also be provided for the players.
For lumbe the drums must be brought out with a goat which is sacrificed to
aciel, and for cursing and rain-making a cockerel is used which may be supple-
mented by millet beer. What is actually sacrificed or offered seems to depend to a
large extent on the discretion of the keeper of the drums.
The drums are only actually played on the first two of the occasions mentioned
above, for cursing or for making rain they may form part of the ritual without
being played. In some clans there are songs which can be sung only to the ac-
companiment of aciel, but in others there are no special songs and the clan songs
sung can also be played on other instruments. In the ensembles which include a
large number of trumpets the leader of the trumpets chooses the song and the
higher-pitched trumpet begins the performance followed by the lower-pitched,
the singer or drummers, and then the female chorus. In ensembles which include
only one or two trumpets the leading singer chooses the song and one of the small-
er drums is beaten to initiate the performance. In the set of trumpets belonging to
Biranga/Owiny clan the nine trumpets were classified as mathindho (small) and
madongo (large) four of them being small and five large. The total range of the
trumpets was three successive pitches, approximately f'-g'-a'. The higher
pitched mathindho gave pitches g1 and a' while the lower pitched madongo produced
f' and g'. Each player has his own motifbased on a rhythmic pattern utilizing his
two available pitches. All mathindho play variants of the same motifand interlock
their patterns with the madongo trumpets which also play their respective motifs.
The order of the playing in the ensemble may be 1 mathindho trumpets, 2 madongo
trumpets, 3 solo singer, 4 drummers, 5 chorus or 1 mathindho players, 2 madongo
trumpets, 3 drummers, 4 solo singer, 5 chorus. The female chorus imitates the
vocal line of the trumpets which also act as a chorus to the female soloist. In this
ensemble, the trumpet players circle the drums in an anti-clockwise direction
while performing a slow-shuffling dance to the music. This dance performance
of the trumpet players is typical in other societies where sets of side-blown trum-
pets are found, such as in Busoga, Bunyoro, Toro and Alur. Members of the chor-
us and men may also join the circle of dancers. Any infant present when the
drums are being played must be placed near the aciel drum and be touched by
the drummer's stick. This is to ensure protection against harm from the
spirit of aciel and the ancestor spirits which are said to be present when-
ever the drums are played. This procedure also followed when the okelo
drums are played and when the xylophone is played.
Aciel can also be used by a person from any clan to curse someone who has
robbed him. If, however, the person who is being cursed is not in fact the guilty
one then the person who is doing the cursing will be the one who is harmed by
the curse. The drums do not have to be brought out of the house when the
cursing is done. When Aciel is used by its keeper to make rain without the assis-
tance of a rain maker, the keeper invokes the spirits to bring rain, and as well as
sacrificing to the drum, sacrifices a goat to the spirit of the compound, the spirit
of the bush and to Bura. The drums are taken out of the house but not played.
Uganda drums Okelo
The okelo drums are a very small pair of Uganda drums, coupled together and
played by a single person in an ensemble with afumbo, (the typical cylindrical
DRUMS IN PADHOLA 197
single-skinned Padhola drum.) The okelo drums are said to have always been in
Padhola and not brought specially, as were the aciel drums. They are found in all
clans, owned by individual players and kept for the clan, so that, as with the
fumbo, anyone can learn to play them, although some players are recognized as
being particularly skilful. Okelo drums are not seen as having any power in
themselves so that there are no rituals which have to be performed before they
can be taken out of the house.
Although ownership of okelo drums does not confer power or high status on an
individual or clan, their use indicates the higher status of a particular individual
and his family. They are used, withfumbo, only for one particular funeral cerem-
ony, the final ceremony which is performed for important men,often ten or even
twenty years after their death. Okelo is done after some misfortune has befallen
the relatives of the dead man, a misfortune which is attributed to the anger of
the neglected but important relative who can only be placated by the perform-
ance of this ceremony. The playing of the okelo drums calls the ancestor spirits to
celebrate together, and it is because of the importance of the occasion and the
potential danger associated with having numerous spirits in the vicinity that part-
icular observances are associated with bringing and playing the okelo drums.
When the okelo player is coming to the house, two small chickens may be killed
and roasted on the path and a creeper called ayilyila may also be burnt. On arriv-
al at the house the drums are put in the eaves of the house. During the course of
the ceremony the okelo drums and fumbo are played in the bush and serve to call
the ancestor spirits into the bush to dance and celebrate and cease harming
their living relatives. It is okewo who, carrying the okelo drums, leads the people
running from the compound to take the spirits into the bush; it is he who kills
and roasts two chickens and throws them into the bush with special words for the
ancestors; and it is he who finally leads everyone running from the spot when
the dancing is finished, leaving the spirits who have gathered in the bush.
A typical performance of the okelo ensemble begins with the okelo pair of drums,
then thefumbo and the side-blown trumpet, the okelo drums being tuned approxi-
mately to d" and f" and the pitches of the trumpets being approximately d' and
e' in the octave below. A soloist initiates the song and the chorus responds, while
different pitched flutes(sosi) punctuate the performance with long held notes,
together with the olology or high-pitched cry of the women (kigalagasa). The
dancers are men, women and children, moving in an anti-clockwise circle, and
crescent-shaped bells (milege) tied to their legs add another dimension to the
musical texture both rhythmically and melodically.
Uganda Drums used to Cure Illness
There are certain diseases caused by possession by the spirits of dead people,
(not necessarily the sufferer's own ancestors,) which affect dnly women and girls.
The main treatment for these diseases is the beating of drums which send the
patients into a trance, although in addition to these therapeutic sessions, the
patients may be given herbal medicines. There are two different types
of these diseases and for each type different drums are used and different
rhythms beaten. The disease may be treated at a person's home, the
drummers being called for the sessions and paid by the woman's family,
or at the home of a local practitioner, which is the more usual arrangement.
Firstly there is Tida which is said to be caused by Teso spirits. The word tida is of
of Teso origin and a form of the disease is also found among the Iteso. The drum
used for treatment by the Iteso is very large, being 3 feet 4 inches in length and 3
198 UGANDA JOURNAL
feet in diameter, and is played with a tiny drum only 9 inches in length
and 3 inches in diameter17. In Padhola a pair of small drums similar to the okelo
drums are used. A session starts with the continuous rapid shaking of gourd
rattles and the woman who conducts the treatment intoning a low pitched
phrase, rising to a higher level and then repeating the first phrase. The chorus of
patients joins with the soloist on the high-pitched phrase, the two drums joining
subsequently with a slower tempo. While the rhythmic pattern played on the
drums varies, the incessant shaking of the rattles is unvaried, dominates the
performance, and may be the prime cause of the patient going into a trance.
Secondly there is Kalumba and associated illnesses. Kalumba is said to be caused
by Bantu spirits. The drumming for treating these illnesses is done on a single
medium-sized Uganda drum or sometimes a straight sided drum and is
accompanied by gourd rattles, soloist (the practitioner) and a chorus of patients,
who lapse into incoherent yelps as the session progresses. In contrast to the music
played for the cure of tida, in which the tempos of the gourds and drums differ,
the tempos of the gourds and drums are the same.
This article is largely descriptive, its aim being simply to provide information
on Padhola not recorded elsewhere. There are, however, two ways in which this
information might be used more fully. Such studies may be valuable for analys-
ing in more detail the position of the different types of players in the community;
the different forms of prestige, influence, power or wealth different drums bring
to their owners or players, and therefore for showing the importance of these
people in the organisation of the community. Secondly, such studies may be
valuable in examining the question of cultural borrowing between the various
tribes of Bukedi and eastern Uganda.
1. Wachsmann, K. P. The sound instruments, Part II; Tribal crafts of Uganda, M. Trowell
and K. P. Wachsmann, London, O.U.P., 1953, Chapter 3, Membraphones, pp.365-380.
2. loc. cit. p.366 and illustration p.376. Plate 84, F.
3. The people of Wamambwe live in the central area of Padhola, but have come to Padhola
relatively recently. (See B. A. Ogot, History of the southern Lwo, Vol. 1, Nairobi, E.A.P.H., 1967,
pp.90 and 106.) Kijwala is a section of one of the original Luo clans to settle in Padhola and is
also one of the clans which owns aciel drums. They are said to have obtained the xylophone
through contact with people from Busoga, and this seems likely in view of the fact that two
of the five players practising in 1966 were from two small clans which came from Busoga and
they only report playing the xylophone for people from the area in which the xylophone is kept
and for people from Wambwe clan who live just across the swamp from them. The keeper of
the xylophone for Orua-Semba clan had the following story to tell. A Musoga came to stay with
his grandfather, bringing his xylophone with him, and remained to be married at their home
and teach many of them how to play the instrument. When he died no-one used it until the
spirit of the xylophone possessed the present keeper's father and he began to play again. After
his death the present keeper took over and played until about 1918 when there was a famine
and most of the players died, leaving the wood to the ants. Since then it has not been played,
but because there have been many deaths in the clan, attributed to the anger of the neglected
xylophone, in May 1967 they cut the first peice of wood in a special place near the clan shrine
and are now going to start playing again.
4. Wachsmann, op. cit., p.370.
5. Wachsmann, op. cit., p.380, Plate 88 E.
6. This list of aciel ensembles is almost certainly incomplete. It was not possible to visit the
leaders of all the clans, and as even in some of the cases listed the drums are hardly used,
it is likely that in others the drums have fallen into disrepair and been forgotten. Dr. B. A.
Ogot probably has a more complete list of the ensembles,
DRUMS IN PADHOLA 199
7. The Jopadhola describe their country as being divided into three regions, namely Lul
(forest), Mawele and Towoko (in the direction of the outside). See Ogot, op. cit., p.87 and
Southall, A. W., Padhola: comparative social structure, E.A.I.S.R., Kampala, Conference
Paper, January, 1957, (Cyclostyled), p.l.
8. Ogot, op. cit., pp.78 and 87.
9. The question of the historical validity of this story is irrelevant here. It is important only
for showing the association that is seen to exist between the clans which have aciel. The
The story was told by the most senior member and president of Loli clan.
10. Knowledge of rain-making is not confined to those clans which have acid, and is not
always connected with acie. There are special shrines for making rain and the knowledge
is generally said to have been brought by the Japadhola with them when migrated from
11. Southall, op. cit., p.14 and Ogot, op. cit., pp.120 and 124.
12. Southall, op. cit., p.14.
13. Ogot, op. cit., pp.92 and 107 for suggestions of the origin of the Bura art.
14. When a man is possessed by this spirit he must build a shrine in his home and set aside a
cow from his herd for Bura. He is then jabura (a man of Bura). Calves subsequently born
to the cow belong to Bura. Formerly also in every home a cow was set aside for Were madio-
dipo, the spirit of the compound.
15. Aciel can under certain conditions also be played for people outside the clan, for affines,
for the children of women of the clan for the friends of important members of the clan,
but before this can be done the keeper of the drums and the senior members of the clan
must consult together.
16. Okewo is seen as being outside regular groupings of kin and outside their particular align-
ments and quarrels; he is the one who can settle all trouble and end all sickness; and
because of his special position he is called to assist with rituals in many potentially dan-
17. Lawrance, J. C. D. The Iteso, London, O.U.P., 1957, p.153.
The Annual Report of the Uganda Society for 1966 was presented at
the Annual General Meeting on 26 April, 1967. The number of full members
of teh Society fell slightly from 657 to 646 in 1966, though the number of
Associate Members increased by 21. These figures are still well below the peak
membership of 833 in 1956. Nearly a 100 new members had been enrolled
during the course of the year, yet this large number was still smaller than the
number of resignations and defaulters. The Library was expanded during the
year by an addition of 80 volumes and a programme of rebinding worn books
has been commenced. Two numbers of the Journal were produced and sales of
the second edition of Dr. Greenwood's Fishes of Uganda have progressed well.
A full programme of lectures and excursions was maintained and most meetings
were well attended. The programme for 1966 is set out overleaf.
200 UGANDA JOURNAL
Programme of the Uganda Society, 1966
19 January "Kingship, archaeology and historical myth"-Presidential Address by
Dr. M. Posnansky.
25 January "Wildlife research in the Uganda national parks"-Dr. R. M. Laws.
30 January Natural History field excursion to the Kalagala Falls.
9 February "Late Pleistocene extinction, its causes and consequences"-Dr. Paul S.
15 February "Uganda, centre of Primate field studies"-Dr. Thelma Rowell.
19 February Natural History half-day excursion to the Kifu Forest.
23 February "Heart disease in Uganda"-Dr. A. G. Shaper,
16 March "The imagery of death in African poetry"-Mr. G. Moore
20 March Natural History field excursion to the Mpanga Forest.
29 March Informal meeting on Snakes led by Mrs. Janet Stoneman, Mr. J. G. Matthews,
Mr. K. W. Brown.
19 April "The role of forestry in the economic development of Uganda"-Mr. M. L.
S. B. Rukuba.
20 April Thirty-second Annual General Meeting followed by the films "The Bahima
of Ankole" and "The Flame Tree"'.
23 April Nakawa Forest Station was open to members.
30 June "The earthquake which struck Toro and the adjacent areas of the Congo in
in the early hours of Sunday 20th March 1966"-Professor I. S. Loupekine.
(In association with the Uganda Geographical Association)
20 July "The relationship between the Municipal Engineer, his Local Authority and
the Public, with special reference to Kampala"-Mr. A. F. Luba.
27 July "The theatre in East Africa"-Mr. P. Carpenter.
3 August "In search of Emin"-Dr. Eward Schnitzer.
17 August "Literature and nationalism"-Professor A. J. Warner.
23 August "The Giant Silk Moths or Emperor Moths of Uganda"-Mr. K. W. Brown
& Mr. A. W. R. McCrae
7 September "Music, history and legend in Africa"-Professor K. P. Wachsmann.
24 September Natural History half-day excursion to the Zika Forest.
27 September "Uganda's climate"-Mr. M. O. Webb.
19 October "The empire of Bunyoro-Kitara: myth or reality ?"-Dr. M. S. M. Kiwanuka.
25 October "Papyrus and other sedges throughout the ages"-Professor R. Wheeler
30 October Mr. A. C. Walker gave a talk on bush babies, pottos and lemurs, followed
by films and a visit to a noctarium.
16 November "Uganda's population: distributional changes over two-thirds of a century"-
Dr. D. N. McMaster.
19 November Natural History field excursion on "The natural history of the Banana."
29 November "The Atlas of East African Mammals project"-Mr. J. Kingdon.
30 November "Some symbolic features of Gisu circumcision rites"-Professor V. Turner.
17 December Natural History half-day excursion to Kabanyolo Farm.
The Society in conjunction with the British Council arranged a third series of lectures for the
post School Certificate pupils of schools and training colleges in and near Kampala. The
programme was a follows:-
28 February "What is society?"-Dr. R S. Desai.
14 March "Society and the economy"-Dr. R. Green.
21 March "Urbanisation and society"-Dr.J. Gugler.
28 March "Society and religion"-Dr. A Lugira.
Uganda Journal, 31, 2, (1967) 2oI-205
BUGOTO: A FISHING COMMUNITY ON MACDONALD BAY,
By B. INEICHEN
The area of South Busoga to the immediate north of MacDonald Bay has
been in the process of resettlement over a number of years. Spontaneous settle-
ment has spread to the south of the area of the South Busoga Resettlement
Scheme, and has penetrated in places to within a few miles of the coast. Asso-
ciated with this movement of population into the area, there has been pressure
to open up fish landing sites along the coast. This has been inhibited by the
need to regulate settlement in order to control sleeping sickness infection.
The fish landing of Kityerera, at the northwest corner of MacDonald Bay, was
opened up in 1956, as an integral part of the resettlement scheme. From about
that time too, illegal landing of fish took place at Bugoto, a headland with a
small beach some miles to the east. Despite sporadic police raids, and the con-
fiscation offishermen's property, the volume of activity grew to such a scale that
the Busoga Local Government was forced to take action. In early 1965 as a
result of a meeting between Busoga Local Government officials and fishermen
and fish sellers, it was agreed to open the road from the resettlement area to
Bugoto, and allow housebuilding at the landing site. Accordingly the govern-
ment provided a bulldozer to help clear the road, the merchants provided the
labour, and the fishermen cleared the bush from about a hundred yards around
the two small landing beaches, and housebuilding began. By August 1966
about forty houses had been completed, and several others were under construc-
tion. Sites were also being cleared along the road out of the village, despite the
protests of Sleeping Sickness Control officials.
The population of Bugoto in August 1966 numbered 165 in all; 107 men,
42 women and 16 children. (Table i) Only those who had accommodation
in Bugoto were included in this census. Fishermen who paid periodic visits
from island camps often stayed a night or two, but they were excluded if they
had more permanent homes elsewhere. Altogether twenty-two different ethnic
groups were represented from four nations, including over 50 Kenyans, 13
Tanzanians and I Sudanese.
At the time of this census, no authorisation had been forthcoming to open
land in the immediate vicinity of Bugoto for farming. Therefore the livelihood
of people in Bugoto depended entirely cn fishing or on providing goods or
services for fishermen. Table 2 gives the occupations of non-fishermen broken
down by tribe.
The mutala chief of Bugoto also owns the land of 27 other mitala. So far no
land at Bugoto is available for farming: small plots have been sold off for house-
building only. Land along the road leading out of the village is also earmarked
for prospective purchasers, and though site clearance has begun, houses outside
the village will not be occupied until surrounding bush has been cleared, be-
202 UGANDA JOURNAL
cause of the danger of sleeping sickness. The mutala chief lives about fifteen miles
from Bugoto. Recently he has appointed a Bugoto resident to act as his musigire
(agent). This man is the unofficial village headman, interviews prospective
settlers, and he is entitled to a share of the nkoko fee. A consideration of each tribal
group is a convenient introduction to a study of settlement in Bugoto.
Luo: The largest single tribal group in Bugoto is the Luo, the great majority
of whom are fishermen. Overfishing in the Kavirondo Bay area has driven many
Luo from their home waters. In 1965 half the canoes registered at Jinja were
owned by Luo. The Luo in Bugoto are predominantly adolescents and young
adults. (See Tables 3a and 3b). Their average stay in Bugoto has been about
six months, about half that of the Basoga. Few of the Luo fishermen are married.
Most are young men who are working as fishermen for a year or two in order
to earn enough money to pay a brideprice and start their own farm when they
return. Wives in Bugoto, where no farming is possible, do not have the same
economic value that they have in an agricultural village. Young men will
therefore defer marriage until they leave fishing; if they return to it later they
will normally leave their wife in their home village. It becomes a mark of
success for a man to keep a wife in a fishing village like Bugoto; generally he
will not do it unless he has a second wife elsewhere on his farm. A few Luo fisher-
men have however settled sufficiently well into Bugoto to bring their wives and
children from Kenya to join them. One mentioned the absence of sponging
relatives as being a factor which made life cheaper in Bugoto. Ties remain
strong with relatives in Kenya nevertheless. There are as yet no intermarriages
between Kenyans and Ugandans in Bugoto. Language is again a barrier:
the Basoga at Bugoto have little Swahili and almost no English; though many
of the Luo learn Lusoga if they stay an appreciable length of time. Even if the
young Luo contemplate remaining permanently at Bugoto, they would be most
likely to return home in search of a wife.
The Luo at Bugoto generally organise their own fishing. Most new arrivals
have friends or relatives already in the village and do not have to ask non-Luo
for employment. A recent development has been the arrival of non-fishing Luo.
They now run two 'hotels' and have some interest in capital goods leasing
their nets to non-Luo. One Luo who had come originally to Bugoto as a fish
merchant now works as a tailor. A married Luo woman has started selling
beer on market days.
Basoga: The Basoga form almost a quarter of the population of Bugoto. They
are spread by age more evenly than the other groups. Although the majority of
the men are fishermen, one third are in other occupations. Of these, an appre-
ciable number are in the 'property-owning' class indicated by the first four
categories of Table 2. Some of these are men who have had family connections
with the area, and whose association with Bugoto goes back before the authori-
sation of settlement, and in a few cases even to ancestral connections before the
sleeping-sickness evacuations. Others came to Bugoto originally as itinerant
fish merchants: several of these are included in the 'property-owning' categories
of Table 2, and control much of the capital goods total in Bugoto. Most of these
men also maintain a farm away from Bugoto, and keep a wife in each home.
Two thirds of the Basoga men are fishermen, and also part-time cultivators.
Most are merely supplementing their income from their Kibanjas; but a few are
financially more ambitious, and save hard to buy nets and other capital goods.
A few of the younger ones resemble the Luo in that their chief interest lies
amassing enough cash to provide a bridewealth.
FISHING AT BUGOTO 203
Samia: The Samia in Bugoto consider themselves closely related to the Basoga.
Some Samia had lived for many years, or even all their lives in some cases, in
Busoga. Like the Basoga they mix farming and fishing. The Samia in Bugoto
come mostly from the lakeside area, confirming Moody's findings that farmers
from far inland seldom venture into lake fishing. All were from the Ugandan
side of Samia. The Samia sample were mostly young unmarried fishermen,
though one boat-owning family has been completely absorbed into the Basoga
Baganda: Most of the Baganda in Bugoto come from the saza of Kyaggwe,
just across the Nile from Jinja. Most of the men are fishermen; the two boat
owners left in August 1966, taking their boat by road to Lake Kyoga, where they
anticipated profits would be higher. One of their expenses in Bugoto, for example
was renting a house for forty shillings a month, as they had no relatives in the
area. Several of the Baganda women are beer-sellers, living apart from their
husbands. There is only one Baganda family in Bugoto.
Tanzanians: The Tanzanians in Bugoto numbered thirteen: seven Haya,
five Ziba and one Nyamwezi. Together they form a group of some significance,
for several reasons. The appearance of Tanzanians in the area seems a very recent
phenomenon. The census of 1959, however, lists substantial numbers of Jinja
inhabitants as coming from tribes and areas over the whole of East Africa.
The Tanzanians in Bugoto are all adults, and only one is not in employment.
In general, they possess a higher degree of education than either the Ugandans
or Kenyans, and a correspondingly high degree of financial enterprise. Some
of the men are fishermen, but Tanzanians own two of the principal shops, and
one of the men and several of the women make beer. Some of the women are
prostitutes. When Bugoto was first opened, many more lived there and by one
estimate, thirty-five left in June 1966. They came originally from the port of
Bukoba, though most had lived for a time in Kampala or Jinja. Basoga men
sometimes claim that they do not wish to use their own women as prostitutes;
so this may contribute to the reason for the Tanzanians' presence.
The Tanzanians' comparative inexperience of Busoga sometimes leads to
their being exploited in a manner resembling the treatment of the Kenyan sett-
lers over the nkoko fee. One shopkeeper had bought a plot on the edge of the
village and almost finished building. However, he had been forbidden to move
in until the land for some fifty yards around had been cleared, because of the
threat of tsetse. Why should he clear land, he claimed, for someone else's
Others: Apart from small groups of Nyala (ten) and Kenyi (six) the remaining
inhabitants are isolated individuals who come from a very wide area of East
Africa. Among them are to be found the poorest members of the community.
Fish Merchants: None of the inhabitants of Bugoto live by fish-selling but each
morning about fifteen to twenty merchants arrive from neighboring villages
on foot or by bicycle to buy fish directly as it is landed from the boats. At the
weekends there are many more, and pedlars, native healers and entertainers
arrive also. At these larger markets dried as well as fresh fish is on sale, and deal-
ers come from a much wider area. Each merchant is self-employed, and like
the majority of the fishermen, combines this work with farming.
Bugoto lives by fishing. Those of its inhabitants who do not fish live by
providing services to fishermen. The gradual opening up ofits agricultural hint-
erland ensures a ready market for fish landed there, and the provision of an
204 UGANDA JOURNAL
adequate road means that distribution is not difficult. The techniques of drying
used at present permit the preservation of fish for at least several days; the
potential market could certainly absorb greater quantities of fish than are cur-
rently being supplied.
The population of Bugoto has gathered from all around the northern half
of the Lake Victoria area. Much of the wealth of Bugoto is held by the earliest
settlers: some came because they had family connections with the area, but most
because they found they could earn a good living there. This sometimes involved
a change of occupation subsequent to their arrival; many came originally as
fish-sellers, and stayed on to earn their living in other ways. The greater part
of the Bugoto population is made up of fishermen. Most of these claim no perm-
anent links with the area, either working as fishermen till they have enough
money to start their own farm, or supplementing their income from their farm
with cash earned by fishing; in this way, retaining many links with their home
and visiting it frequently. This results in less disruption in their community
of origin than might come about if their separation from it were more absolute.
A third category of immigrants into Bugoto consists of those who are moving into
the service occupations like hotel-keeping, shop-keeping, tailoring, boat-
building and beer-selling. Although a number of these people are Basoga,
increasingly they are coming from further afield, especially Tanzania and more
recently, Luo. These people are in general more ambitious and money-oriented
than the older inhabitants, and they present something of a threat to the
predominantly Basoga group of 'capitalists' who have formed the informal
ruling clique of the village; but the generally individualistic nature of work in
Bugoto, both on shore and on the lake, and the lack of any issue around which
tribal feeling could crystallise, has meant an absence of any overt tribal hostility.
If fishing on the lake returns towards its 1965 level, there is no reason to doubt
that Bugoto will share in the increase of this activity.
Tribe Men Women Children
Luo 41 26 9 6
Basoga 38 25 9 4
Samia 23 14 6 3
Baganda 17 9 6 2
Nyala 10 6 3 1
Ziba 7 4 3 0
Kenyi 6 6 0 0
Haya 5 2 3 0
Other 18 15 3 0
165 107 42 16
FISHING AT BUGOTO 205
Occupations of non-Fishermen in Bugoto
Basoga Luo Samia Baganda Nyala Ziba Haya Other
House-owner 3 3
Net-owner 3 1 4
Boat-owner 1 2 3
Hotel-owner 3 3 6
Shopkeeper 2 1 3
Tailor 1 1 2
Bar assistant 1 2 2 5
Boat builder 1 1
Porter 1 2 3
Beer seller 4 1 3 3 2 13
14 7 1 7 1 5 3 5 43
Males-Tribes and Ages
Tribe 0-10 11-20 21-30 31-40 41-50 50-
Basoga 1 6 5 7 6 1 26
Luo 4 10 12 0 2 2 30
Samia 3 4 6 2 2 0 17
Baganda 2 1 3 3 2 0 11
Other 1 10 16 5 1 1 34
11 31 42 17 13 4 118
Females-Tribes and Ages
Tribe 0-10 11-20 21-30 31-40 41-50 50-
Basoga 2 1 6 2 1 0 12
Luo 2 6 3 0 0 0 11
Samia 0 1 2 3 0 0 6
Baganda 0 0 3 3 0 0 6
Other 0 6 5 0 0 1 12
4 14 19 8 1 1 47
206 UGANDA JOURNAL
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Lois Anderson is a research student of the University of California, Los
Angeles, where she is studying under Dr. Wachsmann. She has spent two years
in Uganda studying its music.
Jim Chaplin had been a research student of the African Studies Programme
of Makerere and had completed his thesis on the Rock Art of the Lake Victoria
Basin very shortly before his tragic death in a road accident in Kampala.
For the previous year he had been the Curator of Monuments for Uganda,
and had assisted in the editing of the Uganda Journal.
G. Emwanu is a recent graduate of Makerere and is now engaged as a
district officer of the Ministry of Regional Administration.
Oliver Furley is lecturer in Commonwealth History in the University of
Edinburgh, and had held posts at Makerere on two earlier occasions. He has
contributed to this Journal previously on Kasagama.
Nad Gundara lectures in the department of Anatomy at the Medical School,
Bernard Ineichen has recently graduated in Social Anthropology at the
University of Edinburgh from which he had participated in an undergraduate
project for Veterinary students in the ecological problems of South Busoga.
Marty McFarlane is a research student in geography and has nearly com-
pleted her thesis on the Erosion surfaces of Buganda. As Miss Patz she has
contributed a note for the Journal previously.
W. H. Morton is a geologist attached to the Uganda Geological Survey,
Entebbe, and discovered the rock carving illustrated here during a geological
survey of Karamoja.
Anne Sharman had been a fellow of the Makerere Institute of Social Re-
search engaged upon a sociological and nutritional survey in Bukedi.
S. Zivanovic is a Yugoslav, and lectures in the department of Anatomy at the
Medical School, Makerere.
Uganda Journal, 31, 2, (1967) 207-209
THE MONIKO PETROGLYPHS
By J. H. CHAPLIN' and M. McFARLANE2
During the course of field work into the nature of the Buganda Surface,
one of us (M. M.), discovered a set of petroglyphs cut into the laterite on the
hill-top known as Moniko, near Lugazi.3 Similar grooves and hollows were
found later on three other hills in south Kyagwe. After an initial joint visit
to Moniko, a small party was organised to survey the whole set during July,
Not by any stretch of the imagination could these rock markings be called
artistic; apart from about ten emyeso (i.e. mancala-type boards), the marks for
the most part consist of grooves and holes, the former varying between one and
five feet in length. A minority are more complex, and a photograph (fig. I)
of one of these will allay doubts as to their artificiality. The importance of this
/site is two-fold. Not only is this style of rock-artso far unknown elsewhere in
Uganda, but it has significant implications with regard to the interaction of
man with his environment in the past.
Within Uganda only three other engraving sites are known at present.
At Hanfuka5 there are the weathered outlines of a dozen hoes of pre-European
type. On Lolui Island a single boulder has a group of barred circles,6 while at
Loteteliet a boulder with concentric circles was found.7 The Moniko examples
resemble none of these, nor can parallels be found for them in the rock-paintings
of the Lake Victoria region.
The petroglyphs are clearly and sharply incised, to a degree which suggests,
in view of the hardness of the laterite today, that they may have been cut when
the surface was softer. The emyeso on the other hand do not have a com-
parable clarity or depth and may have been not so much cut, as pounded out
when the laterite was harder. The fact that they are all of the modern form, i.e.
four rows of eight holes each, whereas on other neighboring hills there are boards
with two rows of six holes, or four rows of seven holes, supports the idea that
these Moniko examples may be comparatively recent. The game itself in one
form or another, is widespread throughout Africa and while a Middle East
origion is usually sought for it, we have no evidence to indicate by which of
several possible routes it reached Uganda.
The grooves (fig 2) in no way resemble those resulting from the grinding
of food plants and are closer to those which, elsewhere in Africa, have been
suggested as places where stone-axes were polished; but they are both narrower
and longer than those and do not have the characteristic striations of that forms
Apart from the possibility of tobacco-grinding it is difficult to suggest a purpose
for them. In any case, their use for grinding seems highly unlikely in view of the
suggestion that they were cut when the laterite was in a softer state. Fresh rock
outcrops occur commonly in the area and these would undoubtedly provide a
better grinding base than the laterite. The lack of evidence of grinding on
these fresh rock outcrops, suggests that grinding was not practised in the area.
208 UGANDA JOURNAL
The remaining figures are more purposeful, even if the purpose was only
that of the idle herdsman whiling away the time. The fact that this set of mark-
ings appears to have no parallels on other hills in the locality, equally avail-
able to the idle, indicates a rather more serious purpose peculiar to this particular
hill-top, but what this was we have no means of telling. The fact that the
markings are without meaning or significance to the present inhabitants of the
area, suggests a considerable lapse of time since their manufacture.
At the present time, the laterite surface is exceedingly hard and even a good
knife blade will barely scratch it. Yet the edges of the markings, especially the
grooves, are clear and angular. As has long been known, laterite hardens on
exposure, and it seems very likely that the markings were cut before such
hardening took place. It is equally probable that hardening proceeded rapidly
after they were cut, thus preventing deterioration of the edges. Thus, it would
appear that the petroglyphs were made very soon after the laterite was exposed.
Laterite forms within the soil profile and exposure is usually the result of
the erosion of the soil above it. Soil erosion as a result of the destruction of the
protective vegetation is a distressingly common feature in Africa; and in this
locality there is clear evidence that this is happening today. The banana
gardens on this hill show that the soil is in places thick enough to support a
forest vegetation. Large old trees are found on such lands and it is plain that
the area has been cleared to be cultivated. Erosion is active on such bared soil
and the large dead trees found lying on the exposed and hardened laterite show
the result of this. The soil is removed, the laterite hardens and as a result of
this exposure trees can no longer be supported. Only a thin grass cover can
exist. This poses the interesting question of how extensive the original cover
It appears, then, that the currently seen destruction of the vegetation cover
provides an adequate mechanism for the exposure and hardening of the later-
ite, and it is likely that the makers of the petroglyphs were responsible for the
destruction of the forest at this site. The prehistorian immediately asks the ques-
tions, "When was this done, and by whom?" Destruction of the forest may have
been for purposes of cultivation; it may have been the result of the use of fire
which got out of control; it may have resulted from the preparation of charcoal
for iron-smelting. There are abundant signs of the presence of early men on
these hill-tops at a time when fire was at their disposal; and slag is to be
found not far away.
The sharpness of these marks, does indeed suggest that they were the work
of metal users and early agriculturalists, but whether it was grains they grew or
bananas, we have no means of telling apart from the absence of grindstones
which would have indicated the latter. The problems connected with the
coming of agriculture in general and the banana in particular, have been aired
in this journal beforel0, and there is no need to go into them again. In the past,
as today, soil exhaustion must have caused the cultivators to move periodically
to new grounds, leaving the soil to be eroded and providing a bared surface which
their successors possibly marked before it hardened, leaving their petroglyphs to
pose questions for us today.
Loteteleit Rock Engraving
1. The first author publishes with the permission of the Minister of Culture and Community
2. Nee Patz.
3. Moniko is located at Lat. 000 23' North, 320 54' East. Grid reference VR 885/427 on
Map Sheet 71/2 in the 1:50,000 series. Other grooves and holes have been found on
Namagolola hill (near Kavule) at 499/012 on the Kabanga Port sheet 71/IV (these are
near grinding hollows on solid rock, so were not used for grinding as fresh rock was avai-
lable and used); on a hill southwest of Nsita 496/013; and north of Busala 499/021
(where it is associatedwith a natural pond).
4. The plans made during this visit are kept in the office of the Inspector of Monuments,
Ministry of Culture, P.O. Box 3136, Kampala.
5. Lanning, E. C. Rock-markings in Uganda, South African Archaeological Bulletin, 11, no.44,
December 1956, pp.102-3.
6. Jackson, G., Gartlan, J. S. and Posnansky, M. Rock-gongs and associated rock-paintings
on Lolui Island, Lake Victoria, Man 1965, article 31, pp.38-40.
7. Morton, W. H. Rock engravings from Loteteleit, Karamoja, Uganda J., 31, 1967, p.
8. Chaplin, J. H., A note on rock grooves in Northern Rhodesia, South African Archaeological
Bulletin, 16, no. 64, December 1961, p. 149.
9. Patz, M. Hill-top hollows-a further investigation. Uganda J., 29, 1965, pp.225-228.
10. McMaster, D. N. Speculations on the coming of the banana to Uganda, Uganda J., 27,
1963, pp. 163-175.
ROCK ENGRAVINGS FROM LOTETELEIT, KARAMOJA
By W. H. MORTON
During the course of geological mapping in central Karamoja two rock
engravings were discovered on the hill Loteteleit, which is situated at U.T.M.
grid reference 575223 (fig. i). Loteteleit is a small, rocky dome-shaped hill
about fifty feet high which rises abruptly from the flat grassy Matheniko Plain;
it is a plug of fine grained greenish-grey tinguaite about 2oo yards in diameter
which intrudes the surrounding gneisses.
The first engraving (fig. 2) was found on a loose block about halfway up the
northwest side of the hill. The design is a spiral groove about a foot in diameter;
the surface of the engraving being greatly weathered. This specimen is now in
the Uganda Museum. Near the summit of the hill a second engraving similar
to the first was found in the sold rock. This one is far less distinct, probably due
Around the base of the hill and also at two other rocky knolls a few miles
away (grid references 528223 & 542245) stone hut circles occur, ranging in
diameter from about five to fifteen feet. Stone is not generally used for con-
structing huts by the Karamojong today and it is possible that they may be
contemporaneous with the rock engravings.
The engravings may be of the same age as those at the well known Magosi site
about seven miles to the east.
THE SURVIVING REGALIA OF THE NAKAIMA, MUBENDE
By E. C. PLANNING
The following notes comprise a list of the regalia, ebikwato, of Nyanjara
which are known still to exist. This regalia was obtained in 1953 by the writer
from the keeper of Nyanjara's burial place at Kabanyoro, Mumyuka, Buwekula.
In the same year, on the authority of Rukirabasaija Omukama wa Bunyoro-
Kitara, Sir Tito Winyi III, they were given on loan to the Uganda Museum.
1. A short iron bladed spear with iron tapering butt, said to have been presented
to the Nakaima by Omukama Kabarega in 1899. Immediately below the
shoulders of the blade is attached a large package bound in barkcloth,
the whole being wrapped around the wooden shaft. Two cowrie shells
adorn the package. A small separate parcel of barkcloth also hangs
loosely from the shaft of the spear. (Fig. A.)
2. A ceremonial iron spear. The base of the blade is decorated with a copper
stud. (Fig. B.)
3. An iron rod 17 cms. long. (Fig. C.)
4. A heavy bladed spear. The shoulders of the iron blade rest in a copper
collar which covers the wooden shaft. Below the collar the haft is en-
circled by bands of copper. The iron butt tapers to a point and is about
16 cms. long. (Fig. D.)
5. An iron wand. Attached to one end is a tuft of variously coloured glass
beads of many shapes and sizes as well as seeds made into beads. Threaded
to the beads is a brass button of the Uganda Rifles. (The Uganda Riflles
were founded in 1895.)
6. A bow. Both ends of the bow-stave are bound with strands of copper wire.
The tips are carved into a point to hold the string, but the bow is unstrung.
7. Seven arrows, without feathers, 67 cms. long. The iron blades are leaf
shaped, 7.5 cms. long.
8. A drum (ntimbo). This type of drum, carried slung over the left shoulder
and beaten with both hands, has been and still is used by the musicians
of the rulers of Bunyoro and Toro, and of the Kamaswaga of Koki.
Tradition in Nyoro dates these drums to the Bacwezi reign. (See Trowell
M. and Wachsmann K., The tribal crafts of Uganda, pp. 366-367.)
9. A wooden shield, Oval with pointed ends. The obverse is interwoven with
cane. The edges are bound with hide. The main features are the four
pointed bosses set vertically down the centre of the shield. At the back,
the handle runs the full length of the shield and is bound with hide.
io. A pliable necklet of mauve and blood-red beads set in diamond pattern.
11. Two horn wrist bangles. Both are split and have perforations to allow fas-
12. A cup made from the end of a cow's horn; the tip shorn off.
13. A spoon or ladel made from horn, fitted to a curved wooden handle.
14. A wooden whistle decorated with blue and white beads. (12.5 cms.)
(a) A head band, possibly ceremonial, studded with red, white and
blue beads in the traditional inter-lacustrine Bantu design.
(b) A remnant of a head-dress consiting of beads sewn on to barkcloth
in a pattern of two squares. The centre and smaller square is com-
posed of small blue beads. The surrounding outer square is made
up of white discs, each disc having a bead attached. The colours
of these beads form four triangles; North, mauve; South, blue;
West and East, red. Two rows of closely sewn beads, one milky
white, the other dark blue, decorate the back portion of the head-
(c) A head-dress of cowrie shells.
(d) A head-dress of pliable furry skin kept inside a basket work box.
16. Symbolic or ceremonial miniatures:
(a) two wooden barkcolth hammers
(b) two mweso boards-one of clay, one of wood, the holes having been
burnt into the surface.
(c) a wooden cotton-reel stool.
(d) a wooden paddle.
17. Other items, including a wild pig's tooth; ropes of cowrie shells, seed beads,
blue and green glass beads; a kaross of cow hides inter-worked with
leopard skins; various skins of civet cat, four colobus monkey skins, white
goat and antelope hides; and five tails (whisks).
THE BAGANDA MARTYRS, 1885-x887: A CORRECTION
By B. M. KALEMERA
Mr. Thomas, ku page 85, line 7-Uganda Journal 15, No.I-1951, atugamba
nti "Yoanna Maria (Jamari) Muzeyi yattirwa mu 'Kisaalu kya Nakivubo';
era n'Omuti oguyitibwa 'Martyr's Tree' gulabika bulungi ku luyi Iw'emasere-
ngeta g'Ekisawe ky'Omupira" (....on 27 January, 1887, when Jean-Marie
(Jamari) Muzeyi was done to death in the Nakivubo Swamp, where the
'Martyr's Tree' is still pointed out close to the southern boundary of the
Baganda War Memorial Recreation Ground. ...).
Mu nnaku ezakulembera, Yoanna Maria (Jamari) Muzeyi nga tanattibwa,
agenda enfunda nnyingi mu Lubiri lwa Kabaka Mwanga, ne mu Kisakate kya
Katikiro Mukasa, naye ku lunaku olwo, January 27, bwe agenda mu Kisa-
kate kya Katikiro teyafulumamu.
Omw. Kisuule, eyali mukwano gwa Muzeyi bwe yalaba nga munne oyo
takomyewo, kwe kubuuliriza ku balenzi ab'omu Kisakate kya Katikiro amanye
ebyamufuddeko; ne bamugamba nti "Yattiddwa, ne bamusuula mu kateebe,
mu kagga ako, kumpi n'ekisakate". Ate n'Omw. Semewo Nsubuga Senkatuuka
ex-Ssaza Chief Kiyimba, naye atutegeeza nti "Abaddu bange baali bagenze
212 UGANDA JOURNAL
okukima amazzi mu nnaku ezo, ku mugga oguli mu kisakatekya Katikiro, ne
bawulira ekivundu ekiwunya. Baali bakyewunaganya, abakazi abaliranyewo,
abaali balima, ne babagamba nti 'Emmanga eyo gye muwulira ekivundu,
battiddeyo omuntu-mwe ebitembe bye baasazeko endagala okumusibamu
timubirabye'? Ne balyoka bajja bambuulira. Awo ffe ne tutegeera nga
omuntu oyo eyattibwa ye munnaffe Muzeyi gwe twali twebuuza ng'atubuzeko
Bwe kityo, ekituufu kiri nti Muzeyi yattirwa mu kagga 'Jjugula' akali okum-
pi ne Kabakanjagala, mu kiwonvu okwolekera Mengo Social Centre: (cf.
Rev. Msgr. Ssemogerere "Abajulizi Ekitiibwa kya Uganda", c.2, p.22; ne
"Abajulizi Baffe Ffenna", p.47). Mu kisaalu kya Nakivubo, eyo waattirwayo
Balikuddembe Yozefu (Nov. 15, 1885), ne Bazzekuketta Atanasi (May 27,
THE BAGANDA MARTYRS, 1885-1887: A CORRECTION
By B. M. KALEMERA
Mr. Thomas, on page 85, line 7-Uganda Journal, 15, No. 1951, says that
"Yoanna Maria (Jamari) Muzeyi was murdered in the Nakivubo swamp,
where the 'Martyrs' Tree' is still pointed out, close to the southern boundary of
the War Memorial Recreation Ground." For sometime before his death,
Yoanna Maria (Jamari) Muzeyi used to visit Kabaka Mwanga's place, as
well as, Katikiro Mukasa's enclosure. But on the day of 27 January when he
entered Katikiro Mukasa's enclosure, he never came out again. Mr. Kisuule,
who was a friend of Muzeyi, made some enquiries from boys who were living in
Katikiro Mukasa's enclosure concerning the whereabouts of his friend Muzeyi
Then the boys told him that his friend had been killed and that he had been
thrown into the marsh in the river which was very near the Katikiro's encolosure
Again Mr. Semewo Nsubuga Senkatuuka, ex-Ssaza chief Kiyimba, also
tells us: "One day my servants had gone for water on that river which was inside
the Katikiro's enclosure when they found a stench which caused them to wonder
what had happened. They were still speculating about the event when some
women nearby, who were digging told them: Down there, that is where a person
was killed. Have you not seen the wild banana from which leaves were cut for
wrapping his body? Then they came and informed me. Then we came to
realize that that person who had been killed, was our friend Muzeyi whose
place of death we had not known." Therefore the truth is that Muzeyi, was
murdered and thrown into the small river called 'Jjugula' which is in the valley
opposite Mengo Social Centre, near Kabakanjagala, (References: "Abajulizi
Ekitiibwa kya Uganda," Chapter 2, page 22. "Abajulizi Baffe Ffenna," page 47.
By Rev. Msgr. Ssemogerere).
The two who were put to death at Nakivubo were:-Balikuddembe
Yozefu (Nov. 15, 1885) and Bazzekuketta Atanansi (May 27, 1887).
CASSAVA IN NORTH UGANDA
By R. M. BERE
The following note on cassava cultivation in Acholi may interest readers
as a postscript to the note on cassava in the West Nile which appeared in the
Uganda Journal, 30, no. 2 of 1966, pp. 215-216.
My recollection is that there was very little cassava in Acholi when I first
served there in 1930 but that it was grown fairly extensively by the small
settlements of 'Nubis' then living as quite distinct communities near Gulu and
Kitgum. By the early 1940s it was much more widespread but, being badly
disease-ridden, was relatively ineffective as a food reserve. There was then a
fairly serious food shortage (in 1940/41 I think) and this stimulated cassava
planting. Mosaic-resistant cassava was being developed by the Agricultural
Department at this period, and I have a very clear memory of distributing this
in various parts of the district, probably in 1941 and 1942. It was sent up from
Kawanda, and I suspect that it was the work there which provided the major
fillip to the spread of cassava in northern Uganda.
I was in Acholi throughout the 'locust famine' of 1931. The 1941 shortage
was much less serious suggesting that the cassava was already of some use in
spite of its poor quality.
This food shortage had an amusing side. The Acholi simply would not dig
with anything except their traditional Nilotic hoes, and invariably referred
disparagingly to the ordinary jembe as kweri mabuc, the prisoner's hoe. It was
better to starve than to use such an implement! Most of the local blacksmiths
had already gone out of business and the local shops soon ran out of supplies
of the traditional hoe. To our horror we then discovered that these were being
manufactured in Czechoslavakia. We dealt with this situation by reminding the
Acholi blacksmiths of a forgotten craft and scouring Uganda for such scrap
metal as old car chassis and even a steamer-engine from Lake Albert. Fifty
blacksmiths hammered away at this in Gulu, and turned it into hoes.
The following extract from the Annual Report of the Provincial Com-
missioner for Northern Province of 1951 may also be of interest.
After recording comparative failure of the early rains and a poor grain
harvest in all districts; the report reads :- "Cassava is now almost univer-
sally planted as a reserve crop and its cultivation is compulsory in many
districts, improved mosaic-resistant varieties having been introduced in
several areas with beneficial results. Cassava is thus a famine reserve
complementary to the grain kept in storage at all divisional headquarters
and to which every householder has to contribute his annual quota.
Although ten years ago cassava was relatively uncommon in the West
Nile, it occupies today a greater acreage than any other crop. Being drought
resistant and locust resistant, it is an excellent famine reserve. But un-
fortunately the people have become very attached to it as food, and the
whole diet of the population is being rapidly transformed. Cassava mixed
with millet is now the staple food.
214 UGANDA JOURNAL
We have seen this year, scattered throughout the West Nile District, a
fairly large number of cases of Kwashiorkor as children are being weaned
direct from mother's milk to cassava. Cassava is now for the inhabitants of
the West Nile what the plantain is to the Baganda. It is an extremely good
carbohydrate food, but unless it is properly used in combination with protein
it leads to early malnutrition. Sunflower with its high fat and protein
content should have an excellent effect in this regard, for it is clearly
possible that cassava, having done its duty in preventing famine, may
become a serious medical problem."
OS INCAE AND WORMIAN BONES
IN EAST AFRICAN SKULLS
By N. GUNDARA and S. ZIVANOVIC
Variations of the bones of the human skull have always fascinated morpho-
logists and physical anthropologists. Os incae and wormian bones (Ossicula
worminia) are supernumerary elements of the cranial vault interposed between
the parietal and occipital bones in the lambdoid suture. Where the bones are
multiple but contiguous, they are still considered as composite Os incae, but
where they are separated they are described as wormian bones. Wormian bones
are found in other sutures of the skull but only Os incae and wormian bones in
the lambdoid suture of East African skulls are examined here. Various categor-
ies of these bony structures are presented in Figure I.
Four hundred skulls from Uganda and neighboring areas have been
examined in the Anthropology Unit of the Department of Anatomy at Makerere
University College Medical School. The skulls were mainly from Rwanda,
Rundi, Gisu, Ganda, Lango, Acholi and Munyankole people. The patterns of
the ossicles were classified according to Martin and Saller's scheme.' (Fig.l).
Out of the 400 skulls examined 15 had Os incae (3.75%)of which 5 were found
alone and 10 were found in association with wormian bones. In all 60 cases of
wormian bones were found (15%) of which as seen above 10 were in associa-
tion with Os incae and 50 were alone. The commonest form of Os incae was of the
totum type (6 cases), followed by multipartitum (3 cases), central (3 cases),
lateralis dextrum (2 cases) and bipartitum (1 case). No examples of tripartitum or
lateralis sinistra were found. The incidence of Os incae appeared higher in males
than in females, but only 50 female skulls were examined.
Wormian bones were far more common in this sample than Os incae since
60 cases of multiple wormian bones in the lambdoid sutures were found, an
incidence of 15%. This is a good deal higher than reported in a comparable
study in Yugoslavia.2
An attempt was made to study the occurrence of these bony anomalies in
relation to ethnic groups, but the number of skulls from some groups was too
small to justify any conclusions. The findings are presented in the following
Types of Os Incae
a Normal occipital bone
showing the lambdoid suture
b Os incae totum
c Os incae bipartum
d Os incae tripartum
e Os incae multipartum
f Os incae laterale
g Os incae central
h Os inace laterale dextrum
i Ossicula wormiana
after Martin and Sailer
Tribe No: of Skull Os Incae Ossicula
Examined No. % No. %
Rwanda 126 6 4.8 27 22
Rundi 48 0 0 5 11
Munyankole 20 0 0 5 25
Ciga 16 0 0 2 12.5
Lango 13 1 7.7 3 25
Toro 11 0 0 2 18.2
Etesot 10 3 30 2 20
Nyoro 9 0 0 3 33
Ganda 9 0 0 0 0
Gisu 6 0 0 0 0
Soga 5 0 0 0 0
Lugbara 5 1 20 1 20
Acholi 3 0 0 2 66
Others 119 4 3 14 12
Total 400 15 60 -
Six of the cases of Os incae were from Rwanda, 3 were Etesot, 1 Lango and
1 Lugbara. It is interesting to note that the occurrence of Os incae varies enormous-
ly between the Rwanda and the Rundi, even though both groups are closely
related to each other ethnically and are both immigrants from neighboring
territories. The 6 Rwanda cases were found from a sample of 126 skulls, whilst
none of the 48 Rundi skulls had any. In addition wormian bones were much
more common among the Rwanda with an incidence of 22% (27 cases), whilst
the Rundi had an incidence of only 11% (5 cases). No explanations can be
offered for these variations between the Rwanda and Rundi. Other high incid-
ences of wormian bones, were recorded amongst the Munyankole (5 out of 20),
Nyoro (3 out of 9) and Lango(3 out of 13).
It may be of interest to see these variations in East Africa in relation to
studies made elsewhere. Os incae were noticed in two Inca mumies in 1842, and
it was thought to have been a racial characteristic of the Incas (hence its name)
and especially among the Ajmara and Huanka tribes. However, this view has
since been opposed by many later authors, one of whom claimed that the bone
was first described by Eustaceus in 1534.3 Table 2 demonstrates that the bone
has been observed in many areas of the world with old Peru, Mexico and the
Balkans having high incidences. The only other records for Africa come from
the Congo and Egypt.
The skulls observed in Uganda are similar to those of Egyptian mummies
and Amercan negroes. Also, as with those from the Balkans,4 Os incae in East
Africa were more common on the right side of the skull than the left.
There are, however, considerable variations between old and recent popula-
tion groups. Old Slavonics of the 6th 8th centuries had an incidence of 15%
compared with 2.5 % in recent Yugoslavs. This significant difference may be
explained on the basis of the life expectation of the old Slavonics which could
not have been more than 30-40 years. Os incae have not been reported in foetal
skulls or in skulls from senile subjects, as in the latter case the ossicles are taken
up into the major bone mass by fusion of the sutures.
No. of % Incid-
Skulls ence of
Author and year
Frank and Russell 1900
Le Double 1903
Frank and Russell 1900
Martin and Saller 1959
Martin and Sailer 1959
Martin and Sailer 1959
Le Double 1903
Frank and Russell 1900
Martin and Saller 1959
Frank and Russel 1900
Frank and Russel 1900
Martin and Saller 1959
Martin and Saller 1959
Negovanovic & Zivanovic 1965
Martin and Sailer 1959
Gundara and Zivanovic 1967
No plausible explanation has been put forward as to the origin of Os incae.
Os incae assumed considerable importance about four hundred years ago in
therapeutic medicine. Its powder, Ossiculum antilepticus was considered an exce-
llent medicine for the treatment of epilepsy. In the 19th century it was thought
that these bones were commonly found among criminals but this theory was
discredited. Os incae have also been reported in many animals including ungul-
ates, primates, carnivoves, rodents and birds.5 These anomalies in skull structures
run through the mammalian orders, probably due to a minor fault in normal
A high incidence of wormian bones was also noted among the Incas and
this occurrence amongst Ajmara and Huanka Incas explained by the fact that
they put tight bands round their children' heads to make them dolico-cephalic.
Wormian bones are believed to be preformed in membrane, and have been
noted in association with other skeletal abnormalities like persistent Os acetibuli
and metobic suture.6 In this study of East African skulls only one skull
was found with a persistent metopic suture and none with Os acetibuli.
218 UGANDA JOURNAL
It has been suggested that a certain change, possibly of a metabolic
nature in the ossifying process of the mesoderm may account for wormian
bones and that such anomalies may be a product of centres detached
from the main osteogenic centre.7 This appears to be unlikely as during mes-
enchymal condensation the osteogenic centres are fairly well demarcated by a
limiting membrane which will give rise to periosteum of the bone.8 Some authors
have also reported the association of wormian bones with Dystosis cliedocranialis,
congenital hydrocephalus, and disorders of the central nervous system like
Spina bifida, syringomyelia and encaphlomyelocele, and a case of Klippel-Feil
syndrome in association with wormian bones has been found. However, no
evidence of such anomalies in association with wormian bones was found in the
East African skeletal material except the 10 cases of Os incae already mentioned
and various epiteric bones.
The authors are indebted to Professor R. Wheeler Haines, of the Department
of Anatomy of Makerere University College, for his help and advice in the
preparation of this paper.
1. Martin, R. and Sailer, K. Lehrbuch der Anthroplogie, 1959, 2nd edition, pp. 1295-1299
2. Negovanovic, B. and Zivanovic, S. Reports of the Sixth Scientific Meeting of Yugoslav
Anthropological Society, May, 1965.
3. Le Double, Trait des variations des os du crane, de l'homme. Paris, Vigot. 1905.
4. Negovanovic and Zivanovic, op. cit.
5. Le Double, op.cit.
6. Hess, L. Ossicula wormiana. Human Biology, 18, 1946, p. 61.
8. Haines, R. W. 1967, Personal communication.
N.B. It should be noted that the variations presented here would not be considered statistically
Mr. Matson, a regular contributor to this journal, is engaged in preparing
notes on non-missionary vessels on Lake Victoria, and writes to ask if any
readers of the journal have any knowledge of the fate of Stokes' boat, the Limi.
This vessel is not mentioned in the numerous papers connected with his murder
in 1895, nor is it listed as an asset in his wills. There were very few non-
indigenous craft on Lake Victoria at that time, and it seems unlikely that the
boat, which played a significant part in Uganda affairs, was not used, possibly
under another name, after Stokes' property had been disposed of. It would be
appreciated if anyone with information concerning the Limi would com-
municate with the editor or direct with Mr. A. T. Matson at 41, Bramber Road,
Seaford, Sussex, England.
THE WAY TO THE MOUNTAINS OF THE MOON
By R. BERE
London, Arthur Barker, 1966, 147p., 6 figs., 24 plates, 36 shs (U. K.)
From an original intention to write an entirely objective account of the
Ruwenzori alone, the author has turned to a more personal narrative covering
his holiday visits and expeditions to many of the mountains of Uganda and the
surrounding peaks of the Congo and Kenya. One must be grateful for this
change of emphasis for in this small book is distilled most powerfully a personal
delight and an infectious enthusiasm for the mountain landscapes of this part of
Africa. It is a record of experiences gathered over a period of thirty years while
the author served first in the colonial administration and later as Director and
Chief Warden of the Uganda National Parks; and what a refreshing change it is
to come upon a book which records, not the superficial gleanings of a few frantic
months, but a life-time of intelligent and perceptive acquaintance, freshly set
down with humour and no little learning.
The account starts in the north with a reconnaissance of Amiel, proceeds
southward to Kungu in Buganda, from whence it passes to the Mufumbiro
mountains, describing ascents of Mikeno, Karasimbi and Muhavura. Brief
references are made to the mountains of Karamoja and there is an interlude on
Mount Kenya. The central theme however is Ruwenzori and these are but
stopping points en route. The way is liberally sprinkled with anecdotes, comment
on people and customs and a mass of information on the natural history of the
areas visited. For those who want further betails, there are appendices on Ruwen-
zori vegetation, check lists of birds and animals and a history of the development
of knowledge about the massif which will be already familiar to some readers
of this journal (Uganda Journal, Io,pp.84-8 and 19, pp. 121-136).
To the uninitiated the panegyric on Ruwenzori may seem a little fulsome.
The 'peerless meadows of Nyamuleju' appeared to the present reviewer some
months ago to be deceptively like limitless bogs-contemplation of them is cer-
tainly more likely to produce enthusiasm at a distance than upon close acquaint-
ance. Here at least is an antedote to the constantly repeated grumbles from the
hut books above the interminable mud! The key to this approach is clear from
the account; an awareness of the interest of the natural scene, even why and
when it will rain, may perhaps take the mind away from the sweat and dis-
comfort of the actual climb. The present writer finished the book with regret;
it was too short.
There are minor errors in the text: Lake Albert is not 2,000 but 168 feet
deep (p.32); details of the geology and pattern of ice behaviour on Ruwenzori
are misleading (pp.22 & 33). The author tends to perpetuate the myth that Sir
Douglas Busk discovered the Coronation glacier whereas he was only the first to
220 UGANDA JOURNAL
notice (in print) that it had recently (between 1940 and 1953) become detached
from the Elena glacier. Mount Moroto is wrongly titled Mount Debasien
(between pp.8-9). Humphrey's main papers appeared in the Geographical not
the Alpine Journal (p.36). All these points are details and do not significantly
detract from the continuously absorbing and informative narrative.
Alas fire cigars are no more, but have been replaced by the ubiquitous safety-
match. The Ruwenzori chupatti too, has passed-despite the author's fervent
advocacy-presumably it lost its staying power through too much bicarbonate of
soda! Gone too is David Pasteur's craving for cigarettes-presumably through
a second look at the contents of his mountaineers mixture. But the Mountain
Club, whose foundation owes much to Mr. Bere, its first President, remains.
How appropriate it is that this book which records the circumstances of its birth
and better than anything else, perhaps, its raison d'etre-a shared enjoyment of
mountains-should appear in Uganda 21 years after its birth, as a most appro-
priate coming-of-age token.
Uganda Mountain Club. P. H. TEMPLE
GROWING UP IN EAST AFRICA.
By E. B. CASTLE
London, Oxford University Press, 1966, 272 p. 30s net (U.K.) Price
Growing up in East Africa is necessary reading for those who are interested in
human growth and development in East Africa, as the book is essentially about
human beings. Broadly, the author's object is "to discover in what conditions
East African children grow up in home and in school from the day they are born
to the end of adolescence." The author states in another section: "...this book is
less concerned with educational systems than with the lives of those being
In this description of East African children as children, there is a constant
reminder that in educating children we are not only concerned with economic
growth and technical progress, important and necessary though these are, but
also with excellence-the test of which is the "relevance to the moral, intellect-
ual, and material needs of the African situation."
Professor Castle's long experience in the field of education, together with his
stay at Makerere and his extensive travels in East Africa, coupled with his
chairmanship of the Uganda Education Commission, enable him to "examine
hundreds of isolated facts about education in East Africa as part of a total educa-
tion" in a very competent and convincing manner. The first two parts, in which
he describes the social background of the child and the social world into which
the child emerges, are at once exciting and emotionally provocative. In parts,
three and four the author passes to an examination of the educational resources
and manpower needs, and the youth produced by the educational system. In
the present system of education, inherited from colonial times, the author de-
scribes the narrow road an African child follows from birth to the time he gets a
white collar job-a stage at which "school certificate people speak to graduates,
and graduates speak only to God"?
The last sections of the book deal with a consideration of values in education
language and communication; tensions in school; approach to discipline; and
responsible community. It is interesting to note that the Minister of Education
of Uganda, has recently appointed a commission to inquire into the problems of
discipline and the causes of strikes in schools.
One hesitates to make any criticism of such a competently written book
especially as the writer is careful to point out repeatedly that whatever weaknesses
there are can be dealt with; "they are human, rather than peculiarly African
defects." But still, the impression is created that several quotations, espe-
cially of impressionistic studies done at the East African Institute of Social
Research, are made to support the author's sometimes subjective judgements on
certain points. Even where detailed research into local conditions has been
done it has so far been limited to a few tribes and areas, and one who knows
East Africa can appreciate how dangerous it can be to make generalizations
from a few isolated cases. These quotations are therefore, as the author guessed
rightly, emotionally provocative. However, as stated earlier, there is a refreshing
admission from the start. "Likewise I have no hope that I have avoided the
pitfall of occasionally misinterpreting African conditions, for it is easy for
Europeans to make subjective judgements on African affairs, especially in the
realms of custom and religion where our knowledge remains scanty and our
assessments of African values uncertain. For any such lapses I apologise to my
Obviously Professor Castle is more at home with the situations in Uganda
and Kenya than with Tanzania, and although a number of quotations taken
from both the Uganda and Kenya Education Commission reports might read
similarly if applied to Tanzania, one has the impression that the latter country
has developed a unique approach to education, based on the policy of Ujamaa.
Perhaps there was room for a little more discussion on problems of education in
Nevertheless, Growing up in East Africa, written by a man brought up in the
tradition of the western system of education, who has not only lived and
travelled in East Africa, but who has in various capacities actively participated
in discussions on problems of education in East Africa, is a book full of
provocative statements on educational theory, and sound practical solutions to
innumerable problems that East Africa faces. It is a book useful not only for
discussion in teacher training institutions, but very useful for educational
planners and administrators, and the general public.
Department of Educational Psychology,
Makerere University College. B. OTAALA
By N. DYSON-HUDSON
London, Oxford University Press 1966, pp. 280, 6 plates (10 illustrations),
30 maps and text figures. Price 45 Shs. (U.K. price)
This book, the result of thirty-three months continuous research in southern
Karamoja between January 1956 and September 1958, is to date the only
work by a "professional anthropologist" (p. iv) on the Karimojong. The title,
Karimojong Politics, may appear inappropriate to such a people in their present
stage of development. Dr. Dyson-Hudson, however, takes as his definition of
politics-"purposive behaviour of a co-operative or representative kind; in
which decisions are made on behalf of, and accepted by, the people concerned;
and which involve norms and relations beyond the domestic range." (p. 4)
The main object of the book would thus appear to be to examine the notion
of political community, and its two correlates, political authority and political
policy, in relation to the Karimojong. To do this it becomes necessary to
consider how the Karimojong adapt themselves to climate and environment;
the role of cattle, both as objects of economic interest and as value; the terri-
torial and social organisation of the tribe; the age-set system of authority,
and the relations between the Karimojong and outside groups, including the
Administration. This the author proceeds to do, following the same order as
in his preliminary survey, "The Present Position of the Karimojong" of 1958.
It is in this attempt to present a complete political picture that the author
finds himself defeated, not so much by the complexity of his material, as by
the mass of it at his disposal. After reading that "the affairs of a single domestic
unit ... are not politically relevant" and that "The minimal units of relevance
to political discussion thus become the neighbourhood" (p. 2), one is surprised
to discover paragraphs on soil types and the rights of individual wives to
gardens (pp. 40-41), cattle names and songs (pp. 96-99) or even domestic
factors influencing the time of initiation into an age-set (pp. 205-206). It
almost seems as if Dr. Dyson-Hudson has become so intrigued by the inform-
ation at his disposal that he feels the reader must share this surfeit of riches.
In the process the main purpose is lost. It is not enough to assert at the outset
that politics is "behaviour of a co-operative or representational kind," the
writer must demonstrate to the reader's satisfaction the essentially political
nature of such behaviour. The task is no mean one. Given the diversity of
Karimojong behaviour and the complexity of social relationships where
territotial, kin and age loyalties operate in an inconstant environment, perhaps
only a Levi-Strauss could have so structured the material as to keep it within the
framework of the main thesis. At times Dr. Dyson-Hudson appears aware of
this, as when he writes of the conflicting needs of men and cattle (p. 56). But
the possibilities of analysing Karimojong society in terms of binary opposition
(wet-dry, camp-permanent settlement, agriculture-pastoralism, needs of
man-needs of beast) are never fully explored.
A few minor points of criticism may be added. The non-specialist reader is
likely to be confused in the opening chapter by a failure to distinguish clearly
between the administration of Karamoja District and that of the Karimojong.
Thus the statement that six counties made up Karamoja District (p. 9) is
followed on p. 11 with "By 1958 the Karimojong were administratively divided
into only three counties," giving the impression of a decreasing number of
administrative units. The statements, though true, are misleading if the reader
is unaware that the first refers to the geographical area of Karamoja District,
the second to that part of it occupied by the Karimojong. The author trans-
lates ekitela (ngitela) as "ridge(s)" (pp. 117, 126, etc.) instead of "a wild or
barren place", which is the more acceptable Karimojong usage. The Ngimuno
are not to be found north of the Bokora as shown on the map on p. 143, but live
on the opposite side of the Omanimani River. While Dr. Dyson-Hudson's
fluency in Akarimojong is still remembered by many with admiration, it is a
pardonable overstatement to say that "all our work during this time was done
through the native language." (p. viii). The lapse of time between concluding
research and publication has meant that many statistics are now ten years out
of date, while changes have taken place both in the relationship between the
Karimojong and their neighbours and between the elders and the "warriors."
These, however, are minor matters. The writer's contribution to our knowledge
of the Karimojong is, and will remain, considerable.
One need only add that the diagrams are well reproduced but not always
easy to understand, the black and white photographs have a pleasing aura of
the late fifties, the index is adequate if the bibliography is not, and the style is
standard Oxford anthropologese.
K. A. GOURLAY
THE BRITISH RULE IN KENYA, 1895-1912
By G. H. MUNGEAM
Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1966, pp. xii + 329, 55/- (U.K.)
The British Rule in Kenya is a study of a limited period in the early history of
Kenya. The author tackles the subject from three spheres of investigation;
first the establishment of administrative control, second the development of the
machinery of government and third, the entry of the European settlers and its
effects on the history of Kenya. Only certain aspects of this treatment can be
singled out for review.
One of these is the extent of British violence against the African resisters.
This is treated in the first hundred pages where the author's main theme is "the
assumption of Government" under Sir Arthur Hardinge who was responsible
for the East African Protectorate as well as being the Consular General at
Zanzibar. His tenure of office lasted until 1900 and it was dominated by wars of
occupation. Dr. Mungeam has unearthed much valuable information on this
subject and, as he himself hopes, it will in future be greatly supplemented by
oral tradition. The attitude of most colonial administrators at the time of occu-
224 UGANDA JOURNAL
pation is represented by the following arguments of Commissioner Hardinge in
a private letter to Hill.
These people must learn submission by the bullets it's the only school;
after that you may begin more modern and humane methods of education.
.....In Africa, to have peace you must first teach obedience and the only
tutor who impresses the lesson properly is the sword. (p.30)
In this spirit, the Arab resisters at the coast were "crushed once and for all".
Their defeat enabled the Foreign Office to use the coastal area as a firm base for
communications with Uganda. But although the Foreign Office was not always
satisfied they almost always acquiesced, provided the men on the spot "followed
the general principles of punitive policy laid down by Lansdowne." In actual
practice the brigandage and looting of the British soldiers and their African
supporters which characterized the so called operations of pacification seem to
have surpassed that of the inter-state wars in pre-colonial Africa. For instance,
during the extensive operation against the Murakas, between September 2 and
October 25, 1902; "200 of them were killed, 300 cattle and 7,000 sheep captur-
ed. "On another occasion, 4,000 cattle were captured. Often vital statistics of
African casualties were omitted from the Administrators' despatches in order
to minimise, the extent of violence. (p.84). In recording these activities of the
early colonial administrators, Dr. Mungeam has done a service to scholarship.
One recalls that up till recently, one of the main pre-occupations of British
historians was to extoll the virtues and mildness of British colonial regime and
to contrast it with the harshness and violence of the Germans, Belgians and
British Rule in Kenya deals also with more pleasant aspects than "the smashing
of tribesmen". The author points out that it was during the formative years of
the Protectorate that the railway to Uganda was constructed. "Instead of being
merely an area to be passed through as quickly as possible on the way to Uganda
the Protectorate began to assume an importance of its own." (p.66). By 1899
the railway headquarters had been moved from Mombasa to Nairobi which
had been choose initially as a marshalling site.
Almost two thirds of the book deals with Kenya's main problem, namely the
question of land and European settlement. Hardinge was succeeded in 1900 by
Sir Charles Eliot. This was also the period of the arrival of the settlers. Eliot's
enthusiasm for European settlement was matched only by his brilliant scholar-
ship. As soon as he arrived he sent lengthy despatches to Lord Lansdowne
enlarging on the great potentialities of the country and how ideal it was for
scientific development. He drew particular attention to "the large area of high-
land with cool and invigorating climate, fertile soil and wide pasture grounds"
which he believed to be suitable for European colonisation. The author points
out that Lord Lansdowne agreed to the general idea of introducing settlers in
order to secure more revenue. No one denies the importance of revenue, but
was this the only motive? There were colonies of "exploitation and colonies of
settlement". What was Kenya to be after the introduction of the settler? This
question is not adequately discussed.
The author's other concern is to estimate the importance of the man on the
spot. It is not very clear, however, whether the man on the spot includes both
the administrator and the settler. Nevertheless Dr. Mungeam has shown that
the man on the spot generally got his way and in the author's view nothing
much could be done by Whitehall. But was this really so? Was it due to the
weakness of Whitehall that the men on the spot won nearly all the rounds?
Might it not be that this apparent weakness was a deliberate policy on the part
of Whitehall? The author's arguments in defence of Whitehall are plausible
but not convincing, especially when seen in relation to the parallel situation
The transfer of Uganda's Eastern Province is discussed (pp.89-96), but not
as adequately as one would have wished. One gets the impression that the only
motive behind the transfer was the desire to streamline the administration,
especially that of the railway. The author might perhaps have discussed whether
the motive behind the transfer was not the acquisition of more land suitable for
With thoroughness and skill, Dr. Mungeam has presented us with a brill-
iantly written account of the formative years of Kenya as a British colony. The
book will be welcomed not only by the historians of Kenya, but al readers of
British colonial history.
Makerere University College. M. S. M. KIWANUKA
EVOLUTION UND REVOLUTION
IN DER LANDSCHAFTSENTWICKLUNG OSTAFRIKAS
By J. H. SCHULTZE
Weisbaden, Steiner Verlag, 1966, 48p.
This fourteenth number of the series Erdkundliches Wissen, now titled Beihefte
zur Geographischen Zeitschrift follows the tradition of comprehensive themes but
it is a less finished product than the earlier monographs. After a necessarily
short and admittedly simplified presentation of East Africa's natural geographic
regions, population densities are discussed with the help of specially drawn small
scale maps derived from the atlases of Tanganyika and Uganda and publica-
tions such as W. T. W. Morgan's population map of Kenya and the author's
own earlier publication on tropical Africa of 1955. The decrease of areas with
minimal densities less than four persons per square mile and the increase of
areas with maximal population densities (more than twenty persons per square
mile) between 1930 and 1960 are shown on a third map. These changes are
investigated as the result of variable factors, such as sleeping sickness, the slave
trade, settlement schemes and migration, with climate as a constant factor
being dealt with through irrigation, boreholes and drainage. The longest chap-
ter deals with heterogeneous factors. Here Alfred Ruhl's Wirtschaftsgeist is
invoked and the reader begins to look for a treatment of geography as a beha-
vioural science. The author distinguishes between three "thought structures",
traditionalism, money economy and the emergence of the African elite. But the
connection between these attitudes and the pages about the white settlers' high-
lands, overgrazing by the Masai, land pressures, settlement schemes, trans-
portation, ports and airways, the introduction of sisal, coffee, cotton and of new
agricultural methods gets lost in what, at best, is an enumerative treatment. It
culminates in four pages about energy resources and industrialization. The
summary, called "results and conclusions" by the author, contains a speculation
about the widening gap between developed and underdeveloped countries and
226 UGANDA JOURNAL
some generalities such as the obvious fact that development proceeds in
different places at different paces and with different intensities.
In the preface the author says that he "experienced East Africa as a scholar
in 1937, 1963 and 1965", and personal observations are often quoted as the
source of information. This helps to account for the authoritative style. But the
latter does not compensate for the uneven treatment and rather arbitrary sele-
ction of details, nor for the loose structure of a book which the editors probably
meant to be of help to German students of East Africa's rapidly changing
Professor of Geography
Macalester College, HILDEGARD JOHNSON
St. Paul, Minnesota.
WILD ANIMALS IN AN AFRICAN NATIONAL PARK
By R. BERE
London: Andre Deutsch 1966,96p., 25 plates,l map, 18 sh. U. K.
This charming book is clearly intended for young people, and consists of a
series of descriptive anecdotes of the animals to be found in the Queen Elizabeth
and Murchison Falls Game Parks. The format is uninspired; one feels that good
line drawings would have improved the work a great deal. Some of the plates
must have been made from superb improved the work a great deal. Some of the
plates must have been made from superb photographs, but many have been-
ruthlessly trimmed, presenting the animals in somewhat cramped space.
The author has been a well known figure in Uganda. Between 1954 and
1960 he was Director and Chief Warden of the Uganda National Parks. With
an easy style of writing he sketches in many of the well known facts of the Game
Parks and a few of the lesser known facts also. He leads up to the problems of
game management but does not deal with more recent programmes of culling
elephants and hippos. The book makes suitable reading for youngsters and,
although slightly outof-date, would be good light reading for the more innocent
of visitors to Uganda.
A. W. R. McCRAE
Uganda Journal, 31, 2, (1967) 227-242
BRYAN WV. LANGLANDS
This is the ninth bibliography on Uganda concerned with publications
since 1961; previous issues of the Uganda Journal have contained bibliographies
for 1961-62, 1962-63, 1963-64, 1964, 1964-65, 1965-66 and 1966. This list
contains 275 entries of which a half are for works published in 1967, a hundred
for 1966 and most of the remainder for 1965. Items which have not been seen
by the compiler are marked with an asterisk.
Annual report of the City Engineer, Kampala, 1965. Kampala, City Council,
in -4to, 1967, 44 p., 25 photos.
BADER, F. J. W. Landschaftsokologie und Landschaftswandel in den National-
parken Ugandas. (Die Erde, Berlin, Vol. 97, no. 4, 1966, pp.246-267.)
CARLSON, L. Africa's lands and nations. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1967, in
-4to, 398 p., numerous plates, fig. & maps. Pp.319-354 deal with East Africa
in general & pp.344-346 specifically with Uganda.
DAVIES, K. Lord TWINING and SYKES, J. A tribute to E. J. Wayland. (Uganda
Jl., Kampala, Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, pp.1-5.)
DIAMOND, S. and BURKE, F. G. (Eds.) The transformation of East Africa: studies
in political anthropology. New York, Basic Books, 1966, in -4to, xiii + 623 p.,
E.A.C.S.O. Annual report of the East African Common Services Organisation,
1964. Nairobi, E.A.C.S.O., 1965, in -8vo, 91 p., 24 photos.
-Annual report of the East African Common Services Organisation, 1965.
Nairobi, E.A.C.S.O., 1966, in -8vo, 88p., 13 photos, 1 map.
Empango Celebrations Committee. Omurwa Gwabajwarakondo ba Bunyoro-
Kitara. Hoima, 1967, in -4to, 15 p., 17 photos. (Lunyoro & English). A
description of the Coronation ceremony and a list of persons known to
have received a royal coronet (Abajwakondo).
KREBS, N. Vergleichende Landerkunde. Stuttgart, Koehler, 1966, 503 p. A
systematic comparative regional geography of which pp. 213-223 deal with
the East African faulted block region.
LANGLANDS, B. W. Research in geography at Makerere, 1947-1967. Kampala,
Makerere U.C., Department of Geography, 1967, in -4to, 87 p. (Cyclostyled)
(Department of Geography, Occasional papers, no. 2.)
-The published works of E. J. Wayland. (Uganda J1., Kampala, Vol. 31 no. 1,
1967, pp. 33-42.)
OLIER, C. D., WEBSTER, R., LAWRANCE, C. J. and BECKETT, P. H. T. The pre-
paration of a land classification map at 1:1,000,000 of Uganda. (International
Archives of Photogrammetry, Paris, Vol. 16, April 1967, ) Report of
the 2nd International Symposium of Photo-Interpretation, Paris 1966.)*
228 UGANDA JOURNAL
PIROUET, L. The coronation of the Omukama of Toro: the programme of the
1966 coronation and a letter on the coronation of Daudi Kasagama. (Make-
rere Jl., Kampala, no. 12, Dec. 1966, pp. 16-24.)
STONIER, G. W. Off the rails. London, Hutchinson, 1967, in-8vo., 232 p., 23
photos. An inconsequential travellogue of which chapters 17-23 concern
THOMAS, H. B. On the frontiers of another world. (Uganda Jl., Kampala,
Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, pp. 123-126.)
Uganda Museum, Kampala. (Nature, London, Vol. 205, no. 4970, Jan. 1965,
Welcome to Uganda; cradle of the Nile. Kampala, Min. Information, Broadcasting
& Tourism, in -8vo, 1967, 141 p., numerous photos.
WILSON, E. G. (Ed.) Who's who in East Africa. Nairobi, Marco Surveys, 1966,
in -8vo., 389 p. Separate section of 123 p. on Uganda.
WILSON, F. B. Obituary to J. D. Jameson. (Uganda Jl., Kampala, Vol. 31,
no. 1, 1967, p. 129.)
DOGGETT, H. Disruptive selection in crop development. (Nature, London,
Vol. 206, no. 4981, April 1965, pp. 279-280, 1 fig.) This article deals mainly
-Hybrid grain sorghum for eastern and southern Africa. (Field Crop Abstracts,
London, Vol. 18, no. 2, May 1965, pp. 71-77.) A review article of the hybrids
made from combined Kafir 60 and White Wheatland. Hybrids have been
introduced from U.S.A. and India.
GHOSH, B. N. Air-flow characteristics of parchment coffee beans. (Journal of
Agricultural Engineering Research, London, Vol. 11, no. 4., 1966, pp. 233-337.)
-A review of the mechanisation problems of coffee processing in East Africa.
(Kenya Coffee, Nairobi, Vol. 31, no. 366, June 1966, pp. 245-251.)
HOWARTH, N. L. Bugambe tea estate, Bunyoro. (E.A. Geog. Rev., Kampala,
Vol. 5, April 1967, pp. 63-64.)
KRUG, C. A. World coffee summary: Part I Africa-Uganda. (World ofFarming,
Kansas, Vol. 7, no. 2, Feb. 1965, pp. 30-31 & 44, 1 map.)
MANSHARD, W. Wanderfeldbar und Landwechselwirtschaft in den Tropen.
(Heidelberger Geog. Arbeiten, Vol. 15, 1966)* (Itinerant agriculture and
alternating land economy in the tropics.)
MIRACLE, M. P. Maize in tropical Africa. Wisconsin, U.P., 1966, in -4to, 327 p.
RUSSELL, E. W. Climate and crop yields in the tropics: a review of progress in
reducing some harmful effects of climate on crop production. (Cotton Growing
Rev., London, Vol. 44, no. 2, April 1967, pp. 87-99.)
SINGLETON, C. B. An agricultural safari through East Africa's great rift valley.
(Foreign Agric, Washington, Vol. 4, no. 45, Nov. 1966, pp. 14-16, 6 photos.)
STEPHENS, D. A note on the correlations between coffee yields and soil analyses
in Uganda. (E.A.Agric. & For. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 32, no. 4, April 1967, pp.
456-458, 2 tables.)
-The effect of ammonium sulphate and other fertilizer and inoculation
treatments on beans. (E.A. Agric. & For. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 32, no. 4, April
1967, pp. 411-417, 4 tables.)
Uganda. Report on Uganda census of agriculture, Vol. 111-1966. Entebbe,
Government Printer for Min. Agriculture & Co-operatives, 1967, in -8vo,
153 p., numerous tables. This section of the census deals mainly with the
distribution of particular crops.
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY-1966-1967 229
ASHTON, G. C. and LAMPKIN, G. H. Serum albumin and transferring poly-
morphism in East African cattle. (Nature, London, Vol. 105, no. 4967,
Jan. 1965, pp. 209-210.)
Geographical distributions of animal diseases: Rinderpest, Contagious Bovine
Pleuropneumonia, Foot and Mouth Disease, Trypanosomiasis, Black-
quarter, Rabies. (Bull. Epizootic Diseases in Afr., London, Vol. 15, no. 1,
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MARPLES, H. J. S. and TRAIL, J. C. M. An analysis of a commercial herd of
diary cattle in Uganda. (Tropical Agric., London, Vol. 44, no. 1, Jan. 1967,
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SHIFRINE, M. and GOURLAY, R. N. Evaluation of diagnostic tests for Contagious
Bovine Pleuro-pneumonia. (Bull. Epizootic Diseases in Afr., London, Vol. 15,
no. 1, March 1967, pp. 7-10, 2 tables.)
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yield, calf growth and mortality. (E.A. Agric. & For. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 32,
no. 3, Jan. 1967, pp. 250-255, 2 tables.)
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Feb. 1965, pp. 59-63.) Cattle-breeding in East Africa.
Uganda. Annual report of the Department of Veterinary Services and Animal
Industries. Entebbe, Government Printer, 1965, in -8vo., 49 p., 21 tables.
McNuTT, D. N. Further reports by different liquorers on Arabica coffee
sprayed with lindane. (E.A. Agric. & For. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 32, no. 4, April
1967, pp. 347-351, 5 tables.) Experiments carried out on Bugisa coffee.
-The white coffee borer: its identification, control and occurrence in Uganda.
(E.A. Agric. & For. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 32, no. 4, April, 1967, pp. 469-473, 2
fig., 1 table.)
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burgh, Vol. 5, no. 2, April 1966, pp. 202-217.)
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Vol. 6, no. 1, Jan. 1967, pp. 57-65.)
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+ 280 p., 10 photos, 30 fig.
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countries. (Amer. Jl. Clinical Nutrition, Iowa, Vol. 20, no. 3, March 1967,
pp. 279-281.) Contains reference to Ganda customs.
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cosmos edited by J. Middleton, New York, Natural History Press, 1967,
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1966, pp. 141-154.
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Affairs, London, Vol. 66, Jan. 1967, pp. 40-54.) Contains some references to
230 UGANDA JOURNAL
anthropological research in Uganda.
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Therapeutic surgery. (E.A. Medical JI., Nairobi, Vol. 44, no. 1, Jan. 1967,
SOUTHWOLD, M. Succession to the throne in Buganda. Essay in Succession to
high office, edited byJ. Goody, London, C.U.P., 1966, pp. 82-126. (Cambridge
Papers in Social Anthropology no. 4.)
SSEKAMWA, J. C. Witchcraft in Buganda today. (Transition, Kampala, no. 30,
Vol. 6 (v), April 1967, pp. 30-39, illustrated by K. Sempangi.)
TROUWBORST, A. A. De betekenis van koeien als huwelijksgift in Oost-Afrika.
(Afrika, Hague, Vol. 19, no. 6, June 1965, pp. 184-129.) The meaning of
cows as marriage payment in East Africa.
-Sociologische achtergronden van het sacraal koningschap in Afrika. (Afrika,
Hague, Vol. 19, no. 11, Nov. 1965, pp. 360-364.)* Sociological backgrounds
of the sacral kingship in Africa, with particular reference to Buganda.
TURNBULL, C. M. Report from Africa: a people apart. (Natural Hist., New
York, Vol. 75, no. 8, Oct. 1966, pp. 8-14.)* A study of the Ik (Teuso).
-The Ik: alias the Teuso. (Uganda Jl., Kampala, Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, pp. 63-
71, 1 fig.)
YELD, R. I signori dei monti (Kiga). (Nigrizia, Verona, Vol. 84, no. 9 Sept.
1966, pp. 26-29.)*
NENQUIN, J. Contributions to the study of the prehistoric cultures of Rwanda and Burundi.
Tervuren, Belgium, Mus6e Royale de l'Afrique Centrale, 1967, in -8vo,
310 p., 12 photos, 166 fig. (Annales, Sciences Humaines No. 59.) Contains
references to Stone and Iron Age cultures of North Rwanda which are
are found also on the Uganda side of the Kagera. The excellent illustrations
are of comparative value to Ugandan archaeology.
POSNANSKY, M. Wayland as an archaeologist. (Uganda Jl., Kampala, Vol. 31,
no.l, 1967, pp. 9-12.)
MATTI, S. Four paintings. (Transition, Kampala, No. 30, Vol. 6(v), April
1967, pp. 43-45.) (Acholi)
BRENAN, J. P. M. Flora of tropical East Africa: Leguminosae and Caesalpinoidae.
London, H.M.S.O. for Crown Agents & Min. Overseas Development, May
1967, 230 p., 49 fig.
-Notes on Mimosoideae: Part II-The genus Entanda, its subdivisions and a
key to the African species. (Kew Bull., London, Vol. 20, no. 3, 1966, pp.
361-378, 1 fig.)
HEMSLEY, J. H. Notes on African Sapotaceae. (Kew Bull., London, Vol. 20,
no. 3, 1966, pp. 461-510, 5 fig., 8 tables.)
JEFFREY, C. Notes on Compositae Part I-The Cichorieae in east tropical Africa.
(Kew Bull., London, Vol. 18, no. 3, 1966, pp. 427-486, 9. fig.)
LANGLANDS, B. W. Burning in eastern Africa, with particular reference to
Uganda (E.A. Geog. Rev., Kampala, Vol. 5, April 1967, pp. 21-37.)
MORRISON, M. E. S. Low-latitude vegetation history with special reference to
Africa. Essay in Proc. Internat. Symposium on World Climate 8000 to 0 B.C.
edited by J. S. Sawyer for the Royal Meteorological Society, London,
1967, pp. 142-148.
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY-1966-1967 231
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BOTANY-[Grasslands and Pastures]
MARSHALL, B. and BREDON, R. M. The nutritive value of Themeda triandra.
(E.A. Agric. For. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 32, no. 4, April 1967, pp. 375-379, 6
STEPHENS, D., Effects of fertilisers on grazed and cut elephant grass leys at
Kawanda research station, Uganda. (E.A. Agric. & For. Jl., Nairobi, Vol.
32, no. 4, April, 1967, pp. 383-392, 3 fig., 3 tables.)
TURNER, B. J. Ecological problems of cattle ranching in Bunyoro. (E.A Geog.
Rev., Kampala, Vol. 5, April 1967, pp. 9-19, 4 fig.)
E.A.C.S.O. Daily rainfall in Uganda. Nairobi, E.A. Meteorological Dept.,
in -4to, Jan.-Dec. 1965, Jan.-May 1966, 20 p.
-Monthly and annual rainfall in Uganda during the 30 years, 1931-1960. Nairobi,
E.A. Meteorological Dept., 1965, in -4to, 33 p., numerous tables.
-Summary of rainfall in Uganda for 1964. Nairobi, E.A. Meteorological Dept.,
1965, in -4to, 17 p.
-Summary of rainfall in Uganda for the year 1965. Nairobi, E.A. Meteorological
Dept., 1966, in -4to, 17 p.
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E.A.C.S.O., 1965, in -4to, 54 p.
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E.A.C.S.O., 1966, in -4to, 56 p.
GHOSH, B. N. Effect of local factors on the sunshine values of the Kampala
area. (E.A. Agric. & For. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 32, no. 4, April 1967, pp. 549-
468, 2 fig., 3 tables.)
HUXLEY, P. A. A preliminary study of the effect of differences in local climate
on the early growth of some crop plants in the southern region of Uganda.
(Jl. Applied Ecology, Oxford, Vol. 3, no. 2, Nov. 1966, pp. 251-260, 4 tables.)
YAZAWA, T. Klimatische Beobachtungen in Ostafrika. (Geog. Reports Tokyo
Metropolitan Univ., Tokyo, Vol. 1, July 1966, pp. 87-102, 11 fig.)
LANGLANDS, B. W. Geography anatomized. Kampala, Makerere U.C., Dept. of
Geography, 1967, in -4to, 77 p., 2 maps. (Dept, of Geography, Occasional
Paper, no. 3, (Cyclostyled) An analysis of the distribution of population of
the world by geographical regions, with particular attention to East Africa.
MEAD, D. C. The economics of population growth. (Transiton, Kampala,
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Aug. 1967, pp. 23-25.)
JOB, A. L. Mining in Uganda. (Uganda Jl., Kampala, Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967,
pp. 43-61, 1 map.)
MACDONALD, A. S. Some statistical aspects of cotton production in Uganda.
(Cotton Growing Rev., London, Vol. 44, no. 2, April 1967, pp. 105-113, 8 fig.,
2 tables.) The figures portray trends of production from 1920-1965 of cotton,
coffee and finger millet.
BARYARUHA, A. Factors affecting industrial employment: a case study of Ugandan
experience 1954-1964. Nairboi, O.U.P. for E.A.I.S.R., 1967, in -8vo, 83 p..
numerous tables, 8 sh. (E.A.I.S.R. Occasional Paper No. 1)
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April 1967, pp. 18-30.)
CHERNIAVSKY, M. Development prospects in East Africa. Bergen, Norway, Michel-
sen Inst., 1965, in -4to, 116, p. 317 tables. (Cyclostyled)*
E.A.C.S.O. Annual report of the East African Railways and Harbours, 1964
Nairobi, E.A.R. & H., 1965, 71 p., 21 photos, 2 maps.
-Annual report of the East African Railways and Harbours, 1965. Nairobi,
E.A.R. & H., 1966, 71 p., 28 photos, 2 maps.
-Annual trade report of Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya, 1964.Mombasa,
Customs & Excise Dept., 1965, 338 p.
-Annual trade report of Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya, 1965. Mombasa,
Customs & Excise Dept., 1966, 344 p.
ETOORI, D. M. Changes in the pattern of milk supply to Kampala. (E.A. Geog.
Rev., Kampala, Vol. 5, April 1967, pp. 65-66.)
GRAY, C. S. Development planning in East Africa: a review article. (E.A.
Econ. Rev., Nairobi, Vol. 2, no. 2, Dec. 1966, pp. 1-18) A criticism of a book
by Clark, of more concern for Kenya than Uganda.
GREEN, R. H. Cautious growth promotion and cautious structuralism: the
Kenya and Uganda 1966 development plans. (E.A. Econ. Rev., Nairobi, Vol.
2, no. 2, Dec. 1966, pp. 19-34, 4 tables.)
GREEN, R. N. and KRISHNA, K. G. V. (Eds.) Economic co-operation in Africa.
Nairobi, O.U.P., 1967, in -8vo, 160 p.
HOYLE, B. S. Industrial development at Jinja, Uganda. (Geography, Sheffield,
Vol. 52, no. 1, Jan. 1967, pp. 64-67, 1 map.)
-The expansion of electricity production and distribution in Uganda. (Geo-
graphy, Sheffield, Vol. 52, no. 2, April 1967, pp. 196-199, 1 fig., 1 map.)
KRISHNA, K. G. V. Resources and problems of economic development. Chapter
15, The transformation of East Africa edited by S. Diamond & F. G. Burke,
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KYESIMIRA, Y. The external trade prospects and the plans. (E.A. Econ. Rev.,
Nairobi, Vol. 2, no. 2, Dec. 1966, pp. 79-84.)
MACBEAN, A. I. Export instability and economic development. London, Allen &
Unwin for Univ. Glasgow Social & Economic Studies, 1966, 364 p. (No 9)
Pp. 131-150 are a case study of Uganda.
NIxsoN, F. I. and STOUTJESDIJK, A. J. Industrial development in the Kenya
and Uganda development plans. (E.A. Econ. Rev., Nairobi, Vol. 2, no. 2,
Dec. 1966, pp. 65-77, 2 tables.)
PAULUs, M. Das Genossenschaftswesen in Tanganyika und Uganda-Moglichkeiten
und Aufgaben. Berlin, Springer-Verlag, Ifo-Institut fiir Wirtschaftsforschung,
1967, in -8vo, 156 p., 15 tables, 4 maps. (Afrika-Studien, no. 15.)
ROBSON, P. The reshaping of East African economic co-operation (E.A. Jl.,
Nairobi, Vol. 4, no. 5, Aug. 1967, pp. 3-10.)
ROE, A. R. The reshaping of East African economic co-operation. (E.A. Jl.,
Nairobi, Vol. 4, no. 5, Aug. 1967, pp. 11-16, 3 tables.)
SCHNITTGER, L. Besteuerung und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung in Ostafrika. Berlin,
Springer- Verlag, 1966, 193 p. (Taxation and economic development in
Treaty for East African co-operation. Nairobi, Government Printer, for E.A.C.S.O.,
1967, in -4to, 126 p.
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY-1966-1967 233
Uganda. Background to the budget, 1966-67. Entebbe, Government Printer
1966, in 8vo, 63 p., numerous tables.
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Government Printer, 1967, 107 p., 12 tables. The report of a commission
under the chairmanship of S. M. N. Kijambu.
-Survey of industrial production, 1964. Entebbe, Min. Planning & Economic
Development, Statistics Division, Dec. 1966, 114 p. (Cyclostyled.)
VAN ARKADIE, B. and FRANK, C. Economic accounting and development planning.
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VON MARLIN, P. Impact of external economic relations on the economic development
of East Africa. Munich, 1966, in -4to, 110 p., 23 tables. (Cyclostyled.)
WATT, D. F. Work for progress and the recent design of agricultural development
policy in Ugnada. (E.A. Econ. Rev., Nairobi, Vol. 2, no. 2, Dec. 1966, pp. 49-
64, 2 tables.)
FISHER, C. Education. Chapter 13, The transformation of East Africa, edited by
S. Diamond & F. G. Burke, New York, Basic Books, 1966, pp. 494-509,
HANNA, L. W. Landscape study in geographical teaching. (E.A. Geog. Rev.,
Kampala, Vol. 5, April 1967, pp. 47-54, 5 fig.)
KAJUBI, W. S. Priorities in investment in education. Chapter in Africa, progress
through co-operation, edited by J. Karefa-Smart, New York, Doddmead, 1966,
KIWANUKA, M. S. M. Rich man's harvest ? The crisis of education in Uganda.
(E.A. 1J., Nairobi, Vol. 4, no. 2, May 1967, pp. 19-23.)
LUTWAMA, J. S. W. A guide to predicting health interests of school children.
(Int. J1. Health Education, Geneva, Vol. 10, no. 1, 1967, pp. 33-42.)
McGREGOR, G. P. King's College, Budo: the First sixty year. Nairobi, O.U.P.,
1967, in -8vo, 168 p., 16 photos.
NICOLSON, H. Diaries and letters, 1930-1939. (Ed. N. Nicolson). London, Collins,
1966, in -8vo, 448 p. Contains brief unflattering references to Makerere and
OJIAMBO, N. New perspectives in medical education. (E.A. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 4,
no. 5, Aug. 1967, pp. 33-36.)
BRADLEY, J. D. A new phycitine species associated with sorghum cultivars in
East Africa. (Lepidoptera: Pyralidae.) (Bull. Entomological Research, London,
Vol. 57, no. 1, Nov. 1966, pp. 117-119.)
DUNBAR, R. W. Four sibling species included in Simulium damnosum from
Uganda. (Nature, London, Vol. 209, no. 5203, Feb. 1966, pp. 597-599,
HADDOW, A. J. YARROW, I. H. H., LANCASTER, G. A. and CORBET, P. S.
Nocturnal flight cycles in the males of African doryline ants. (Proc. Royal
Entomological Soc., London, Vol. 41, no. 7, Sept. 1966, pp. 103-106, 1 fig.,
HARLEY, J. M. B. Studies on age and trypanosome infection rate in females of
Glossina pallidipes, G. palpalis fuscipes and G. brevipalpis in Uganda. (Bull.
Entomological Research, London, Vol. 57, no. 1, Nov. 1966, pp. 23-37, 5 fig.,
-CUNNINGHAM, M. P. and Van HOEVE, K. The number of infective Try-
panasoma obodesiense extruded by Glossina mersitans during feeding. (Ann.
234 UGANDA JOURNAL
Trop. Medicine & Parasitology, Liverpool, Vol. 60, no. 4, Dec. 1966, pp. 455-
460, 1 table.)
HARRIS, W. V. On the genus Coptotermes in Africa. (Proc. Royal Entomological
Soc., Series B., London, Vol. 35 no. 11, Dec. 1966, pp. 161-171, 2 fig., 1 map.)
LANCASTER, G. A. and HADDOW, A. J. Further studies on the nocturnal activity
of Tabanidae in the vicinity of Entebbe, Uganda. (Proc. Royal Entomological
Soc., Series A. London, Vol. 42, no. 1, March 1967, pp. 39-48, 4 fig., 3 tables.)
McCRAE, A. W. R. Defensive behaviour in click beetles. (Uganda Jl., Kampala
Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, p. 127.)
-Infestation of emulsion paint by the fly Magaselia scalaris. (Entomologist's
Monthly Mag., London, Vol. 102, 1966, pp. 241-243.)
-Unique record of crane flies biting man. (Uganda Jl., Kampala, Vol. 31,
no. 1, 1967, p. 128.)
OWEN, D. F. Ecological genetics in tropical Africa. (Proc. E.A. Academy, 1965,
Nairobi, Vol. 3, 1967, pp. 37-44, 5 fig., 3 tables.)
VAN SOMEREN, E. C. C. The female and early stages of Culex nakuruensis with a
description of a new sub-species Culex shoae. (Proc. Royal Entomological Soc.,
Series B, London, Vol. 36, no. 1, Feb. 1967, pp. 11-16, 3 fig.) The Culex shoae
is from Uganda.
GEOLOGY and GEOMORPHOLOGY
CAHEN, L. and SNELLING, N. J. Geochronology of equatorial Africa, Amsterdam,
North-Holland P. Co., 1966, 200 p.
CRATCHLEY, C. R. and EVANS, R. B. Geophysical surveys of mineral deposits in
area CID of western Uganda. Entebbe, Geological Survey of Uganda, 1967,
1967, 33 p. and supplement 36 p., 1 coloured map in folder. (Special Report,
HEPWORTH, J. V. and MACDONALD, R. Orogenic belts of the northern Uganda
basement. (Nature, London, Vol. 210, no. 5037, May 1966, pp. 726-727,
KING, B. C. Wayland and the Geological Survey of Uganda. (Uganda Jl.,
Kampala, Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, pp. 6-8.)
TEMPLE, P. H. E. J. Wayland and the geomorphology of Uganda. (Uganda JI.,
Kampala, Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, pp. 13-31, 3 fig., 1 table.)
BEACHEY, R. W. The East African ivory trade in the nineteenth century.
(Jl. Afr. History, London, Vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 269-290.)
BLAKNEY, C. On 'banana' and 'iron'; linguistic footprints in African history. Hartford,
Connecticut, Hartford Seminary Foundation Bookstore, Hartford Studies in
Linguistics, 1963, 124 p. (Cyclostyled)*
EHRET, C. Cattle-keeping and milking in eastern and southern African history:
the linguistic evidence. (Jl. Afr. History, London, Vol. 8, no. 1, 1967, pp. 1-17,
1 folded map.)
ENGHOLM, G. P. The decline of immigrant influence on the Uganda ad-
ministration 1945-52. (Uganda JI., Kampala, Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, pp. 73-88,
HAWES, H. W. R. Engero ku Byafayo bya Uganda; (Ekitabo I). Kampala, Long-
mans, 1962, 45 p. (Luganda)
-Awaragasia Nukolosek ko Uganda; (Ekitabo 2). Kampala, Longmans, 1965,
45 p. (Ateso)
-Ebigambo By'ebyabaireho Omuri Uganda; (Ekitabo 2). Kampala, Longmans,
1965, 56 p. (Runyankole/Rukiga)
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY 1966-1967 235
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HEUSCH, L. de Le Rwanda et la la civilisation interlacustrine. Brussels, Univ. Libre
de Bruxelles, Inst. de Sociologie, 1966, in -8vo, 471 p. Discusses the Cwezi
and related aspects of the history of Ankole and Bunyoro.
HODGES, M. (Ed.) History teachers' handbook for Uganda: Part 3 for Primary 6.
Kampala, Longmans, 87 p.
JENSEN, J. Interethnische Beziehungen und Akkulturation in der friihne
Kolonialzeit von Uganda. (Sociologus, Berlin, Vol. 16, no. 1, 1966, pp. 39-53.)
Interethnic relations and acculturation during the early colonial period in
Uganda, a study of the expansion of Buganda into other parts of Uganda.
LANGLANDS, B. W. Sleeping sickness in Uganda, 1900-1920: a study in historical
geography. Kampala, Makerere U.C., Dept of Geography, 1967, in -4to,
49 p., 5 maps. (Cyclostyled). (Dept of Geography, Occasional paper no. 1.)
-The chronicle of Dufile, Kampala, Uganda Museum, 1967, in -8vo, 32 p.,
3 maps. (Occasional Paper, Uganda Museum no. 11.)
LEWIs, H. S. The origins of African kingdoms. (Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines,
Paris, Vol. 6, no. 3, 1966, pp. 402-407.)
MAZRUI, A. A. Ancient Greece in African political thought. Nairobi, E.A.P.H. for
Dept. Political Science, Makerere U.C., 1967, 38 p. (Occasional papers
no. 1.) This inaugural lecture of Professor Mazrui contains some speculations
converning Uganda and "Punt".
MUNGEAM, G. H. British rule in Kenya 1895-1912. Oxford, Clarendon, 1966,
in -8vo, 329 p., 5 photos, 3 maps. Contains numerous references to Uganda,
especially to the period when western Kenya formed part of the Uganda
NABWIso-BULIMA, W. F. The evolution of the Kyabazingaship of Busoga.
(Uganda JI., Kampala, Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, pp. 89-99.)
OGOT, B. A. History of the southern Luo Vol. 1 Migration and settlement 1500-1900.
Nairobi, E.A.P.H., 1967, in -8vo, 250 p., 6 photos, 7 maps. This study
primarily of the oral history of the Luo peoples contains a lot of information
on the Padhola.
OLIVER, R. and ATMORE, A. Africa since 1800. London, C.U.P., 1967, in -8vo,
304 p., 36 maps. References to Uganda are given in the index.
OsoGo, J. A history of the Baluyia. Nairobi, O.U.P., 1966, in -8vo, 162 p., 11 maps.
This study of the Baluyia describes the migrations of these peoples through
eastern Uganda and their association with the Gisu and Samia.
-Nabongo Mumia. Nairobi, E.A. Lit. Bureau, 1966, in -16mo, 44 p. Although
primarily set in Kenya, this biography of Mumia is of interest for the history
of travel to Uganda.
PERRATON, H. D. British attitudes towards East and West Africa 1880-1914.
(Race, London, Vol. 8, no. 3, Jan. 1967, pp. 223-246.)
SCHNITZER, E. W. On the the trail of Emin Pasha. (Uganda Jl., Kampala,
Vol. 31, no. 1, 1967, pp. 101-110.)
WERE, G. S. A history of the Abaluhyia of western Kenya 1500-1930. Nairobi,
E.A.P.H., 1967, in -8vo, 206 p., 5 maps. Chapter 2 deals with the relations
of the Abaluyia with the Gisu, Soga and Teso.
WHELAN, J. P. (Ed.) History teacher's handbook for Uganda, Part IIfor Primary 5.
Kampala, Longmas, 1966, 44 p.
WITTHUHN, B. O. The spatial integration of Uganda as evidenced by the
diffusion of postal agencies: 1900-1965. Summary of a paper, Assoc. American
236 UGANDA JOURNAL
Geographers Ann. Meeting, St. Louis, Washington, 1967, pp. 120-121.
BAZARRABUSA, T. B. Kalyaki na Marunga. Kampala, Longmans, 1965, 94 p.
LAIGHT, I. E. Bia Kosam JNuka Lukodwaratar; Ekitabo 3. Kampala, Longmans,
1966, 64 p. (Ateso Reader).
-Ija Oshome Aha Masanzi; Ekitabo 3. Kampala, Longmans, 1965, 63 p. (Ru-
-Ijangu Osome Ebinyuma; Ekitabo 5. Kampala, Longmans, 1965, 63 p. (Lu-
ganda Reader) ....
-Ijangu Osome; Ekitabo 1, Kampala, Longmans, 1965, 45 p. (Luganda Reader)
-Ija Oshome Ebigano; Ekitabo 2. Kampala, Longmans, 1965, 62 p. (Ru-
-Ijangu some ku Bazira; Ekitabo 3. Kampala, Longmans, 1965, 64 p. (Luganda
-Jjangu some Eby'amagero; Ekitabo 4. Kampala, Longmans, 1965, 56 p.
NSUBUGA, E. K. Ebbaluwa ya Ssabepiskoopi eri Abakristu b'essaza ly'e Kampala.
Kampala, 1967, 32 p. (Luganda)
OGWAL-OTIM, W. Ojuk, augwec kwan. Kampala, Milton Obote Foundation,
1966, 38 p. (Lango)
Wer Nyapadhola. Tororo, R.C. Diocese of Tororo, 1964, 55 p. (Lango)
COTRAN, E. The place and future of customary law in East Africa. Essay in
East African law today. London, Brit. Inst. Internat. & Comparative Law,
1966, 92 p. (B.I.I.C.L. Commonwealth Law Series, No. 5 and I.C.Q.L.
Supplementary Publication No. 12.)
KABUSHENGA, S. (G. Sabiti). Inside the spectrum. (Transition, 31, Kampala,
Vol. 6, no. 6, July 1967, pp. 44-45.)
KIMENYE, B. Kalasanda revisited. London, O.U.P., 1966, in -16mo, 110 p.
OKEC, T. Okelo and Akelo. Kampala, Longmans, 1967, 23 p.
RUBADIRI, D. No bride price. Nairobi, E.A.P.H., 1967, 180 p.
WALUSIMBI, L. Ebitontome Eby'edda. Kampala, Longmans, 1966, 42 p. (Luganda
BRADLEY, D. J., STURROCK, R. F. and WILLIAMS, P. N. The circumstantial
epidemiology of Schistosoma haematobium in Lango district, Uganda. (E.A.
Med. Jl., Nairobi, Vol. 44, no. 5, May 1967, pp. 193-204, 1 fig., 3 tables,
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BURKITT, D. P. and KYALWAZI, S. K. Spontaneous remission of African lym-
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E.A.C.S.O. Annual report of the East African Trypanosomiasis Research
Organisation, 1963-1964. Nairobi, Government Printer for E.A.C.S.O.,
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UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY 1966-1967 237
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MARCUS, R. T. Narrow-bone suprapubic bladder drainage in Uganda.
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238 UGANDA JOURNAL
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1967, pp. 453-462.)
INDEX TO VOLUME 31 (1967) 243
ANDERSON, L.-(with A. Sharman) Drums in Jopadhola . . 191
Assignment to danger; by G. Rathe (Review) . . .. . 136
Baganda martyrs, 1885-1887; a correction; by B. M. Kalemera . 211
BERE, R. M.-Cassava in north Uganda .. . .. 213
BERE, R. M.-The way to the Mountains of the Moon (Review) . . 219
BERE, R. M.-Wild animals in an African National Park (Review) . 226
British rule in Kenya; by G. H. Mungeam (Review) . .. . 223
Bugoto: a fishing community on Macdonald bay, Busoga; by B. Ineichen 201
Cassava in north Uganda; by R. M. Bere .. . ... .213
CASTLE, E. B.-Growing up in East Africa (Review) . . . 220
CHAPLIN, J. H.-(with M. McFarlane) Moniko petroglyphs . . 207
DAVIEs, K. A.-E. J. Wayland-a tribute . . . ... 1
Decline of immigrant influence on the Uganda administration 1945-1952;
by G. F. Engholm . .. 73
Defensive behaviour in click beetles; by A. W. R. McCrae . . 127
Development of trade unions in Uganda; by R. Scott (Review) . . 134
Diaries of Emin Pasha-Extracts XII; by Sir John Gray . .. 155
DIXON, J.-The organ in Namirembe Cathedral . . . 117
Drums in Jopadhola; by A. Sharman and L. Anderson . .. 191
DYSON-HUDSON, N.-Karimojong politics (Reviews) . . .. 222
EMWANU, G.-The reception of alien rule in Teso: 1896-1927 . 171
ENGHOLM, G. F.-The decline of immigrant influence on the Uganda
administration 1945-1952 . . . . . .. 73
Evolution of the Kyabazingaship of Busoga; by W. F. Nabwiso-Bulima 89
Evolution und revolution in der landschaftsentwicklung Ostafrikas;
by J. H. Schultze (Review) .. . . ... .. 225
Frontiers of another world; by H. B. Thomas . . .. . 123
FURLEY, O. W.-The reign of Kasagama in Toro from a
contemporary account . . . . . .. 183
GOURLAY, K. A.-A review of Karimojong politics; by N. Dyson-Hudson 222
GRAY, Sir J.-The diaries of Emin Pasha-Extracts XII . .155
Growing up in East Africa; by E. B. Castle (Review) . . . 220
GUNDARA, N.-(with S. Zivanovic) Os incae and wormian bones in East
African skulls 214
Ik; alias the Teuso, The; by C. M. Turnbull . . . .. 63
INEICHEN, B.-Bugoto: a fishing community on Macdonald bay, Busoga 201
J. D. Jameson-obituary; by F. B. Wilson . . . .. 129
Jon, A. L.-Mining in Uganda . . . . . .. 43
JOHNSON, H.-Review of Evolution und revolution in der landschaftsentwicklung
Ostafrikas; by J. H. Schultze . . . . .. 225
244 UGANDA JOURNAL
KALEMERA, B. M.-The Baganda martyrs, 1885-1887; a correction 211
Karimojong politics; by N. Dyson-Hudson (Review) . . ... 222
KING, B. C.-Wayland and the Geological Survey of Uganda . 6
KIWANUKA, M. S. M.-Review of The British rule in Kenya;
by G. H. Mungeam. ............. .223
LANGLANDS, B. W.-The published works of E. J. Wayland . . 33
LANGLANDS, B. W.-Uganda Bibliography, 1966 . .. 139
LANGLANDS, B. W.-Uganda Bibliography, 1966-1967 . . 227
LANNING, E. C.-The surviving regalia of the Nakaima, Mubende 210
Limi ........ .........218
MAGUIRE, J.-Review of Assignment to danger; by G. Rathe . . 136
Mailo system in Buganda; by H. W. West (Review) . .. 131
MAZRUI, A. A.-Review of Religion and politics in Buganda;
by F. B. W elbourn . . . 132
McCRAE, A. W. R.-An unusual association between weaver birds and
cat-fish .. . 128
McCRAE, A. W. R.-Review of Wild animals in an African National Park;
by R. M Bere . . 226
McCRAE, A. W. R.-Defensive behaviour in click beetles . 127
MCCRAE, A. W. R.-Unique record of crane flies biting man . 128
McFARLANE, M.-(with J. H. Chaplin) Moniko petroglyphs. . 207
Mining in Uganda; by A. L. Job . . . .. 43
Moniko petroglyphs; by J. H. Chaplin and M. McFarlane . . 207
MORTON, W. H.-Rock engravings from Loteteleit, Karamoja . 209
MUGERWA, P. J. N.-Review of The Mailo system of Buganda;
by H. W W est . . .. 131
MUNGEAM, G. H.-The British rule in Kenya (Review) . . .. 223
MWILU, R. M.-Review of The development of trade unions in Uganda;
by R. Scott . . . 134
NABWISO-BULIMA, W. F.-The evolution of the Kyabazingaship of Busoga 89
Notes on contributors . . . . . . . 138
Notes on contributors . . . . . . . 206
OGOT, B. A.-Traditional religion and the pre-colonial history of Africa
-the example of the Padhola . . . . . 111
On the trail of Emin Pasha; by E. W. Schnitzer . . . 101
Organ in Namirembe Cathedral; by J. Dixon . . .. 117
Os incae and wormian bones in East Africanskulls;
by N. Gundara and S. Zivanovic . . . .. . 214
OTAALA, B.-Review of Growing up in East Africa; by E. B. Castle . 220
POSNANSKY, M.-Wayland as an archaeologist . . . 9
Published works of E. J. Wayland; by B. W. Langlands . .. 33
RATHE, G.-Assignment to danger (Review) . . .. 136
Reception of alien rule in Teso: 1896-1927; by G. Emwanu . 171
Reign of Kasagama in Toro from a contemporary account;
by O. W Furley 183
Religion and politics in Uganda 1952-1962; by F. B. Welbourn (Review) 132
Rock engravings from Loteteleit, Karamoja; by W. H. Morton 209
SCHNITZER, E. W.-On the trail of Emin Pasha . . . 101