Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 E. J. Wayland C.B.E. - A tribu...
 The decline of immigrant influence...
 The revolution of the Kyabazingaship...
 On the trail of Emin Pasha
 Traditional religion and the precolonial...
 The organ in Namirembe Cathedr...
 Notes on contributors
 Uganda bibliography 1966
 Back Matter
 Back Cover

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The Uganda journal
External Link ( Journal issues, 1999-2002 )
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080855/00074
 Material Information
Title: The Uganda journal
Abbreviated Title: Uganda j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 22-24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Uganda Society
Publisher: Uganda Society etc.
Uganda Society etc.
Place of Publication: Kampala etc
Publication Date: 1967
Frequency: irregular[1976-<1995>]
semiannual[ former 1934-]
annual[ former <1948>-1973]
completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Periodicals -- Uganda   ( lcsh )
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Uganda
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- 1934-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended May 1942-Mar. 1946; replaced by the Society's Bulletin.
Numbering Peculiarities: One issue published every few years, v. 38 (1976)-<v. 42 (1995)>
Issuing Body: Vols. 11-13 published in London.
General Note: Journal of The Uganda Society (formerly The Uganda Literary and Scientific Society).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ABS8002
oclc - 01644239
alephbibnum - 000301510
issn - 0041-574X
lccn - 52026895
System ID: UF00080855:00074
 Related Items
Related Items: Uganda journal

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents 1
        Table of Contents 2
    E. J. Wayland C.B.E. - A tribute
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
    The decline of immigrant influence on the Uganda administration 1945-1952
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
    The revolution of the Kyabazingaship of Busoga
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
    On the trail of Emin Pasha
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
    Traditional religion and the precolonial history of Africa: The example of the Padhola
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
    The organ in Namirembe Cathedral
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
    Notes on contributors
        Page 138
    Uganda bibliography 1966
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
    Back Matter
        Page 155
        Page 156
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

The Uganda Journal


PART I 1967

CT 1 1967 Page
E. J. \\AYLAND --- B. \V. LANGLANDS 33

On the Frontiers of Another World H. B. THOMAS 123
Three Natural History Notes - A. W. R. NICCRAE 127
Obituary--J. D. Jameson - -F. B. WILtON 129
The Malilo ,ilYemi in Buganda
IBy H. I. \est I - P. J. NKANIBO-NIMGF.RWA 131
Reli.gmn and politics in L'ganda
iBy F. B. Welbourn - A. A. IAZRUI 132
The devlmapmentl of trade unions in I ganda
IBv R. Scott - R. NI. NI\ILU 134
..ssignmenl !'o danp, i iBv G. Rathel J. Nl.GUIRE 135
UGANDA BIBLIOGRAPHY 1966 -Compiled br' B. \. LANCLANDS 139
Published by
9 "- /"" f K.AMPALA
r' Price Shs. 15/-


The Ex\crlenc. the President of Uganda, Dr. A. Milton Obote.

Pr,,iden : Vice-President:

Professor S. J. Baker. O.B.E.

The Prezidemn
The \ i ,--Presidrnt
The Hon. Secre'tar,
1 he Hnri. Treasurer
The HIon. Ednrur
The H.:-i. Librarian
Dr. J. K. Anlond
Dr. \\. B. Banage
Mr. K. \%. Bro.%n
Mr. \. Bi.ishara

H.-n. .S'fChiry:
Hi.". Trc'.:urer:

Hu,,. EJi,Ar:

H..n,. Librarian:
H n. .uJL:.r s
Mlresrs C',ioper Bros. & Co.

Hon. Vi
Sir Edw.ard MNutesal. .B.E.
R. N. Sir Tla: \\;lI; Gafabusa IV,
C.B.E.. ( inukanji ol Banyoro
Lord T%. ning ol Tianganyika and
(.-;dalnmn G.C.M.... M.B.E.
Sir John hilni-rr L;ra
1933-34 Sir A. R. Cook, C.M.G., O.B.E.
1934-j35 Mr. E.J. Wayland, C.B.E.
19.35-36 Dr. H. H. Hunter, C.B.E., LL.D.
1936-37 Dr. H. Jowitt, C.M.G.
1037-38 Sir H. R. Hone, K.C.M.G., K.B.C.,
M.C., Q.C.
1938-39 Mr. J. Sykes, O.B.E.
1931-40 Mr. N. V. Brasnett
i94-).41 Captain C. R. S. Pitman, C.B.E.,
D.S.O., M.C.
1941-42 Mr. S. W. Kulubya, C.B.E.
1942-43 Mr. E. A. Temple Perkins
i1143-44 Mr. R. A. Snoxall
i94-45 Dr. K. A. Davies, C.M.G., O.B.E.
1945-46 MIr. G. H. E. Hopkins, O.B.E.
1946-4- MrIr. K. M. Trowell, M.B.E.
1947-48 Dr. W.J. Eggeling

Dr. M. S. M, Kiwanuka

Mr. J. L. Dixon
Mr. S. C. Grimley, M.B.E.
Mr. W. B. Hudson
Mr. W. S. Kajubi
Mr. F. X. Katete
Mr. Y. Kyesimira
Mr. A. W. R. McCrae
Mr. P. M. Mutibwa
Mrs. M. Macpherson
Dr. M. Posnansky

Mr. M. O. Buluma

Mrs. J. Bevin
Mr. B. W. Langlands

Miss M. E. Thompson
Hon. Legal Adviser:
Mr. R. A. Counihan

Mr. E. B. Haddon
Mr. H. B. Thomas, o.B.E.
Professor A. W. Williams, C.B.E.
Reverend Father J. P. Crazzolara
Captain C. R. S. Pitman, C.B.E., D.S.O.. M.C.

1948-50 Dr. G. ap Griffith
1950-51 Rev. Fr. F. B. Gaffney, w.F.
1951-52 Professor A. W. Williams, C.B.E.
1952-53 SirJ. N. Hutchinson, C.M.G., F.R.S.
1953-54 Mr. J. D. Jameson, O.B.E.
1954-55 Dr. Audrey I. Richards, C.B.E.
1955-56 Rev. Dr. H. C. Trowell, O.B.E.
1956-57 Mr. D. K. Marphatia, M.B.E.
1957-58 Mr. M. Barrington Ward
1958-59 Dr. H. F. Morris
1959-60 Professor A. W. Southall
1960-61 Mr. J. C. D. Lawrance, O.B.E.
1961-62 Mr. B. R. E. Kirwan, M.B.E.
1962-64 Mr. W. S. Kajubi
1964-65 Dr. M. Posnansky
1965-66 Dr. W. B. Banage

Mr. S. W. Kulubya, C.B.E.

Trustees :
Mr. B. K. Mulyanti, O.B.E.
Secretary: Mrs. J. Bevin

Mr. G. P. Saben


Uganda Journal





B. W. LANGLANDS (Hon. Editor)



Published by

Copyright Uganda Society 1967





On the Frontiers of Another World H. B. THOMAS 123
Three Natural History Notes - A. W. R. McCRAE 127
Obituary-J. D. Jameson - -F. B. WILSON 129
The Mailo system in Buganda
(By H. W. West) - P. J. NKAMBO-MUGERWA I31
Religion and politics in Uganda
(By F. B. Welbourn) - A. A. MAZRUI 132
The development of trade unions in Uganda
(By R. Scott) - R. M. MWILU 134
Assignment to danger (By G. Rathe) - J. MAGUIRE I35

Published by
Price Shs. 15/-


Uganda Journal, 31, 1 (1967), --8


By K. A. DAVIES, C.M.G., O.B.E.

Edward James Wayland the first Director of the Geological Survey of
Uganda died on x July 1966, and with his passing a chapter in the history of
science in Uganda and of the Uganda Journal was closed.
'Jim' Wayland was educated entirely in London, firstly at the Central
Foundational School and subsequently at the City of London College and at
the Royal School of Mines. He set out in the first instance to study architecture
but turned over after five years to geology at which he soon excelled. In 1909
he went to Egypt where he had his first experience of Africa. Having obtained
his associateship of The Royal College of Science which was the College
equivalent of the normal B.Sc. he obtained his first post with a mining company
in Portugese East Africa. Accompanying him on this expedition were Arthur
Holmes who was to become one of the world's most renowned geologists and
Wade who subsequently served for some years on the survey in Tanganyika.
It was Wayland's friendship with Holmes which led to the many stimulating
writings by the latter on Uganda and other African geology. Wayland served
in France during the First World War in the interval of holding a post with the
Ceylon Government Service, as assistant mineralogist.
The demand for materials of mineral origin became more pressing as the
war progressed and Britain felt that a search in some of the territories of the
Empire might yield results. This led to the appointment to Uganda in 1918
of a 'Geological Expert'-none other than Wayland. Owing to various delays
he did not take up his appointment in Entebbe until January, 1919. In the
meantime, despite the end of the war the Colonial Office decided that the survey
should go on. At once he asked for an assistant and got him. This marked the
beginning of Wayland's continual fight for the status of the Geological Survey,
one which he never ceased to wage while he was in Uganda.
At first he was attached to the Land Office but soon obtained a small
house in Wilson Road as an independent unit. From there the Geological
Department moved to a house in Mugwanya Road. In 1925 the final move
was made to the Old Bacteriological Laboratory of the Medical Department
near the pier where the office remains to this day.
Uganda was virtually the same size as Great Britain and to deal with its
geology Wayland had a staff even until his retirement in ,939 of no more than
five scientific officers besides himself. It was typical of him that given the job
of learning the geology of Uganda his first field effort was a walk round the
Protectorate. To the end he never believed in staying in the office but at
every opportunity went off into the field. He was helped by a tough consti-
tution for he was rarely laid low by malaria and entirely avoided all the other
local diseases. His worst moment was when in his car he contested a road
crossing at Jinja with a train.

When in Ceylon Wayland became interested in prehistory and this became
his specialisation throughout his life. The marked flat surfaces both at the
lower levels and the tops of the hills particularly in Buganda; the widespread
occurrence of laterite below the surface of the water of Lake Victoria and the
discovery of flakes and stone axes in various part of the country, were the
foundation of a series of papers by him on the later geological history of Uganda.
Although some of his ideas have now been superseded by others in the light of
greater knowledge of the facts, his case was always cogently argued as for
example his plea for the authenticity of the Kafuan.
He returned several times to Uganda to pursue his prehistory studies
after he retired in 1939. In the first place with Van Riet Lowe who described
the cultures, and later on his own. During these periods he accumulated
a great deal of new information which alas has never been published.
Although personally wedded scientifically to prehistory Wayland never
forgot that the Geological Survey existed as a service to the society that paid
for it. Little was known about minerals in Uganda when he arrived, but
he soon aroused people's interest in that side of the country's wealth. As
a result a number of discoveries of tin and copper were made in the early
and mid twenties. During his tenure of office Uganda was plagued by periodic
Economy Committees and in the early thirties when the world slump was at its
worst he was told by the Governor, Sir William Gowers, that Uganda could
hardly afford the luxury of a Geological Survey at that juncture. Combe and
the writer were promptly sent off into the field, the first named to Ankole
and the latter to Budama, to search for minerals, preferably gold. Fortunately
discoveries came promptly in both areas and no more heard was of the cutting
down of the Geological Surrey. While in Ceylon Wayland had learned some-
thing of drilled water supplies and introduced staff from that country into
Uganda to run drilling machines, firstly in the area around Kampala and
subsequently in the Eastern Province. He thus laid the foundation of a pro-
gramme of drilling for pure water that is hardly matched anywhere in the
African continent. Much of the time of the survey had to be devoted to matters
of practical value but Wayland brought about the collaboration of Combe
and Holmes over the volcanics of Bufumbira. The description of which is a
classic and was fundamental to modern thinking on the origin of igneous and
metamorphic rocks.
The value of his work was confirmed by the award of the Bigsby Medal of
the Geological Society and the Victoria Medal by the Royal Geographical
Society in 1935. The latter award was for his work on the Quaternary geology
of Uganda and the rift and its relation to man. Nor was his scientific interest
entirely confined to geology. It was Wayland with a few friends who were
responsible in the early thirties for the formation of the Uganda Society of
which Wayland himself was its second President, and subsequently an Honorary
During the last war he served, in his own words as 'the oldest Second-
lieutenant in the British Army' at Dover and on Gibraltar and was also sent
on a 'one man secret mission to a neutral country'. After the war he took on
the job as Director of the Geological Survey of Bechuanaland where he again
set in motion the twin studies of prehistory and water supplies.
Wayland's forceful personality gave geology a status in Uganda through
many vicissitudes and even Governors felt the lash of his tongue if the standing
of the department was in peril. Yet he had a keen sense of humour and a fund

of stories which could enliven many a dull occasion. His account of his sudden
cure of a bad attack of lumbago on meeting a buffalo round a clump of bushes
at Kaiso was one of the last stories published in the now defunct magazine
Corona. Wayland never lost interest in his subject and even in October 1963
contributed a letter to Nature on the lava tunnels of Bufumbira. Uganda was
very fortunate to have had Wayland in its service and his influence will remain
for many years both in the academic and organisational spheres.



I first met Jimmy Wayland in 1923 when I was serving with the detach-
ment of the 4th K.A.R. then stationed at Entebbe. His young son, John,
(who alas was killed in action in the Second World War) used to watch our
early morning parades and as a treat I sometimes allowed him to participate.
This led to my being invited to the Wayland house and many an enjoyable
evening I spent there. Wayland was always a fascinating person to listen to,
for if he found someone who was interested he would talk not only about his
own subjects, geology and prehistory, but would digress onto all sorts of topics
particularly those connected with Uganda, a country he loved and served so
well. Entebbe at that time was starved of any intellectual interests outside the
ordinary routine of the work of government departments and to help fill this
gap he founded the Uganda Literary and Scientific Society in 1923. Although
its activities were almost entirely confined to lectures he managed to attract
considerable support. Owing to his frequent and prolonged absences on safari
and the growth in the importance of his departmental work he found it difficult
to devote time to the Society, the activities of which fell into abeyance in 1928.
In 1933 having been transferred to the Administration I was posted to
Kampala and I soon got in touch with Wayland and suggested to him that the
old Society should be revived though on somewhat different lines. He readily
agreed so long as I would undertake to do the work of organising it. The head-
quarters of the society was to be transferred to Kampala and it was decided
to publish a quarterly journal somewhat on the lines of the Notes and Records
which had been successfully established in the Sudan. Wayland gave the re-
surrected society his unstinted support and he obtained the agreement of all
the members of the old Society. Thus the new Society was born on July 1933,
assured of the support of the former members and with a windfall in the form of
the balance of funds of the old Society. Admittedly the balance only amounted
to Shs. 95.o8 but that was a handsome sum in those days and provided enough
to cover the launching expenses.
From the start Wayland spared no efforts to make the new society a success.
He gave the first lecture on g1 September 1933 choosing as his subject 'Gold'.
This was a glittering title and was also topical because the Kakamega Gold
Rush was at its height. Moreover, Wayland made it sparkle in his own inimit-
able way. He also took great interest in the publication of the Uganda Joutnal.
It was important that the first number should be a success if it were to attract
members to the society and it had to be not too scientific and not too popular.

He gave much sensible advice and persuaded the government to make a
modest financial grant and to allow it to be published at the Government
Press. He also contributed an important article on Biggo to the second number.
The result exceeded our best expectations and the new society, soon to change
its name to the Uganda Society, started its life on a firm basis. Since then, of
course, the Uganda Society has gone from strength to strength which must
have given him great satisfaction. We owe a lot to Jimmy Wayland for having
given his enthusiastic and active support to this venture which we can say
has made a substantial contribution to the cultural life of Uganda and our
knowledge of the country.



I am grateful to the editor for giving me the opportunity of paying tribute
to E. J. Wayland, with whom I had the privilege of co-operating for a time
during the infant days of the Uganda Society and the Uganda Journal.
I think it was in 1927 that I was first introduced to him in the Entebbe
Club and was immediately roped in as a member of the Uganda Literary and
Scientific Society, of which he was a co-founder and always the leading spirit.
Soon after this, however, in spite of his efforts, the Society, as recorded in the
editorial of Uganda J., 5, 1934, fell into a state of suspended animation. A list
of 42 lectures that had been given, six of them by Wayland himself, appears
at Uganda J. 4, pp.94-96. An account of the revival of the Society in 1933, in
conjunction with the birth of the Uganda Journal, has been given by Sir John
Gray at Uganda J., 25, 1961, pp.125-126. Here again Wayland was the prime
mover and he had two most able and enthusiastic co-operators in E. F. Twining
and Mark Wilson. The first President of the revived Society was Sir Albert
Cook, and Wayland succeeded him as President for the year 1934-45.
In February, 1935, Twining became due for leave and I succeeded him as
Secretary and Treasurer of the Society, by now renamed "The Uganda
Society", and as Editor of the Journal. The work had grown so much that it
had become impossible for one man to perform efficiently the duties of all
three offices and I accepted election on the understanding that the routine
secretarial and financial work should be done by a part-time business manager
(Uganda J., 3, 1935, pp.89-91).
It was during the following months that I was brought by my duties into close
contact with Wayland and I am eternally grateful to him for the encourage-
ment and support which he gave me. It was a critical time in the history of the
society, when the initial momentum was spent and there was danger of re-
trogression. The part-time business manager was not a success. It never seemed
to be the society's part of his time. Correspondence and accounts got into
arrears and I found that in addition to my editorial duties I had to do a good
deal of the routine work of my other two offices as well. There was thus no time
for the work of propaganda in which Twining had excelled and which I knew
was essential if the society was to be kept in the public eye and on progressive
lines. This state of affairs continued until the Annual General Meeting of

1935, when Dr. A. T. Schofield took over the duties of Secreta.y and more
satisfactory arrangements were made for the business management. But for
Wayland's ungrudging help I could not have carried on during those months,
and he continued to give me most useful advice also on the editorial side after
his term as President had expired.
Suitable copy las not too easy to come by, and although Wayland had made
four contributions to Volume I and one to Volume 2 in the last of which he
set the ball rolling on the subject of Biggo, he supplied me with three more for
Volumes 3 and 4. I do not think his generosity in letting the Society gain
kudos by publishing material of great scientific importance has been sufficiently
appreciated. Many of his works would have found ready acceptance in journals
of much greater repute and wider circulation. His contribution to Volume 3
was his Presidential Address on "Past Climates and some future possibilities in
Uganda", and the circumstances of its delivery served to illustrate an import-
ant trait in his character. Whatever happened he was unflappable. On this
occasion, the lantern failed to function properly and the lecture was ruined so
far as illustration was concerned. Yet he carried on without being put out of his
stride and without apparent irritation.
He could, however, be impatient of nonsense. It is related that, soon after
his arrival as Governor, Sir Bernard Bourdillon asked him whether it would
be a good thing to bring out a "dowser" from England to look for water.
Wayland replied that it would be better to hire a witch-doctor on a temporary
local agreement! Sir Bernard was not amused.
The Waylands were a charming host and hostess in their Entebbe home,
and on one well remembered occasion my wife and I, accompanied by a lady
visitor from England, had also the pleasure of being entertained by them when
in camp at Kasirye, on the lake near Ngogwe. Wayland took us up to the
Dwenyonyi ridge above the camp and showed us the ancient Mweso Boards
cut in the rocks, which he described later in Uganda J., 4, 1936, p.85, and
discoursed with enthusiasm on the various possibilities as to their origin and on
the board game in general.
In recent years it was a great pleasure to meet him again at annual dinners
of the Corona Club.




E. J. Wayland arrived in Uganda as Government Geologist on January
I2th 1919. Nearly twenty years later, inJuly 1938, he departed on leave prior to
retirement from his position as Director of the Geological Survey. Characterist-
ically, his retirement was no more than a prelude to activities that were to
extend over more than another twenty years. He returned to Uganda in 1939
to continue research in Prehistory, but this was discontinued for war service
with the Royal Engineers. He was then engaged as a geologist with the Water
Supply Department of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, a position which
became a stepping stone to setting up a Geological Survey, of which in due
course he became the first director. With his second retirement in 1953 he
could at last resume his work in Uganda and devote the remainder of his time
to his overwhelming interest in Prehistory.
Wayland was remarkable for his clear intuitive instinct in appreciating a
wide range of geological problems and, moreover, in having a perception of the
importance of those many aspects of pure and applied geology which lay outside
his particular fields of interest or even competence. Aided by a facile pen and a
charm of manner which often concealed his strong resolution and sense ofpurpose
he persuaded a relatively young colonial administration in the value of a
Geological Survey. This he achieved without in any way compromising his
scientific convictions and integrity, for he always maintained that the real
function of the Survey was to undertake basic geological mapping which would
furnish the essential foundation for its advisory functions. Laboratory work was
important, but ancillary, and mineral prospecting was not a primary function
of the Geological Survey, but for the public to conduct with the aid of all
necessary expert advice and assistance that they Survey could offer. It was by a
combination of political acumen, a real flair for rapid geological appraisal of
new territory and an indefatigable energy, both physical and mental, that he
was enabled to develop a Geological Survey in Uganda, which in terms of
staff, resources and output was second to none in the colonial territories, and
which contrived with little impairment of activitity to weather the economic
storm of the thirties. Indeed, by a strategic transfer of effort to more immediate
needs, shortly to be rewarded by discoveries of gold in the west and east of the
country, he established for the Survey a reputation for practical as well as
scientific attainment.
In his first annual report in 1920 Wayland was able to give a useful pre=
liminary account of the geology of Uganda. It is characteristic of him that within
a month of his arrival in the country he set out on a four months reconnaissance
during which he covered more than 1200oo miles on foot, taking in Masaka,
Mbarara, Kabale, Fort Portal, Mityana, Hoima, Butiaba and Nimule. Later
he made journeys to the Eastern Province, including a visit to Karamoja, at
that time an unadministered district difficult of access. In his earliest account

he divided the principal formations of Uganda into an older Archaean Com-
plex, which was overlain unconformably by the younger Argillite Series. The
former included a great variety of metamorphic rocks, gneisses, schists, quart-
zites, marbles, etc. which show highly complicated structures. This complex
predominates in the northern and eastern parts of the country, but also occurs
in many parts of Buganda and the Western Province. Within the Argillite
Series he placed the great thicknesses of predominantly argillaceous rocks that
are lound in western, southwestern and parts of central Uganda; he recognized,
however, that sandstones, quartzites and conglomerates are often also found in
in the series and are, in places, conspicuous. The Argillites are typically un-
metamorphosed or only slightly metamorphosed, although they are often
considerably folded. Among igneous rocks he recognized, as well as older
granites associated with the Archaean Complex, a group of later granites which
intrude the Argillites; associated with the latter are quartz-tourmaline reefs and
pegmatite bodies, which were later to assume importance on account of their
mineralisation. An important discovery were the 'arenas' of the southwest,
which he clearly appreciated as domes of granitic rocks, flanked concordantly
by outward dipping members of the Argillite Series.
In that first year, too, Wayland gained considerable insight into the struct-
ures of the country, particularly the faulting associated with the Western Rift
and Ruwenzori. He also made preliminary observations on the great Mufumbi-
ro volcanoes and the numerous explosion craters of western Uganda and on
Mount Elgon and related volcanics which covered large areas to the north.
It should be recorded, moreover, that he made an important start in an apprais-
al of the geomorphology of the country and of the widespread but scattered
sediments of Tertiary to Recent age, topics which in due course were to become
his principal interests and on which his scientific fame primarily rests.
In the development of geological knowledge and ideas on the older forma-.
tions in the years that followed it is less easy to single out the contributions that
are to be ascribed to Wayland, for it was A.D. Combe who was responsible for
the major part of the detailed investigations in these fields. Nevertheless, it is
apparent that on broader aspects of correlation and classification much was due
to Wayland, notably the recognition of the composite character of the Argillite
Series, leading to its subdivision into a number of systems or series of widely
differing ages: the Karagwe-Ankolean System, the Bunyoro Series and the
Mityana, Butologo and Bukoba Series. Wayland in his earliest accounts more
than once suggested that the Argillite Series might prove to be Karroo. In
this suggestion there is little doubt that he was much inspired by hope, for the
finding of Karroo would spell the possibility of the discovery of coal, with all it
consequences to the economy of the country. Although in due course the Argill-
ite Series almost in its entirety was shown to consist of Pre-Cambrian formations.
Karroo deposits were in fact found in a few localities, including Entebbe itself;
indeed, Karroo occurs below the laterite cliff on which the Geological Survey
buildings are sited. The excitement and drama of the first discovery of Karroo
is wonderfully conveyed by Wayland:
"In a so-called borrow pit in Church Road (also so-called-there is no
church there) in Entebbe, it was observed one evening in 1920 that when
the sun was very low the lateritic ironstone appeared to exhibit faint signs
of structure in that it appeared, when viewed from a particular position,
partly to simulate dipping beds. Close examination did not substantiate this
interpretation, and with the fading light the illusion, if illusion it was, dis-

appeared. The observation was unsatisfactory, and on the following evening
it was repeated with a similar result. Careful examination in daylight
(on the following morning) shewed the lateritic ironstone to contain highly
lateritised fragments of shale, and on the strength of this it was decided to
sink a small shaft in order to prove the nature of the underlying rocks.
At about 15 feet from the surface of the lateritic plateau (already cut into
by the "gravel" borrow pit) the little shaft entered beautifully banded,
grit-free blue and white shales resembling pipe-clay. These passed down
into blue-grey shales. Material such as this should have preserved the
impressions ofleaves, had there been any to preserve, but none was found and
it was decided to open another hole in a position calculated to be near the
shore line of the lake or pool in which the beds had been deposited; for
there, it was hoped, plant remains might be found. And found they were.."
Wayland was always acutely aware that a Geological Survey would, rightly
or wrongly, largely be judged within the territory on short-term economic results
and in his first annual report he has an impressive list of mineral discoveries,
garnished with particulars of those that might well be sought. If, too, he
investigated the Kafu gravels under the guise of prospecting for gold or pre-
sented the study of the Bufumbira volcanics as of value in a search for sources
of potash, this was no more than good political sense, for he was ever at pains
to emphasise that systematic geological mapping was also an essential basis for
the location and development of more mundane commodities, such as clay and
sand, limestone and road metal and for such services as water supply and agri-
culture. The fact is, however, that simultaneously be established the scientific
reputation of the Geological Survey; he encouraged the development of ideas
among members of his staff and fostered co-operation with scientific workers
in other countries. The fruitful collaboration between A. D. Combe and
Arthur Holmes is a particularly notable case in point. When Wayland came to
Uganda the notion of a Geological Survey was a novelty and something of a
luxury; when he left it was an established and permanent institution. And for
his qualities as a scientist, practical geologist, administrator and tactician, he
was cast in the mould of the great explorers of an earlier era; in this lay his
greatest strength.

Uganda Journal, 31, I (1967) 9-12

E. J. Wayland can rightly be called the pioneer of East African archaeology.
His recognition of the importance of East Africa both in terms of the wealth and
antiquity of the stone age remains and the significance of the vestiges of the
iron age, predate the works of both Huntingford and Leakey in Kenya. By
1934 he had described the main features of Uganda's past, its stone age sequence,
the relation of that sequence to the stratigraphical succession, the Bigo earth-
works and the Luzira terracottas. All this was achieved by a scholar whose
profession was that of a geologist and whose archaeological curiosity had to be
sandwiched into a demanding career as a director of an expanding technical
department. To appreciate Wayland's achievement it has to be set against both
his contributions in other spheres of scholarship and the dearth of activity in
the archaeological sphere in tropical Africa before the late 1940's. Without a
professional museum, an antiquities service nor missions from outside Uganda,
Wayland, before 1934, placed Uganda at the forefront of archaeological re-
search in Africa at a time when, except for Rhodesia with its Zimbabwe ruins,
South Africa for which Burkitt had written the first concise account of the
archaeology and Mozambique from where Wayland had himself made a
significant contribution in 1915, virtually nothing was known about the pre-
history of the continent.
A detailed account of Wayland's career to 1939 in Uganda was provided
by van Riet Lowe in i9522. After this Wayland's contributions to Ugandan
archaeology were slight, though it was in this period that he devoted himself
almost continuously to research on the archaeology and the Pleistocene success-
ion of the Nsongezi region of the Kagera valley. A large series of excavations
at Nsongezi, in the Oruchinga Valley, and at Nyabusora, 8 miles from Nyaka-
nyasi in Tanzania, were conducted from 1954-6 and it was on the results of
this research that Wayland was working when he died.
Wayland was responsible for describing three stone age cultures from
Uganda, the Kafuan, the Sangoan and the Magosian, which for over a quarter
of a century were the terms applied to what were assumed to be similar cultures
stretching right across Africa. Of these terms only the Sangoan is still valid3.
The Kafuan, from the type area of the Kafu flats southeast of Hoima, was used
to describe what was thought to be the earliest stone industry in the world,
. consisting of pebbles simply chipped to give rough cutting edges. The Kafuan
belonged to an era when 'eoliths' (tools of the dawn) were sought and found, a
period before early stone age living-floors had been adequately recognized and
described at such sites as Olduvai and Isimila and before systematic scientific
research had been conducted and accepted as valid on stone tool flaking.
Wayland always accepted the fact that he was not an archaeologist and the
chief description of the Kafuan was eventually provided by van Riet Lowe4,
of the Magosian by Burkitt5 and of the Sangoan by Reginald Smith6. In all
cases the descriptions and the geology were not as well integrated as might have
been the case had Wayland described the industries himself.
Of these three stone age industries only the Sangoan has survived his death
as a valid term, and even this may go with the incessant demand by the archae-
ologist for 'cultural' terms derived from single horizon sites. The Sangoan as

described by Smith and Wayland is time-transgressive and refers to collections
from hill top exposures and it is doubtful whether a comprehensive contem-
poraneous assemblage exists in the collections made at the type locality. The
Kafuan which had for many years been under attack as time-transgressive and
possibly of natural origin, finally ceased to have validity in 1959, following the
publication by W. W. Bishop7 of pebble fracture studies on the gravels in the
type localities of the Kagera and Kafu valleys. Bishop found that "the pro-
fusion of fractured pebbles in gravels of all ages, suggests that even under
tropical conditions, natural forces do fracture appreciable percentages of pebbles"
but "there is no evidence from the Kafu that fracturing occurs selectively in
deposits of any particular age". Stratigraphical evidence combined with
fracture studies indicated that a fourfold division of the Kafuan was unobser-
vable on geological grounds and on the evidence available Bishop concluded
that there was no "reason for including Uganda as one of the regions in which
man first emerged as a Tool-maker"8. The Magosian industry, described from
deposits found within a filled-up cistern, Wayland9 regarded as a transitional
culture between the Stillbay and Wilton cultures first described from southern
Africa. As "the Magosian folk were water-hole dwellers".. "they did not live
in any wet period" but "between the 2nd pluvial (later to be called the last)
and the ist post-pluvial wet phase". The Magosian was thought of as a tran-
sitional industry as it included both "Middle" (Stillbay) stone age elements,
such as points, and "Late" (Wilton) stone age elements such as microliths,
small scrapers and burins. A re-excavation of the site in 196310 revealed that the
cistern had filled in with deposits having an angle of rest of 45. Wayland had dug
the cistern in two foot horizontal spits with the result that towards the lip
of the cistern in each layer the industry was older than the material found
towards the rock face. As all the artefacts were then compounded together
and only the better artefacts selected, which meant for the most part the arte-
facts in fine-grained cherts and chalcedonies rather than in quartz in which
implements are harder to recognize, the Magosian as described was a composite
industry with tools of different periods all mixed up. An example of Wayland's
selectivity is seen in the fact that from the Wayland collection in Cambridge
around 30% of all the artefacts were microliths whereas the 1963 excavations
revealed that microliths were in all layers less than 2% of the total assemblage.
More than three quarters of the total assemblage in 1963 was found to consist
of waste material, comprising splinters, chunks and undiagnostic flakes together
with pieces of unworked raw material whereas only I6% of the Wayland collect-
ion could be so categorized. This suggests that over 70% of all Wayland's
finds, mainly quartz tools, were discarded at the site.
Wayland's chief archaeological excavations were at Nsongezi, both on the
M-N horizons and at the Nsongezi rockshelter. From the archaeological point
of view, Wayland, the seeker of a climatological sequence ruined the work of
Wayland the archaeologist. Pit after pit was sunk, trench after trench excava-
ted and a huge assemblage collected and the better pieces, such as the diagnostic
handaxes and cleavers, selected for return to Entebbe. To the end of the
massive operations a large amount of material was buried in two pits for study
at a future time." The establishment of a pluvial sequence became an ob-
session. The valuable fossil site at Nyabusora'2 was cut through, but no attempt
was made to trace its lateral extent. Except to a slight extent at the Nsongezi
Paddock site where several horizons were observed, no attempt was made to
expose surfaces to determine the exact association of the stone tools with the

quartzite scree, no total counts of artefacts were made and selection was in-
variably made on the site. Pits went down often over 70 feet and the collection
of artefacts was made by workmen in course of excavation with little attempt to
plot occurrence or absolute density. It is easy in retrospect to criticize Wayland's
excavations. They were basically the type which sufficed for archaeological
excavation in the I920's but by the 195o's a new archaeological era had begun.
The great trenches of the early 1930's had described a sequence. The volumes
of O'Bricn13 and Lowe had adequately described what the stone age industries
of the Nsongezi consisted of, and what was needed in 1953 was a detailed
analysis of those industries such as is now being attempted by Cole.14
But Wayland by 1953 was not motivated by the need for cultural analysis,
but the need for justification of theories propounded twenty years earlier. He
also had subsidiary motives of which a dominant one was the justifiable desire
to refurbish the collections of the Uganda Geological Survey with stone age
material which had been partly dislodged and in part lost due to the exigencies
of the war and building alterations. He disagreed, as the correspondence in Man
for x940 bears witness15, with O'Brien's findings at Nsongezi; and there is
evidence from correspondence between Wayland and Lowe that he wanted
to delay Lowe's publication in order to return to Nsongezi to provide a last
word on a site which he had discovered but with which Lowe and O'Brien's
works were associated. Nevertheless Wayland's achievement at Nsongezi re-
mained that of a pioneer, of a scientist who instantly realized its significance
and who generously gave his time and his information to archaeologists who
were attracted by the profusion of artefacts to a site that he never tried to make
exclusively his own.
Alesser undertaking at Nsongezi involved the excavation of the rockshelter'6
a mile upstream from the main excavations. Here Wayland described a sequence
running g from the late stone age through to the iron age and if he was perhaps
guilty, looking back, of ignoring the implications of the iron age succession,
he was in good company with cave excavators in southern Africa who, in the
interwar years, regarded the upper levels containing pottery as so much recent
Bantu occupation debris to be gone through as rapidly as possible in order to
reach what they always considered the older, and for them, more interesting
stone age occupations. Nevertheless, Wayland's reconstruction of the shelter
with its riverside wall which has been faithfully followed in a Uganda Museum
diaorama17 reveals Wayland as an archaeologist interested in the broader
ecological framework rather than in a mere catalogue of stone tools.
Though Wayland considered the iron age as largely outside his main field
of interest it is probably his contributions to iron age archaeology that have best
survived the subsequent progress of archaeological research. His descriptions of
Ntusi, his finding and descriptions of the Luzira terracottas, the Ankole in-
criptions, his notes on Bigo and other earthworks, his comment on bored stones,
stone-cut mweso boards and on mining shafts at Kiwala near Masaka and in
Toro, all provide a corpus of sound description on which future investigation
has been based. Though his speculations as to the origin of Bigo have little
validity, nevertheless he realized the importance of traditional history as a
source of information on archaeological sites and his conclusion that"Biggois
....almost certainly younger than Zimbabwe.... and both are Bantu"'s
has been borne out by later archaeological research. The similarity between
the two is that both represent the tangible results of the development of states,
both are public works that only the development of such states made possible.

As with all his writings Wayland brought a touch of humour into his speculations
to underline perhaps that the speculation is founded on imagination. Jestingly
writing about the fantastic speculations then current concerning the origins of
Zimbabwe, he wrote about Bigo and Zimbabwe, "how striking a background
they provide for a best-seller, or a Yankee film: 'Mugenyi of the Biggos-a
Tale of Love and Peril in the Golden Bowels of Equatoria'.19 The plans of
Biggo, Ntusi and other sites surveyed by himself and A. D. Combe in the
course of foot safaris and with the minimum of portable equipment are still
in use and have proved of value to all archaeologists who followed after him in
Wayland brought to archaeology a consciousness of Africa that many later
archaeologists have perhaps neglected. In 1929 he visited sites in Rhodesia and
South Africa and his reading was extensive so that he was never stuck for perti-
nent comparative examples for his own discoveries. Quite often as in the case
of Bigo he produced the right answers but with the wrong reasons. In twenty
years he amassed a huge corpus of information which has provided the basis
for much later work. He pointed the way to subsequent discoveries and in my
last correspondence with him, shortly before his death, on the subject of stone
age artefacts from hill-top hollows recently described by Patz20 he provided
information on many other sites from his unpublished notes. His methods may
be subject to criticism, but he did produce material in abundance on which
later work was founded. As an archaeologist he was self-taught and as systematic
as his contemporaries in other parts of Africa. It is to his credit that he was never
reluctant to share his discoveries and enthusiasm. His pioneering work will be
remembered long after the terms and cultural names that he suggested have been

i. Burkitt M. C., South Africa's past in stone andpaint, Cambridge, 1928.
2. Lowe, C. van Riet, The Pleistocene geology andprehistory of Uganda, Part II Prehistory, Entebbe
Geological Survey, Memoir No. 6, 1952, pp.I-i8.
3. It is however possible that at the 1967 Pan-African Prehistory Congress even this term will
have to be recommended for discontinuation due to the inadequacies of the type site.
4. Lowe, op. cit., pp. 19-30.
5. Wayland E. J. and Burkitt M. C. The Magosian culture of Uganda. (Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute, 6, 1932, Pp.369-390.)
6. Smith R. A. and Wayland E. J. Some primitive stone implements from Uganda. Entebbe,
Geological Survey, Occasional Paper No. I, 1923.
7. Bishop, W. W., Kafu stratigraphy and Kafuan artefacts, (South African Journal Science, 55,
1959, pp.117-121.)
8. ibid. p.120.
9. Wayland and Burkitt, op. cit., p.378.
o1. Cole, G. A. reinvestigation of the Magosian, Quaternaria, 9, 1967.
11. Partly recovered by the writer and Dr. W. W. Bishop in 1959 and now forming part of the
Uganda Museum collections.
12. Wayland E. J. A short report on a geoarchaeological investigation in Nyabusora, Tanga-
nyika. Unpublished report of Tanganyika Geological Survey, Dodoma 1954. The site
was fully excavated by the writer in x96x.
13. O'Brien, T. P., The prehistory of Uganda Protectorate, Cambrdige, 1939.
14. Cole, G. Recent archaeological work in southern Uganda. (Uganda Journal ag, 1965,
15. Wayland E.J. Some aspects of Uganda prehistory. (Man, 4o, 1940, pp.lo5-io6.)
16. Pearce S. and Posnansky, M. The re-excavation of Nsongezi rockshelter. (Uganda J., 27,
1963, pp.85-95.)
17. See Annual Report of the Uganda Museum for 1956, p.io.
18. Wayland E.J. Notes on Biggo Bya Mugenyi. (Uganda J., 2, 1934, pp.21-32.)
19. ibid. p.3i.
20. Patz, M. J., Hill-top hollows-Further investigations. (Uganda J., 29, 1965, pp.225-228.)

Uganda Journal, 31, I (1967) 13-31



An evaluation of Wayland's geomorphological work in Uganda presents
considerable problems. His published writings which can be considered to
fall broadly within this field, span a period of 44 years and comprise well over
a hundred items. Unpublished field notes and correspondence available within
the Geological Survey records in Entebbe provide further detailed comment
and information. His writings cover a wide range of topics in greater or lesser
detail and it is therefore fortunate that there are two papers which cover the
chronology of his work before i939 and indicate the more important en-
quiries.1 2 Little significant field work was in fact completed after that time
though re-interpretations of earlier findings were made subsequently and some
new field work initiated.
Because of the voluminous nature of the written material, any evaluation
must be selective in terms both of the topics examined and also of the views
expressed. Such a selection may seem arbitrary and lead to false emphasis
but is inevitable in view of the fact that Wayland never himself published the
long promised synthesis of his findings. Only a widely circulated draft intro-
duction was ever produced in which it was stated that "this final account is no
mere addition to a patchwork; it is a complete re-writing",3 the implication
being that these final views involved some modification of previously published
work. What this final account might have contained will not now be known;
some would claim that it was unlikely to fulfil its promise to be the most il-
luminating discussion of his results, that by the time he was actually engaged
upon it to the full, he was already too far away from the original field work,
too tendentiously pre-occupied with certain 'id6es fixes' and for other reasons
unlikely to add significantly to his earlier work. If such a view is valid, there
would appear to be strong justification for selectively examining the earlier
writings, for though on some points Wayland's opinions were constantly
modified over the years, on others they changed remarkably little.
An objective evaluation must consider not only the facts discovered and
the conclusions drawn but also the repercussions of the work and the context
within which it was completed. Many of the problems with which Wayland
grappled remain unsolved; in these fields no complete evaluation is possible.
Here current opinion provides some, albeit imperfect, standard of assessment.
The solution to yet other problems has come with the discovery of new facts
unknown to Wayland and it would be misleading and unfair to criticise him in
these areas. That considerable credit must be accorded him for the accu-
mulation of much geomorphological evidence is indisputable, but more fund-
amental to an evaluation is the use to which he put the facts at his disposal,
so many of which he collected himself. The subsequent discussion attempts
to assess the validity of the deductions both at the time they were made and at

present. In many cases, it will be shown that current opinion no longer follows
Wayland's view, but no little part of the subsequent interest and enquiry which
disproved some of his contentions was generated by the vitality of his own
It has been argued by contrast that some repercussions of his work were
unsatisfactory. Certainly his early, continued and forceful championing of a
pluvial-interpluvial climatic sequence for East Africa affected subsequent
objectivity in African Pleistocene studies in a strongly detrimental way. Those
workers without detailed knowledge of East Africa believed that the sequence
was well founded, while the interpretation of the data collected within East
Africa was often distorted to fit a pre-conceived framework. The whole pro-
blem is examined in more detail below.
Considerable allowance must be made for the difficulties in the way of
accurate morphological enquiry and deduction during the period when
much of Wayland's best work was done.4 There were few staff, little money,
constant pressure for results, poor roads, few good detailed maps, and no
aerial photographic cover. Virtually nothing was known in advance and a
start had to be made from scratch. Against these disadvantages Wayland ba-
lanced a close acquaintance with the terrain and it is evident both from his
correspondence and notes that he was ever searching for opportunities to get
away from his office and into the field. Furthermore his prolonged period of
work in Uganda gave him an unrivalled grasp of detail. "Not content with
the narrower responsibilities of the Geological Survey",5 he initiated the field
study and examination of many of the most important problems of Uganda's
geomorphological evolution. Some of these problems formed debating grounds
of wide general interest and Wayland's contribution was of major importance;
of these the mechanism of rift valley formation, the nature of the erosion
surfaces of the African plateaus and low latitude climatic fluctuations during
the Pleistocene were foremost. They are accorded priority in the following
discussion. His geomorphological work of more local interest concerned many
topics only the more important of which can be examined. Extensive use is
purposely made of original quotation so that the reader can sample the style
of the original presentation as well as its content.
The Mechanism and Age of Rift Formation
"Rift valleys are phenomena of impelling interest. They have a grandeur
of their own; they call for explanation, and the problems provided by the
study of their history demand for their solution protracted excursions into
every field of African post-peneplain geology".6 Yet within a very few months
of his arrival in Uganda, Wayland had crystallised and published a summary
of his views on the causal mechanism of the Western rift and reported that he
was on the point of going off in search of more evidence.7 He thus rapidly
became a major protagonist in the controversy over the nature of African
rift valleys, advancing as his view that the main displacements resulted from
compression and following this up shortly afterwards with more regional
evidence supporting this conclusion.8 It was a position from which he did not
significantly change and he was still stressing the likelihood of compression as
an explanation of the Western rift valley in 1958.9
The case against the previously accepted tensional mechanism in the
Western rift, as stated by Wayland, rested upon a number of observations. The
nature of the faults was a crucial problem: "on the assumption that they are

normal, one has to postulate the existence ... of a fault so enormous that no
geologist would accept it without very good evidence".10 The virtual absence of
lavas, and the small scale and lateness of volcanic activity associated with the
Western rift, suggested that its nature was different from that of the Eastern.
rift. Wayland argued that the deep fractures which obviously existed must
have been closed by compression thus bottling down basaltic material. Further-
more the lack of detailed control of the rift faults by existing surface rocks and
structures also, according to him, argued against tension. Later work showed
that there was in fact a considerable correspondence between the two in
Bunyoro and Toro." The existence of the elevated horst of Ruwenzori right
in the rift, the apparent increase ofmylonisation towards the rift,12 the presence
of scarpward dips and apparent domes in the rift sediments,13 4 the linear
bulges of the plateau swamp divides'1 and the curving upthrust faults dis-
covered by Willis 16 all added supporting data. The geophysical work of Bullard
on gravity anomalies apparently lent further confirmation to the compressional
Wayland himself seemed initially clear that compression was a working
hypothesis which must stand or fall by the results of future enquiry".'8 He
claimed to have formulated the hypothesis,'9 but the mechanism of compression
and overthrusting had been previously invoked for the Rhine rift valley20,
and by Uhlig21 to account for many of the features of the Eastern rift. However
it would be fair to claim that Wayland revived the hypothesis by applying
it to the Western rift valley. He postulated gradual compressive movement to
which he attributed the development of "the Uganda-Congo dome and the
Victoria Nyanza depression" and envisaged subsequent movements as follows:
"After a period of rest, the movements re-asserted themselves to a smaller
degree but with greater rapidity, resulting in fractures which gave rise to the
uplift of Ruwenzori ... then after a second and comparatively short rest came
the great compressive movement of which that resulting in the formation of the
great block mountain was the immediate forerunner--giving rise to a
great system of reverse faulting which ... produced the structural feature of the
Albertine rift valley".22 Thus Wayland apparently regarded the main rift-
forming faults as shearing planes or overthrusts under the margin of the plateau
which defined wedges of the crust (Fig. Ia and b). The uplift of Ruwenzori as
well as the depression of the Albert trough followed from the action of com-
pression on the wedge-shaped blocks, whose thinner edges pointed respectively
downward and upward This view was widely accepted and figured in
standard texts on physical geology.23(Fig. ib).
Wayland's view of the rift was subsequently modified in minor respects
only. From describing rifts as fracture valleys running along the crests of linear
upwarps,2 he turned to more general doing as the related tectonic feature.25
From envisaging the rift-forming faults as simple reverse faults or shear planes
(Fig. ia and b), he came to envisage them as curving thrust-planes or ramp
faults (Fig. Ic).26 In this view he followed the reasoning of Willis,27 though
claimed priority for the idea himself on the basis of an published letter of his
to Arthur Holmes.28 Both views of the major faults, as Figure I clearly shows,
envisaged deep, fundamental reversed faults, with superficial tension faults at
the surface. Thus "the theory was ingeniously arranged so that all the evidence
should be hidden by normal gravity faulting of the advancing and over-
hanging valley sides".29
The results of modern enquiry have added much data to that on which


A 1. 2.

fault E -
talus seps

Compression theory Tensional theory

gravity 'domed'
faults sediments

Plateau / / Plateau
overthrusting overthrusting
rift block rift block
-^ / Rift btock -
thust thrusor reverse
i/ koe faults (funda-

Rift valley Plateau Lake Victoria
Sswamp divide
rejuvenated -as reversed
river river
st pped / i p rt-a(upli ft l

Srtat Wamp fault
(depression) -


Figure I
Wayland's conception of the nature of the rift faults in the Western rift.
A. The compression theory, 1921 (I), with the alternative tensional inter-
pretation being shown alongside (2).
B. The interpretation ofWayland, 1925, as figured in Holmes (1944).
C. The interpretation of Wayland, 1929.

Wayland originally based his views. That his views were reasonable interpre-
tations of the evidence then available is supported by their acceptance by a
number of leading experts. In the new edition of Holmes' book however where
Wayland's concept is still figured, it is described as "the now discredited
compression hypothesis of the origin of rift valleys"30 The background to this
changed opinion can be afforded only the briefest summary. Davies was able
to show that the absence of curvature in the rift plan and the lack of uplift on
the Uganda side in Bunyoro argued against compression;31 while both drillings
and new geophysical work in combination indicated the existence of over
8,oeo feet of unconsolidated sediments in the Butiaba section of the rift floor.32
The drillings also showed that all the main faults examined were normal
gravity or tension faults with inclinations of 60-70o towards the rift trough even
at depth.33 What had appeared as possible structural domes in the rift sedi-
ments were no more than minor sand banks.
This new field data conformed with modern re-appraisals of the rift
structures. As de Sitter remarks: compressivee stress has been proposed for
the African fault zone ., but these views have never gained much support,
and their arguments have proved insufficient"34 Tension is now generally
regarded as the mechanism at work in forming most rift valleys and the most
satisfactory summary of the modern viewpoint is perhaps that of Heiskanen and
Vening Meinesz35 which is shown in Figure 2. Their views are available in
a succinct form in Mohr.36 Alternative explanations of rift valleys in terms
of vertical tectonics are currently under discussion37 but not widely favoured.
Thus Wayland's concept of the mechanism responsible for the formation
of the Western rift was wrong. His guess about its age, a somewhat related
point, now seems very close; for the identification of the lowest members of
the Kisegi beds as Miocene38 is supported by recent work by Hooijer39 and
Bishop.40 On this basis Wayland placed the initiation of the trough as Oli-
gocene.41 His interpretation of the subsequent evolution of the rift is more of a
stratigraphical problem than a geomorphological one, though the morphologic-
al aspects are summarised in the later discussion of features of more local

Erosion Surfaces-Their Nature, Origin and Age
"Uganda is part of the Great African peneplain, the development of
which in this country, in spite of the existence of a few residual hills, had
reached a very high stage of perfection before elevation to form the present
plateau subjected it to the gouging action of consequent streams whereby it
was dissected into a number of flat-topped hills. These hills separated by wide
papyrus-choked swamps are highly typical of the scenery of Uganda proper".42
Evidence is here adduced of only one complete cycle of erosion. Subsequently
Wayland stated that "at one time we recognized but a single peneplain in
Uganda, later it became evident that there were three, still later it was apparent
that Peneplain II could be any one of three erosional surfaces (other than
Peneplains I and III) locally expressed at the expense of the other two" 4)
"Four or five" represented his last guess.at the number involved.44 By selective
quotation it is therefore possible to find support for any number of erosional
surfaces from one to five, most later writers quoting Wayland select his 1933
version.45. 46 There Wayland identified three major stages, PI, PII and PIII.
PI was, according to this version, the only true peneplain (see over). It had
been developed over a long period of time, was related to a formerly stable



... .. ,. .. ... ..... ..... .. ..... .

Mechanism of formation of the Rift System (after Heiskanen and Vening Meiness, 958):
:: :^:::::::'::" ::::::':::::::::::::.:::i:


---ine of centres of gravity

Mechanism of formation of the Rift System (after Heiskanen and Vening Meinesz, 1958):
A. t-4 show stages in the formation of graben and horts under crustal tension. The vertical
scale is greatly exaggerated. Stage I shows the development of a fault plane fracture in
the crust, this being tilted because density increases with depth in the lithosphere.
Stage o shows that separation takes place under further tension and one side of the
faulted crst bends upwards, the other side downwards, in order to restore isostatic
equilibrium. Stage 3 shows the effects of further tension for new fault planes develop at
the points of maximum curvature and therefore maximum tensile strain (dotted).
Stage 4a illustrates the formation of a graben with uplifed rims. Stage 4b shows how a
horst can develop as an alternative but less common response. Stage 4c shows a combi-
nation of horst and graben.
B. Models of paraffin wax floating in water, the sections being of equal thickness but
tapering along tilted fracture planes.

base-level and was only locally lateritised. It was confined in area to the
southwest of the country in Ankole and Kigezi. PII was lower, more perfectly
developed and more extensively lateritised; the same was true of PIII. PII was
most characteristically evident in the flat-topped hills of Buganda while PIII
lay at lower levels and achieved a wide extent in central and northern Uganda.
These two lower surfaces were "characteristically blanketed by lateritic iron-
stone which varies from place to place, from a foot or two to about 40 feet in
thickness. It is to be interpreted as a weathering product resulting from the
effects of alternating wet and dry seasons upon a country of almost no relief".47
Wayland's PIII surface was faulted by the rift and downwarped to the south
to be flooded by Lake Victoria.
Much of Wayland's writing on erosion surfaces was in the nature of a
synopsis of the results of others. Combe was his source for western Uganda,4
Simmons on the drainage pattern,49 Willis on the processes at work.50 Hence
his views in this field were more liable to change than in many others and there
is a corresponding difficulty in evaluating his own contribution. These diffi-
culties become clear if the concept of 'etching' and 'etch-plain development'
are examined. Though the idea of deep weathering, associated with a well-
developed erosion surface, enabling more rapid incision to proceed with
renewed uplift was Wayland's picture of the later evolution of surfaces in
Uganda, the actual designation of this process must be credited to Willis.51
Wayland did much to publicise this view however, and in so doing, drew
attention to the inadequacies of the existing morphological terminology. If
the term 'peneplain' is used in the strict sense to signify an almost complete
planation of an area, it is clear that only one such feature can have any extent
in any one area at any one time. Perhaps it was this terminological exactitude
that lay behind Wayland's initial stress on only one peneplain being present
in Uganda; if so his scrupples subsequently weakened. But he did realise that
there was no generally accepted term to describe a surface of low relief de-
veloped primarily as a valley-floor level representing an incomplete 'cycle'
of erosion. The term 'strath' or bermm' is used in America, 'incipient peneplain'
in Britain.52 Wayland preferred the term 'etch-plain', a graphic term for a
wide valley floor developed by 'etching'.
The conditions under which the process of etching was thought to take
place were as follows: "the original peneplain (possibly a true peneplain of
Cretaceous or Jurassic age) had attained a surface lacking any marked relief
with the resultant development over it of a deeply weathered rock cover of
'saprolite' or regolith extending down many tens of feet; uplift of the land
supervened with the consequent removal of this thick zone of rotted rock.
It was at this stage that laterite was exposed and indurated from within the
weathering profile; stability of the land followed with the development of
another deep, saprolitic cover which following another uplift was removed
from part of the area; in this way a varying number of topographic levels
below the summit peneplain were believed to have been formed."53 Thorn-
bury comments that the process outlined by Wayland might conceivably
contribute to local differential lowering of a peneplain surface just as solution
and differential mass-wasting may, but found it difficult to visualise the process
operating widely enough to produce etch-plains of regional extent.5 However
the considerable depths of weathering evident in Uganda, the nature of the
soils, the ubiquity of laterites, the age of the surfaces and the superimposed
drainage pattern all favour Wayland's viewpoint. Etching strongly suggests
linear incision along drainage lines through a soft cover and superimposed

onto hard rocks. Though the term seems both graphic and exact only Pallister,
of subsequent writers, has employed it.55
It is doubtful whether Wayland envisaged that this process had been
experienced throughout Uganda. In Karamoja, for example, he described
different forms of erosion surface-gently sloping rock platforms without deep
weathering and with only a thin veneer of scree upon them. These pediments
fringed inselbergs like those he had sketched long before for Arthur Holmes in
Mozambique.56 Both features indicated to him long-continued arid or semi-
arid conditions which presumably, on account of the deep weathered cover
there, were not experienced in the central and southern part of the country.57
Wayland never attempted even the most schematic map of the distribution
of the erosion surfaces he described but he did attempt to date them. While
these dates now appear misleading, they reflected the beginnings of the study
of the detailed relationship of the fossil sites of eastern Uganda to the surfaces
of the rest of the country;58 a study which was later to provide the detailed
answers9, ironically enough from sites on Napak discovered by Wayland him-
Recent re-appraisals of the erosion surfaces of Uganda have gone far
beyond the earlier writings6o and have laid stress on the importance of warping
in understanding the regional history and the distribution of erosion surface
remnants to a greater degree than did Wayland, even in his later writings.61
In retrospect Wayland's major contribution to this field appears to have
been the stress he himself put, at a formative stage in the study of Uganda's
geology upon attempting to interpret surface evolution. This verdict is sup-
ported by Willis.62 As Wayland himself said: "from the geological point of view
it would be difficult to overstress the importance of peneplains".63 Though
concerned in this quotation significantly enough with tin, the direction given
was clear enough.

Pleistocene Climate
"Mr. E. J. Wayland was the first person to consider the problem of
East African pluvials and interpluvials in any great detail and he wrote a
number of papers on the subject. While it is possible that a part of his evidence,
obtained in Uganda," was not quite as conclusive as he believed it to be, he
did adduce many facts that are worthy of more study than has been given
them by his critics".65 This recent judgement by Leakey provides a useful
starting point for discussion. Possible past climatic fluctuations were a subject
in which Wayland was deeply involved for "having started the investigation
and study of this subject in Uganda ... and having pursued it ever since, thus
making it my own",66 he felt an obvious proprietary interest in it. His studies in
this field were particularly closely linked with his archaeological investigations
in the Kagera valley.67
Certainly this field of study is the hardest to summarise and assess. The
pluvial-interpluvial interpretation of Pleistocene events in Uganda was im-
posed from the start and was not upset by the results of his own work in later
years, which, on the contrary, tended to confirm Wayland in his convictions
and to add a considerable amount of field observation. Detailed modifications
were however made from time to time. At present definitive statements
concerning these ideas are perhaps premature, for controversy over them is
still very active. A summary of the literature is however possible. It seems clearly
true to say, as does Flint, that "there is little doubt that climatic change occurred
in equatorial Africa during the Pleistocene";68 there remain however numerous

questions concerning the number intensity, type, causation and synchronism
of these changes to be examined. The scheme advanced by Wayland purported
to answer many of these questions either directly or indirectly. He admitted
that it was an hypothetical one and also that "it is all too easy to be led astray
when attempting to interpret evidence of past climatic changes".69 To assess
his work it seems necessary to examine first the definitions used; and then not
only the theoretical basis of the scheme but also the sequence of events postul-
ated; the field evidence upon which this sequence was based as well as the
repercussions of the scheme on subsequent research.
Wayland defined a pluvial period as "a period of geological significance
during which rainfall was in general considerably heavier than in earlier
times and more than it is today over an area sufficiently large to be of some
account in world events".70 He latterly regarded pluvials as periods of relative
wetness with regard to preceding and present climates.71 This definition was a
cause of a number of subsequent problems. Wayland apparently introduced
the term "interpluvial"72 for a major climatic phase drier than the climate of
today, but as Flint has pointed out, such a term, analagous though it is with the
term interglacial, implies that the climatic episode is both preceded and
followed by pluvial climates, "an implication rarely justified".73 He also intro-
duced the term "intrapluvial" for a shorter or less intense interpluvial. From
this terminology he turned in later years to such relative designations as
"more rain (M.R.)" and "less rain (L.R.)",74 and attempted to disown his
earlier system. "The present writer who was largely responsible for the spread
of that almost emotional and commonly misleading expression 'pluvial period'
has for years past been trying to get rid of it".75 Such a terminological retraction
represented but a minor change of viewpoint and opinion, and was undoubtedly
a reflection of the adverse criticism that had been directed against his earlier
The theoretical basis of the pluvial-interpluvial hypothesis derived from
meteorology and had been expounded by Brooks76 with whom Wayland had
been in touch since 1906. "Accepting Brooks' view with regard to Pleistocene
climates in regions far removed from the glaciated areas, I considered the rise
in water levels (of Lake Victoria) indicative of a pluvial period".77 He later
revealingly remarked that "one had to realise that there had been a tendency
to let oneself be guided too much by theory".78 Wayland applied the theory
to the field data in Uganda as a means of correlation of widely separated
deposits, this being also possible by means of artifacts for "it would seem that
stone tools may be used relatively if not actually to date Quaternary deposits
in this country just as fossils may elsewhere".79 The deposits, according to
Wayland, provided clear evidence of a sequence of pluvial periods and he was
convinced that these corresponded with past glacial periods in temperate
latitudes. This conviction deserves some attention for the theoretical basis is
plausable; it is summarised by Flint as follows:
"During glacial ages the temperature gradient between cold glacier-
covered high latitude regions and the low-latitude belts of calms was steeper
than it is today especially in the northern hemisphere where extensive land
areas favoured the growth of ice sheets. Therefore exchange of air between
the two regions was more active than now. Exchange was accompanied by
increased turbulence in the atmosphere and increased strength and frequency
of the cyclonic storms that characterise the polar-front region where cold and
warm air masses come into contact with one another." High pressure over
the continental ice masses diverted the eastward moving cyclone track to the

south. Flint then goes on to suggest that in the Old World, repercussions were
felt "right down to the equator itself" and explains this apparent anomally by
stating that :
"the northern half of Africa is the only large sub-tropical land mass lying
north of the equator. Because of this vast expanse of land it is more favourably
situated than other sub-tropical regions to receive winter season outbreaks of
cold polar air. Even today these outbreaks reach as far as latitude 150. During
glacial ages, when climatic zones further north were displaced as much as 150
towards the equator, cold air outbreaks at times should have reached the
equator itself. The result is evident. Moist tropical air masses moving eastward
from the Atlantic ocean across the Congo basin would have inter-acted with
the cold air, with resulting rainfall. Today in the warm summer season the
East African lakes receive rainfall in the form of convective precipitation. The
cyclonic precipitation outlined above occurred only in winter but should have
been at least as great as the summer precipitation today. Hence in the
region of the East African lakes annual precipitation during glacial ages
should have been considerably in excess of present amounts."80
Thus the relationships postulated were possible and even likely. Never-
theless they had not been proved, nor are they established at the present.
Latest evidence suggests a different pattern.81 Wayland was aware of this
difficulty as his comments on a paper by Leakey demonstrated: "while the
theory which finds reason for a genetic connexion between these 'pluviations'
and glacial eposodes of higher latitudes is sound enough, and although there is
evidence to show that in all probability some such connexion existed, the
correlation of the Kenya82 pluvials with definite periods of the Pleistocene as
set forth (by Leakey) is purely hypothetical".83 The whole hypothesis, whose
application within East Africa was initially Wayland's work, undoubtedly
predisposed subsequent workers to search for evidence which would establish
a sequence of pluvial episodes. Wayland's clearest and fullest interpretation of
events was published in I934 and is presented in an abbreviated form as Table I
(below),84 and though his later unpublished views diverged from this, as for
example when he added a further two pluvials, Ibandan and Musizian to the
list,85 there is little supporting evidence presented for the changes and consider-
ation of the original table is therefore probably more satisfactory.
From the table it is evident that Wayland recognized only two major
pluvial periods at the time, but each was divided into two parts by an intra-
pluvial oscillation. Perhaps it was not fortuitous that the resulting pattern
paralleled the classic fourfold alpine glacial sequence (i.e. four main wet
and/or cold phases) and it may not be unfair to suggest that later alterations
may reflect as much an increased knowledge of the European glacial sequence
as new field data from within Uganda.
A major question arises from a consideration of the postulated sequence of
events as shown in the table as from all other versions of it, namely whether
the field data supported and really demanded the deductions made concerning
former climatic conditions. Wayland was aware of the problem as he indicated
by maintaining that .. "what is required is a body of geological fact that can
only be interpreted as arising from an increase in rainfall, and after long sustain-
ment, a subsequent decrease to that of the present day",87 and again "the
answer involves sorting out tectonic and climatic factors so far as they are
represented".88 He cited elsewhere and on many occasions the evidence relied
upon (i) for a once heavier rainfall, misfit streams, potholes, misfit waterfall
caves on Mount Elgon, high lake levels evidenced by deposits and clifflines,


- Relatively small
Nakuran fluctuations of lake
- - Nakuran wet phase Post- levels and river
glacial flows
- Makalian wet phase
- -----------
Post-pluvial dry
Pluvial II, part Gamblian pluvial Wurm Permanent reversal
two glacial of the main rivers.
Ripon falls outlet

Intra-pluvial Intrapluvial 3 Inter- M horizon; Contraction of lakes:
oscillation glacial emergence soil red- exposure of sedi-
dening ments at Nsongezi

Pluvial II, part Kanjeran pluvial 2 Riss-
one glacial

Interpluvial Interpluvial 2 Inter- Kaiso bone beds- Lakes Albert and
glacial emergence Victoria dry up

Pluvial I, part Kamasian pluvial Mindel Kaiso lake; Lake Lake Victoria defini-
two glacial Kagera-270' tely established;
Terrace + gravels flow in main river

Intra-pluvial Interpluvial i Inter- Unconformity Lakes and rivers
oscillation glacial dwindle

Pluvial I, part Kageran pluvial Gunz Kisegi beds; Initiation of Lake
one glacial river incision Victoria: captures
to River Nile

Pre-Pluvial E.W. drainage to
(Pliocene) Congo: old age;
arid climate

Table I. Provisional table of Pleistocene climatic, tectonic riverine, and lacustrine
events as envisaged by E. J. Wayland in 1934 with modification.

lacustrine incursions into the Kagera and Musizi valleys, the character of
many of the river gravels as for example in the Kafu valley; (ii) for inter-
pluvial conditions, exposure and incision of previously deposited gravels and
sediments as for example the Kaiso bone beds, aeolian deposits of regional
extent, the killing off of fish faunas. Various complex evidences of intermediate
or changing conditions were cited in addition.89 90 Major doubts have been
subsequently thrown upon the validity of this data as indicative of any form of
climatic change. Only a brief synopsis of the arguments is necessary as fuller
appraisals are available elsewhere (see below).
Initial re-assessment of the regional data was made by Solomon who
concluded that "many of the phenomena ascribed by Wayland to climatic
agencies are far more easily and logically explained by earth movements",91
and "all these considerations go to show that the Pluvial Hypothesis rests on
very slender foundations and the writer is inclined to discard it completely as a
basis for the classification of the African Quaternary".92 Later re-evaluation
tended to confirm this viewpoint particularly on the basis of the Uganda
evidence and in relation to Uganda. This was certainly Cooke's view, after a
detailed summary of Wayland's evidence and interpretations.93 Perhaps an
even more searching re-evaluation of the adequacy of the evidence for inferred
former climates was that of Flint who demonstrated clearly that the evidence
did not support the inferrences put upon it.9 More recent re-evaluations of the
Kagera valley evidence by Cole,95 botanical data by Morrison96 and the causes
of fluctuation of Lake Victoria by the present writer97 confirm the inadequacy
of data for palaeoclimatic reconstructions in the style of Wayland. Unfortun-
ately the climatic scheme erected on the lines of evidence previously noted
has been uncritically accepted as sound in many quarters and has undoubtedly
prejudiced much later work. The repercussions of the original hypothesis have
been most unfortunate.

Topics of Local Significance
In his voluminous publications Wayland touched on many aspects of the
regional geomorphology of Uganda, though only certain of these can be singled
out for attention here through lack of space. Those discussed below merit
particular note however.
(a) Evolution of Lake Victoria
"While pride of place ... was allotted to the lower Kagera",98 Wayland
devoted much time and thought to the evolution of Lake Victoria, working
not only on the Uganda shoreline but also intermittently in the Kavirondo
gulf. One of his earliest contributions was the recognition of a series of raised
beaches at Entebbe, one of the more prominent stages of which forms the found-
ation of the present Geological Survey offices.99 His later work continually
stressed the importance of understanding the lake and its evolution. "The
Quaternary story of Uganda and the evolution of the great lake that forms its
southeastern boundary are inseparable".100
He soon recognized that Lake Victoria occupied an anomalous topographic
position on the plateau, perched above lower levels both to north and south,101
and though he recognized that the lake basin had been formed by warping,
an influence he progressively emphasised, he was certain that "there can have
been no large body of water in the Victoria depression except during the
pluvials".'02 The pre-warp from of the lake region "was once a watershed
apparently of domoid form (a minor bulge) distributing its streams radially"103,

an impression he formed because "Lake Victoria is fringed with drowned
valleys which seem to radiate from a centre"104, and on the basis of the distri-
bution of fish fauna.105. 106 Work by Combe soon persuaded him that this view
of the pre-lake topography was erroneous, for Combe drew attention to the
flooded extensions of both the Katonga and Kagera rivers under the lake.
This effectively demonstrated that "Lake Victoria with its drowned coastline
and reversed feeders is younger than the main river channels".107 Thus the
problem of the actual as opposed to the relative age of the lake was brought to
the fore. Wayland had worked on the Lower Miocene lake beds of the Kaviron-
do gulf and had actually discovered the most important sites on Rusinga
Island. Thus he was disposed initially to follow Oswald108 and date the initiation
of the lake as Miocene, "as a shallow water-filled depression", going on to
imply that subsequently, apart from possible "desiccations" the lake ex-
perienced a continuous history.109 "Part of it at least dates back to the Mio-
cene".110 Yet he could not believe that the pre-lake valleys were pre-Miocene
and was left with a clear dilemma. By 1934 he had decided that Lake Victoria
must be younger, and placed its initiation in middle Pleistocene times, a view
which squares with most of the Uganda evidence and the one most generally
held at present.
Fluctuations and oscillations of the level of Lake Victoria and their causes
were of fundamental interest to him. His own early work at Entebbe, later in
Buvuma (where he claimed to have found five ancient levels the highest of
which stood 300 feet about the lake),"' in the Sango hills,112 and in the Kaviron-
do gulf,"3 all indicated that the lake had once been higher. This he naturally
attributed to 'pluvation'-heavier effective rainfall and inflow from the
catchment.114 These high levels were envisaged as being separated by "tem-
porary but relatively long-sustained low levels of Lake Victoria",115 sufficient,
so it was argued, to kill off most of the lacustrine fishes at least during some
periods.16 All subsequent biological writers seem to have accepted these views as
well founded and argue from that basis. Though there is little cause to take
exception to the comment that "the distribution of the fauna of the lakes ...
is only to be understood ... by reference to the geological history of the lakes
themselves",'17 it is clear that the geological history needs to be firmly founded.
In view of the doubts concerning the palaeoclimatic reconstructions already
outlined, the whole distribution pattern of fishes clearly needs re-examination.
From a virtually complete reliance upon fluctuations of climatic parameters
to explain fluctuating lake levels, Wayland came more and more to stress the
possible effects of tectonics and erosion of the lake outlet in combination.
In 1948 he wrote "the maximum height of Lake Victoria has depended upon
the altitude of its outlet rather than rainfall".18 "With low lake levels and their
oscillations the matter has usually been different, but one must turn to the
river valleys for climatic evidence, for clearly high precipitation might easily
synchronize with a tectonically controlled low-level Lake Victoria, and if the
present outlet at the Ripon falls were raised say by 50 feet the lake would
presumably rise to this level without increase in rainfall"."9 By 1952 he believed
that the connection of lacustrine conditions between Lake Victoria and the
Kagera valley was caused by earth movements, followed by complex climatic
oscillations and that the last phase, leading to a retreat of the lake from the
Kagera, was the result of erosion of the Jinja outlet perhaps by "the wedging
out of joint blocks from the Jinja dolerite sill".120 These later views took into
account more possible factors and were more realistic than the earlier recon-
structions; a full evaluation of this data is presented elsewhere.121

(b) Form of the Lake Albert Rift Scarp
Wayland was the first to draw attention to the morphology of the main
fault scarps of the Western rift and to is significance. The obvious contrast
between the upper, mature, well-eroded section of the fault scarp bounding
the plateau edge and the youthful, truncated facets of the lower section of the
fault scarp bounding the rift floor sediments clearly indicated at least two major
phases of movement along the fault plane. "On the Uganda side of the Lake
Albert depression there is a line which has been called the hanging base
below which the escarpment is more or less sheer and above which the scenery
hangs. At the southwestern end it is over 2000 feet above the lake, and at the
northern end it is about 400 feet above it. A similar line occurs on the western
side of Ruwenzori and along the northern section of the eastern side".122 "It is
from old east-west (approximately) valleys above this line on the Albert
scarp that the short rejuvenated streams enter the rift by way of falls".123
Though the evolution of this composite escarpment has no doubt been more
complex than Wayland envisaged, he at least discerned the main contrasts
and drew attention to the Muzizi and Nkussi sandstones and the light they
might throw on the rift evolution.
(c) Arenas
"The term 'arena' was introduced (by E. J. W.) to describe a certain type
of topography controlled by structure. An arena may be described as an
immense punch-bowl like area, the sides of which are formed by ancient
sediments and the bottom essentially by crystalline rocks, among which a
post-sediment intrusive (granite) occupies a prominent or paramount place.
The structure of an arena is that of, or closely allied to a dome; and the arena
country is that in which arenas characteristically occur".124 This arena country
is of course the area of southwestern Ankole, northern Kigezi, Karagwe and
Rwanda. The fact that these domoid structures had been unroofed by erosion
and that the river systems had been superimposed across them was emphasised;
"Rivers such as the Ruizi run right across the arenas, cutting their way through
mountainous country that separates these relatively low-lying areas. This can
only mean that the courses of the rivers were determined before the develop-
ment of the arenas, the walls of which rise one or two thousand feet above the
floors, and that elevation has slowly proceeded as the rivers have cut their
way downwards".125 (Figure 3). The scale of these features, the fine examples
provided of superimposition, antecedence and relief inversion clearly merit
the attention devoted to them.
(d) Explosion Craters and Maars
Locally distinctive features of the geomorphology of western Uganda are
the four areas of explosion craters and crater lakes or maars. The first volume
of this journal carried "a vivid and instructive account of Katwe and its many
problems"126 by Wayland. Katwe is the best known crater of a large field on the
southern slopes of Ruwenzori, lying partly in the rift floor and partly over-
lapping its margin. Considering these explosion crater fields as a whole, Way-
land drew a distinction between caldera-type explosion vents, characterized by
an absence of cones, edges bent up by pressure, crater floors below the general
level, enclosing saline lakes within youthful sediments; and those craters
whose walls were built up above the general level, surrounded by ashes,
generally above the general level, containing fresh-water lakes and generally
blown through the old rocks of the plateau. Examples of the first type were


Relatively undeformed
rocks lying unconformably
on deformed Buganda-
Toro rocks


T -- +

+ +
c. + -+ +
*+ +
4 44t li,,

I '.

:.. .:. I. .I .....
+ *+
+* +~~
.. *" 4 ""'

++ ~ +
iI1 + + + 7'

.... - .- .-
~ ~~ ~ .o .. 11 ,l 4 '''

+ :..!*. + +

Doming caused by
granite intrusion

Truncation of the dome by
a major surface of erosion

Subsequent incision &
superimposition leading
to the development of
an arena


Figure 3
Stages in the formation of an arena, i.e. relief inversion in dome structures as
exemplified in southwest Ankole and northern Kigezi.

E- Former surface

]Migmatites & schists

o Granite & gneiss

E K-A phyllite

IE B-T schists

Lakes Katwe and Kikorongo; while the cones of the Fort Portal area were
cited as typifying the second category.127 Such a distinction has obvious de-
scriptive utility and reveals Wayland's interest in classification which he
applied both to Uganda's rivers128 and lakes.129
Wayland believed that most of the volcanic activity took place before the
main drying-up of the rift floor; in other words that most of the tuffs were
laid down under water. This now appears erroneous, nor does it seem true
that the raised rims and centrifugal dips of the tuffaceous deposits reflect
anything other than the way of their original deposition.130 Wayland's last
published paper dealt with local volcanic features, the lava tunnels of the
Bufumbiro area.131

A short survey such as the one attempted above can do little more then
indicate the major fields of Wayland's geomorphological interest. What
emerges clearly is his central interest in the subject. Many will no doubt
feel with Van Riet Lowe, who knew him well, that "his attitude .
embodied the most balanced caution and patience of the true scientist.
His warnings about pitfalls and far-reaching conclusions were generously given
-and unfortunately not always heeded".132 Others may claim that he was too
ready to come to conclusions, that too many of the facts were inter-
preted in the light of preconceived hypotheses which remained basically
unchanged despite new and contrary evidence. Judgement on this must lie with
the reader. Though many of his most ardently supported ideas must now be
regarded as inadequately and unsoundly based, yet there can be little doubt
that his contribution to the understanding of the Uganda scene was of
paramount importance and it must be agreed with Solomon that his "diligent
and enthusiastic collection of the sparse and widely scattered data available
deserves the tribute of all who follow him".133

i. Wayland, E. J. Rifts, rivers, rains and early man in Uganda, Journal of the Royal Anthro-
pological Insitute, 64, 1934a, pp.333-352.
2. Van Riet Lowe, C. The Pleistocene geology and prehistory of Uganda, Part II; Prehistory.
Entebbe, Geological Survey of Uganda, Memoir 6, 1952, Chapter I.
3. Wayland, E. J. The Pleistocene geology of Uganda; Introduction, Unpublished manuscript
cyclostyledd) (Privately circulated), 1958, p.I.
4. Davies, K. A E.J. Wayland-a tribute, Uganda J., 31, 1967, pp. 1-2.
5. Lord Moyne. Introduction to desert versus forest in eastern Africa, Geographical J., 96,
1940, P.430.
6. Wayland, E.J. Summary of progress of the Geological Survey of Uganda for the years 1919-1929,
Entebbe, Geological Survey of Uganda, 1931 a, p.40.
7. Wayland, E.J. African rift valleys, Geographical J., 57, 192 a, pp.239-240.
8. Wayland, E. J. Some account of the geology of the Lake Albert rift valley Geographical J.,
58, I921b, PP.344-359.
9. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1958, p.x4.
o1. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., I92 b, p.348.
I Wayland, E. J. Petroleum in Uganda, Entebbe, Geological Survey of Uganda, Memoir I,
1925, p.Io.
12. Wayland, E.J. The tectonics of the Albertine rift, Nature x29, I932a, p.762.
13. Wayland, E. J. The geology and palaeontology of the Kaiso bone beds, Entebbe, Geological
Survey of Uganda, Occasional Paper 2, 1926a, p.6.
14. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1925, p.24.
15. Wayland, E. J. Rift valleys and Lake Victoria, XV International Geological Congress, 1929
1930a, pp.323-353.

16. Willis, B. East African plateaus and rift valleys: Studies in comparative seismology, Washington
1936, plate 17.
17. Bullard, E. C. Gravity measurements in East Africa, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal
Society, A, 235, 1936, PP.445-531.
18. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1921b, p.359-
19. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1934a, p.337-
20. See references in Wills, B. 1936, op. cit., p.g.
21. Uhlig, C. Die sogenannte grosse ostafrikanische graben, Geographische Zeitschrift, 13,
1907, pp.1-500.
22. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1921b, p.358.
23. Holmes, A. Principles of physical geology, London, 1944, p.439.
24. Wayland, E. J. Note on the geological history of the Uganda lakes, Geographical J., 74,
1929a, p.133.
25. Wayland, E. J. The African bulge, Geographical J., 75, 193ob, pp.381-383.
26. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 193oa, p.336.
27. Willis, B. The Dead Sea problem; rift valley or ramp valley, Bulletin ofthe Geological Society
of America, 39, 1928, p.490.
28. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1932a, p. 762.
29. Busk, H. G. On normal faulting of rift valley structures, Geological Magazine, 8, 1945, p.38.
30. Holmes, A. Principles ofphysicalgeology, London, New and fully revised edition, 1965, p.0o62.
31. Davies, K. A. The Uganda section of the Western rift, Geological Magazine, 88, 1951,
32. Harris, N., Pallister, J. W. & Brown, J. M. Oil in Uganda, Entebbe, Geological Survey of
Uganda, Memoir 9, 1966.
33. Ibid., p.2o.
34. De Sitter, L. U. Structualgeology, London, 1969, p.143.
35. Heiskanen, W. A. & Vening Meinesz, F. A. The earth and its gravityfield, New York, 1958,
Chapter ioD.
36. Mohr, P. A. The geology of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, 1963, pp.157-'63.
37. Brock, B. B. Some observations on vertical tectonics in Africa, Transactions of the American
Geophysical Union, 36, 1955, pp.1044-1054.
38. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1925, p.45.
39. Hooijer, D. A. Miocene mammalia of Congo, Annales du Musde Royale de l'Afrique Centrale,
46, 1963, pp.I-77.
40. Bishop, W. W. Quaternary geology and geomorphology in the Albertine rift valley,
Uganda, Geological Society of America, Special Paper 84, 1965, pp. 293-321.
41. Wayland, E. J. Discussion on the geological history of the Lake Rudolf basin, Geographical
J., 94, 1939a, PP.181.-83.
42. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 193Ia, p. 1.
43. Wayland, E. J. Peneplains and some other erosional platforms, Annual Report Geological
Survey of Uganda 1933, Entebbe, Geological Survey of Uganda, 1934b, pp.77-78.
44. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1958, p.23.
45. Solomon, J. D. The Pleistocene succession in Uganda, in T.P. O'Brien, The prehistory ofthe
Uganda Protectorate, Cambridge, 1933, pp.16-I7.
46. Hepworth, J. W. The geology of southern West Nile, Uganda with particular reference
to the charnockites and to the development of the Albert rift, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis,
University of Leeds, 1961, Vol.II.
47. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 193Ia, p.I5.
48. Combe, A. D. The geology of south-west Ankole and adjacent territories with special reference to the
tin deposits, Entebbe, Geological Survey of Uganda, Memoir 2, 1932.
49. Simmons, W. C. quoted by Wayland, E. J., op. cit., 193ia, p.4i.
50. Willis, B. referred to by Wayland, E. J., op. cit., 1934b, p.78.
51. Wayland, E.J. Ibid.
52. Brown, E. H. The physique of Wales: discussion, Geographical J., x3, 1957, pp.221-23o.
53. Thornbury, W. D. Principles ofgeomorphology, New York, 1957, p.193.
54. Ibid.
55. Pallister, J. W. Erosion cycles and associated surfaces of Mengo district, Buganda, Over-
seas Geology and Mineral Resources, 8, 1960, pp.26-36.
56. Field sketches by Wayland published in Holmes, A. The Precambrian and associated
rocks of the district of Mozambique, Quarterly J. Geological Society of London, 74, 1918,
pp.90-91, and in Holmes, A., op. cit., 1944. p.275.
57. Wayland, E. J. Outlines of the physiography of Karamoja in relation to erosion and
water supply, Bulletin Nfo. 3, Geological Survey of Uganda, Entebbe Geological Survey of
Uganda, 1939b, pp.145-153.

58. Wayland, E.J. Geology, Anmal Report Geological Survey of Uganda, g19o, Entebbe, Geolo-
gical Survey of Uganda, 192ac, pp.15 & 35-40.
59. Bishop, W. W. The mammalian fauna and geomorphological relations of the Napak
volcanics, Karamoja, Records Geological Survy of Uganda, 1957-58, Entebbe, 1962, pp. -i8.
6o. Swardt, A. M. J. de. Lateritization and landscape development in parts of equatorial
Africa, Zeitschriflfr Geomorphologie, 8, 1964, pp.313-333; Doornkamp, J. C. and Temple,
P. H. Surface, drainage and tectonic instability in part of southern Uganda, Geographical
J., 13x, 1966, pp.238-252.
61. Wayland, E. J. The face of Uganda, Proceedings of the Geological Society, 95, 1939c, pp.1-2
62. Willis, B. Age of the Bugishu sandstone on physiographic evidence, Journal f Geology, 4,
1 933, PP.699-701.
63. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1931a, p.3 .
64. Present writer's italics.
65. Leakey, L. S. B. OldMai gorge 1951-61, Volume A prelinary report on the geology andfanra,
Cambridge, 1965, p.8o.
66. Wayland, E. Correspondence on changes in the physical geography of East Africa in
human times, Geographical J., 84, 1934c, p.542.
67. See for instance the references to Wayland's work at Nsongezi as listed in the biblio-
graphy Uganda J., 31, 1967; also, Wayland, B. J. Preliminary report on the Pleistocen
eogy of Uganda, (unpublished report) (Cyclostyled and circulated at the Third Pan-
African Congress of Prehistory) Livingstone, 1955, 123p. A key statement concerning
methodology appears on page 7 "readers unaquainted with the lower Kagera valley....
are liable to find fact citation somewhat tedious and having dipped into it, turn' to the
interpretation. The writer has therefore permitted the latter to emerge and has used it as a
68. Flint, R. F. Pleistocene climates in eastern and southern Africa, Bulletin of the Geological
Society of America, 70, 1959, p. 344-
69. Wayland, E. o. cit., 1934a, p.348.
70. Wayland, E. J.Pleistocene pluvial periods in Uganda, British Association Meeting 193o,
1931b, pp.385-386.
71. Wayland, E. J. A study of past climates in tropical Africa, Proceedings of the Pan-African
Congress on Prehistory, 1947, 1952, p.59
72. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1934a, p. 347-
73. Flint, R. F. op. at., z959a, p.346.
74. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1952, p.59.
75. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1958, p.3.
76. Brooks, C. E. P. The meteorological conditions of an ice sheet and their bearing on the
desiccation of the globe, Quarterly J. Ryal Meteorological Society, 4, 1914, PP.53-70.
77. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1934a, P-335-
78. bid., p.336.
79 Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1925, p.I4.
0. Flint, R. F. Glacial and Pleistocene geolog New York, 1957, P.225.
81. Livingstone, D. A. and Richardson, L. Pollen stratigraphy and paleolimnology of
East Africa and the hypothesis of uniform global climatic change, Conference of te Inter-
ational Association for Qpaternary Research, Abstracts, 1965, p.296.
82. Present writer's italics.
83. Wayland, E.J. African pluvial periods, Nature, x23, g92gb, p.6o7.
84. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1934a, opposite p.344-
85. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1958, pp.9 & 16-23.
86. Leakey, L S. B. The lower limit of the Pleistocene in Africa, XVIII International Geological
Congress, 195o, 9, pp.62-65.
8. Wayland, E. J. op. it., 193ob, p.386.
89. Wayland, E. J.Pluvial periods and alluvial tin, Annual Report Geological Survey of Uganda,
1927, Entebbe, Geological Survey of Uganda, 1928, pp.33-34.
9o. Wayland, E. J. Pleistocene pluvial period, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
60, 1930, PP.47-475.
91. Solomon,J. D. op. cit., p.4o.
92. Ibid., P41.
94. Flint, R. F. op. cit., 1959a, PP.357,362, 368 & 370; On the basis of Pleistocene correlation
in East Africa, Geological Magazine, 6, g959b, pp.265-284, part. PP.271-275.
95. Cole G.H. The later Acheuhan and Sangoan of southern Uganda, Burg Wartenstein
Symposium paper, 1965, (in press in Systematic investigation of the African Late Tertiary and

96. Morrison, M. E. S. Low latitude vegetation history with special reference to Africa,
Quarterly J. Royal Meteorological Society, in press.
97. Temple, P. H. Causes of intermittent decline of the level of Lake Victoria during the late
Pleistocene and Holocene, Liverpool essays in geography, ed. Lawton, R. & Steel, R. W. in
98. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1958, p.2: see also Wayland, E.J., op. cit., 155, (This report deals
with little other than the Lower Kagera in its 123 pages.)
99. Wayland, E. J. Some facts and theories relating to the geology of Uganda, Entebbe
Geological Survey of Uganda, Pamphlet i, 1920, p.6.
1oo. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1958, p.2.
oti. Wayland, E.J. The physiographic evolution of the Lake Victoria basin, Uganda Herald,
Kampala, 17, 21 & 31 March, z934d.
1o2. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 193oa, p.345.
103. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 193ob, p.383.
104. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., g93oa, p.343.
Gunther, A. The study of fishes, London, 188o.
Heinzelin,J. de. Les formations du Western Rift et de la cuvette Congolaise, Annales
Musde Royale de l'Afrique Centrale, 40, 1962, pp.219-243.
107. Wayland, E.J. Deinotherium in the Pleistocene, Nature, sag, 1932b, p.24.
io8. Oswald, F. The Miocene beds of the Victoria Nyanza and the geology of the country
between the lake and the Kisii highlands, Quarterly J. Geological Society of London, 7o,
1914, pp.128-198.
o19. Wayland, E. J. The geological history of the Great Lakes, Annual Report Geological Surrey
of Uganda, 1928, Entebbe, 1929c, pp.35-38.
Iro. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1932b, p.24.
iii. Wayland E. J. Notes on a rapid geological survey of Buvuma Island, Annual Report
Geological Surey of Uganda, 1925, Entebbe, 1926b, p.1o.
112. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1934a, Fig.2.
113. Wayland, E. J. Report on a geological reconnaissance of southern Kavirondo, Un-
published report, Geological Survey of Uganda, 193od, pp.I-68.
114. Wayland, E. J. Oscillations of lake level, op. cit., 1928, p.3o: Lake Victoria and rainfall,
Ibid., p.3o-31: The possible disappearance of Lake Victoria, Ibid., pp.31-32.
115. Wayland, E. J. A middle Pleistocene discovery in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Nature,
151, 1943, P-33-
116. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1934a, main table, opposite p.344.
117. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1929a, p.132.
18. Wayland, E. J. Discussion on causes of an ice age, Geologial Magazine, 85, p.18o.
119. Ibid.
12o. Wayland, E. J. op. cit., 1952, p.65.; further discussion will be found in Wayland, E. J.,
op.cit., 1955, pp.85,111-113 and 119.
121. Temple, P. H. Evidence of changes in the level of Lake Victoria and their significance,
Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1966, pp.I-364.
122. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 93, p.340.
123. Ibid.
124. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1920, p.24; op. cit., 1931a, p.i8.
. Wayland, E. op. cit., g2ob, p.6.
16. Holmes, A. The ejectamenta of Katwe crater, south-west Uganda, Verhandelingen van het
koninklijk nederlandsch geologisch mijnbouwkundig genootschap: overdruk uit het gedenkboek H.A.
Brouwer., x6, 1956, p.141
127 Wayland, E.J. Katwe, Uganda J., I, 1934c, pp.96-1o6.
128. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1931a, p.33.
129. Wayland, E.J. op. cit., 1939 p.l-2.
13o. Bishop, W. W. Pleistocene stratigraphy in Uganda, Entebbe, Geological Survey of Uganda,
Memoir o1, (in press).
131. Wayland, E. J. Lava tunnels and some possible gas effects in Bufumbira, Nature, soo,
1963, pp.247-249.
132. Van Riet Lowe, C. op. cit., p.17.
133. Solomon, J. D., op. ait., p.15.

Uganda Journal, 31, I (1967), 33-42



The writings of E. J. Wayland cover many subjects and many different
countries, but his most active period was undoubtedly that of his twenty-year
tenure as Director of the Geological Survey of Uganda. Most of the works of
geological interest produced in this period are listed annually in a compre-
hensive bibliography which was produced in 1939 in the Geological Survey
Bulletin No. 3, pp.193-195. Indeed by itemising each mineral note and each
field note separately this bibliography contains 17o entries to Wayland's
name. In the biliography presented below closely related works have been
grouped together and mineral notes and field notes appearing in a single
publication have been placed under a single entry. In classifying the public-
ations under subject headings, in including works from outside the field of
geology, in covering publications for countries other than Uganda and in
dealing with the entire period of Wayland's publishing life from 1915 to 1963
this bibliography is more comprehensive than is available elsewhere.
Within the field of geology Wayland's interests were very wide. As a student
he won a research scholarship in palaeontology, though few of his later
writings were on this subject (Items 144-149). His first post arose from an
interest in stratigraphy and many of his later writings were specifically in this
field (Items 182-191) and much of his field work inevitably arose from this
interest and is listed here under Geological Surveys (Items 50-103). His second
and third posts were in mining and mineralogy; initially with the Memba
Mining Co. of Mozambique and later as assistant mineralogist to the govern-
ment of Ceylon. Also much of Wayland's time in Uganda was devoted to a
concern for its mineral wealth. In all Wayland contributed notes on more
than forty minerals (Items 117-143). Also in his capacity as Director of Geologi-
cal Survey he was concerned with groundwater supplies in which subject he
wrote authoritatively (Items 216-224), and this gave rise to a wider
interest in the geography of arid lands (Items 47-49). Apart from these
purely professional concerns, he showed a keen interest in various
academic problems associated with the moulding of the land surface
of East Africa. This gave rise to a number of notes on the formation
of rift valleys (Items 192-204), on the formation of lakes and lake
basins (Items I o- 16), on peneplains and erosion cycles (Items 1o4-o09),
and on volcanology (Items 205-215). Increasingly Wayland became involved
in arguments concerning the Pleistocene geology of Uganda and the possibility
of climatic changes in that period (Items 150-174). Many of these academic
disputes were stimulated by his chief non-geological hobby, archaeology,
for he laid the foundation to later work on many of Uganda's key archaeologic-
al sites (Items 6-19) and applied himself to classifying Uganda's early artifacts
(Items 20-41). Amidst all this it is surprising to find at least two papers of

fundamental importance on the peoples of Karamoja and on the Amba from
Wayland's pen, yet both of these papers are full of detailed observation (Items
3 and 4).
Wayland had a deep interest in the peoples as well as the land of Uganda;
but he also wrote on the other countries in which he worked. Little seems to
have arisen from his years in Egypt (19o9-Ig9o) (Item 188). Apart from an
archaeological note (Item 2o) the references to his brief stay in Moza-
mbique (1911-1912) are in the works of others (Items 50-53, 104 and 117).
His stay in Ceylon from 1912-1916 produced rather more, but even so many of
these were published after he had left the country (Items I, 21, 26, 44, 47,
121, 144-146, 182 and 184). Whilst he was employed in Uganda he was drawn
in as consultant to the Kenya government on gold in Kavirondo so at least
eight of his writings concern Kenya (Items 8o, 82,84,90o, 98, oo, 116 and 32).
Also he advised Zanzibar on its water supplies (Item 217). During one of his
vacations from Uganda he visited South Africa and interested himself in the
artifacts of the Transvaal (Items 24, 31-32). After retiring from Uganda he
served as the Director of the Geological Survey of Bechuanaland (1948-1952)
where he was able to pursue his interests in arid lands, archaeology and general
geology (Items 9g, 41-42, 49, 102-103, 171-172 and 190-g19.)
With only one exception (Item 174) all the works listed below were printed
works. In addition Wayland left an abundance of field notes and manuscript
papers, most of which are available in the library of the Geological Survey of
Uganda at Entebbe; and his private collection of papers he bequeathed to the
library of the Directorate of Overseas Geology, London. There are also nu-
merous unpublished papers in the files of the geological survey departments of
Botswana and Ceylon.
Wayland cannot be considered an abundant writer for his major work on
the Pleistocene geology of Uganda was never completed (Item 174), but he
produced a prodigious quantity of papers and short notes. Probably relatively
few of the works listed here may be considered as of outstanding significance;
but he produced ideas on a wide range of topics, and because these ideas were
constantly subject to slight modification it is a difficult task to trace the develop-
ment of his thought. Nevertheless a bibliography of this nature serves well to
illustrate how much Uganda owes to Wayland's multifarious scientific interests.

1 1923 A method of catching prawns in Ceylon. (Man, London, Vol. 23, no. 124, p. 125).
2 1928 Barbed wooden arrows from Mt. Debasien, Karamoja. (Man, London, Vol. 28,
no. 8,January, pp. 14-15.)
3 1929 Notes on the Bwamba. (Journal of he Royal Antropological Institute, London,
Vol. 59, PP.517-534, 14 photos.)
4 1931 Preliminary studies of the tribes of Karamoja. (Journal of the Royal Anropologial
Institute, London, Vol. 61, pp.187-23o, 27 photos, 22 fig., i map.) This
article examines the Labwor, Dodos, Karamojong, Jie, and" Wanderobo"
(Teuso). As well as notes on the customs of the people there are extensive
vocabularies and tables concerning measurements of physical anthropology.
5 3936 Notes on the board game known as "Mweso" in Uganda. (Uganda Journal,
Kampala, Vol. 4, no. I July, pp.84-89.)
ARCHAEOLOGY-GENERAL (See also Pleistocene Pluvial Periods).
6 1920 Prehistoric and other remains. Part III of Some facts and theories relating to the
geologyof Uganda, Entebbe, G.P., pp. 39-45. (Geological Survey, Pamphlet
no. 1).

7 1921 Ancient remains. In Anual Report of the Geological Survey, 192o, Entebbe, G.P.
P. 43-
8 19g9 Rock cisterns and prehistoric man. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey,
1928, Entebbe, G.P., p. 38-40,
9 1930 Archaeological discoveries at Luzira. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey,
1929, Entebbe, G.P., p. 41.
10 1931 Homo sapiens and African prehistory. (Nature, London, Vol. 128, December,
I 1932 The Oldoway human skeleton. (Nature, London, Vol. 13o, October, p. 578.)
a1 1933 (with M. C. Burkitt and H.J. Braunholtz). Archaeological discoveries at Luzira
(Man, London, Vol. 33, no. 29, February, pp.25-29, 8 fig.)
13 1933 The Luzira finds. (Man, London, Vol. 33, no. 94, May, p. gi).
14 1934 Notes on the Biggo bya Mugenyi: some ancient earthworks in northern Buddu.
(Uganda Journal, Kampala, Vol. 2, no. I, pp. 21-32, 4 fig.) Until the later
work ofP. L. Shinnie m 1957, (Antiquity, Vol. 33, 1959 and Uganda Journal,
Vol. 24,1960) this work of Wayland remained the standard report on Uga-
nda's largest earthwork. It was reported in summary form in Nature, Vol. 134
December 1934, p. 975 and the Geographical Journal, Vol. 85, April 1935,
PP. 375, PP. 374-375.
15 1938 A prehistoric inscription in Ankole. (Uganda Journal, Kampala, Vol 5, no. 3,
January, pp.252-253.)
16 1938 Practical applications of prehistory. (East African and Rhodesia, London, No-
17 1940 Some aspects of Uganda prehistory. (Man, London, Vol. 4o, no. 126, July
18 1943 A middle pleistocene discovery in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. (Nature, London,
Vol. 151, no. 3829, March, P-334.) This note really concerns a comparison
of finds in the Sudan with similar finds in the Lake Victoria basin.
19 1950 From an archaeological note-book. (South African Archaeological Bulletin, Cape
Town, Vol. 5, no. 17, Marchh,1950, pp.4-14.) This is the main published
summary of Wayland's archaeological work in Bechuanaland, it is briefly
summarised in Nature, Vol. 166, no. 4213, July, 1950, p.175. The finds
resulting from this work in Bechuanaland have been deposited in the
National Museum, Bulawayo. (See also Item 191.)
20 1915 Notes on the occurrence of stone implements in the Province of Mozambique.
(Man, London, Vol. 15, no. 75, PP.97-o10, I plate of figs, I map.)
a 1919g Outlines of the Stone Ages of Ceylon. Spolia Z ylonica, Colombo, Vol. 1, no. 41,
October, pp.85-125, 9 plates of fig.) This was also noted in Nature, Vol.
104, February, 192o, p.6og. See also Item 47.
22 1922 Remains in Uganda : possibly Maanthinle. (Geographical Journal, London,
Vol. 59, March, pp. 231-232.)
23 19a3 Palaeolithic types of implements in relation to the pleistocene deposits of
Uganda. (Proceedings of the Prehistory Sociey of East Anglia, Vol. 4, no. 1)
Wa)land considered that this paper had been published prematurely. It was
substantially modified later in Man, see Item 25.
24 1923 (with R. A. Smith) Some primitive stone implements from Uganda. Entebbe, G.P.,
(Geological Survey, Occasional Paper no. i). Wayland contributed the
introduction to this paper, pp.4-6; in which he refers to his finds in the
Transvaal in 1922.
25 1924 The Stone-Age in Uganda. (Man, London, Vol. 24, no. 124, November, pp.169
17o.) The main object of this note is to correct misinformation conveyed
in the paper Item 23.
26 1926 The Stone-Age of Ceylon. (Nature, London, Vol. 1 8, August, p. 123.)
27 1927 The Stone Age in East Africa. (Discovery, London, Vol. 8, no. 94, October,
28 1928 Prehistoric remains and Stone Age chronology. In Annual Report of the Geological
Survey, 1927, Entebbe, G.P., pp.
29 1928 The problem of the pre-Chellean industries. (Man, London, Vol. 29, no. 41,
February, p.43.)
30 1928 The Stone-Age in East Africa. (Discovery, London, Vol. 9, no. 97, January
1928, p. 25)
31 1928 Summary of a note on the pebble industry of the Transvaal. (Nature, London,
Vol 122, October, p.593).

32 1929 Some account of a pebble industry in the Transvaal. (Transactions of the Royal
Society of South Africa, Cape Town, Vol. 17, no. 4, pp.333-340, 19 fig.) A
report of Sangoan and Acheullian tools in South Africa.
33 1930 The present position of Stone Age research in Uganda : a short note. (Bulletin
of the Association for the Advancement of Science, South Africa, Journal of Scientific
Transactions, pp. 53-54.
34 1932 (with M. C. Burkitt) The Magosian culture of Uganda. (Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute, London, Vol. 62, pp. 369-390, to fig. Briefly
summarised in Nature Vol. 131, May, 1933, p. 730.
35 1934 Cleavers of lower Palaeolothic type. (Man, London, Vol. 34, no. 82, April
1934, p.64.)
36 1934 Neo-anthropic man of the early Stone Age. (Uganda Journal, Kampala, Vol. i,
no. x, January, pp. 69-70.)
37 1934 The Stone Age cultures of Kenya Colony by L. S. B. Leakey, A review. (Antiquity,
London, Vol. 6, June, pp. 247-249.)
38 1937 The Stone Age cultures of Uganda. (Man, London, Vol. 37, no. 67, March,
39 1937 The Stone Age cultures of Uganda. (Man, London, Vol. 37, no. 184, September,
pp. 49-150.)
40 1938 The Stone Age cultures of Uganda. (Man, London, Vol. 38, no. 61, April, p.63.)
41 1950 Ancient bored stones. (Nature, London, Vol. 166, no. 4224, October, p. 659.)
A description of bored stones from Uganda and Bechuanaland.
42 1944 Drodsky's cave. (Geographical Journal, London, Vol. o13, no. 5, May, pp. 230-
233.) An account of a journey across interior Bechuanaland.
43 1952 W. C. Simmons : a biographical note. (Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society,
London, Vol. o07, no. 3, no. 427, pp. lix-lx.) An obituary of the geologist
with whom Wayland had established the Uganda Geological Survey.
44 1962 Mineralogist in Ceylon. (Corona, London, Vol. 14, March, pp.ix4-116.) A
reminiscent note.
45 1962 Fossils, buffaloes and sciatica. (Corona, London, Vol. 14, no. 9, September,
pp.362-364.) A reminiscent note.
46 1939 Notes on rock crystal and reference to some quartz forms. In A series of papers
relating to the geology of Uganda, Entebbe, G.P., pp.41-58. (Geological
Survey, Bulletin no. 3.)
47 1915 Notes concerning the occurrence of small desert tracts in the northwest of
Ceylon. (Spolia Zeylonica, Colombo, Vol. o1, no. 35, October, pp. 166-174, 5
photos, 2 fig, I map). This paper also records the finds of some stone
artifacts in Ceylon. A summary is given in Geographical Journal Vol. 47, 1916,
48 x94o Desert versus forest in eastern Africa. (Geographical Journal, London, Vol. 96,
no. 5, November, pp.329-341, 2 fig., I map.)
49 1953 More about the Kalahari. (Geographical Journal, London, Vol. 119, January,
pp.49-56.) A note to supplement information given in a lecture to the
Royal Geographical Society by Professor Debenham.
50 1912 The presence of Wayland in Mozambique is recorded by A. Holmes and D. A.
Wray in the Geological Magazine, London, Vol. 49 (?), P.4I2.
51 1913 The work of Wayland in Mozambique is referred to in R. L. Reid, Notes on
Mozambique exploration, (Geographical Journal, London, Vol. 42, July,
52 1913 A reference to the work of Wayland with the Memba Mineral Co. of Moza-
mbique is made in A. Holmes and D. A. Wray, Mozambique, a geogra-
phical study, (Geographical Journal, London, Vol. 42, p.I43.)
53 1916 A field sketch by E. J. Wayland of Mochela dyke penetrating tertiary sand-
stones is reproduced in A. Holmes, The tertiary volcanic rocks of the Dis-
trict of Mozambique, (Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, London,
Vol. 72, no. 3, p.230.)
54 1920 Geology. Chapter 25 of The handbook of Uganda edited by H. R. Wallis, London
Crown Agents for the Colonies, pp. 294-301, 2 photos.
55 1920 Outlines of the geology of Ugande Entebbe, G.P., 8p. (A reprint of 54 above.)

56 192o Some facts and theories relating to the geology of Uganda Entebbe, G.P., 52 p. A
reprint of an essay which had previously been published in the Uganda Herald
Much of the first part deals with theories concerning the Basement Complex.
Other parts are listed separately.
57 1921 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, g92o, Entebbe, G.P., 88p.
58 1921 A general account of the geology of Uganda. Ibid. pp.8-2o.
59 1921 Report on the geology of part of Karamoja. Ibid. p. 35.
60 1921 Short report of the geology of Kiwenga, Kiagwe. Ibid. p. 34.
61 1921 Short report on a preliminary geological reconnaissance. Ibid. pp. 21-23.
62 1921 (With W. C. Simmons) Notes on the geology of Entebbe. Ibid. p.45.
63 1922 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1921, Entebbe, G.P., p.
64 1923 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1922, Entebbe, G.P., 15.
65 1924 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1923, Entebbe, G.P., I Ip.
66 1925 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1924, Entebbe, G.P., i3P.
67 1926 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1925, Entebbe, G.P., 30p.
68 1926 Notes on a rapid geological survey of Buvuma island. Ibid. pp. 9- I.
69 1926 Summary of results of a geological reconnaissance in the northern parts of the
Protectorate and Karamoja. Ibid. pp. I -13.
70 1927 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1926, Entebbe, G.P., 43P-
71 1927 Geological reconnaissance of Karamoja. Ibid. p. 8.
72 1927 The Mubende map. Ibid. p.i8.
73 1927 (from notes supplied by A. D. Combe) Summary of work carried out in south-
west Uganda. Ibid. p.2i.
74 1928 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1927, Entebbe, G.P., 44p.
75 1928 Granites. Ibid. p.44.
76 1928 Summary of the field work carried out in 1927 by E. J. Wayland, Ibid. pp.7-12.
Bikira, Nakuru, Koru, Kabale, Kyagwe, Iganga, Bugiri, Bulugwe, Busoba,
Budadiri, Bumasilwa, Bunyoro, Entebbe.
77 1928 Summary of field work carried out by E. J. Wayland, Annual Report of the Geo-
logical Survey, 1928, Entebbe, G.P., p.7.
78 1930 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1929, Entebbe, G.P., 44P.
79 1930 Summary of journeys. Ibid. pp. 7-8.
8o 1930 Outlines of the geology of the Uganda Protectorate and the Colony and Pro-
tectorate of Kenya. In the Handbook of the geology of central Africa, International
Geological Congress, South Africa.
81 1931 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1930, Entebbe, G.P., 44P.
82 1931 Field work carried out in 1930 by E. J. Wayland. Ibid, pp.6-io. Kavirondo,
Bugisu, Ankole, Kigezi, and Eastern Province.
83 1931 (Editor) Summary of progress of the Geological Survey of Uganda, 1919-1929. Entebbe,
G.P., 44p. I photos, 2 folded maps. Some of these essay are listed separately.
There are also sections on Sedimentary rocks (pp.12-16), Igneous rocks
(pp.I6-17) and Geological history (pp.18-l9).
84 1931 (with A. W. Groves) Report ofa gelogical reconnaissance ofsouthern Kavirondo. Nairobi.,
85 1932 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, i93g, Entebbe, G.P., 20p.
86 1932 Reconnaissance traverse in parts of Eastern and Northern Provinces. Ibid. p.7.
87 1932 Field notes on West Nile and Madi. Ibid. pp. 7-8.
88 1932 Brief comment on the absence of limestone from Ruwenzori in the discussion
following a paper by A. Holmes and H. F. Larwood on Volcanic rocks near
Ruwenzori, (Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, London, Vol.88, no.3
89 1933 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1932, Entebbe, G.P., 58p.
9o 1933 Aerial geological inspection to Kakamega and Kigezi. Ibid. pp. 8-11.
91 1933 Field work by E. J. Wayland. Ibid. pp.2I-18, Lake Albert, Kilembe, Entebbe,
Kakamega, Budama, Oldoway, Ankole (Nsongezi), Kaino-Lutobo, Sango
hills, and Nyakasura.
92 1934 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 933, Entebbe, G.P., 93P.
93 1934 Notes on a geological reconnaissance through parts of the Gulu and West Nile
districts. Ibid. pp.24-28.
94 1935 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1934, Entebbe, G.P., 19p.
95 1935 (Editor) A short record of progress relating to some investigations in the field and laboratory
Entebbe, G.P., 84p. (Geological Survey, Bulletin No.2).
96 1936 (Editor) Annual Reportof the Geological Survey, 1935 Entebbe, G. P., 19p
97 1936 Field work in Busia. Ibid. pp. 3-4.

98 1936 The geology of Kavirorondo. (Geological Magazine, London, Vol. 73, no.865,
July, pp.330-331.)
99 1937 (Editor) Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1936. Entebbe, G.P., ~7P.
1oo 1937 The geology of Kavirondo. (Geological Magazine, London, Vol. 74, no. 879,
September, pp. 430-431.)
lot 1938 (Editor) Annual Report of Geological Survey, 1937. Entebbe, G.P., 25p.
1to 1950 Bechuanaland. (Clonial Geologyand MineralReources, London, Vol.x, pp.i66-s68)
A summary of an otherwise unpublished paper on the geology of Bechuana-
land by Wayland.
103 195o-52 Annual reports of the Geological Survey of Bechuanaland Protectorate for the
period that Wayland was the Director, 1948/9-952 aresummarisedin Colonial
Geology and Mineral Resources, London,
Vol. i, 1950, pp.62-64; 257-258, and 340-341:
Vol. 2, 1951, pp.23o-231:
Vol 3, 1952, pp.154-155:
The initial reports were probably cyclostyled.
GEOMORPHOLOGY See also Tectonics, for the treatment of Rift Valleys.
0o4 1918 Field sketches drawn by Wayland of the Lebei inselberge, Mbulla Range,
and the Koldwi inselberge north of the Mtupa Pass, Ribawe, are presented in
A. Holmes, The Pre-Cambrian and associated rocks of the district of Moza-
mbique, (Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, London, Vol.74, no.l,
pp.go-gi.) These diagrams were later reproduced m A. Holmes The principles
ofphysical geology, Edinburgh, Nelson, ist edition 1944, P.275 and 2nd edition
1965 p.6II.
105 1933 The peneplains of East Africa. (Geographical Journal, London, Vol 82, no. i,
2o6 1934 PeneplainsofEast Africa. (Geographical Journal, London, VoL 83,January, p.79.)
o07 1934 Peneplains and some other erosional platforms. In Annual Report of the eological
Survey, 1933, Entebbe, G.P., PP.77-79.
o18 1939 The face of Uganda. (Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, London, Pro-
eedings of the Geological Society, Vol. 95, pp.i-ii.) Abstract of paper.
0o9 1939 Outlines of the physiography of Karamoja in relation to erosion and water
supply. In A series ofs relating to the geology of Uganda, Entebbe, G.P.
pp.145-153. (Geologica Survey, Bulletin no.3.)
LAKES AND LAKE BASINS (See also Pleistocene Pluvial Periods)
1lo 1920 Hydrography, past and present. Part IV of Some facts and theories relating to the
geology of Uganda, Entebbe, G.P., pp.46-49. (Geological Survey, Pamphlet
no. .)
iII 1929 Contribution to the discussion following E. B. Worthington's paper on The life
of Lake Albert and Lake Kioga, (Geographical Journal, London, Vol. 74,
August, pp.129-13o.)
112 1929 Note on the geological history of the Uganda lakes. (Geographical Journal,
London, Vol. 74, August, pp.32-134.)
113 1929 The geological history of the great lakes. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey,
1928, Entebbe, G.P. PP.35-38.
114 1933 Lake Albert dam. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1932, Entebbe, G. P.
pp. 1-12.
115 1934 The physiographic evolution of the Lake Victoria basin. (Uganda Herald,
Kampala, 17, 2o, and 31 March.) A copy of this essay was deposited in the
Royal Geographical Society.
116 939 The logical history of the Lake Rudolf basin. (Geographical Journal, London,
Vol. 94, August, pp.I8I-i83.)
117 1918 A reference to minerals collected by Wayland in Mozambique is made in A.
Holmes, The Pre-Cambrian and associated rocks of the District of Mozambi-
ue. (Quarerly Journal of the Geological Society, London, VoL 74, no.1, pp.40o,
80 and 96.)
118 1921 Minerals known to occur in Uganda, and Minerals of economic importance
known or reported to occur in Uganda. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey,
192o, Entebbe, G.P., pp.48-5t and 52-7s respectively.
119 1921 (with W. C. Simmons) Mineralogical resources of Uganda. (Mining Magazine,
London, December, p.275.)
120 1922 (with W. C. Simmons) Mineralogical research in Uganda. (Mining Magaine,
London, January, p.5s.)

12s 1923 The source of Ceylon's gemstones. (Economic Geology, Pennsylvania, Vol. 18,
August, pp.514-515.)
122 1925 Petroleum in Uganda. Entebbe, G.P., 61p. (Geological Survey, Memoir no. I)
First Edition.
123 1925 Petroleum in Uganda. (Nature, London, Vol. 115, June, p.98o.)
124 1926 Notes on Petroleum and Tin. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1925,
Entebbe, G.P., pp.6-7.
125 1926 Petroleum in Uganda. Entebbe, G.P., 6ip. (Geological Survey, Memoir no. I)
Second edition.
126 1927 Notes on Petroleum, Tin (Ankole), Gold (Kafu) and Coal. In Annual Report of the
Geological Survey, 1926, Entebbe, G.P., pp.5, 6, 1o and 17 respectively.
127 1927 Summary of economic geology investigations in Kenya. Ibid. p.26.
128 1928 Notes on Tin and Copper. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1927, Entebbe,
G.P. pp.27-28 and 34.
129 1929 (with L. Spencer) Bismutotantalite; a new mineral from Uganda. (Mineral
logical Magazine, London, Vol. 22, no.127, December, pp.i85-ig2, Reported
also in Nature, Vol. 124, July, p.76.)
13o 1930 -ditto- (Mineralogie et istallogie, Paris, Vol. II, no. 4, p.157.)
131 1931 Notes on Alum, Antimony, Arsenic, Asbestos, Bauxite, Beryl, Bismuth, Building
stones, Coal, Clays, Copper, Diatomite, Epsomite, Feldspars, Galena, Garnet,
Gold, Graphite, Iron, Kyanite, Lead, Lignite, Limestones, Manganese,
Manure, Mica, Molybdomite, Monazite, Petroleum, Phosphate, Potash,
Quartz, Salt, Soils, Talc, Tantalite, Tin, Titanium, Vanadium, Water and
Zircon. In Summary of progress of the Geological Survey, 1919-1929, Entebbe
G.P., pp.2o-33.
132 1932 Gold in Kenya and Uganda. (Mining Magazine, London, Vol. 47, no. 2, August,
133 1932 Mining in Uganda. (Mining Magazine, London, Vol. 46, January, February
and March, pp.9-15, 90-93, and 151-159.)
134 1933 Karagwc-Ankolean rocks as a repository of gold. (Nature, London, Vol. 132.
August, p.318.)
135 1933 Notes on Gold, Tin, Columbite, Tantalite, Wolframite, Monazite, Other rare
earths, Bismuth, Copper, Manganese, Limestones, Diatomite. In Annual Report
of the Geological Survey, 1932, Entebbe, G.P., pp.6-8.
136 1934 Crystalline gold and the possibilities of auriferous lodes in the vicinity of Muti
stream in Buhwezu. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1933, Entebbe,
G.P., pP.34-3e8
137 1934 Notes on old,in, Copper and Tantalite. Ibid. pp.9, 51, 57 and 62 respectively.
138 1934 Mining in Uganda. Essay in Eastern Africa today and tomorrow, edited by F. S.
Joelson, London, PP.55-59.
139 1934 Note on Bismutotantalite (and some remarks on bismuth). (Uganda Journal,
Kampala, Vol. I, no. 2, April, pp.15o-152.)
140 1934 Petroleum extravasation in Lake Albert. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey,
1933, Entebbe, G.P., p.8o.
141 1934 Short note on mineral belts in southwestern Uganda. Ibid. pp.8o-8s.
142 1935 Gold in the Buhweju plateau area. In A short record ofprogress relating to some
investigations in the field and laboratory, Entebbe, G.P. pp.59-64. (Geological
Survey, Bulletin, no.2.)
143 1937 A brief account of some mineral occurrences in Uganda. (East African Annual
1937-38, Nairobi pp.i 18-123.)

144 1916 ? Equus Zeylonicus. (Spolia Zelamnic, Colombo, Vol. 1o, no. 38, November,
pp.261-278,3 fig., i table.)
145 1918 Further notes on the Wellawatta horse. (Spolia leylanica, Colombo, Vol. 11,
no., 40)
146 1921 Preliminary note on some fossiliferous beds in Ceylon. (Spolia ylanica, Colo-
mbo, Vol. 11, nos. 43 and 44.)
147 19a6 (with L. R. Cox, I. E. White, W. E. Swinton, and A. T. Hopwood) The gelo,
and palaeontlogy of Kaiso bone beds. Entebbe, G.P., 71p. (Geological Survey
Occasional Paper no.2.) Most ofWayland's contribution to this consists of an
account of the geology of Kaiso, pp.5-12 with 2 coloured maps.
148 1928 Notes on fossil wood on Mt. Elgon and fossils from Koro. In Annual Report qf the
Geological Survey, 1927, Entebbe, G.P., p.4.
149 1932 Deinotherium in the Pleistocene. (Nature, London, Vol. 129, January, p.24.)

150 1928 Notes on oscillations of lake levels, pluvial periods, and Lake Victoria and rain-
fall and the possible disappearance of Lake Victoria. In Annual Report of the
Geological Survey, 1927, Entebbe, G.P., pp.30-31.
151 1929 African pluvial periods. (Nature, London, Vol. 123, no. 3103, April, p. 607.)
152 1929 African pluvial periods and prehistoric man. (Man, London, Vol. 29, no. 88,
pp. I8-12I.)
153 1930 African pluvial periods and prehistoric man. (Man, London, Vol. 30, no. 1790
December, p.236.)
154 1930 Pleistocene pluvial periods in Uganda. (Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute, London, Vol. 60, December, pp.467-475.)
155 1931 Pleistocene pluvial periods in Uganda. Report of the 98th Meeting of the British
Association for the Advancement of Science, Bristol, 1930, pp.385-386. A
summary of Item 154.
156 1931 The cause of an "Ice-Age". (Quarterly Journal of the Royal Metereological Society,
London, Vol. 17, pp. 317-324.)
157 1931 Pleistocene climates and prehistory. In Summary of progress of the Geological
Survey, 1919-1929, Entebbe, G.P., pp.37-40.
158 1933 A note on the past climates in Uganda and Tanganyika Territory. (Geographical
Journal, London, Vol. 81, February, p.139.)
159 1933 Past climates and prehistoric cultures. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey,
1932, Entebbe, G.P., pp.55-57.
60o 1934 Changes in the physical geography of East Africa in human times. (Geographical
Journal, London, Vol. 84, December, pp.542-543.)
161 1934 Pleistocene geology and prehistory of the Lake Victoria region. In Annual report
of the Geological Survey, 1933, Entebbe, G.P., pp.71-77.
162 1935 Rifts, rivers, rains and early man in Uganda. (Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute, London, Vol. 64, PP.333-352, 16 photos, I table, I map.) Summarised
in Nature, Vol. 135, May 1935, p.88o.
163 1935 Note on some climatological and topographic changes in relation to biological
distribution. Appendix 2 to G. D. H. Carpenter, The Rhopalocera of Abyssinia
(Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society, London, Vol. 83, no.3, December,
164 1935 The M-horizon. A result of a climatic oscillation in the second pluvial period.
in A short record of progress relating to some investigations in the field and laboratory,
Entebbe, G.P., pp.69-76, (Geological Survey, Bulletin no.2, Item 1 .)
165 1935 Past climates and future possibilities in Uganda. (Uganda Journal, Kampala,
Vol. 3, no.2, October, pp.93-I o, 6 photos.) The Presidential Address to the
Uganda Society.
166 1935 A note on the Deluge and its possible equivalent in eastern Africa. (Uganda
Journal, Kampala, October, pp. 11-114.)
167 1936 Past climates and some future possibilities in Uganda-Postscript. (Uganda
Journal, Kampala, Vol. 3, no. 4, April, pp.313-314.)
168 1936 Past climates and future possibilities in Uganda-Postscript. (Uganda Journal,
Kampala, Vol. 3, no. 4, April, p.322.)
169 1948 Causes of an ice age. (Geological Magazine, London, Vol. 85, no.3, pp.I78-I18).
A note to follow the discussion of a paper by V. E. Fuchs and T. T. Paterson.
170 1952 The study of past climates in tropical Africa Paper in The first Pan-African
Congress of Prehistory, 1947, edited by L. S. B. Leakey, Oxford, Blackwell,
171 1954 Outlines of prehistory and Stone Age climatology in the Bechuanaland Pro-
tectorate. (Memoires Academie Royale des Science Coloniales Belge, Section des
Sciences, Naturelles et Medicales, Brussels, Vol. 25, no.4, pp.1-47, 2 photos,
I map.)
172 1956 Bechuanaland and Uganda. (South African Archaeological Bulletin, Cape Town,
Vol. II, no. 43, p.81.)
173 1957 African Pleistocene pluvials and Pleistocene glaciations. (Nature, London,
Vol. 179, no. 4554, p.328.)
174 1958? Introduction to Pleistocene geology of Uganda Part I., This is a cyclostyled draft
of the first chapter of a work which was never completed. It contains 35
foolscap pages of typescript, but it is clearly stated that "This is not a pub-
lication". It was given a fairly wide personal distribution, and was intended as
Part I to The Pleistocene gelogy and prehistory of Uganda of which Part II, by
C. Van Riet Lowe was published in 1952.


A dry crossing of the Nile. (Uganda Journal, Kampala, Vol. I, no. I, January,
pp.68-69, 6 photos.
Dry crossings of the Nile. (Nature, London, Vol. 139, June, p. 961.)
Dry crossing of the Nile. (Nature, London, Vol. 140, November, p.8z I.)
The dry crossing of the Nile near Nimule. (Uganda Journal, Kampala, Vol. 5,
no. 4, April, pp.30o-302.)

SOIL SCIENCE (See also Water supplies)
179 1927 A note on soil and sanitation. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1926,
Entebbe, G.P., p.26.
180 1928 A note on laterite. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1927, Entebbe,
G.P., p.29.
181 1953 Vesicular laterite. (Nature, London, Vol. 171, no. 4364, p.1079.)
STRATIGRAPHY (See also various notes listed under Geology Surveys.)
182 1922 (with A. M. Davies) The Miocene of Ceylon. (Quarterly Journal of the Geological
Society, London, Vol. 79, no.4, PP.577-602.) The section of this paper on Strati-
graphy, pp.577-584 is by Wayland. The reading of the paper was briefly noted
in Nature, Vol. Iog, June, 1922, p.730.
183 1923 The transport of rocks. (Nature, London, Vol. 112, June, p.99)
184 1925 The Jurassic rocks of Tabbowa. (Spolia Zeylanica, Colombo, Vol. 13, no.a2,
pp.195-208.) A summary of this paper is presented in Quarterly Journal of the
Geological Society,London, Vol. 81, 1925, p.195.
185 1937 The possible age correlation of the Kafu gravels. In Annual Report of the Geological
Survey, 1926, Entebbe, G.P., Appendix A p.4o.
186 1928 Notes on tillites and varved beds. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey,
1927, Entebbe, G.P., p.29.
187 1929 A contribution to the discussion of a paper by R. Murray-Hughes, The geology
of part of northwest Rhodesia. (Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society,
London, Vol. 85, no.2, p.i66).
188 1929 A contribution to the discussion of a paper by K. S. Sandford, The Pliocene and
Pleistocene deposits of Wadi Qena. (Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society,
London, Vol. 85, no.r, pp.546-547.) This comment compares the findings of
Sandford with similar conditions in the Lake Victoria area, but more particu-
larly it contains one of the very rare references to Wayland's early work at
Luxor and Shellal.
189 1935 (with various other contributors) Short lexicon of Uganda stratigraphy. In
A short record of progress relating to some investigations in the field and laboratory,
Entebbe, G.P., 7-12, (Geological Survey, Bulletin no.2, Item I.)
19o 1950 A contribution to the discussion of a paper by A. Poldervaart on The extension
of the Karroo system in the northeastern Bechuanaland Protectorate, (Trans-
actions of the Geological Society of South Africa, Vol. 53, p.79.)
191 1952 The Karroo system of Bechuanaland Protectorate Paper presented to the
Sgth International Geological Congress, Algeria, Symposium Report, pp.251-253.
A summary of this paper is published in Colonial Geology and Mineral Resources,
Vol. 5, 1955, p.213.

Tectonics. Part II of Some facts and theories relating to the geology of Uganda.
Entebbe, G.P., pp.29-38. (Geological Survey, Pamphlet no. i).
African rift valleys. (Geographical Journal, London, Vol. 57, no. 3, March,
Some account of the geology of the Lake Albert rift valley. (Geographical Journal,
London, Vol. 58, November, pp.344-359, 3 fig, I photo, I map.)
The geology of the great African rift valley. (South African Mining and Engineering
Journal, Johannesburg, August.)
Continental drift and the stressing of Africa. (Nature, London, Vol. 112,
August, pp.279-28o).
Continental drift and the stressing of Africa. (Nature, London, Vol. 112, De-
cember, pp.938-939).
The structure of the great rift valley. (Nature, London, Vol. 113, March, p.388).
African rift valleys. (Geological Magazine, London, Vol. 66, no. 782, pp.
Rift valleys and Lake Victoria. Paper in Comptes Rendus, 15th International Geologic-
al Congress, Pretoria, 1929, Vol. 2, pp.323-353.

175 1934

192 1020

193 1921

194 1921

195 1922
196 1923

197 1923

198 1924
119 1929
00oo 1930

ao2 s93o The African bulge. (GographicalJournal, London, Vol. 75, no. 4, April, pp.381-
o20 1931 Rift eys anUgaganda's waterways. In Summary of progress of the Geological
Survey, 919g-g9g9, Entebbe, G.P., pp.4o-44.
203 1932 The tectonics of the Albertine rift. (Nature, London, Vol. 129, May, p. 762.)
204 195? A contribution to the discussion of The East African rift system by F. Dixey.
Colonial Geology and Mineral Resources Bulletin, London, Supplement No.t,
205 1921 Hot springs. In Annual Report ofthe GeologicalSurvey, 192, Entebbe, G.P., p.72-75.
6 1921 (with W. C. Simmons) Earthquakes. Ibid. p.45.
207 1930 (with N. L. Bowen) Lavas of Elgon. Paper presented to the 43rd Annual
Meeting of the Geological Society of America, Toronto, December 1930
Abstract of Papers, pp.29-31.
8 1931 The Katw crater lake, Uganda. (Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society,
London, Proceedings of the society, Vol. 88, pp.i-ii) A summary is also given m
Nature, Vol. 128, December, 1931, p.977.
209 1932 Katwe salt lake. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1931, Entebbe, G.P.,
210 193 Kikagata thermal spring. Ibid. p.6.
211 1934 Volcanic geology. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1933, Entebbe, G.P.,
212 1934 Katwe. (Uganda Journal, Kampala, Vol. i, no.2, April, pp.g6-io6, 6 photos
3 maps). This article is briefly noted in Geograpnical Journal Vol. 84, August,
1934, p.-174.
213 1935 Thermal and mineral springs in Uganda. In A short record ofprogress relating to
some investigations in the field and laboratory, Entebbe, G.P., pp.44-55., 4 photos,
3 tables, map. (Geological Survey, Bulletin no.2, Item 7.)
214 1937 Notes of thermal and mineral springs in Uganda, (Uganda Journal, Kampala,
Vol. 4, no. 3, January, pp.197-207.) A reprint of Item 213.
215 1963 Lava tunnels and some possible gas effects in Bufumbira. (Nature, London, Vol.
2oo00, no. 4903, October. pp. 247-249, 4 fig.)
216 1921 Water supply. In Annual Report of the Geological Survey, 1920. Entebbe, G.P.,
217 1924 Report of the Director of Geological Survey of Uganda on the water supply of ZanSar
and the possibility of making cement etc. 1921. Zanzibar, G.P., 5p. folio.
218 1926 Water supplies of Luzinga, Moroto, and Kampala In Annual Report of the
Geological Survey, 1925, Entebbe, G.P., p.8.
219 1927 Water supplies of Kampala and Mbarara. In Annual Report of the Geologial
Survey, 1926. Entebbe, G.P., pp.6 and 9.
220 1931 Notes on water supplies. In Summary of progress of th Geological Survey, 1919-I199,
Entebbe, G.P., pp.32-37.
221 1931 Water supply conditions of Uganda. Essay in Practical handbook of water a ply,
edited by F. Dixey, London, Murby ist Edition. pp.543-558; 2nd Edition,
1954, PP.545-560.
222 1932 Eastern Province, geology and water supply. In Annual Report of the Geological
Survey, 1931, Entebbe, G.P., pp.6-7.
223 1938 (with N. V. Brasnett) Soil erosion and water supplies in Uganda. Entebbe, G.P.,
89p. (Geological Survey, Memoir no. 4.)
224 1939 Outlines of the physiography of Karamoja in relation to erosion and water
supply. In A Series ofpapers relating to the geology of Uganda. Entebbe, G.P., p. 45.
(Geological Survey, Bulletin no.3,) Also listed as Item log.
225 1914 The interpretation of nature and the nature of interpretation. (Spolia Z.ylanica,
Colombo, Vol. io, no. 36.)

Uganda Jounal, as, 1 (1967), 43-61


by A. L. JOB

This article deals with the history and economy of mining and prospecting
in Uganda from its inception to the present day and attempts to forecast the
future trend and to emphasize the value of mining to this country's economy.
From 1927 until the end of 1965 58,000,000 was received from mineral pro-
duction as follows:-

Exports Production
Copper 35,837,ooo
Tin 2,938,000 Cement, Lime 11,252,000
Wolfram 1,564,000 Stone, Clay 3,465,000
Gold 998,000 Salt 904,0oo
Beryl 455,000 Superphosphates 507,000
Other Minerals 411,ooo

42,203,ooo 76,128,000
At present mineral exports form an increasingly important part of the country's
export trade accounting in 1965 for 14% of all exports. The role of minerals and
of copper in particular, in this respect is clearly borne out from the accompanying
table. Copper accounts for 96% of all mineral exports and comes third in value
after coffee and cotto
Value 'ooo As % of All Exports
1954 1959 1965 1954 1959 1965
All Exports 40,575 42,o91 63,714 zoo 1oo 1oo
Coffee 13,478 18,688 30,421 33.2 44.4 48.5
Cotton 20,877 15,428 16,762 51.5 36.7 26.7
All Minerals 254 2,873 9,o18 o.6 6.8 14.5
Copper Nil 2,788 8,739 Nil 6*6 14.0

It will be seen that copper has joined the list of exports relatively recently
but its total value has risen sharply. In large measure this has occurred as a
result of the increase in the price of copper which has more than doubled be-
tween 1959 and 1965, whereas the tonnage exported has increased by only
slightly over 40% in the same period. The sole producer of copper is Kilembe
Mines Ltd. which is situated near Kasese in Toro District, at the head of the
western extension of the railway. The copper bearing concentrates are railed
to the smelter atJinja for conversion into blister copper. In addition to copper,
cobalt and iron sulphides are produced but these are stacked at the mine be-
cause the low price for cobalt has not warranted the provision of expensive
plant to recover the cobalt. Kilembe Mines Ltd also mine limestone and pro-
duce lime for their own requirements. This mine gives employment to over

4,000 people, and indirect employment to many more.
A second valuable mineralized area is the Sukulu carbonatite complex at
Tororo. Here are located factories producing cement, asbestos products,
fertilisers and acid. In 1965 1,500,ooo worth of cement was manufactured by
the Uganda Cement Industries Ltd, a subsidiary of the Uganda Development
Corporation. This company produces lime as well as cement from the Sukulu
hills, a giant ring volcano which also contains immense reserves of apatite,
limestone, and lesser quantities of pyrochlore, magnetitie and zircon. The apa-
tite is mined by Tororo Industrial Chemical and Fertilisers Ltd, also a subsidiary
of the Uganda Development Corporation. This mineral is converted into a
superphosphate fertilizer by a process using hydrochloric acid. At present
magnetite (an iron ore) produced in the process of working the apatite is stack-
ed. There is some prospect that Sukulu Mines Ltd, (another subsidiary of the
Uganda Development Corporation) may be able to market the pyrochlore, a
mineral containing niobium, from the discard of the apatite flotation plant.
Until recently phosphate rockhas been mined on a small scale from a similar
carbonatite complex at Bukusu. This small mine located at Busumbu, in Bu-
gisu, used to export the rock to Kenya for conversion into a soda-phosphate.
Other minerals exported from Uganda have been derived mainly from the
southwest. These minerals include tin, wolfram and beryl and are produced by
small scale workers with very limited financial resources, and market prices are
liable to severe fluctuations. There were at one time four fully equipped wolfram
mines in Kigezi which exported a maximum of 186 tons in 1950 and employed
over 2,000 people.In the last few years wolfram prices have been low and pro-
duction virtually ceased, though two mines re-opened in 1965 in response to a
rise in the price of wolfram. The production of beryl has been subject to similar
fluctuations. It reached a peak of 1015 tons in 1961 and accounted then for Io%
of the total world production, but this has fallen since to 189 tons in 1965.
Betyl has been produced in Ankole, Kigezi and Singo. Tin has also been pro-
duced from south Ankole and Kigezi since 1927 but the amount produced
currently is small. All these mineral workings in the west are small scale
operations and, with the exception of beryl, have shown a decline in the last
decade or so. Only wolfram mining operations have shown any tendency to
develop to any size, but these mines have been severely hit by adverse prices.
A few other small scale mining operations exist mainly in western Uganda.
Gold, tantalite, columbite, bismuth, lithium and mica have all been produced
from time to time. Gold exports have declined from a peak of 22,483 ounces in
1938 to 50 ounces in 1965. Salt is produced by simple methods in Toro and
History of Mining--9o2-1939
The first prospecting concession was granted in 1902 when the East Africa
Syndicate took up an area of Ioo square miles around Butiaba in Bunyoro,
presumably searching for gold. The licence lapsed a year later. By December
1908 there were 22 prospecting licences over Crown Lands. In 1913 Mr.W.
Brittlebank secured an oil prospecting concession over 898 square miles centr-
ed on Kibiro (Lake Albert) where he had located oil seepages, but the out-
break of war in 1914 prevented exploration and the concession expired in 1922.
In 1920 Captain A. W. Hill and Sir Phillip Lee Brocklehurst obtained ex-
clusive oil rights over a large area of West Nile for 50. Gold had been found
in West Nile by J. G. Currie as early as 1915 but there was little activity in

Uganda until 1920 when something of a gold rush took place in West Nile due
to the proximity of the Kilo Moto gold mine over the Congo border. The search
continued until 1927 but nothing of value was found. Although no gold was
found, the Nile Congo Divide Syndicate (which also operated in West Nile)
reported a find of low grade copper at Manya in West Madi and traced its
occurrence north to the Sudan border.
In the later 1920's principle mining interests were focused on cassiterite in
Ankole and copper in Toro. Cassiterite had been discovered in neighboring
parts of Tanganyika in 1924 and the following year the search extended to
Uganda and a deposit was found four miles from Kikagati, Ankole.
In 1926 when the Mwirasandu tin deposit was discovered the whole of the
Western Province was covered by Exclusive Prospecting Licences with 25
European engineers employed. Large concessions were held by Tanganyika
Concession Ltd' and by the year's end negotiations were well underway for
an oil concession in the Albert Basin.
Tanganyika Concession Ltd discovered a copper body on the southwestern
slopes of the Ruwenzori in 1927 which we know as Kilembe Mines. Gold was
found along the banks of Kashasha River in Kigezi which led to increased pros-
pecting activities. Tin exports had begun and the prospectors were encouraged
to further searches. 1928 saw forty European engineers employed and 16,125
square miles of country covered by licences, located mainly in the Western
Province. A geological survey was carried out in Karamoja by eleven Europeans
for Tanganyika Concession Ltd. The D'Arcy Exploration Co. Ltd.2 completed
a survey of the Lake Albert region in order to assess the oil potential.
By the end of 1929, 13,538 square miles were covered by Exclusive Pros-
pecting Licences. Mwirasandu tin mine expanded and further deposits were
found close by at Namaherere. Drilling for alluvial tin deposits were carried
out and an investigation of Nankiankoko hill3 was made by the Central African
Exploration Co. Investigation of copper at Kilembe and tin at Kaina and Bu-
rama Ridge continued in the west. In eastern Uganda Nigerian Consolidated
Mines Ltd examined Budama and south Bugisu for gold. Exploration of
Karamoja and Buganda continued but little was found other than Bismutotan-
talite, hitherto unknown.
In 1930 Exclusive Prospecting Licences in Karamoja, Gulu and West Nile
were not renewed and only 5,337 square miles were covered by such licences.
Uganda's three tin mines, Mwirasandu, Kikagati and Kaina continued in
operation and further underground exploration was carried out at Namaherere.
Naniankoko and Burama Ridge mines. Tanganika Concessions Ltd. had driven
twelve adits into hill sides to explore their copper body (now known as Kilembe
Mine) but allowed their licence in Karamoja to lapse. Gold prospecting in
Gulu and West Nile Districts continued where the Nile Congo Divide Syndicate
tested a number of streams. The area under licence continued to fall to 1983
square miles in 1931; 1542 in 1932 and 1411 in 1934 during which time several
large companies withdrew their interests and were replaced by small miners
such as R. M. Bayona, L. L. Nuti, P. J. Wray, J. Gastrell and J. S. Kargarotos.
Most of these men worked known deposits and carried out small scale pros-
pecting. The first export of gold was 7 oz. from Kigezi in 1931 and considerably
increased returns of this mineral were shown in 1933 and 1934. Chief of the gold
operators were Boazman & Gee;4 H. M. Syndicates and Utanka Exploration

The tin mines at Kaina, Kashoza, Burama, Kyamugasha, Kikagati and
Mwirasandu continued operations, all of them except the latter in the hands of
small miners. H. O. Crighton made considerable installations at Kikagati
Mines in 1936 and production rose to 8o tons: 42 tons were produced from Ka-
ina: 12 tons from Kyamugasha and 26 tons from K. Carr's Mine near Kikagati.
From the early 1930's principal mining interests were focused on tin and gold.
Gold ming reached a high level of activity between 1935-40. Buhwezu County
in Ankole became a gold producing area whilst the Rubuguli swamp in Kigezi
was the location of the Boazman & Gee interests. Busia in south Bukedi
became an important gold site and Toro, Arua and Busoga saw much prospect-
ing. In 1937 Ankole produced 15,694 ozs. of gold and Kigezi 2,190 ozs.
Smaller quantities were won in Budama.6In the middle I930's activities dec-
reased at Kilembe until in 1937 they were finally reduced to a mere care and
maintenance basis. During this period however interest in other minerals de-
veloped. In 1935 some tantalite was produced at Kitofa mine in Kitezi by J.
Gastrell who increased production of this mineral to several tons the next year
from his Kakanena mine close by. Galena (lead ore) was discovered at Kitaka
on the Ankole-Toro border in 1936. Bismuth was recovered from Kabuga in
Kigezi. Two asbestos claims were registered in West Nile and wolfram was
discovered for the first time in the Mpororo valley on the southern edge of the
Impenetrable Forest in Kigezi. Tin was exported in 1937 and some low grade
asbestos came out ofKaramoja in 1938.
The mid 1930's saw the peak of mining activity in Uganda with nearly 9000
persons employed at the end of 1935, but at the end of the decade interest dec-
lined. Copper at 43 a ton did not warrant mining expenditure at Kilembe;
but the years 1935-1940 saw great activity in gold prospecting and mining among
individuals, partnerships, small companies and syndicates. Boazman & Gee
were the principal producers from Rubuguli Swamp in Kigezi. Lemon and
Viviers exported Iooo oz. from the Buhweju Plateau in Ankole.
In 1937 gold production reached 15,699 ozs. inKigeziof which 2190 ozs.
was produced by H. M. Syndicate. Kenya-Uganda Minerals Exploration Ltd.
exported 3266 ozs. worth 20, 0oo. Among these miners were many old pioneers.
Gold production fell rapidly in 1939 when the alluvial areas of Buhweju
were virtually worked out. Oil prospecting continued and drilling to 4,000
feet was executed but nothing of commercial significance was found. Only the
tin mines of Burama Ridge, Kikagati, Namaherere and Mwirasandu continued
in production but all were past their prime.

History of Mining-1939.-945
In 1939 gold production fell considerably due to the near exhaustion of the
Buhwezu deposits, the all-time record production for Uganda of 23,621 oz.
being obtained in the previous year. The second world war saw a reduction
in Mines Department staff and mining operations were further hampered by
the internment of German and Italian miners. The cost of supplies and wages
rose. The war, however, created a special demand for wolfram, tantalite,
columbite, mica and phosphates; and a committee was established to promote
the winning of these minerals. As a result 11 tons of tantalite/columbite was
exported in 1943, wolfram exports reached 80 tons in 1944, small quantities of
beryl were exported in 1944/45, mica ws exported for the first time, and the
Busumbu phosphate deposit began production in 1944 which rose to 8,511 tons
in 1945. Copper, wolfram and gold and certain other minerals could only


arnwe Ditroe

423? 8 U *U _

be sold at fixed prices. Tin and gold production fell off, as both industries
experienced difficulties in the supply of labour and increased costs.
History of Mining-1946-55
The post war years saw a continued struggle to maintain a mining economy
on a wide basis until 1957, since when Uganda's mining economy has been
dominated by copper production at Kilembe mines. The years 1950-53 re-
presented a favourable time for ming operations due to the Korean war.
In 1949 the major wolfram producers were Kirwa, Nyamulilo, Mutolere,
Ruhiza, Mpororo and Mugombero mines, all in Kigezi. The chief producers
were Messrs. Kikkides, Spyropoulos and Bjordal. By 1950 export of wolfram
had risen to a peak of 186 tons and wolfram prices reached an all time high of
25 per unit, resultant upon the effects of the Korean war. During 1950-53
while high prices held many of these mines installed expensive mechanical
equipment in order to increase production, however, with the withdrawal of
guaranteed prices7 in 1957 interest in wolfram was not maintained.
After the war interest was revived in gold mining with the Borderland
Syndicate at Busia changing over from open-cast to underground working of
reefs, and the main shaft was sunk to 334 feet in 1947. Elsewhere search for
gold by New Consolidated Goldfield Ltd had proved unsuccessful and thus
Busia remained the only area producing gold in Uganda in the year 1950.
Operations were mainly on a small scale. Tin mining continued after the war
but, as with gold, was less than in the 1930's. Mwirasandu and Kikagati were
the main producers but both were in decline. Mwirasandu, formerly Uganda's
main source, only produced 27 tons in 1955.
In 1953 tantalite ore prices were at a record high as a result of stockpiling
in the U.S.A., the price being equivalent to 3700 a ton for high grade ore.
Kagera Mines Ltd installed a pilot plant for testing tantalite-columbite deposits
at Nyanga in Ankole which had hardly got under way before the price of the
mineral fell.
In the late 1940's and early 1950's interest developed in other minerals
previously neglected and 60 tons of lead were produced at Kitaka, which mine
was later taken over by the Sierra Leone Development Company. Production
expanded little, but W. B. Hall (another well known Uganda figure) produced
small quantities of galena there in 1955. 1949 saw the discovery of a new bismuth
deposit at Rwanzu in Kigezi.
One of the main beneficiaries of the war had been the phosphate mines which
were developed to meet the shortage of fertilizers. Production had continued
at a high level with the Kenya Government contracting for 16,ooo tons of
crushed phosphate rock, and the Uganda Government for 3,000 tons. This was
entirely produced by the Bukusu Mining Company at Busumbu. This mine,
later owned by F. D. B. Edmunds, continued to produce through the 1950's
but went out of production in i961. In the meantime consideration was given
to the production of phosphates from the Sukulu area for which purpose the
Tororo Exploration Company had been formed using international and Uganda
Development Corporation funds in 1953. Work on these enormous deposits,
estimated to be over 200 million tons of soil, started in the middle 1950's
but large scale production did not commence until later.
History of Mining-1956-1965
These years, represent a period of decline of the small worker industry in
the history of mining in Uganda, with the exception of beryl mining Mineral

exports from 1957 on were dominated by copper. Exploration of the Kilembe
deposit had been carried out from 1927 to 1937 and interest increased in 1949
when a Canadian Company, Frobisher, started underground exploration. The
copper ore reserves in 1952 were estimated at 14,755,000 tons and in 1953 this
had increased to 17,181,000 tons. In 1952 over 1ioo,ooo was spent in preparing
the mine for production and the railway extension from Mityana to the west
was commenced. After initial problems of raising capital, development continued
and the Colonial Development Corporation and Uganda Development Cor-
poration became associated with the Frobisher Company. By 1956, a hydro-
electric plant was completed on the Mubuku river; a concentrator made ready
at Kasese and a smelter was in process of erection atJinja. Some 3,000 Africans,
212, Europeans and 63 Asians were employed.
Kilembe mine, the Jinja smelter and the new western railway extension
were officially opened in November 1956. 1957 was the first full year of copper
production and placed minerals as Uganda's third most important export;
a position which has been retained ever since. Despite the fall of copper prices
at the end of 1957 the value of Uganda's copper production rose to
1.7 million in 1957. The following year Kilembe increased their milling rate
to over 70,000 tons monthly and production value rose to 3.7 million in 196o.
After a slight fall in 1961, copper production rose steadliy from 15,o81 tons in
1962; 15,766 tons in 1963: to a record production of 18,236 tons in 1964.
In spite of the fact that 1965's production was less, a sharp rise in prices account-
ed for an increase in value from 6.8 million in 1964 to 8.7 million in 1965.
Uganda Cement Industry was the second major mining corn operating
throughout this period, coming into operation in 1953 with a production of 16,
913 tons. Production fluctuated considerably but the industry showed an
increase in production from 71,524 in 1964, to 128,742 tons in 1965.
Tororo Industrial Chemicals and Fertilizers Ltd. (formed in 1960 to oper-
ate the Sukulu phosphate deposits which had had a chequered career in the
1950s) became Uganda's third major mining concern. By 1963 substantial
production of phosphates began and in 1965 16,123 tons of apatite were pro-
duced and the superphosphate industry was expanding. Little success has been
achieved in producing the pyrochlore which is found in association with the
apatite of the Sukulu carbonatite complex, though pilot schemes to develop
these were established in 1958.
Whilst the three main mining concerns had progressed to a position of
prosperity from 1956 to 1965, the same cannot be said of the other mining
interests in Uganda. The wolfram mines at Nyamulilo, Kirwa and Bahati in
Kigezi had produced 170 tons in 1956 but all were closed in 1957, 1958 and
1959. Wolfram production recommended on a small scale in 1960 but production
again became uneconomic in 1963, though a small increase took place to bring
the 1965 total to 41 tons. At the same time tin production suffered a similar fate.
The Mwirasandu tin mine closed down in 1956 after 30 years of operation
during which it yielded 5,716 tons of ore valued at 1,295,ooo00. In 1956 tin
production fell to 36 tons, the lowest it had been since 1927, but prices began to
rise in 1963 and exports for 1964 and 1965 have risen again to 300 tons. A
similar decline also took place in lead production in that the Kitaka mine which
produced 150 tons of ore in 1956 ceased production in 1959. Gold production,
mainly at Busia, continued throughout the 195os on a small scale but since 1963
has been less than 5o ounces each year and was entirely absent in the export

figures for 1964. In 1956 prospecting took place in Karamoja for chromite,
and in Toro and Ankole for diamonds but nothing developed from these in-
The only commodity other than those concerned with the three U.D.C.
associated companies to expanding the period from 1956-1965 was beryllium.
In 1958 the U.K. Atomic Energy Authority examined berly deposits in west
Uganda with a view to using beryllium in atomic reactors. Production of
beryl rose from 209 tons in 1959 to 419 tons in 196o, but by 1963 a fall in
the price of beryl led to a marked reduction in production.
In recent years a renewed intensity of mineral exploration has been evident
Over 12,ooo square miles of Ankole, Toro, Karamoja, Acholi and Lango
were surveyed from the air in 1962 under a project financed by United Nations
aid. In the following year this was followed up by a ground survey in southwest
Uganda and Karamoja, largely under Canadian financial assistance.

Salt from Lake Katwe and Mbakovia and Kibiro on Lake Albert has
probably been produced to meet the essential needs of man and cattle from
the earliest times. It has been produced from the burning ofpapyrus rushes and
grass (the ashes of which were soaked in water) or from cow's urine; but most of
Uganda's needs have been met from Lake Katwe and Kibiro for a very long
time. Bakers described the method of production seen during his visit to
Vaeovia (Mbakovia or Bukobya) in 1864. Pits were dug six feet deep from which
a sandy mud was placed in jars, mixed with water and filtered through holes
in the jar bottom. The water was used again and again and was finally eva-
porated to produce salt. Emin Pasha9 visited Kibiro and Mbakovia in 1886
and described the production of salt by leading water from the saline springs
over specially collected saline soil and by further processes of solution, filtration
and evaporation a salt was produced and sold in Buganda, Toro, Bunyoro and
areas north and northeast of the lake. This salt was packed in dried banana leaf,
each packet weighing 71 ocka (25 lbs.) and sold for 400 cowrie shells which
Emin estimated as being worth 5 shillings. Emin also mentioned Hamgurko
on the Duero (Semliki) River as a source of salt. In 1889 Stanley 10 described
Katwe as a busy town of 2,ooo inhabitants supported by the winning and sale
of salt which was bartered for grains, millet, barkcloth, iron tools, weapons and
foodstuffs. Much of the salt was carried across Lake Edward by canoe. In 189111
Lugard visited Katwe and established a military post, Fort George, on the ridge
between Lakes Katwe and Edward for the purpose of controlling the salt trade.
Later Katwe was visited by the Duke of Mecklenberg'2 (1907-o8) and his
book reproduced a colour painting of the lake. He found that the salt trade was
the monopoly of sultan Kasakamo of Toro and said that the salt was exported
as far as Entebbe and Bukoba.
Lake Katwe lies in an explosion crater separated from Lake Edward by a
ridge only 400 yards wide. The water of the lake is rarely more than 4 feet deep
but the water lies at an elevation 94 feet less than Lake Edward. It has been
suggested that the circulation of water through shattered alkaline rocks at depth
results in the dissolving of salts which are carried upward into the lake13.
Three grades of salt are recovered at Katwe. The first grade, crystals, are
collected from windblown deposits on the shores or from clusters which form
around vertical sticks driven into the lake bottom. The second grade is obtained
from solar pans constructed around the lake shore and the third grade is dug

from the lake bottom and towed ashore on small wooden rafts. The pink and
blood-red colours of the waters are caused by protein of bacterial origin.
The lake brine is 47% sodium-chloride (common salt), 21 % sodium carbonate
(soda ash), 2% sodium bicarbonate, 18% sodium sulphate (Glaubers salt),
and 12% potassium-chloride (all by dry weight).
While the salt deposits are owned by the central government, they are work-
ed by a Salt Board under the control of the Toro government and all the
proceeds of sales go to Toro. The deposits were examined by the E.A. Industrial
Research Organisation14 from 1944 to 1949. In 1958 further investigations were
conducted by the Technical Development Division of the U.D.C. which
demonstrated that carbonates, sulphates and chlorides of sodium could be
recovered in a state of high purity on an industrial scale. Assuming a depth of
18 feet, reserves were estimated at 19,ooo,ooo tons at a value of170,000,000,
potentially a very valuable natural resource.
As well as Katwe, Lake Bunyampaka (Kasenyi) has been worked for salt
and there are eight other known saline lakes some of which are rendered un-
suitable for salt recovery by simple methods of production because they con-
tain too much sulphur. These lakes all lie in the volcanic tuffs on either side of
the Kazinga Channel between Lakes Edward and George. Some of the many
dry craters may also contain saline deposits. Lakes Masecha, Begusa, Nshenyi,
Kikorongo, Nyamunuka, Murumuli, Kitagata and Munyanyange are all
saline. Relatively little is known about Katwe, and much less is known about
these other lakes. Plants are in hand for further investigation of Lake Katwe by
the Geological Survey Department. Lake Kasenyi is less saline than Lake
Katwe and has not been worked to the same extent.
The sources of the salt at Kibiro are saline hot springs which percolate into
the sands and gravels of the lake shore. This saline soil is placed in small piles
to dry and capillary action concentrates salt on the surface from which it is
scraped off. The material thus collected is purified by dissolving, filtering and
evaporation.15 These spring waters have a high chloride content, but are
comparatively poor in sulphates, magnesia and lime.
Production of salt from these sources from I923-1965 has totalled at least
182, 852 tons from Katwe; 6,980 tons from Kasenyi and 1,965 tons from Kibiro.
Since no accurate records have been kept of salt production at Lake Kasenyi
and Kibiro production is probably in excess of this.
Wainwright16 in a linguistic study of uma, a common name for iron, has
shown that iron smelting spread from Meroe in Sudan south and southwest
and that its spread in Uganda was from an early centre of smelting and iron-
working in Bunyoro. Apolo Kagwa'7 confirmed that the Baganda acquired
their knowledge of smelting from Bunyoro.
The smelting of iron ores in Uganda is carried out in clay ovens using char-
coal as a reductant. An air blast is supplied by a number of hand-worked
bellows which may be made of hollow Y shaped logs, the two ends being cov-
ered with loose goatskin and worked rapidly and alternately back and forth by
attached sticks to produce the air blast. Another method is the use of two earth-
enware bowls with stems resembling large tobacco pipes. The stems converge
into an earthenware funnel which feeds the air blast into the furnace. The art
of the smith is still practised but the art of smelting is rapidly disappearing.
Its seems that quite low grade latertic ores were used for smelting and these were

in fact preferred to high grade ores. The many ancient shafts known in certain
parts of Uganda were believed to have some connection with the search for
iron ores but it seems more likely they were used for extracting "enoni" or
kaolin. Emin Pasha mentions the iron and iron ores of Bunyoro and says tha
the ores around Kisunga (Bunyoro) are exceptionally rich.'"
Masindi was a well-known centre for iron working and in 1906 a Mr. D.
Bennett was engaged to give the local smiths instruction in brazing, welding
and the making of collars. In 1909 a Catalan furnace was obtained for Masindi.
This type of furnance needed water power to produce the air blast hence it
could not be erected near the site of the ore. This and other causes resulted in the
failure of this equipment. The smiths in Masindi and district had a considerable
trade in "jembies" but with the advent of cheap tools from Germany just before
the 1914-18 war the trade declined considerably. During the war there was a
shortage of tools and an attempt was made to revive theindustrybut without
success. A report in 1907 suggested electric smelting of the Bunyoro ores using
power supplied by the Murchison Falls. Later the use of charcoal and dolomite
(from east Uganda) was suggested by Wayland.19 The charcoal could have been
derived from bush clearing operations connected with the control of tsetse fly.
Iron ore deposits are known to exist at Sukulu near Tororo and at Nangalwe
and Surumbusa further northeast; these deposits are mainly of magnetite.
Haematites of a high iron content (over 60%) are found in Kigezi and at
Mugabuzi hill on the Ankole-Toro border. The remoteness of the Kigezi
deposits from major roads or railways renders it unlikely that they will be used
in the near future even though methane gas which is being recovered from Lake
Kivu in Rwanda could provide a suitable fuel if carried by pipe line. More
probably the iron of Sukulu which is being produced as a by-product of the
apatite mining will be used first. The magnetites of Surumbusa contain too
much titanium to be useful for smelting, as also do the Namekara ores of
Bukusu; though these ores might be utilisable for electric rather than blast
furnace smelting. The reserves of these iron ores in Uganda have been esti-
mated as follows:-
Haematite: 9 million tons at Kasenyi ridge, Kigezi
20 Kiruruma hill, Kigezi
2 Butale. Kigezi
2 Mugabuzi, Ankole
Magnetite: 2 Surumbusa, Bugisu
18 Namekara, Bugisu
I Nangalwe, Bugisu
36 Sukulu, Bukedi
In 1950 a firm of consultants, John Miles and Partners,20 were appointed
by the government to make recommendations on the setting up of an iron and
steel industry. Their recommendations were to the effect that such an industry
was feasible, and that the demand in the three East African countries was likely
to be about 50,000 tons of pig iron a year; but that if the cost of electricity
exceeded 5 cents per KWH then the only economic basis for production would
depend upon smelting in a blast furnace using charcoal. On the other hand
charcoal was unsuitable for the Sukulu iron with a high titanium content.
It was possible that the iron industry could be developed in close working
association with the cement and fertilizer industries. Later (1951) the same firm
produced plans for the production of 33,000 tons of pig iron on the under-
standing that the Uganda Electricity Board could supply electricity at 2 cents

per KWH so that electric smelting now became feasible. The project, however,
was not put into effect since finance was not forthcoming as the East African
market was considered to be too small to justify such an investment.
Since then the Steel Corporation of East Africa, a subsidiary of the Madhava-
ni group in association with the U.D.C. has gone ahead with a smaller plant
atJinja with a capacity of 27,000 tons steel a year from scrap metal. The present
production is between 16-i8,ooo tons per year, but the supply of scrap in East
Africa is limited to about 20,000 tons. By 1970 it is planned to step up produc-
tion to 50,000 tons and to make up the deficiency from Sukulu. At present
magnetite from the apaptite deposits is being stacked at the rate of 2o,ooo tons
per year and could meet this future need.
Cassiterite, tin oxide, is found in Uganda in both surface gravels and in
veins. The Geological Survey Department first recognized cassiterite in the
gravels of the Kafu river and in 1922 A.D. Combe collected samples of cassit-
erite and rutile from Ngoma hill, Ankole. In 1924 James and Dimitri Karga-
rotos discovered a mineral which was later identified as cassiterite in a dry valley
known later as Grey Tin Creek, at Kyerwa in Karagwe, Tanganyika. In 1925
in association with G. C. Ishmael these two found Uganda's first workable tin
deposit at Kyamutarwa, four miles northwest of Kikagati. This was later owned
and worked by Ankole Tinfields Ltd. In 1926 East African Trust Ltd. took out
an Exclusive Prospecting licence and G. Williams discovered Uganda's most
important source of tin at Mwirasandu which was for many years worked by
Kagera (U) Tinfields Ltd (later Kagera Mines Ltd).
Production at Mwirasandu21 commenced in 1927 when 15 tons of ore was
sent to Malaya for smelting. Subsequently this mine produced over 60%
of Uganda's tin production to date; a total of 5,751 tons valued at I,300,000.
Between 1932 and 1937 it was yielding over 300 tons per year. Operations here
were essentially underground, to a maximum depth of 500 feet, but some tin
was also won from surface gravels. The end of production here in 1956 was
hastened by the death of one European and two Africans from gassing.
Tin fields in Uganda are confined to southwest Ankole and south Kigezi22.
Mineralization is widespread, but only two mines, Mwirasandu and Burama
Ridge have reached the modest depth of 5oo feet. The most prolific tin producing
areas, Mwirasandu, Namaherere, Burama Ridge, Kaina and Kikagati were all
discovered between 1925 and 193o, and there has been only one notable dis-
covery since then. The only mine of any interest working at present is the
Rwaminyinya mine near Kisoro in Kigezi where thin veins in a soft sandstone
are worked open-cast. Also the first all African mining company, the East
African Metal Co, is working the Mwirasandu area for detrital deposits. Detrital
tin is formed by the denudation of the vein outcrop whereby the heavier tin
minerals and harder rocks such as quartz are left behind as a concentrate near
to, and often overlying, the original vein. Such material which is easily worked is
found in insufficient quantities to interest a large mining company. In the last
three years some three quarters of Uganda's tin exports have been derived
from smuggling across the Rwanda border. The tin is sold by holders of Uganda
mining titles as Uganda produce, the title holder may retain a few bona fide
miners on his title to cover up his illegal activities.
Although, when compared with tin deposits of Cornwall the tin metal con-
tent of the Uganda's deposits is low (8 to Io lbs per ton, as compared with

Cornwall's 25 lbs), it would seem that certain mines still have distinct prospects
for a properly organised mining company. A British government team is at
present investigating the old deposits and searching for new ones since the
world price of tin is now high. The prospect of finding alluvial tin in any large
quantity is remote.

Gold is the most widely spread of any mineral in Uganda. It was the first
mineral to be prospected for and was reported from the West Nile as early as
1915, but appreciable production did not begin until 1933. Since then 148,043
ounces, (unrefined) have been extracted; 68% from Ankole, 15% from Kigezi
and 16% from Bukedi. Most of this has been won from gravels in shallow swamps
and river beds.
The most prolific gold producing area in Uganda has been the Buhwezu
plateau in northern Ankole which produced gold valued at over 7oo,ooo.23
In 1937 56 Europeans and 5,468 Africans were engaged in winning gold in
Ankole and maximum production of 17,511 oz. was obtained from this district
in 1938. Thereafter production gradually tailed off. The Busia area in Bukedi
District discovered in 1932 is the only area where gold has been mined from
veins. This gold field is an extension of the Kenya Kavirondo gold field.
In some of the swamps and streams in the Impenetrable Forest area of
Kigezi such as the Rubuguli swamp and Kabale river and its tributaries,
the gold shows very little wear and would appear to have been derived from a
a source nearby. This is a strange feature of many Uganda alluvials in that
apart from Busia the source of the coarse gold has not been found. The thick
soil cover and the reversal of rivers makes the search for the source of gold
difficult. Also the gold bearing gravels at the base of the Kigezi swamps may
carry an overburden of as much as 6o feet of decaying vegetable matter. After
draining some of these swamps are being developed for agricultural purposes.
A few veins with very low grade values have been located in Kigezi2
and elsewhere, but none have carried visible gold. The only hope for the revival
of gold mining lies in the Busia area of Bukedi where further exploratory drilling
is at present being carried out by the Geological Survey Department.

Wolfram was first discovered by Ishmael and Kargarotos in Kigezi in
1931, when prospecting for gold. This was found in the Kabale river near the
Impenetrable Forest in stream gravels and later the source of the mineral was
found further upstream at what became the Mpororo wolfram mine. Exports
from here by Boazman and Gee began in 1937 but Uganda exports did not
reach 8o tons until 1944. Since then production has fluctuated in accordance
with erratic variations in the price of wolfram. To the end of 1965 the value of all
wolfram exports totalled 1,564,000. Two operators account for over three
quarters of the total tonnage of exports, these are P. Kikkides, the owner of
Kirwa and Bahati Mines (though the latter was sold in 1961) and H. Bjordal the
owner of Nyamulilo mine. These three mines have yielded 1,775 tons (644 from
Kirwa, 280 from Bahati and 851 from Nyamulilo.) Another pioneer wolfram
miner is T. Spyropoulos whose Rubiza mine; which has not been as successful
as the others, was started in 1942. A small quantity of wolfram (25 tons) has
also been produced from Singo county of west Buganda.

Kirwa mine is situated on a hill-top near Kisoro and is in one of Uganda's
most scenic regions looking out over the volcanoes of the Virunga range.
The mine was worked from surface and the immense benches or steps, of which
there are thirty-eight, form an outstanding land mark in this area. Nyamulilo
mine near Kabale is amongst other things remarkable for its "floating" road.
The road crosses a wide papyrus swamp and the motor track is built up on the
branches and bush laid on the papyrus which is then fashioned into a road-bed
by the addition of clay. This road gradually subsides into the underlying slime
and peat and has to be built up from time to time.
A unique feature of the wolfram miners is the extent to which they have re-
invested their profits during the period of high prices. The capital investment
in the three main mines exceeds 25o,ooo. At one time 2,380 Africans were
employed in Kigezi wolfram mines which provided an important outlet for
labour in a poor and heavily populated district.
Wolfram deposits in Kigezi are fairly widespread and some are sizeable,
though none have been fully explored. With the exception of Bahati where a
quartz vein 3-5 feet thick is worked underground, the mines are worked by
surface methods. The ore occurs in numerous parallel quartz veins in black
phyllite rock which requires drilling and blasting and yields only about 5 lbs of
wolfram per ton,. The quartz veins alone are of a higher grade. The minerals
obtained are wolfram and ferberite, both of which are sold under the name
"wolfram". Scheelite has also been found at Kitaka lead mine. All these miner-
als are the source of tungsten which is used as an alloy for cutting and tool
steels. Uganda's exports are of a high grade.
The outlook for the industry is uncertain, largely because of the fluctuations
in the price of wolfram. After a period in the early Ig6o's when it was uneconomic
to work these mines, the price rose in 1965 and production has recommended.
Given a reasonable price it would seem that Kirwa and Nyamulilo should
continue to operate, but it is unlikely that new mines will open since much
richer mines exist in other parts of the world; with there being very rich reserves
in China and Canada. In Kigezi the wolfram deposits are located in difficult hill
country, have a thick soil over-burden, and are in areas with heavy cultivation
or forest cover. The U.D.C. have examined Kirwa mine but there seems little
or no prospect of increasing the scale of operations.

Diamonds have been found in the Buhwezu area of Ankole.26 The first
recorded diamond was found in a search for gold in 1938 at Kibale, northwest
of Marangaro, by H. M. Syndicate and Kenya-Uganda Minerals Ltd. The
diamond was J carat in weight and was in gravels. In 1939 a few small diamonds
were found in gold alluvials of the Nyabikurungu valley just west of Butale.
Work carried out from June, 1955 to January, 1957 by Consolidated of African
Selection Trust27 (a company whose main interest are diamonds in West Africa)
did not show any Kimberlite, the source rock of diamonds, and the company
came to the conclusion that no economic deposits existed. They found one dia-
mond of .og carat weight. The source of the diamonds has not been established.
They may have been derived from the quartzite rocks in this area or possibly
from volcanic craters. It has been suggested that certain of the salt lakes of the
Katwe area could overly Kimberlite type pipes. In Tanzania a considerable
number of Kimberlite pipes are known but many are unmineralized or un-
economic to work so that the discovery of economic diamond deposits in Uganda

would seem somewhat remote. A diamond company is at present prospecting
in northeast Uganda.
The mineral beryl is a source of beryllium, a metal. The metal is used in
copper alloys and for certain nuclear applications and more recently in space
application. Beryl occurs in columnar crystals with hexagonal sections, some
crystals weighing as much as a ton have been found. Emerald & beryl have the
same composition. The initial discovery by A.D. Combe in 1922 was in coarse
granites near Chihungye hot springs on the Kigezi-Ankole border, but most
commercial production is from pegmatite bodies. These are irregular, generally
lenticular, bodies of coarse-grained quartz, felspar and mica. Very often ores
of tantalite, columbite and lithium are associated with beryl. Beryl varies in
colour, green, blue, white and yellow are common. If nicely coloured and in
good crystals the mineral is easily recognized, otherwise recognition is.very
difficult. All beryl is recovered from the mines by hand-picking and African
workers show a remarkable ability to recognize it even when stained and broken.
As well as occurring in pegmatites, beryl occurs in a few tin bearing veins in
Ankole. The content in some mine dumps at Mwirasandu is surprisingly high,
but is too fine to be recovered by hand-picking.
Most of the beryl mined has been won from Kigezi and Ankole, but some
has come from Buganda and occurrences are known in Karamoja. The maxi-
mum export of I,o63 tons was obtained in 1962 which represented I 1% of the
world production. Production had begun as early as 1944 in a very small way.
One of the most prolific producers has been the Bulema mine near Kanungu
in Kigezi which also produces an unusual mineral, microlite (a high grade ore of
From investigations carried out by the U.K. Atomic Energy Authority28
reserves of up to 90,000 tons beryl are known to exist in Kigezi and Ankole.
The largest is at Ishasha beryl mine, eight miles west of Kanungu. Since
deposits are so widespread and plentiful it is believed that Uganda's production
could be considerably expanded beyond I,ooo tons a year, given a price of
about 120 a ton which prevailed in 1962. In recent years prices have been
generally sub-economic, but the deposits are well suited to small scale workers
whose capital and resources are limited. Mining of the beryl pegmatites at or
near the surface, requiring little or no water, and needing no concentration
machinery and little labour can be done easily. Hence some beryl is pro-
duced even when prices are low. Prices have varied from 20 per ton in 1944
to 203 in 1943 and 85 per ton in 1965; but prices have not been the sole
controlling factor in production, as in the earlier years recognition of this
mineral in the field was difficult.

Phosphates and fertilisers
Potentially the most valuable mineral assets of Uganda lie in the ancient
ring carbonatite volcanic cores of Sukulu and Bukusu in south Bukedi and
south Bugisu respectively.29 The minerals found here are apatite (calcium
phosphate), magnetite (iron ore), limestone, pyrochlore (an ore of niobium),
zircon, baddeleyite, barytes and vermiculite (a mica). Of these the most import-
ant currently are the limestones and apatite.
The larger of these volcanic cores and the first to be worked for its apatite is
Bukusu, with a diameter of five miles. The part known as Busumbu has been

worked since about 1939 with the phosphate being railed to Turbo in Kenya for
calcination with Magadi soda to produce a soda phosphate fertilizer. It has
also been used directly on soils in Uganda after preliminary grinding to reduce
the rock to a very fine powder, but due to its low citric-solubility it is valuable in
this way only for long term application. Reserves at Busumbu have been esti-
mated at 50 million tons but the material is not suitable for conversion to a
super-phosphate by the sulphuric acid process due to a high alumina and iron
content. Production at Busumbu has now ceased.
The Sukulu deposit lies southwest of Tororo.30 Here there are reserves
estimated at 202-million tons of soil in three valleys. The soil is estimated to
contain 30% apatite (13% P2 OS.) Exports of rawapatite from thesereserves
have been considered but the long rail haul renders this uneconomic. Instead the
manufacture ofsuperphosphates on the spot has been realized by the importation
of sulphur and the local manufacture of sulphuric acid required for the con-
version process. In future it may be possible to use sulphur from pyrites at present
discarded at Kilembe to replace the imported sulphur.
Phosphates also occur at the smaller carbonatite centre at Tororo. The
volcanic area of Bufumbira in south Kigezi contains leucite, which in Italy and
elsewhere has been used as a source of potassium salts for certain fertilisers.
Thus it is evident that Uganda has adequate reserves to sustain a fertilizer
industry, and this is being developed on a large scale. Tororo Industrial Chem-
icals and Fertilisers Ltd produced 23,849 tons of single superphosphate in
1965, and this is expected to increase to 35,000 tons in the near future. At
present most is exported to Kenya, but Uganda is a large potential market
itself. Exports are valued at over C250,ooo a year. By the Kampala Agreement
the phosphate industry was allocated to Uganda, and Tororo Industrial and
Chemical and Fertilisers Ltd plan to expand production to o00,000 tons per
Although commonly regarded as a rock or stone, for the purposes of the
Uganda mining laws limestone is considered a mineral. Limestone occurs in
the Sukulu and Tororo hills with reserves of 27 million tons; at Hima, ten miles
northeast of Kasese with 23 million tons in reserve; at Muhokya, six miles
miles southwest of Kasese (j million tons) and at the Dura river sixteen miles
east of Kasese (2 million tons).31 The first of these deposits are carbonatities of
volcanic origin, whereas the others are secondary; that is to say they are
derived from lime leached from calcareous volcanic tuffs and from springs
carrying calcium. Marble, a metamorphosed limestone occurs in Karamoja
and could be used as a decorative building stone, as also could the Dura river
limestone, where a variety, satin-spar, is not uncommon.
The earliest known use of the limestone was by the Public Works Department,
but large scale commercial use did not really get underway until the con-
struction of the cement works at Tororo in 1953. The presence of phosphates and
iron oxides at Tororo present difficulties and from 1956-1958 Dura river
limestone was added but this was found to contain too much iron. In 1965 the
Uganda Cement Industries Ltd quarried 194,285 tons of limestone of which
160,513 tons were for cement; 18,816 for the manufacture of lime; and 14,956
tons for road and building aggregate. Thus after Kilembe, the U.C.I. is Ugan-
da's largest mining operator. The U.C.I. is currently planning to set up a
second cement plant at Kasese. Local limestone would be trucked or railed to

the factory. Drilling operations have already been carried out to find suitable
limestones deposits.
The first recorded discovery of copper in Uganda was by the Duke of
Abruzzi's Ruwenzori expedition32 in 19o6 when copper was found on the high
peaks of Mts. Stanley and Baker. There Professor A. Rocatti found copper with
twenty other minerals. E. J. Wayland later found evidences in the general area
of Kilembe, but the main deposit at Kilembe was not discovered until 1927 by
D. Magee who worked for Tanganyika Concession Ltd. This company had a
prospecting licence over 9,360 square miles in 1926. Trenching was commenced
on the north side of Nyalusige stream; a further deposit was found on the south
side in 1928 and underground exploration commenced. Surface and under-
ground exploration continued till 1933 with a license then over only 200
square miles. Ore reserves in 1934 were estimated at 1,ooo,ooo tons, with a
copper content of 45,000 tons. As already seen, little work was done in the late
193os but it should be noted that the area was then still very isolated. The road
from Mbarara to Fort Portal, for instance had only been built in 1932. With
the advent of low copper prices and the war in 1939 the company abandoned
work in the area. Subsequently an area of 155 square miles around Kilembe was
closed by the government to keep the deposit an entity until a major mining
company could be found to develop the deposit.
Interest was revived in 1942 by Mr. Alderson, a Canadian, who had devel-
oped the Macalder copper and gold mine in Kenya. Mr. Alderson managed
to interest Frobisher Ltd, a large Canadian base metal mining company, and
they were subsequently joined by Rio Tinto Ltd, a British Company. Prelimin-
ary investigations were carried out in 1946 and 1947. It was decided that the
deposit warranted exploration, and diamond drilling was started inmid 1948,
Underground work started in 1949 and continued to 1951 when over 10,5oo,ooo
tons of proved and probable ore had been discovered with an additional
4,000,000 tons of possible ore with an overall grade of 2% copper.
It was recommended in December 1951 that the railway be extended from
Mityana to Kasese (the extension Kampala-Mityana having been previously
approved) and in early 1953 the Legislative Council approved the recommen-
dation. Plans were formulated to build a power line from Jinja so that the
copper could be smelted at Kilembe. By 1952 the estimated cost of the copper
development scheme rose to 8,ooo,ooo and Rio Tinto withdrew. A cheaper
scheme involving smelting at Jinja was drawn up in conjunction with the
U.D.C. and the C.D.C. and mine construction commenced in 1954, aimed at
producing 7,500 tons of copper and 800,00o lbs. of cobalt per year. Production
of copper commenced by the end of 1956. Subsequently the Frobisher interests
were taken over by Falconbridge Nickel Mines Ltd of Canada who now own
just over 75% of the Kilembe company.
By 1956 the price of cobalt became uneconomic and the copper production
had to be expanded to make up the deficit. This has enabled the copper pro-
duction to rise to 18,00o tons in 1964. Since 1946 the total capital expenditure
has been nearly 11,ooo,ooo. From the start of production till the end of I963
the company received 229 per ton of copper, which was about the price on
the London Metal Exchange. Profits during this period were meagre, but by
1965 the price rose to 522 per ton. Loans were paid off in 1964 and substantial
profits were paid to shareholders in 1965. The cost per ton ofcopper produced at

Kilembe (1965) was 173, to which must be added 44 ocean freight and re-
fining charges and 26 royalties, to raise the price delivered to buyers to 243,
which would compare with an average of 224 for Zambian copper. There is
now a 40% Uganda tax upon copper sold in excess of 4oo per ton.
The mine is now firmly established and the only point causing anxiety is
the failure to prove further large reserves. Ore reserves at the end of 1965 were
6,500oo,ooo tons of grade 2% copper, sufficient for only 6 or 7 years working.
Ore already mined has totalled 7,600,000 tons. Extensive prospecting has been
carried out in Uganda and although new deposits have not been found so far,
the chances of a new discovery in the belt of Toro rocks through Toro, Bunyoro
and Buganda appear reasonable.
The labour force at Kilembe in 1965 numbered over 4,500 and a further
350 are employed at the Jinja smelter. It is evident that Kilembe is of great
value to the economy of the country, but the history of the depositshows very
clearly the high risk involved in bringing a low grade mine into production in
an isolated area. The establishment of the mine has depended upon many far-
sighted people who have promoted investment in the area and by the govern-
ment's willingness to forego taxes and royalties until such time as the pro-
sperity of the mine was assured.

Other Minerals
Lead has been mined at Kitaka mine in Toro, near the Ankole border.
It contains 3-5 ounces of silver per ton of ore. Production reached a peak of 200
tons of galena in 1959, but nothing has been sold since.
Tantalite and Columbite have been mined on a small scale in southwest
Uganda and Buganda, often in association with beryl.
P)rochlore (an ore of columbium) exists at Sukulu, and production will
doubtless take place, but at present world needs are met from the Oka car-
bonatite volcano in Quebec and other sources.
Bismuth has been mined in Kigezi: where it is associated with gold.33
Amblygonite (a source of lithium) has been produced from Ankole and Kigezi
Asbestos has been exploited in Karamoja on a very small scale and interest
has recently revived, but the asbestos is of a type known as anthophyllite and
is of only limited commercial use. At present the asbestos factory at Tororo
imports its material from Canada (earlier from Rhodesia) and from Kenya.
Probably a certain amount of local material could be used if it could be supplied
in an unweathered condition.
Mica has also been produced in small quantities in Karamoja. In the past
significant quantities were sold in 1944 and 1945 but almost nothing has been
sold since 1953.
Vermiculite is known to occur at Bukusu. This is a mica which exfoliates on
heating to a number of times its original size. Its chief use is as an insulator
and for lightweight plasters. An increasing world demand is evident and it
may be exploited in the near future.
Graphite deposits in Karamoja have been tested in the past and extensive
new deposits are still being investigated.
Various other minerals are known to occur in Uganda. Pyritic concentrates
accumulate at Kilembe at the rate of nearly 70,000 tons a year and may be
made to yield cobalt and sulphur at some future date.

Oil indications are found at numerous points around the shores of Lake
Albert from seepages on both the Congo and Uganda shores.34 The Geological
Survey has carried out gravity measurements which show a marked negative
anomaly over Lakes Albert and Edward. These observations have been taken
to indicate that the rift valley is here filled with sediments to a maximum thick-
ness of 6-8,000 feet.
The oil seepages around Lake Albert were known to the Banyoro long ago,
since Roscoe35 mentions that they used the oil in rainmaking ceremonies.
The first commercial interest in oil was taken by W. Brittlebank who obtained
an option over a small area around a seepage in 1913 and later took out a
licence for 625 square miles. In 1919 he tried to sell this back to the government for
2oo but was turned down. The option expired in 1922 with no work being
Various options were subsequently taken out, but no drilling was done until
1936 when the African and European Investment Co36 ofJohannesburg secured
a licence over 1384 square miles. (Later increased to 2,475 square miles).
At Waki, near Butiaba a hole was drilled to 4,008 feet, and although oil shale
were encountered there was no free oil. Other holes were drilled from Kibiro
to 2,245 feet and 870 feet but again without success. In 1947 the Geological
Survey drilled to 1,960 feet at the southwest end of the lake, but still no oil
was found and operations were suspended in 1951. In 1963 an American com-
pany entered into preliminary negotiations with the Uganda Government and
declared a willingness to spend 4,000,000 dollars searching for oil, but the
negotiations were unsuccessful.
As the sediments of the Lake Albert region occur over a length of I6o
miles it is evident that only a very small part has been tested. The area beneath
the lake has not been examined at all, and the deepest drilling has only gone to
4,000 feet whereas the maximum thickness of the sediments is 8,ooo feet.
It can be seen that the possibility of a commercial oil field in Uganda cannot
be ruled out entirely. The discovery of commercial oil would have an immense
impact on the economy as in 1965 petrol valued at 2,500,000 million was

I. Mwirasandu being worked by Kagera (U) Tinfields Ltd. and Kikagati by Ankole Tin-
fields Ltd. Tin was discovered at Muti, also in Ankole, by Tanganyika Concessions Ltd.
2. This company was a subsidiary of the Anglo-Persian Oil Co Ltd. It discontinued negotia-
tions in 1929.
3. The Naniankopo deposits were investigated by the Central African Exploration Co.,
a subsidiary of Dutch Billiton Co. which operated in Java. This company had acquired
concessions in outlying parts parts of Ankole from Kagera Tinfields, Ankole Tinfields and
Kargarotos-Ishmael and carried out an extensive search for alluvial tin deposits.
4. H. Boazman had been a member of the Uganda Survey Department 1903-1913 as had
A.H. Gee from 190go7-913.
5. The H. M. Syndicate consisted ofH. H. Hunter and M. Moses both well known figures
in Uganda. Hunter, an advocate, was known as the 'father of the Uganda Legislative
Council. Moses was a businessman who first entered Uganda Government service at
Masindi in I896 having walked from Mombasa.
6. This production from Budama was mainly from laterite and quartz veins and was worked
by the Tanani Gold Mining Syndicate Ltd. who transferred their titles later to the
Borderland Syndicate Ltd.
7. The U. K. Ministry of Supply had contracted to purchase wolfram from Uganda at a
guaranteed price of Shs. 250/- per unit for a five year period from 1952. By September


1957 when this contract ran out the open market price had fallen to Shs. 170/- at which
level it was uneconomic to produce in Uganda and the U.K. government did not renew
the agreement.
8. Baker, S. W. The Albert JNyanza, Vol. 2, i866, pp. 92-93.
9. Schweinfurth, G. (ed.) Emin Pasha in central Africa, 1888, pp. 74, 121-122, 141, 150, 172,
175-180 and 507-508.
10. Stanley, H. M. In darkest Africa, Vol. 2, 189o, pp. 311-316.
SI. Lugard, F. D. The rise four East African empire, 1893, Vol. p.432 and Vol. 2, pp. 167-169,
184-223, 257 and 271.
12. Mecklenberg, Duke of. In the heart of Africa, 1910, p. 192.
13. See Wayland, E. J. Katwe. Uganda J., x, 1934.
14. Koenig, T. A. Survey of salt lakes and salt winning methods. E. A. Industrial Research Organi
station, 1945.
15. Worthington, S. and E. B. Inland waters of Africa, 1933, pp. 89, 9, 95, 225-231 and Baker,
S. J. K., Bunyoro, a regional appreciation, Uganda J., 8, 1954.
I6. Wainwright, G. A. The diffusion of-uma as a name for iron. Uganda J., 18, r954.
17. Kagwa, A. The customs of the Buganda, tr. 934, from Ekitabo kye Mpisa za Baganda.
18. Schweinfurth, G. op. cit. For traditional methods of iron smelting see also Birch, J. P.,
Madi blacksmith, Uganda J., 5, 1937, Trowell, M., Some royal craftsmen of Buganda,
Uganda J., 8, 194, pp. 48-51, and Johnston, H. H. The Uganda Protectorate, Vol. 2, 1904,
P. 745-
19. Annual report of the Uganda Geological Survey, 1920, pp. 54-61.
20. John Miles and Partners Ltd., Report on the possibility of the establishment of an iron and steel
industry in Uganda, 1950, and Supplementary report, 1951.
21. Meal, P. F. An investigation of the remaining values and reserves of Mwlrasandu mine, 1958,
Geological Survey, unpublished Report.
22. See Combe, A. D., The geology ofsouthwest Ankole, Geological Survey, 1932 part 3, Economic
geology and Stheeman H. A. The geology of southwest Uganda, The Hague, Nijhoff, 1932.
23. Reece, A. W., Explanation of the geology of Sheet 76, (Buhwezu), 1961, Geological Survey,
Survey, pp. 63-67.
24. Combe, A. D., The volcanic area of Bufumbira, Geological Survey, 1933.
25. Hall, C. H. Proposed draft of a final report on the wolfram industry of Uganda, 196o,
(Prepared for the I.C.A., Washington), and Report of a committee of enquiry into the
wolfram industry, 1963, (Uganda Government, unpublished).
26. Reece, A. W., op.cit. p. 66.
27. Lyall, G. Uganda investigations, 1956-7, Private report for Consolidated African Selec-
tion Trust Ltd.
28. U.K., Atomic Energy Authority. Reports on various mines by R. W. R. Rutland (1958)
D. A. Morgan (1959), G. C. Wade (g96o).J. Lister (1960, 61) M.J. Gallagher (1959, 60).
See also International Atomic Energy Agency, Report of the preliminary assistance mission
to Uganda, Vienna, 1962.
29. Davies, K. A. The geology ofpart of southeast Uganda, Geological Survey, 1956, and Davies,
K. A. The phosphate deposits of eastern Uganda, Commonwealth Bureau of Soil Science, 1949,
(Technical Communication, no. 46).
30. Dyson, W. H. The superphosphate industry in Uganda, Chemistry in Britain, 1965.
31. Barnes,J. W. The limestones of the Lake George region. Records of the Geological Survey,
32. Fillipi, F. de Rwenzori, 1go8, with a summary of geology, petrographic and mineralogical
observations, by A. Rocatti, pp. 381-394.
33. Pargetter, R. C. Bismuth in Uganda. Records of the Geological Survey, 1951-2,.
34. Wayland, E. J. Petroleum in Uganda, Geological Survey, 1925. Harris, Palister and Brown
Oil in Uganda Geological Survey 1956.
35. Roscoe,J. TheBanyoro, 192, p.
36. Penny, F. W. Miscellaneous private reports 1938-1940 for the African and European
Eupean Investment Co. Ltd.
37. A particularly complete survey of the mineral resources of Uganda is given inJ. W. Barnes,
The mineral resources of Uganda, Geological Survey, 1961.

Uganda Journal, 3x, I (1967), 63-71



Wayland's brief mention of the Teuso, in his article on the tribes of northern
Karamoja, describes them as mountain hunters. Dr. Gulliver, while engaged
on work among the Turkana, came across them and reported them as having a
few fields at the foot of the escarpment, but as still being primarily hunters.
More recently still Elizabeth Marshall, while living among the Bodos, reported
on the Tueso as still being hunters; though in addition to their agricultural
activities, as a side-line, she reported their role as spies, working in this way to
facilitate raids between the Turkana and Dodos. It was, then, in the expectation
of finding a group of hunters that I set out for northern Karamoja in 1965,
little over thirty years after Wayland's report, barely two years after Elizabeth
Marshall Thomas was living among the neighboring Dodos. At the moment of
writing I have only just returned from the field, and as yet do not have access to
my field notes. None the less it seems an appropriate moment to bring our know-
ledge of the Teuso up to date, and to take note of the changes that have taken
place since Wayland first came across them thirty-five years ago.l
The first thing should be to clear up the question of tribal name, for Teuso
is only the name applied to their neighbours by the Dodos, from whom the
term has spread and gained wider usage. The people refer to themselves as Ik
They speak a language that is quite definitely not Sudanic, as previously
tentatively classified. Professor Tucker believes it to be closer to Cushitic, though
some may see similarities with Khoisan languages. In both grammar and
vocabulary there are similarities with Tepes, though the Ik form seems earlier.
The vocabulary draws widely from the languages of all the neighboring tribes,
and many of the words in Wayland's word list are in fact not Ik at all. It is
not always easy to discern which are foreign introductions, though the Ik
habitually prefix most Karimojong nouns with the syllable nia-. This also
helps to identify fauna and flora with which the Ik are not traditionally familiar,
so giving a clearer picture of their original habitat than can be had by observing
them as they are today, confined to the northeastern corer of Uganda.
The Ik regard all the neighboring pastoral tribes with some contempt, but
feel a kindred spirit to exist between themselves and the Napore and Niangea,
to the west, and the Tepes to the south, referring to all, like themselves, as
kwarikik, or "mountain people." Their concept of themselves as a mountain
people is vital to their sense of identity, and is today one of the few factors that
hold them together as a tribe, for economic pressures threaten to shatter what
little is left of Ik tribal organization. At the same time, however, it is the Ik
attachment to their mountains that prevents the administration from re-
locating them, as they would like to, in an area where their farming activities
can reap a richer reward and where, at the same time, there will be neither need
nor opportunity for them to intrigue and instigate tribal raids between the
pastoral peoples.

The Ik number about 13oo as far as I can tell at the moment, and are
divided among a dozen or so villages strung out along the escarpment above
Turkanaland, northwards from Kaabong, and over to the slopes of Mount
Morungole, overlooking the northeastern corner of the Kidepo National Park.
The number of villages fluctuates, however, having been fourteen at the begin-
ning of my work in 1965, dropping to nine, and then rising to twelve by the end
of 1966. It is customary for a village to last about two years, after which it is
abandoned partly because of the activity of termites, and partly because in
any case the Ik have to move fairly frequently so as to be close to their fields,
which cover wide areas and are likewise only farmed for two years or so at a time,
then being allowed to lie fallow for about four years.
The fact is that at the moment the Ik must be considered more as cultivators
than hunters, though in famine years, which seem to occur about one year in
every four, they revert to hunting and gathering. Hunting is outlawed in the
Kidepo Park, and the Ik are also forbidden to venture into Kenya or Sudan,
which both enclose parts of the territory they traditionally hunted. Hunting,
then, is restricted to what they can safely do, illegally, and a small amount in
areas that are not prohibited to them. Gathering, however, remains as an
important source of food. In good years it helps tide over the period when the
granaries are running low and the crops are not yet ripe for picking, and in bad
years the gathering of wild fruits, roots and vegetables is the major protection
the Ik have from death by starvation. At such times they supplement their
gathering activities by acting as spies for neighboring tribes, and also by making
spear blades for them, being paid in meat, milk and blood. Smithing has become a
thriving business for the Ik since the administration has taken to confiscating
and forbidding the carrying of spears among the Karimojong.
The villages of the Ik take their names from some natural feature in the
locality: a river, hill, or tree, or from some characteristic such as being "in the
clouds." Villages do not correspond to clan groupings, even the smallest tends
to be bilateral in composition. The village headman is neither elected nor
appointed, he merely assumes the role of arbitrator and spokesman due to his
own prominence and ability. As his interest or ability wane, another gradually
supercedes him. No status accompanies the position, no privileges, and no
specific responsibility. The usual comment about a headman, as to why he is
headman, is that "he likes talking." The headman is technically responsible
to the Mkungu, or Chief of the Ik, an office held and relinquished in much the
same way. The Mkungu, however, has more definite responsibilities, being
answerable to the local administration for all matters pertaining to the Ik.
None the less, his authority among the Ik is absolutely nil, his influence is mini-
mal and only extends so far as the Ik can see any advantage to be gained for
themselves from it. In Ik eyes the Mkungu, no more than the village headman,
deserves no special respect and is accorded no special status by virtue of his
The organizational nature of the village can be discerned most immediately
and vividly through an awareness of its physical nature. Here one can imme-
diately detect a radical change from the days of Wayland; even the house-
type having changed to something much closer to the Karimojong style of
house than to the Ndorobo grass beehive-hut. I only found one village of the old
kind, and it was an illegal village of run-aways who defied the local authority
and left the Morungole region, crossing over to the border of the Sudan, near
Mount Zulia. There they built an extremely inaccessible village in a hidden

valley where they could hunt and gather at will. However, for the moment we
are more concerned with the present-day village, to which this one traditional
example was the sole exception.2
Each village tends to be situated on or near a high prominence from which
clear views can be had of the approaches and of the valleys far below. This is
important to the Ik not only for defence, but perhaps even more for increasing
their efficiency as spies. Not to be dismissed, however, is the fact that the Ik
seem simply to like heights and distant views, and to derive a real emotional
satisfaction from their mountain habitat, becoming morose or truculent when
in the foothills or the plains for any length of time. Unlike the traditional village,
which was pretty open and undivided, internally, the present-day Ik village is
almost as heavily stockaded internally, if not more so, than it is on the outside.
The extent of the outer stockade depends largely on the circumstance of the
moment. If that particular village possesses any cattle it will automatically,
itself, be subject to raids, and must consequently defend itself heavily, enclosing
both village and boma within a heavy wooden stockade up to eight feet in
height. When a village is being built, large piles of thorn bush are dragged
around the village to afford the minimal protection required against marauding
leopards or hyena, but as soon as possible a more efficient outer stockade will
be erected. Before this is done, however, it is more likely that each family will
see to its own internal defences. A nuclear family builds its compound co-
operatively, with no specific division of labour except that generally women
cut the grass and men do the thatching. It is not uncommon, however, to see
a man and wife working together on the thatch or, indeed, on any other part
of the house during its construction. This does not, unhappily, reflect any dis-
tinctive pattern of conjugal harmony, but rather a recognition of the practical
necessity for co-operation, on occasions. The earlier hunting economy of the Ik
must have demanded much closer co-operation, and something of its nature is
discernible in the bilateral village composition. Today, however, circumstances
are driving the Ik more and more to act as individuals, to the extent that the
village as a social unit has virtually ceased to exist; it is merely a collection of
nuclear families who have fields in the vicinity and who feel a need to come
together at night for purposes of defence.
Even while the house is going up, the family builds the stockade that will
surround the compound. Roughly circular, there may be a screen dividing the
compound in two, the house being in one section, the granary in another.
The houses are circular reed walls rising only two or three feet from the ground,
surmounted by a conical roof thatched with grass, resting on a number of
forked roof poles built into the walls. More rarely the Ik build as the Napore do,
resting the roof on a ring of roof poles that lies outside the walls, and rises
higher, so that the roof clears the top of the wall by eight inches or so, making it
much easier to prevent termite damage and also allowing for better ventilation
and light. None of these are considerations, though, that much bother the Ik
and they are content with their small dark huts that quickly become infested
with termites and cockroaches, just as their sleeping skins become infested with
lice. The Ik are much more concerned about securing privacy within the family
compound, and the surrounding stockade is frequently tight enough to prevent
easy vision, and it is always stout enough to discourage intruders. The internal
stockades may be six or seven feet high, and the one entrance door into each
compound can be as low as two feet so that access can only be had with diffi-
culty, giving plenty of time for those inside the compound to despatch their

visitor if he is unwelcome. Sometimes particularly anti-social Ik build a double
stockade resulting in a corridor leading to their compound through two gates.
The floor of the corridor is strewn with dried leaves and branches, acting as an
effective alarm. An intruder trapped in such a corridor would have no chance
of escape. First, however, he would have to pentrate the outer defences, and
each outer stockade may have only three or four low gates, sometimes only one
or two, and these likewise are sometimes booby-trapped. On passing through an
outer gate one is in an ambulatory that may run all the way around the village,
with or without dividing walls, or may in places join the compound stockades
so that in order to gain admission to the next section of the village one has to go
outside and enter by another gate. The rather surprising thing is that there is no
centre to an Ik village. From the ambulatory one merely has the choice of
entering any single private compound; there is no central point or meeting place
inside the village. Indeed there is no point in having one, for the Ik village has
become a place where the Ik merely sleep and store their grain, and perform a
minimum amount of cooking and food preparation.
Outside each village there are usually one or two sitting places, sometimes
one for the men and one for the women, where people like to sit and while
away the time in discussion, or doze in the hot sun, and where the men in
particular do a number of their chores such as making stools and neckrests,
fashioning knives and spears, bows and arrows. It is here that the rare com-
munal feasts take place. If there is a centre to village life it is here, and, typical
of the Ik, it is decidedly off-centre.
At these sitting places, or di, Ik from different villages meet. It is most ex-
ceptional for anyone, even from the same village, to visit the compound of
another, though when an opportunity presents itself as many people as possible
will crowd into someone's sanctuary to satisfy their curiosity. When a little
wicker door is lowered over the gate, however, it is a sign that whether anyone
is at home or not, visitors are more unwelcome than usual, and the desire for
privacy is generally respected. The di is where people meet, at random or by
assignment, whether they be from the same village or villages several days'
walk apart. Yet it is not the place for settling disputes. When a dispute arises
within a village, each disputant will appear at his compound gate in the early
morning or late evening, and hurl accusations at each other, for all to hear.
It is at times like this that the headman may intervene, coming to his own gate
and adding his own comments. If villages are within earshot, then inter-village
disputes are aired in the same way. If not, the offended party will visit the other's
village, staying with a friend there and shouting his case from his friend's gate.
There is no recognized means for settling any disputes other than by mutual
reconciliation. Some disputes smoulder on for months, and it is under such
circumstances that the ambulatory around a village may become barricaded to
prevent access from one section to the other. Inner stockades may also be streng-
thened, more as a gesture than out of any necessity. The Ik village becomes even
more like a fortress.
Despite the unfriendly appearance and structure of Ik villages, and the
obvious readiness of the Ik themselves for battle, the people are not in the least
aggressive or hostile towards neighboring tribes. There is, if anything, more
aggression within the tribe. Neighbours exist, as the Ik see it, to be used as a
supplementary source of food. The Ik legend of origin clearly forbids them to
fight and kill. It is remarkably similar to the Ndorobo3 legends telling how God
created the herders, letting cattle down from heaven by a rope and giving the

cattle, together with spears, to one group of people, while to the others he
gave no cattle and no spears, only the digging stick and the injunction never to
True to the injuctions of God (Didigwari), the Ik claim that from that day
onwards they have hunted and gathered and have never fought and killed,
until recent events have compelled them to take up agriculture. It is quite
plain, however, that although agriculture in its strict sense is a recent in-
novation, the Ik have for a long time practiced an advanced form ofvegeculture,
and this practice serves them in particularly good stead these days when their
economy is at its most marginal. Ik knowledge of the local flora, particularly
on Morungole, is not exhaustive and this and other factors indicate that the
original home of the Ik stretched much further afield, and that Morungole
was only at one extreme.
Gathering is done largely but not exculsively by the women, who set out
in small groups if they have to go far afield, otherwise individually. If in groups
they are usually accompanied by one of the older men for protection against
wild animals. On such expeditions, which often last for several days or a week,
the women will transplant wild plants from one region to another, and will take
care not to exhaust any given area. Men may do the same thing on their hunting
trips, which are always exclusively male; women only join the men on a hunt
in order to carry meat, if there is much of it, back to the .*illage. Formerly,
camps of grass huts were built as the necessities of the hunting-and-gathering
economy dictated; today the more permanent villages and the severe restrictions
on hunting have meant that the women are in effect totally excluded, even from
the spoils of the hunt. Men set off in parties of from five to ten, and may be
away for anything from a day at a time to several weeks. In nearly all instances
the game killed is eaten away from the village, in hidden valleys where the ever
watchful game wardens will not be able to spot a tell-tale whisp of smoke. If
meat is brought back to the village at all, for trade, it is done under cover of
darkness and men will even try to conceal it from their wives. The net hunt,
.vhich seems to be modelled after the Acholi style of hunt, has been abandoned
as being too conspicuous, and the Ik have reverted to what must be the earlier
method in which a half dozen men or so round up some game and drive it
towards a narrow gorge in which others are waiting to make the kill with spears.
Bows and arrows unpoisonedd) are used mainly for birds and arboreal animals.
The quivers are fixed to sticks with iron points that can be driven into the ground
so that the quiver stands ready for instant use.
Undoutedly their former hunting pattern required migration over a very much
larger tract of land than the Ik now occupy, stretching well into both the Sudan
and Kenya. Administrative problems have forced the Ik into a tiny corner of
what they consider as "their territory and with the establishment of the Kidepo
Valley as a national park hunting and gathering ceased to be adequate for
anything more than an emergency and supplementary economy. The Ik
became vigorous and enthusiastic farmers. Their very vigour and enthusiasm,
would seem to indicate that they have known some form of cultivation for a
considerable time, certainly antedating administrative efforts to introduce
agriculture in the region.
The Ik plant the most precipitous hillsides, largely those facing east or west,
since in this way they can secure the maximum degree of shade for their crops
which inevitably suffer from both lack of water and an excessive strong sunlight.

They plant a wide variety of crops including both bullrush and finger millet,
sorghum, corn, and pumpkins. Each man will certainly have more than one
field; two per wife seems to be an average. These are strategically and widely
placed so as to have a chance of success in one field if not another. Some of the
fields slope to an extent of seventy degrees; others are nearly flat. Some are up
in the heights of the mountain range, and the same man with a field there may
have another down in Kidepo Valley (illegal), or below the escarpment in
Turkanaland (also illegal). If all goes well the planting is done in February/
March, and the harvest begins in June and continues until November.
Even in the best of years it appears that the returns are barely sufficient,
and the Ik habitually rely on various other forms of food-getting. Primarily
they do this by living as parasites on the neighboring herding tribes, whom they
regard with a certain amount of contempt, as a regrettable necessity. They
unhesitatingly accept the inferior role and status accorded them by the herders,
and from this vantage point proceed to "eat" their hosts. The services they
perform in return for food are minimal, but the herders consider the Ik as
particularly skilled in two fields-witchcraft and iron-working, and pay highly
for service in either of these capacities. The Ik go further and make good use of
the fact they have similar relations with a number of different herding tribes,
most of whom are antagonistic to each other.
In time of drought, when the Ik are at starvation level, the herders are also
in desperate straits, though not to the same extent. Cattle die, and the great
need is to replenish the dwindling herd, something most simply done by raiding.
The Ik, in such times, do a lively business as spies and guides, organizing raids
for their divers patrons, frequently doing a double deal by selling information
concerning the raid to the proposed victims. The tribes involved are primarily
the Dodos, Turkana, andJie; the Didinga and Topos. The raids lead to killings,
and create ugly incidents that in a sense are international, involving Kenya and
Sudan as well as Uganda. The Ik, then, are very much an administrative head-
ache, for as far as they are concerned this is merely a part of their economy,
without which even more of them would starve, as some do, to death. Yet they
reject any attempt on the part of the administration to coax them away from
their mountain refuge to an area where their farming might meet with more
success and where, at the same time, they would be less able to intrigue.
Any study of the Ik today is a study of a society under the severest stress,
and that is its value. It probably has little bearing on the traditional structure of
Ik society, though there are indications that their economy has been marginal
for some time. The degree of social disintegration under present circumstances
is quite exceptional. Even the nuclear family ceases to have much validity as a
a social unit, and only exists as a corporate group for purposes of shelter. From
the age of three onwards, children are expected to get their own food, and if
they do not, when times are hard, they are simply left to die. The same applies
to old people, who are considered to have no use, being unable to produce either
food or children. While there is death by starvation or thirst at each extreme,
the centre, the breeding group, remains relatively healthy and even, at times,
plump. There is no thought that there is any obligation even within the family,
and a husky youth, if he has any sense, snatches food from the hands of his
aged father whenever he gets the chance. Older people, most of whom died during
my last few months among the Ik, told me that they remembered that as children
they had always been able to expect food from their parents, but they were not
so sure that they had ever reciprocated. Most of them seemed inclined to accept

that the natural thing is to let old people die if they can no longer take care of
themselves. "That is their concern" is the comment from both old and young,
and an old man or woman who has a morsel of food snatched away will show no
resentment, only a mild frustration.
Early each morning the village, in a sense, explodes. Families that have
gathered together in the same compounds for the night break up. every in-
dividual going his own way. If there is work to be done in the fields, since a
nuclear family is likely to possess anything from two to six or even eight fields,
the family in any case becomes dispersed. Children generally are left to keep
guard against birds and animals, and scavenge for their own food as they do so,
not infrequently abandoning the fields for many hours at a time. A husband and
wife may work together in the same field, but as often as not they are apart,
and again each adult scavenges for his own food. As crops ripen, vigilance has
to be increased to prevent the field itself from becoming a source of food to
neighboring scavengers. But this means, if anything, an even more rigid dis-
persal of individual elements of the family. During harvest time younger children
help their mothers; older children, particularly but not exclusively boys, help
their fathers. At a time such as this, or whenever food is available, it may become
difficult to stem the flow of suddenly willing help, and from a period of total
non-cooperation Ik society moves into a brief flurry of excessive mutual aid.
It is not unusual to see three men tying a single knot, or two or three women
grinding meal at a single grindstone. There seems to be no mechanism for refus-
ing help, other than by not having any obvious excess of food, and quarrels
frequently arise because someone who has been helped, against his vehemently
stated will, refuses to feed his helper.
For only six months of very good year is there any substantial need for co-
operation, and even then it is minimal and confined to the nuclear family
level. Poor years reduce still further the demands on sociability, and in bad
years each individual is entirely on his own from the age of three ownards
The physical village is, at best, a symbol of social unity, and it is the only sym-
bol, all that stands between the Ik and total disintegration. This is true now
following two years of drought and famine, and although were their economy to
recover in some miraculous manner, by re-location or other means, some of the
old social values might regain strength, there is bound to be a degree ofper-
manent loss.
In the direst extremes, during the latter half of 1966, when old and young
were dying, any pretence at possessing social values of any kind disappeared.
The will to individual survival was paramount, resulting in some youths be-
coming positively plump while their parents and children wasted away and
died. The famine relief provided by the government for every individual simply
never got to the weaker half of the population. Even when fed to excess at this
time, the youths would force themselves to continue eating their entire family's
ration until it was all gone, rather than share it. The only possible way in which
the food could have been properly distributed would have been by the establish-
ment of communal kitchens, at which each individual would have been fed,
and watched while he ate, to see that his food was not taken from his mouth.
With the Ik located as they are and refusing to move, the government could do
no more than it has done. The Ik recognized that there was further aid available
if they would agree to move closer to its source, but they preferred their own
survival tactics, allowing the "useless" portion of the population to die off by
refusing them food and water.

Social disintegration has gone to the limit, yet the Ik are still a society, and
not without their own peculiar form of organization. Whatever one may think
of the method, one has to admit that it has enabled them to survive. In fact,
the system seems so well established that this alone may be evidence for supposing
that present conditions are merely an aggravated form of conditions they have
been used to for a long time. My own suspicion is that Ik behaviour in good years
would be very different, and that many latent social values, disadvantageous
in bad years, would re-emerge. There is urgent need for such a study, for at the
present rate the Ik are not likely to survive much longer.


Al A- (another village) = Sleeps in daughters yard

Q b6 (Topos Tribe)

a6 0 Sigetla(l)
III Komokwa
S Sigetia(2)
i Niolega
4 Godukunj
v0 Granary

Village diagram
This village is typical of the smaller Ik villages. The eight houses represent
four different clans in the male line (counting the two divisions of Sigetia as
two separate clans, for inter-marriage is possible), and four different clans in
the female line, with the membership of two of the women unknown. When
questioned, women invariably give the clan membership of their husband, and
at times seem genuinely unable to recall their own patrilineally inherited clan
As will be seen, there is no access direct from any one compound to any
other, with the exception of the small children's gate that connects compounds
3 and 6, belonging to two sisters. However a dispute between the same com-
pounds led to the man and his wife, from compound 6, erecting a stockade across
from their own stockade to the outer stockade. This meant that adult visitations
could only be made by making the complete circuit of the corridor. The child-
ren's door remained open.
Occasionally in such villages doors will be made between friendly com-
pounds, providing direct access, but these do not necessarily follow kinship lines.
The numerical order represents the order in which the houses were erected;
it was nine days between the digging of the post-holes for number la and the
digging of the post-holes for number 7.
i. Prior to the study of the Ik by the present author the fullest account of these people had been
that of E. J. Wayland, Preliminary studies of the tribes of Karamoja, Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute 61, 1931, pp.z87-230, of which pp.212-2 8 concern the Ik. In this
account they are referred to as the Wanderobo, but there is no especial reason to associate
them with the Wanderobo of Kenya. Even in Wayland's time the Ik had some agricultural
interests for he refers to them as the main suppliers of tobacco in Karamoja, and to their
cultivation of some amounts of sim-sim, maize and millet. Shortly after Wayland, the Ik
were described in Seligman's Pagan tribes of the Nilotic Sudan, 1932, p.365, where there is a
single paragraph based upon information supplied from J. H. Driberg. This brief account
mainly concerns those in the Sudan, but reference is made to their presence in Uganda.
In Seligman the Ik are referred to as the Teuth, "short but not pygmy, rather light-skinned,
nomad hunters, very secretive and shy." Subsequently the Ik were described, as Teuso, in
P. and P. H. Gulliver, The central Nilo-Hamites, Ethnographic Survey of East Central Africa,
No.7, 1953, PP.97-99. This account is also critical in some respects of the observations of
Wayland. There are also some references to the Ik in E. M. Thomas' Warrior herdsmen,
1965, where they are called Teutho "the hunters and gatherers who lived in the woods"
p.2o (Eds.)
a. The traditional village is described in Wayland, op. cit. p.213, and he also gives an illustration
of an Ik hut. "The Wanderobo village (chewe).... has an inner and an outer stockade,
added to which every hut (ho, yakai)) within the village is itself stockaded......Within
the village the huts are grouped in twos or threes so as to communicate by means of a small
opening in the stockade through which one can only crawl, with a tiny compound in which
there are two or three cooking stones. Similar doorways, easily closed by means of a raft of
sticks tied together, lead from one compound to another. The whole effect is very much
that of a compact maze. The huts are very small, but some of them have two storeys, the
lower for habitation and the upper, which opens at the side, for storing grain and property;
they are built of grass, and in some cases the entrance has a little portico......a semi-
circular drain protects the village from run-off during the rains."
3. Some Ik know the term "Ndorobo," and know of people called "Wandorobo," and consider
them as an extension of the Ik. Such people, generally the older men, will claim that the Ik
themselves are "Wandorobo." Younger men, however, often have no such knowledge of
of groups of people calling themselves by this name, yet respond with readiness to a question
asking if they have heard of the "Ndorobo." They reply by restating the name, but as a ques-
tion, for ndo-rob in the Ik language means "which people?"; and the final "o" could be
taken as an ablative suffix meaning "from where?" The question thus phrased is taken by
those who do not know the use of the term as a tribal name to be somewhat akin to our
"Do you know what-you-may-call-it ?" And their reply, using the same word, is a way of
saying "who exactly do you mean?"

Uganda Journal, 31, 1, (1967) 73-88



This article is concerned with bringing to light a neglected feature of recent
Ugandan history, namely the changing role of Asian and European non-
officials as advisers to the Protectorate Government during the period 1945-52.
This neglect is surprising when the prominent position of the non-official
immigrant community in the decision-making processes of Government up to
1939 is recalled. It is true that there was little to suggest the extent of this
influence in the formal details of the constitutional documents of the time,
which merely confirmed that the Government of Uganda rested securely in the
hands of colonial service officials who monopolised the Executive Council
and held a majority of seats on the Legislative Council. In practice, however,
European and Asian immigrants played a far more positive role than their
numerical strength on certain advisory organs of Government suggest and this
is demonstrated by the appearance, between the two world wars, of a rough
and ready division of labour in the field of legislation which had come to
mark the relationship of officials and immigrants. Matters concerning native
administration fell exclusively within the competence of the Protectorate
Government; matters concerning trade and commerce were (usually) con-
sidered the special province of the immigrants. An intermediate range of
topics, including the provision of infrastructural features such as roads and
railways, gave rise to much bargaining, characteristically marked by an
absence of widespread publicity. In more specific terms, the power and in-
fluence of the immigrants made themselves felt in the following ways: through
organised pressure groups such as the Uganda Chamber of Commerce and the
Uganda Cotton Association and the powerful economic interests these as-
sociations represented; through nomination by Government onto boards
and committees covering the major aspects of economic and social activity;
through direct representation on the Legislative Council (the membership
being drawn exclusively from the major pressure groups); through the effective
use of the device of the Select Committee within the Council; and by utilizing
the opportunities of influence arising (after 1935) from membership of the
Standing Finance Committee.
These institutional arrangements, which provided for a close collaboration
between officials and non-officials, take on an added significance against the
background of Uganda's economic structure. In the cotton industry, the
mainspring of Uganda's economy, the free enterprise dynamism of the early
years had, by the late 'thirties, been superseded by cartel arrangements among
the cotton ginners; a process aided and abetted by the colonial administrators
whose attitudes at the time were hardly attuned to development. The result

led to economic apathy and the emergence of a hybrid system freed from the
innovating possibilities of competition and whose political aspects involved a
high degree of co-operation between the businessman and the administrator.
With the outbreak of war in 1939, the links between immigrants and ad-
ministrators were further strengthened as many non-officials were invited to
take on quasi-official posts to man the wartime machinery of inter-territorial
co-operation. The war years imposed considerable controls on the economy
and a bulk purchase scheme for cotton, introduced by the British Government,
removed the last remnant of the competitive system i.e. variations in the world
price. Thus, by the end of the war, Uganda had acquired all the attributes of
a rigidly controlled economy including fixed profits and prices. The im-
migrants looked forward to the dismantling of wartime regulations and a
return to the pre-war beliefs that economic development was the sole pre-
rogative of the private sector, that Government spending contained within
itself the seeds of profligacy, and that Government recurrent expenditure
should be kept under strict control. It was the familiar post-war cry of back to
Four important factors, however, prevented a return to pre-war conditions.
In the first place, the Colonial Development and Welfare Acts opened up the
prospect of overseas financial aid on a larger scale than earlier British schemes
and this, in turn, helped to create a more positive attitude among senior
colonial civil servants towards the kind of contributions that Government itself
could most sensibly make on the issue of implementing economic development.
Secondly, and as a supplementary boost to British funds, Uganda's surplus
balances almost doubled during the war years. Thirdly, with the appointment
of Sir John Hall (Governor, 1944-5 ) there was a clear realisation that economic
advance had top priority, which was itself a response to the widely held belief
that Uganda's most serious challenge was a rapidly expanding population.
Finally, with the election of the British Labour Government in 1945, the whole
focus of colonial policy was transformed by the prospect of eventual self-
government. Thus, the Protectorate Government was confronted by a situation
of unanticipated affluence which gave it a new-found freedom of manoeuvre
when policy decisions were being taken. In the immediate post-war years,
however, the trend of events was masked by a worldwide shortage of trained
specialist manpower and capital equipment which held back many projects.
These delays were at least partly responsible for leading the immigrants to
suppose that their previous ability to shift the direction of Government policy
would continue. The falsity of this assumption only gradually became apparent,
as the following four groups of examples will illustrate: socio-economic legis-
lation in the immediate post-war years (1946-59); co-operative legislation and
its connection with cotton interests and the 1949 riots (1946-49); the formation
and function of the Unofficial Members' Organisation (1949-52); and the
nature and significance of various committee changes within the Legislative
Council (1948-52). Other developments within the Protectorate which are
also relevant can only briefly be mentioned. These further themes include the
setting up of planning machinery; the structure, composition and purpose of
the public corporations (the Uganda Electricity Board, the Uganda Develop-
ment Corporation, etc.,); attitudes towards the establishment of the East
African High Commission; and the gradual emergence of African political

The following two tables will be of assistance as background material for
the subsequent narrative.

Composition of the Legislative Council 1945-52
Colonial Service Africans and Immigrants
Officials (All were nominated Unofficials)
1945-46 8 3 Africans 7
2 Europeans
2 Asians
1946-47 Io 3 Africans 9
3 Europeans
3 Asians
1947-48 1I 4 Africans 10
3 Europeans
3 Asians
1949-52 17 8 Africans 16
4 Europeans
4 Asians

Revenue, Expenditure, & Surplus Balances
Uganda 1945-52
Year Revenue Expenditure Surtlus Balance
'ooos 'ooos 'ooos
(1939) 1,718 1,26o 1,132
1945 3,366 3,199 2,078
1946 4,053 3,574 2,599
1947 5,331 4,474 3,413
1948 6,405 6,530 3,383
1949 8,094 6,687 4,694
1950 11,037 8,ooo 7,770
1951 14,735 12,895 9,617
1952 17,289 15,966 6,561*
*Reduced by transferring 5 million to U.D.C.

The Immigrants and Socio-Economic Legislation
The emphasis laid by Sir John Hall on economic development, the com-
mencement of schemes such as the hydro-electric plant at Jinja with its as-
sociated cement works at Tororo, and the surge forward in the building
industry were powerful factors in the creation of a larger labour force in urban
areas. These developments revealed the backwardness of existing labour and
industrial legislation as well as the urgent need for reform. In the absence of
organised political parties or a viable trade union movement, for even as late
as 1952 there were only four registered trade unions with a total membership
of 259, the Protectorate Government took on the somewhat unaccustomed role

of social reformer. Years of neglect had been compounded by the exigencies
of war and the prevailing seediness seemed to have gone deeper than the
deterioration of material assets. The Labour Department as such had been
abolished in 1931 as an economy measure; for twelve years its emasculated
functions were carried on by a small Inspectorate under the Chief Secretary,
until re-instituted in 1943. By 1945 the senior staff numbered four. The effect
of this abolition had been doubly unfortunate, for not only did general working
conditions worsen but little was done to redress the balance of the law which
was highly favourable to the employers. Industrial relations were embodied
in the 1913 Masters and Servants Ordinance (as amended) which included
penal sanctions applying to employees for neglect of duty, lack of diligence
and absence from work without valid reason. It may be noted that these
sanctions were temporarily suspended in 1943 to comply with International
Labour Convention No. 65 of 1939. In Uganda there was no adequate machin-
ery to check that employers satisfied minimum housing standards, or provided
medical attention, both of which had merely to be "proper", a term described
by the Labour Commissioner in 1946 as meaning anything or nothing. The
law was also vague on contracts, breaches of contract and the settlement of
In 1946 the rickety Master and Servants legislation was largely replaced
by a new Employment Ordinance which had already been the subject of anxious
scrutiny by employers over a period of eighteen months. The Ordinance
limited contracts to two years, tightened up the inspection of accommodation
and professional recruiting activities and, with two exceptions, endorsed the
abolition of penalties for breaches of contract. The immigrant employers
viewed the legislation as a dangerous interference with the laws of supply and
demand and in three important particulars succeeded in forcing concessions
from the Administration. The first was the continuance of the "ticket" system
whereby a worker contracted for 30 days' work to be completed in 42. The
Labour Commissioner, anxious to improve the "efficiency" of the work-force,
held that the system encouraged labour to divide its time between "casual
attendance at work and idleness and drinking."' Secondly, penal sanctions for
desertion and wilful damage were retained for five years, the employers praising
their deterrent effect. This provision met with the disapproval of the Secretary
of State and the sanctions were finally abolished by amendment in 1947.
Finally, immigrant employers succeeded in keeping a close check on the
extensive rule-making powers given to the Governor and, in four important
areas, delegated legislation had to be passed by resolution in the Legislative
Council rather than by simple executive action. The Administration made
this concession when the Bill was in Select Committee and the effect was to
soften the impact of the rules applying to housing, hospital, accommodation
and rations; these were now "made much easier" by giving discretionary
powers to the Labour Commissioner and the Director of Medical Services
to relax obligations in many cases.2
The alarm expressed by immigrant employers was premature, for the success
of the ordinance depended on an adequately staffed Labour Department a
condition that was met only in the 'fifties. By 1949 the Protectorate Govern-
ment was admitting that the ordinance "was generally in its conception a
trifle idealistic" which was a polite way of saying it was unworkable.3
For example, the housing provisions were completely ignored by employers;
they found it impossible to accommodate all employees receiving less than

Shs. I50/- a month who were unable to return to their own homes at night
or whose rented accommodation had been disapproved by a Labour De-
partment Officer. In 1950 the Government gave way and the employers'
obligation to provide housing was abolished in major urban areas while else-
where the monthly limit was lowered to Shs. 6o/-, "above which it is thought
the employee should be able to stand on his own feet".4 The immigrants
gained more from this affair than this last example suggests for Government
took on new responsibilities by building housing estates at Kampala and
Jinja for unskilled labour thus, in effect, providing a subsidy for employers.
A further socio-economic example illustrates the success of the immigrants
in modifying legislation under apparently adverse conditions. Occasionally
the Colonial Office would drop a magisterial hint that certain gaps in the
Statute Book needed filling. This practice led, in 1949, to the introduction of
Uganda's first Workmen's Compensation Ordinance. The Whitehall draft had been
modified in the light of Ugandan conditions before its introduction into the
legislature in accordance with the principle that the local colonial civil servant
knows better; the Select Committee procedure then in use gave opportunities
for the immigrants to show that they knew best.5 It was not the practice for
Europeans or Asians to spend much time discussing the principles of a Bill
and the prevailing tone was consequently drab and utilitarian-an interesting
form of discretionary politics. The aim of the immigrant Unofficials was to shunt
Bills as quickly as possible into a Select Committee. The Workmen's Compen-
sation Ordinance illustrates this process for the real issue was not the principle
of compensation but the extent of employers' liabilities; this was calculated
on the formula of 48 months' wages or Sh. 20,000ooo-, which ever was the smaller,
coupled with a percentage recompense scaled according to the seriousness of
the injury. Thus, the loss of two limbs qualified the injured party to xoo per
cent compensation, a thumb to Io per cent and, to quote the schedule, "loss
of toes, other than great, if more than one toe is lost each I per cent."
The comparative generosity of the payments must be viewed in the know-
ledge that at least 90 per cent of the labour force must have been earning
Sh. ioo/- or less at the time. Even so, it is not necessary to assume that all
employers shared the viewpoint of one who submitted evidence to the Select
Committee in which he suggested that compensation should not be set too
high otherwise "the African" might be tempted to hack off an exspendable
thumb and recoup the loss by buying a wife and setting himself up for a life
of idleness.6
The immigrants reacted in a similar way, to legislation in related fields such
as minimum wages (1949), the creation of conciliation and- arbitration pro-
cedures (1949), an amendment to the trade union ordinance to allow the
formation of sub-trade unions (1952) and a long overdue factories ordinance
(1952). In each case the employers and their spokesmen in Legislative Council
were able to secure significant concessions from Government. These successes
do not appear to support the idea propounded in this paper that the immigrants
were in retreat, but suggest rather that they were still able to deploy their
forces effectively. In fact, the ability to modify draft legislation represented a
smaller degree of influence than that exercised during the 'thirties when vig-
orously expressed disapproval occasionally caused the complete withdrawal
of the proposed legislation. In the immediate post-war period, resistance to
these long overdue measures was weakened by the upward trend of prices and

made more embarrassing by Government's deployment of its newly found
conscience. At the same time the immigrant unofficial had the uneasy sus-
picion that the Uganda Administration was projecting the orders of a Labour
Government in Britain. When the Minimum Wages Ordinance was under
discussion a European unofficial stated "you can see the ruthless Labour
Commissar peeping over the shoulder of the Labour Commissioner."7 The
response of the immigrant unofficial was to label all remedial measures as
"premature", which became a key word in the criticism of the period.
In concluding this section, a brief note must be added on the performance
of the African members of the Legislative Council when these matters were
under discussion. Description is easy, explanation difficult. These members,
prominent establishment figures in their own society, remained silent, the
ultimate exemplars of the discretionary politician.
Co-operative Legislation, Cotton Interests and the x949 Riots.
A highly significant decline in immigrant influence is illustrated by the
following sequence of events: the initial success of the immigrants in ensuring
that co-operative legislation would do as little harm as possible to the all
important cotton ginning industry (1946); the urgent need for reform in
that industry as revealed by the 1948 Cotton Commission Report; the 1949
riots as a partial expression of popular resentment against official cotton policy;
the emergence of the Uganda African Farmers' Union which both marked
the failure of the official co-operative scheme and signalled the appearance of a
'radical' channel for the expression of peasant grievances; Government pro-
posals for African participation in the ginning industry (1951); and the re-
organization of the 'official' co-operative movement (1952). The cumulative
effect of these events was to deliver a major defeat to the cotton ginners which
had been Uganda's most powerful and wealthy immigrant interest. This was a
defeat from which it was impossible to make an effective recovery.
In 1937 a Co-operative Bill was withdrawn by the Uganda Government
after it had come under fierce attack in Committee. The immigrants claimed
that the formation of a co-operative movement would be attended by "grave
risks"; that the proposed societies would involve indirect participation in
commerce by Government; that the societies might grow in size and become
politically powerful and hence a source of embarrassment to Government
and a still greater embarrassment to the native administration; that the societies
might indulge in unfair competition with established businesses and if the
stronger societies, "bound together by racial and political ties", cornered the
cotton of an area, they could sell it to one selected ginnery and thus starve
the other ginneries in that area. It was further added that there was every
chance that the societies would fail, owing to the "incapacity of the native"
whose efforts could only do "incalculable harm" to the ginning industry,
while a different order of problem would arise if the African accepted guidance
from "undesirable" non-natives.8 After this catalogue of anticipated disasters
it seemed only reasonable to assume that such legislation was "premature".
By 1945 it was no longer possible to argue with confidence about the possi-
bility of failure. During the preceding eight years there occurred a spon-
taneous growth of associations, particularly in Buganda, among cotton growers
and others which only high-lighted the absence of adequate legislation. The
1945 Co-operative Societies Bill satisfied the criteria laid down by the 1937
Special Committee that legislation should emphasise the "controlling and
restrictive features" and play down any desire "to foster and encourage these

societies".9 All that was required to strangle the co-operative movement at
birth was an unimaginative and schoolmasterly Registrar, heading an under-
staffed department, ready to impose a mass of niggardly rules on any asso-
ciation foolish enough to join. In the event, these conditions were satisfied,
but not before the immigrants, in Select Committee, had brought off three
amendments. Two of these were in the tradition of paternalism; the
first provided for a Supervising Manager if the affairs of a society fell into
a poor state; and the second gave powers to the Registrar to approve all
monetary payments to officials or members of a society either by the society
itself or by outside persons for, in the early days, "the moving spirit may
sometimes possibly not be true co-operation"'0 Of greater importance was
the elimination of Clause No. 37 of the draft Bill which related to the power
given to a society to compel all producers to join (either in the Protectorate
as a whole or in any smaller area) once it could be shown that 75 per cent
were already members. The immigrants rejected the clause on the grounds
that "voluntary membership" was one of the fundamental principles of co-
operation, and added the shrewder point that a co-operative monopoly would
lead to the cornering of agricultural produce. The Administration's defence
of Clause 37 rested on the view that co-operatives should not be frustrated by a
relatively small minority "practising black-market methods". The Govern-
ment agreed that this clause should be deleted but warned the immigrant
Unofficials that it did not intend to abandon the principle of compulsory
marketing-a hint foreshadowing the creation of the Lint Marketing Board.
The best that could be said about the possible challenge to the ginning
interests raised by the Co-operative Ordinance was that the fuse had been
lit; but it was a very long fuse. When the 1948 Cotton Commission Report
was published it was clear that, far from constituting a threat to the ginning
industry, the co-operative movement would have to be especially assisted
(by monies drawn from the Cotton Fund) to make it worthwhile for the ginners
to handle the "insignificant proportion of the total crop"11 which it supplied.
The report asseverated that the ginning industry was in a decrepit state,
that it had maintained "antiquated machinery" and unhygienic working
conditions. The industry was given a stern warning to put its house in order,
over a five-year period, on the basis of statutory monopolies (pools) and the
elimination of the weaker ginning brethren.
The general attitude displayed by Government and immigrant interests
makes it clear that the question of African participation in the processing
industry was not of central importance in the immediate post-war period.
The puny character of the co-operative movement made it difficult for the
Protectorate Government to devise an appropriate institutional ladder up
which aspiring Africans could ascend to the world of ginning, and the ginners
themselves, entrenched with monopoly privileges, were content with the
status quo and, after the Cotton Report, with problems of reorganisation.
As no African voiced his disapproval of existing arrangements in the Legis-
lative Council and since the remaining Unofficials were also silent, it required
a dramatic incident to bring about significant reforms. The riots that broke
out in April 1949, and which were largely confined to the Kampala area,
were motivated in part by dissatisfaction over the Government's cotton policy.
This dissatisfaction had been worked up by the Bataka Party (which had
many other irons in the fire) and the Uganda African Farmers' Union, founded

in April 1948 by Ignatius Musazi. The UAFU was created under the Business
Names Ordinance to act as a commission agent mainly for cotton and coffee,
to act as a suitable organization to channel African grievances against im-
migrant ginners, and to raise African hopes for the payment of much higher
cotton and coffee prices to growers. Musazi made several attempts to persuade
the Protectorate Government to build cotton stores and erect ginneries and
it was in reply to one of his letters that he learnt that the Administration was
examining a Buganda Government request to use the monies allocated to it
from the Cotton and Hard Coffee Fund for the purpose of buying a ginnery
and was told that "His Excellency therefore considers that no useful purpose
would be served by granting you an interview."12 Protracted negotiations to
buy the first available ginnery were not completed until the beginning of 195o
when the Buganda Government leased a ginnery to the Uganda Growers'
Co-operative Union. Musazi, who had been in England at the time of the
riots, was arrested immediately on his return and detained in the West Nile
There were two important responses to the riots; one by Musazi and his
associates and the other by Government. Before his sequestration, Musazi
had arranged for the recruitment of two 'Europeans', George Shepherd and
John Stonehouse, to run the UAFU with the explicit aim of organising the
Baganda farmers in a rival movement to the Government sponsored scheme.
Stonehouse's view of the official co-operative movement may be quoted.
"'The Co-operative Department, staffed by civil servants who know little
about the principles of the co-operative movement, was disliked by the farmers.
The officious way in which the Department was run made the farmers regard
the co-operative societies as mere branches of the Government rather than as
democratic organizations which reflected African aspirations.""13 From the
ashes of the UAFU, now banned, sprang the Federation of Uganda African
Farmers whose rapid growth soon brought its own problems, for in Stonehouse's
words, it harboured "black sheep, tricksters, and crooks, who came into this
mushroom organisation to make a quick penny for themselves."41
While these developments were taking place, the Uganda Government
decided to storm the citadel of immigrant ginning interests. Lengthy nego-
tiations with the ginners made it clear that a formula was sought which would
allow African participation in the ginning industry without causing too much
alarm among the owners. In September 1951 the Government scheme was
published in Proposalsfor the Re-organisation of the Cotton Ginning Industry which
endeavoured to achieve these ends.15 The following bargain had been struck.
Out of a total of 193 ginneries, the Government proposed to buy up 35 "silent
and/or uneconomic ginneries", thus increasing the throughput and hence the
profits of the remaining units. This meant the elimination of the 'silent' ginnery
which earned an income for not ginning cotton and which had been silenced
so as not to compete with 'live units and thus lower profit levels, an arrange-
ment which went under the polite name of 'eliminating excess capacity'.
"It is proposed that ginneries so acquired would be paid for at normal market
rates for ginneries of equivalent value, as assessed by an arbitration tribunal
regard being had to the pool shares held by the ginneries at the time of ac-
quisition."'6 The remaining 158 ginneries would then have an allocation of
240oo bales-an increase of 6oo bales on the then existing figure. Next, African
participation was based on a calculation made of the maximum ginning
capacity required over a five-year period by the co-operative unions (i.e. a

union was composed of a number of primary societies, and the way in which
the co-operative movement was revived to take up these new tasks is discussed
below). This capacity was estimated at 50,000 bales, i.e. one-seventh of Uga-
nda's total output. It was also estimated that, during a second five-year period,
an additional capacity of 5o,ooo bales would be wanted. Working on this
basis, the Protectorate Government announced its intention of compulsorily
acquiring ginneries from among the 158 remaining; 20 or 21 during the first
five years and an identical number during the second five-year period. As
each ginnery produced 2,400 bales this, multiplied by 20 or 21, reached the
50o,oo bale target.
The Acquisition of Ginneries Bill was introduced into the Legislative
Council in January 1952. The Government spokesman referred to the sugaring
of the pill for the surviving ginners with their incre-sed quota of bales and the
need for African Co-operative Unions to provide from their own resources one-
third of the capital with the balance being loaned by Government at five and
three-quarter per cent a year. It was, however, the Government's proposals
for the second period that excited the greatest apprehension amongst the
immigrant Unofficials. "In the second five-year period new ginneries would be
built for African co-operative unions or existing ginneries would have their pool
share expanded .". "After extra ginning capacity to the extent of 50,ooo
bales had been provided in accordance with increased production o crop,
and further increase over 400,000 bales would be dealt with in the following
manner: such part, if any, as was needed to meet the expanding requirements
of the African co-operative movement would be used for that purpose, any
balance remaining being divided up among all existing ginneries."'7 The
effect of this proposal was to block any further expansion by immigrants in
the ginning industry. J. Simpson (emerging during this period as an important
figure among the Unofficials) was right in regarding these steps as "perhaps
the most serious this country can ever have taken".18 On the question of restrict-
ing entry to co-operative unions once the figure of 400,000 bales was reached,
Simpson took the only line possible, namely that the co-operatives, independent
African interests, and "the reduced present interests" might share competitively
in the prospective crop increase. In mournful tones Simpson stated "let the
African try to understand and appreciate what is being done for him. He
is being given-admittedly for an element of payment-someone else's pro-
perty".19 S. W. Kulubya, a nominated African member and a wealthy man in
his own right, echoed Simpson's feelings about independent African par-
ticipation. "Individual independence and enterprise should be encouraged".20
The element of expropriation was mentioned by many speakers, one of them
referring to "the extraordinarily generous consent of the (Uganda) Cotton
Association and also those with vested rights in the industry".21 In a burst of
prophecy, the President of the Cotton Association regarded the ten-year
period as insufficiently long to create an atmosphere of stability within the
industry, for it seemed likely to him that if immigrant ginners spent money
on modernising their ginneries there was no guarantee that Government would
refrain from further steps of nationalisation. Furthermore, whilst there was no
objection to the co-operative movement as such "I submit it is not right that
the co-operatives should choose the best ginneries in the country".22 The
Government should make available instead "average" ginneries. The above
comments were all stated during the second reading of the Bill; in Select
Committee the Unofficials were unable to gain a single significant concession.

No doubt this reflected the Colonial Office's insistence that Africans must
participate in the ginning industry but equally it also marked the end of the
immigrant Unofficials' use of the Select Committee to obtain concessions
from Government. Or, to be rather more precise, the use of this committee
could no longer be relied on.
In conclusion, a brief mention must be made of a difficulty encountered in
Select Committee when the Acquisition of Ginneries Bill was under discussion,
that is the problem of legally defining a co-operative society. In practice, the
problem referred to the Federation of Uganda African Farmers and other
bodies not registered under the 1946 Co-operative Ordinance. With the arrival
of Sir Andrew Cohen and the setting up of a Commission of Inquiry (1952)
into the co-operative movement, a way was soon found to initiate a thorough
overhaul of the 1946 Ordinance. The amendments to this Ordinance, (which
largely vindicated the views of Stonehouse and the FUAF), together with the
knowledge that African co-operative unions would acquired ginneries, re-
moved all impediments to a rapid growth of the movement. The days of the
quasi-co-operative, such as the FUAF, were numbered. Stonehouse wrote
"The way was now open for this body to be wound up and its groups of sup-
porters advised to form into registered co-operative societies."2 The im-
migrant economic interests had suffered a major setback but, as the two
following sections endeavour to show, as advisers to Government they were
not yet without resources.
The Formation and Functions of the Unofficial Members' Organization
One step which the Unofficial European and Asian members of the Legis-
lative Council could take to shore up a weakening position was to abandon
the casual, ad hoc, and informal habits of consultation between themselves,
which had been adequate enough for twenty-five years or more, and sub-
stitute a more systematic "opposition" to Government. When African member-
ship of the Council was increased to four in 1947 and with the prospect of
further increases to be considered, it became important to induct the African
members into the mysteries of a commercially orientated discretionary-opposition.
Since colonial administrations were peculiarly sensitive to the views of a united
'opposition', there was much to be said for trying to line up African members
in a solid front together with the nominated immigrants. A further point was
the danger that the African members might vote with the Government in
approval of measures which increasingly had not been subjected to the stern
criteria usual in business circles. On the other hand, from the viewpoint of the
immigrant community, there were also conveniences in forming a central
organization through which could be channelled the various queries and
apprehensions to which growing Government intervention in the economy
was giving rise.
In January 1949 the first steps were taken to form an Unofficial Members'
Organization (UMO). Details were sought from already existing Organi-
zations in Kenya and Tanganyika as well as from the Central Legislative
Assembly (the legislature of the East African High Commission, created in 1948).
The Kenya model was clearly unsuitable for Uganda: there the UMO was
additional to the racial groups which were organised separately and any
racial group could veto the discussion of a topic; no individual group was bound
by a majority decision since the elected members considered themselves
answerable to their constituents; the UMO met to discuss 'opposition' tactics;
the danger of acrimonious argument called for a fairly formal procedure and

members had to stand and address the chairman when speaking. Tanganyika
whose politics was certainly more discretionary than Kenya's provided the
model to be followed by Uganda. Holcom, a European Unofficial, drew up a
draft constitution for Uganda's UMO which was conceived in general terms
but contained a rule that "no question of party politics may be discussed at
any meeting".24 An elected committee was to manage the affairs of the or-
ganization and would in turn elect a chairman.
When, in 1950, the number of Unofficials was increased from Io to 16,
it became necessary to reorganise the UMO to improve its efficiency and lay
down its scope with greater precision. A new constitution was accordingly
drawn up by Simpson in January 1951. With the approval of Government, a
permanent office was rented in Kampala, a full-time secretary engaged, and
a small library of Government publications started, including those from
neighboring territories. Simpson envisaged the revamped UMO fulfilling the
following functions: keeping in touch with the Clerk of Council; ensuring that
speakers were allocated for Bills; co-ordinating questions and supplementaries;
circulating motions; receiving delegations from public bodies and minutes
from their meetings; briefing members; and keeping in touch with opposite
numbers in Kenya and Tanganyika. As in the Holcom constitution, there was
a reference to politics and members were extolled "not to endeavour to run the
Organization as a political party".25
How did the UMO work in practice? Its most valuable function was to
receive complaints and memoranda from individuals, firms and 'public bodies'
which were then usually cyclostyled and circulated to members. From time to
time it invited Heads of Departments either to discuss proposed legislation or
to bring to their attention anomalies in the existing law. The UMO thus
brought about a concentration of effort which was quickly utilized, not only
by immigrant economic interests, but also to a limited extent by the African
community. The clan leaders in Busoga addressed two lengthy memorials to
the UMO and, in 1951, the Federation of Partnerships of Uganda Africa
Farmers contacted the organization, as did the Uganda National Congress,
Uganda's first political party, in the following year. Until 1952, at least, it
would seem that the entire emphasis of the UMO was on issues considered
important by the immigrants and there is some evidence to show that African
participation was limited and uncertain. As the African members lacked
entrepreneurial experience it was difficult for them to appreciate the rather
specialized nature of the 'opposition' to Government measures. The lack of
business and political experience was clearly shown in 1951 when it became
known that the Secretary of State was to visit Uganda to gather views on the
re-organization of the cotton industry. When the UMO met to discuss tactics,
it was agreed that the Secretary of State, then James Griffiths, should be told
that the Organization had never split on any racial issue, that members worked
together in complete harmony, and that policy decisions preferably should be
left to the Legislative Council as a whole and not be imposed from London.
The reference to "London" expressed the suspicion of many immigrants that
the Labour Government favoured nationalizing the cotton industry. In the
course of discussion it was apparent that the African members were ignorant
of the meaning of nationalization so this was explained "at length" and the
Africans were requested to return to their districts and consult with their
people. On their return, it was hoped they "would be able to state whether
the nationalization of the Cotton Industry would be welcomed by the Africans,
or whether they would prefer direct participation in the industry through the
co-operative societies".26

One problem which concerned the UMO was raised by the repeated
requests from Nairobi that an East African Members' Organization be formed,
mainly to concert action over the territorial budgets and to ensure that the
East African Governments adopted common commercial policies. It should
be noted that the UMO was prepared to support liaison with Kenya and
Tanganyika only on a "conference" basis, thus allaying the fears of the Ba-
ganda that any closer links might lead to the unification of the three territories.
Only on two occasions did the UMO fail to work as a united body. The
first arose when the European and Asian members decided to meet by them-
selves to discuss the re-organization of the cotton industry, and the second
came about when the Uganda National Congress expressed a wish to meet
the African members as a separate group. This was agreed to by the im-
migrants provided it was made clear that the African members were acting as
individuals and not as members of the UMO.
The UMO proved to be a useful organizational weapon in the hands of the
immigrant members and its operation in the years 1949-52 draws attention
to three important aspects of political life of the period. First, informal links
between Government and the UMO were maintained throughout, to the
advantage of the immigrants, thus helping to preserve the discretionary style of
politics. Secondly, the presence of African members in the UMO and the
attempt to induce them to accept 'business' attitudes could hardly be a long-
term strategy; its short-term success depended on the Administration continuing
to find nominees who were susceptible to these attitudes. Thirdly, the UMO
was not designed to deal with the fundamental problem of the immigrants,
the need to influence policy (and particularly the choice of policy) at as early a
stage as possible. To examine immigrant tactics in this sensitive area is the
task of the next section.27
Immigrant Attitudes to Committee Changes in the Legislative Council.
The increasing dissatisfaction felt by Unofficial European and Asian mem-
bers with their role in the machinery of Government has already been noted;
it had become particularly marked by 1949. Hitherto, the predominance of
the immigrants as advisors to the Governor had stemmed from the dependence
of the Protectorate Government on taxes levied on the two major export
industries, cotton and coffee, whose processing arrangements lay under im-
migrant control. Under conditions of continually rising world prices, and with
the closing of the Cotton and Coffee Control Funds in 1948, the Protectorate
Government had an unprecedented opportunity to seize the initiative and
undertake large-scale plans of long overdue social and economic betterment
by utilizing the large sums now at its disposal. This development was not by
itself sufficient to cause undue alarm among the unofficial whose unease
must be attributed rather to the Government's tendency to take far-reaching
decisions without prior consultation. Even in the cotton ginning Industry,
where immigrant attitudes had been decisive, the Government displayed a
new independence of mind by declining (during the formative stage) to dis-
close the nature of their plans for re-organization after the publication of the
1948 Cotton Commission Report had made it clear that drastic steps would
have to be taken. Furthermore, a new threat to immigrant economic interests
arose when the African membership of the Legislative Council was increased
from four to eight in 1950, thus equalling the combined European and Asian
Unofficial membership. Here again, the danger of greater African participation

was at first hidden by the docile and conservative attitudes displayed by the
new members. This increase coincided with a number of important changes in
the committee structure of the Council so that immigrant members tended to
regard the two developments as different aspects of a single problem, that of
the continuance of immigrant influence in the counsels of Government. These
political developments, together with the structural changes in the Legislative
Council, can accordingly be regarded as so closely inter-linked as to justify
their exposition as a joint problem.
The first step heralding a change in the committee structure of the Council
took the form of two Circular Despatches from the Secretary of State in June
1948, addressed to all the dependencies, announcing a relaxation of existing
controls over finance. It took almost two and a half years to bring the new
proposals into effect in Uganda and the first statement of intention was not
made until October 1949 when it was stated that Colonial Office surveillance
would extend only to "broad issues of fiscal policy, measures against inflation,
exchange and currency control, development finance, loan policy and the
like".2 Henceforth the Appropriation and Supplementary Ordinances would
require only a formal consent from London. This devolution of power involved
the creation of three new committees. First, an Estimates Committee was
set up; this took over the main functions of the Standing Finance Committee
(SFC) which had concerned itself with a close examination of the draft
estimates. Secondly, the SPC was retained but with duties now restricted to
"dealing with all votes entailing supplementary or unforeseen expenditure
from public funds for which the sanction of this Council is required".29 Thirdly,
provision was made for an entirely new Committee of Public Accounts but its
introduction was delayed until January I951.
Although the "old" SFC was now demoted, it was the object of consider-
able interest among the European and Asian members. This sprang from the
fact that membership of the "new" SFC was a necessary precondition for
membership of a far more important body known as the Standing Economic
Committee (SEC), whose existence was unknown to the general public. The
SEC was not a committee of the Legislative Council but had been set up by
administrative arrangement in 1949 as a successor to the Development Ad-
visory Committee. The immigrant Unofficials attached great importance to
the Advisory Committee for Government brought before it all its develop-
ment plans. But with the approval of the Harris Revision Plan in 1948, the
raison d'etre of the Development Committee was removed as plans were ab-
sorbed as part of normal departmental activity and this, in turn, meant a
rapid tapering off of immigrant influence. Acting on an initiative taken by
Handley Bird, the Governor was approached by the Unofficial Members'
Organization in the early part of 1949 with the suggestion that an Economic
Advisory Committee should be set up, composed of all the Unofficials together
with the Governor as Chairman, the Chief Secretary, Development Com-
missioner and the Finance Secretary.30 It was pointed out to Sir John Hall
that the Unofficials were getting out of touch with Government in general
and that a great deal of executive action was being taken either without re-
ference to the Legislative Council or, if referred, it was as afait accompli. It was
further suggested that the proposed committee would not usurp the authority
of the Executive Council but that equally (and herein lay its attraction for
the immigrants) its recommendations would be unlikely to be turned down
especially in commercial matters. The Governor then made a counter-suggestion
broadening the basis of representation to include "members of the public".

As the Unofficials were mainly concerned with influencing policy, the Gover-
nor's suggestion of a "general" Advisory Committee was a radical watering-
down of the original scheme and was accordingly rejected by them as an in-
adequate substitute. Furthermore, the immigrants noted that the Governor
was not prepared to be chairman of the committee he was proposing.
To overcome the deadlock, it was agreed that a Standing Economic Com-
mittee (SEC) should be created and its membership restricted to those already
sitting on the 'new" SFC. Its scope was to include matters of economic interest
and development in Uganda and it was to perform some of the functions of the
defunct Development Committee. Also, it was to advise Government on the
economic repercussions likely to arise from the purchase prices paid to peasant
producers for cotton and coffee-a most important privilege.31 The SEC
concerned itself with a wide range of matters. For example, the following
subjects were discussed at two meetings in 1950: the Future of Tanning and
Footwear Industries; the Organization of the Cement Industry; the Import-
ation of Gold; Timber Prices; Whiskey Allocations; and Joint Imports Control
(i.e. with Kenya). The SEC did not justify the expectations it aroused, for
the Protectorate Government sought little advice from it on important issues
and it never advised on prices to be paid to the primary producers, since this
function was retained in the hands of other price fixing bodies. Only one major
issue was referred to it, namely the setting up of the Cement Industry Board.
On other important matters, such as the Governor's statement on land tenure,
or the negotiations concerning an iron and steel industry and a phosphate
and fertilizer plant, there had been no consultation. Meetings of the SEC were
restricted to those occasions when the SEF met and membership of these
committees was heavily weighted in favour of immigrant Unofficials, the small
African membership being accounted for by the Governor's practice of leaving
out those members who had a long distance to travel.32 In I949, for example,
there were three ex officio members (the Financial Secretary, the Development
Commissioner and the Director of Agriculture) and seven Unofficials (I
African, 3 Europeans and 3 Asians).
In 1951, the establishment of the third committee mentioned above,
on Public Accounts (PAC), enabled the Unofficials to reveal the unsatis-
factory state of the Protectorate Government's approach to budgeting and
gave added strength to the claim that they were watch-dogs of the public
interest. The PAC reported for the first time in March 1952 after investigating
the 1949 accounts.33 Under the chairmanship of Handley Bird, it carried out
its task with great vigour. Twenty Heads of Departments and other witnesses
gave evidence, eleven memoranda on various topics were submitted (including
one which revealed an unhealthy state of affairs in the Cement Industry)
and no less than thirteen Departments were shown to be "seriously at fault"
in their estimates. It was further revealed that a total of 389 Special Warrants
had been authorised amounting to nearly 1.5 million out of a total budget
of 6.7 million and, not surprisingly, this was considered "too great".34 This
was one aspect at least of the growing independence of the Protectorate Govern-
Finally, a very brief mention must be made of an important official proposal,
whose interpretation must remain somewhat conjectural until further evidence
is available. The continuing dissatisfaction displayed by the immigrant Un-
officials with their role in the machinery of policy-making led the Governor
to make an unpublicised offer, in January i951, of an Unofficial majority
in the Legislative Council.35 It was suggested that the Official side of the

Council might be reduced, the actual number of Unofficials remaining un-
changed. For reasons which are at the moment undisclosed, the Unofficials
turned down this offer; in any case it may be supposed that the Baganda
leaders would have regarded it with real misgivings whatever the immigrants'
views may have been. The immigrants clearly preferred arrangements which
would enable them to exercise the maximum of influence behind the scenes
rather than the doubtful advantages of an Unofficial majority which might give
rise to increasing independence among the African members. In fact, no
changes were made in the composition of the Legislative Council; but, in
July 1952, the Unofficial membership of Executive Council was increased
from two to six (two Africans, two Asians and two Europeans), the Official
side remaining unchanged at eight. This kind of constitutional advance was
far more to the liking of the immigrants, being well within the accepted con-
vention of discretionary politics, and it had the additional advantage that the
immigrant Unofficials outnumbered the Africans. While these arrangements
went a considerable way to meet the immigrants' claim to a voice in the early
stages of policy-making, their importance should not be exaggerated. The
Officials retained absolute control of their Departments; thus, in the absence
of executive authority, the immigrants were able to act only in a strictly ad-
visory capacity.

The decline of immigrant influence on Government policy, 1945-52, is
shewn by a variety of evidence. The kind of economic system prevailing in the
late 'thirties, which was characterized by cartels and other restrictive devices
created by Government with the full approval of immigrant interests, con-
tinued into the late 'forties. Thus, the most prominent feature of the 'thirties-
the destruction of free competition-was retained. Yet a profound alteration
in the economic and administrative environment had taken place during this
period. The colonial service was fundamentally an autocracy and it res-
ponded with disconcerting swiftness to basic changes of policy in Whitehall.
Such a change occurred during the war years and led the Uganda Administr-
ation to adopt a new attitude towards economic development. By a happy co-
incidence, occasioned by a sharp rise in the world price of cotton and coffee,
the Protectorate Government was able to emerge as a major agent in economic
change. It became a pacemaker in capital investment and as a formulator of
new schemes and in these capacities sought to tap advice from more sophis-
ticated sources than those available locally. The results of these changes led
to a loosening of earlier methods whereby the immigrants had successfully
influenced policy making and this tendency was greatly accelerated when it
was decided that there must be African participation in the ginning industry.
But to argue that immigrant influence had diminished is not to contend that
it was negligible; the decline recorded in this article although clearly dis-
cernible was modest and, in the general optimism of economic expansion, was
probably unrecognised by the immigrants themselves.

I am grateful both to Sir Amar Maini and to Dr. Cyril Ehrlich for their
comments and criticism of an earlier draft of this article. I am responsible
of course, for any errors of judgement and fact which still remain.


I. Proceedings of the Legislative Council, (P.L.C.), 25th Session, 4th Meeting, 30/4/46, p.15.
2. Ibid., p.29.
3. P.L.C., 28th Session, 7th Meeting, 18/10/49, P-55-
4. P.L.C., 29th Session, 4th Meeting, 21/3/50, p.49. Vide Uganda Employment (Amendment)
Ordinance, No. Ix of 1950.
5. A Select Committee would be a Standing Committee at Westminster.
6. Maini Papers (personal papers of Sir Amar Maini, Makerere Univesity College Library).
7. P.L.C., 28th Session, 4th Meeting, 4/4/49, p.37.
8. Report of a Special Committee of Legislative Council appointed to Consider and Report
upon the Provisions of a Bill Relating to the Regulation and Constitution of Co-operative
Societies, 21/9/1937. (Typewritten).
9. Ibid., P.4.
io. P.L.C., 25th Session, 3rd Meeting, 19/2/46, p.23.
II. P.L.C.: 25th Session, ist Meeting, 18/12/45, p.38.
12. Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the Civil Disturbances in Uganda during April 1949 (Ente-
bbe: Government Printer, 1949), p.7I.
13. J. Stonehouse, Prohibited immigrant (London: Bodley Head, 1960), pp.48-49.
14. Ibid., p.48.
15. Uganda Gazette Extraordinary, Vol. XLIV, No. 46, 27th September, 1951. Proposals
for the Reorganization of the Cotton Ginning Industry, G.N. No. 754 of 1951.
16. Ibid., p.2.
17. Ibid., p.3.
18. P.L.C., 31st Session, 6th Meeting, 8/1/52, p.19.
19. Ibid., p.2o.
20. Ibid., p.26.
21. Ibid., p.29.
22. Ibid., p.38.
23. Stonehouse, op. cit., p.76.
24. Maini Papers.
25. Ibid.,
36. Maini Papers, UMO minutes, 13/4/51.
27. This section is based on Maini Papers, UMO minutes.
28. P.L.C., 28th Session, 7th Meeting, 18/1o/49, pp.2o-21.
29. Ibid., p.2s.
30. Maini Papers, Draft Memorandum by Handley Bird, 25/5/49.
31. Maini Papers. Letter circulated by Handley Bird to the UMO, October 1950.
32. Vide Legislative Council, S.R. & O's, 79(1).
33. Report by the Public Accounts Committee on the Protectorate Accounts for the Tear 1949 (Entebbe:
Government Printer, 1952).
34. Ibid., p.4.
35. Maini Papers, UMO minutes, 3/1/51.

Uganda Journal, 31, I (1967), 89-99



The pre-colonial political structure
The Basoga must have been in occupation ot their present territory at
least from the eighteenth century, and probably earlier. Before the British
administration of the area they did not form a single political unit but the coun-
try was divided among a number of small kingdoms or states, similar in struc-
ture to the larger kingdom states of the Lake Victoria area. Oral tradition
affirms that there were as many as forty-seven such states.' Each state was
headed by a ruler who held his position as a member of a dynasty within a
royal patrilineal clan. Territorial subdivisions within each kingdom varied in
size from units of only a few dozen souls to major territorial units with several
thousands of people. Each unit was headed by abalangira (princes, the junior
members of the royal clan), or by abakungu (chiefs) or abataka (elders, who were
personal clients of the ruler, princes or senior chiefs). The political hierachy of
the larger kingdoms therefore consisted of a ruler, with two or three ministers
followed by several princes, and then at the lowest level numerous bataka.
The old northern kingdoms of Busoga seem to have been established about
the end of the seventeenth century when the Baisengobi clan of Bunyoro arrived
in Busoga. The baisengobi legends say that the first person in Busoga was
Mukama, the father of the Basoga. He was a hunter and had many wives and
dogs. He is said to have entered from Bugisu and the Mount Elgon area and
to have settled in Busoga for a time before he went back to Bunyoro, never
to return. He left eight sons to whom each was given an area to rule, and
amongst whom none was paramount. The Baisengobi rulers and their Kingdoms
were: Zibondo, the ruler of Bulamogi; Gabula of Bugabula; Ngobi of Kigulu;
Wakoli of Bukoli; Muzaya of Buzaya; Tabingwa of Luuka; Nkono of Bukono
and Menhya of Bugweri.2 Another legend states that the first ruler of Bugabula
came straight from Bunyoro and so was not one of the Baisengobi rulers.
This refers to Kitimbo who is said to have run away from Bunyoro because he
had committed adultery with one of the Omukama's wives. He is said to have
entered Bugabula through lyingo. Whichever legend one follows, there is
sufficient evidence that Busoga was partly populated from Bunyoro and that
the Baisengobi came from there. The northeastern parts of Busoga were still
under Bunyoro domination in the early nineteenth century, and even until
the end of the century the deaths of leading chiefs were still being reported
to the Omukama of Bunyoro.
On the other hand the southern kingdoms seem to have evolved gradually
from clan leaders. A powerful clan leader would have drawn around him
many people of independent ancestry but diminished fortune who were glad of
his protection. Thus a collection of small independent states evolved in each

of which the unifying force was the known ancestry of the chief, with an im-
plied association with the land, with success as a leader in war and a dispenser
of justice in times of peace.
As the nineteenth century wore on, the Bunyoro influence diminished until
only a nominal connection was maintained with the Omukama. Kiganda
influence, on the other hand, increased in southwest Busoga. Friction between
various Busoga kingdoms increased because of intrigue, often instigated by the
emissaries of the Kabaka of Buganda. When the first British officer, William
Grant, arrived to establish administration he found the whole of the southwest
under Buganda. The establishment of British administration in 1983 averted
the Buganda intentions in Busoga.
This historical background presents the situation that the British admini-
stration was confronted with when the Protectorate was extended over Busoga.
The Basoga rulers were weak and divided and the predominance of Bunyoro
and Buganda had prevented the establishment of a central political organisation.
The local divisions had been so severe as to prevent the emergence of a leader to
withstand the Banyoro, the Baganda or the British and were it not for the arrival
of the British, Busoga might have been effectively controlled from Buganda.
By the time the British came the Basoga were already accustomed to domination.
Thus the Kyabazingaship is a creation of British administration and not in any
sense the consequence of pre-colonial trends.3
The institution of the Kyabazingaship
Attempts to unite Busoga under a single administration were started in
1893 by the colonial government. The office of President of the Busoga Lukiiko
was established in 1906; this was terminated in 1913 but revived in 1919.
It was converted to the Kyabazingaship in February 1939 when E. T. Wako,
who had been the President of the Lukiiko from 1919 to 1939, became the first
The official title of the constitutional head of Busoga is "Isebantu Kyaba-
zinga" and means "the father who unites all people". It replaced the former
title "President of Busoga Lukiiko" at the request of the Basoga who wanted a
vernacular title. The name Kyabazinga was conceived as early as 1919 when
the office of President of the Busoga Lukiiko was revived. The new institution
of Kyabazingaship is known as obwakyabazinga.
Lubogo thinks that the name Kyabazinga is indigenous and that in pre-
colonial times it applied to any kingdom ruler in Busoga, being dropped in
1906 when the kingdoms became counties. There is reason to doubt whether
this was the case, but in any case there never was a Kyabazinga for the whole
of Busoga nor any single organisation before the colonial period. People were
identified according to their kingdoms, and even today some people call
themselves Balamogi, Bagabula, or Bakigulu instead of Basoga.5
The beginnings of administration-1893-9go6
Contact between the Basoga and British authorities began even in the time
of the Imperial British East Africa Company days. In 1890 Wakoli placed him-
self under British protection by accepting the I.B.E.A.Co. flag from Jackson and
Gedge. In 1892, Wakoli made a treaty with Lugard and the same year Cap-
tain Williams gave assistance to Miro of Kigulu. When in 1893 a more formal
protectorate was established on Uganda by Portal, Busoga was defined as an
adjoining territory within the British sphere of influence. By the treaty of 1900

the Kabaka of Buganda relinquished all authority over Busoga and a separate
administration was established. But already the highly centralized character
of the Kiganda political system as a medium for indirect rule had impressed
itself upon the British authorities for application in other parts of Uganda.
Furthermore, a considerable personnel of literate and capable people had been
built up in Buganda as a result of Christian missionary activity. The protector-
ate government engaged a number of the Baganda chiefs to remodel the politi-
cal systems of neighboring territories along Kiganda lines. In this way the
first President of Busoga, Kakungulu, was a Muganda and other Baganda were
placed in charge of counties. These included, amongst others, S. Twasenga in
charge of Bulamogi (1906-1914) and N. Tega in Kigulu (1906-1915).
The establishment of British administration in 1893 was made by William
Grant, whose work included the collection of taxes and the settling of inter-state
conflicts. His influence was quickly felt among the Basoga rulers. Lubogo5
claimed that Grant set up a rulers' council in 1893 through which he issued
orders for the collection of taxes and for administering justice. At one point
Lubogo asserted that Grant was the chairman of this council, but later he rec-
koned that Nyago-Zigombye-Luba was the first President, from 1893 to 1906
when he died. Many problems arise from these statements. It is possible to argue
that Lubogo's claims are fabricated and that such a council did not exist.
There seem to be no records in the Entebbe archives concerning such a council.
It is possible, nevertheless, that Grant may have established an unofficial body
of this kind at Bukaleba as an aid to administration. Bukaleba was the
headquarters of Busoga, and people still survive with vivid memories about it.
These people testify that Basoga rulers used to assemble at Bukaleba in 1893-1899
to help build the fort, organise tax collection and to fight at the time of the
Sudanese mutiny in 1897. It is conceivable that in such circumstances Grant
may have allowed one of the rulers to preside, especially in matters concerning
inter-state conflicts. Since Bukalebawas Luba's capital it is possible that Luba
may have been chosen on some occasions. Quite probably Luba looked upon
himself as a leader and other rulers may well have accepted him as such.
He had previously been an ally of the Kabaka of Buganda, even to the extent of
killing Bishop Hannington at his request. The presence of several Europeans
at Bukaleba, including the first C.M.S. and Catholic missionaries in Busoga
also heightened his status.
Alternatively local tradition, particularly in Bulamogi, claims that the
first president of the rulers' council was Kisira, from 1893-1898, who was also the
Zibondo of Bulamogi. It is maintained that Grant asked the rulers who their
leader was and that he was given the name Kisira. It is said that when he died
in 1898, his son, Wambuzi, became the President until 1906 when he was dis-
missed and exiled to Bukedi for disobeying the District Commissioner. The
people of Bulamogi therefore concluded that Wako's appointment as President
of the Busoga Lukiiko from 1919 to 1939 and to the Kyabazingaship 1939-1949
was because his grandfather (Kisira) and his father (Wambuzi) had held the
office of President of the rulers' council; and that the appointment of Muloki in
1955 as Kyabazinga (1955-1962) was merely the continuance of this tradition.
Certain historians of Bulamogi claim that long ago other rulers in Busoga used
to send their crown princes to Zibondo (the ruler of Bulamogi) to learn the art
of government.6
Even though there may be little evidence from outside Bulamogi to support

these claims;7 it is still doubtful whether the Baisengobi rulers8 would havet
allowed a man of the Nyonyi clan (bird clan), as Luba was, to be their leader.
If Luba ever was the leader, one may wonder if he remained the leader when
the headquarters was transferred to Iganga in 1899 and to Jinja in 1901. In
901o sleeping sickness broke out in Luba's kingdom of Bunya, and the admini-
strative machinery there came to a stop. For various reasons Lubogo's claim that
Luba was the President of the rulers' council from 1893-1906 is difficult to
accept. The official colonial view is that the office of President ofBusoga Lukiiko
was not created until 19o6.

Semei Kakungulu and the first Busoga Lukilko, 1906-1913
The first Lukiiko was established in 1906. It consisted of chiefs only, but
with Kakungulu at its head. Kakungulu was appointed President of the Lukiiko
because he had a distinguished career with the British administration behind
him and the Provincial Commissioner of the Eastern Province, Mr. Boyle,
thought him to be the best man to rule Busoga, because, in his words, "Busoga
was a headache to the Central Government and troops and the Basoga were
refusing to do what they were told".9 It is not very useful here to discuss
the merits and demerits of Boyle's statement concerning the Basoga, or his
claims in appointing Kakungulu but, at least, the government was interested
in introducing the Kiganda political system in Busoga. It wanted to introduce
the highly-centralized character of Buganda political structure and to rule
Busoga through the indirect rule policy. Kakungulu was not merely to preside
over Lukiiko meetings but to help also in administering the area and to judge
cases, for the Busoga Lukiiko was to act as a court.
When Kakungulu started ruling, he was regarded by both the Basoga and
the government as a kind of paramount chief. This concept of the office of
the President of Busoga Lukiiko should be noted. It was chiefly because of
this concept that both the government and Basoga rulers supported the evolu-
tion of the Kyabazingaship. There is no doubt that Kakungulu regarded him-
self as "Kabaka of Busoga". He had already done so in Bukedi in 1901-1902
when he called himself "Kabaka of Bukedi". To the Basoga the appointment of
a Muganda to the office of President of Lukiiko was no surprise. They saw
the appointment as merely a resumption of the Kabaka's overlordship.
Some Basoga rulers regarded Kakungulu as some sort of Kabaka es-
pecially when he wanted to introduce the mailo system in 19 11. Later other
Baganda chiefs were brought in to serve as advisers to the Basoga rulers;
and territorial units were redrawn and renamed in accordance with the Kiganda
system. Kakungulu also introduced changes in the economic aspects of the
political system. Each county was divided into areas known as butongole (official
jurisdiction) and bwestngeeze (personal estate). With respect to the butongole
the rulers became administrators, but in the bwesengeeze the ruler could demand
personal tribute in produce and labour from the peasants.
There is no doubt that Kakungulu, before 19Io, carried out very well
the purposes for which he was appointed. In 1908, the Provincial Commissioner
at Jinja recommended Kakungulu's salary to be raised from 200 to 300
a year, because, in the mind of the Provincial Commissioner, Kakungulu's
work was equal to that of the three regents in Buganda. Moreover the Pro-
vincial Commissioner thought that Kakungulu was the most able among the
natives of Uganda. His comments on Kakungulu's work in 19o8 were as

"His work was most excellent as he imparted gradually to the chiefs
the methods of an orderly administration. He has worked admirably,
loyally and a great deal of work in Busoga has been undoubtedly due to
his good influence on the chiefs and with the co-operation of the District
Commissioner, he has built a system of native administration in Busoga
that could compare favourably with Buganda."10
The Provincial Commissioner was impressed by Kakungulu's influence on
Basoga rulers. The rulers also seem to have respected him very much. In one of
his letters to the Governor, demanding that his ownership of Batambogwe hill
(fourteen miles onJinja-Iganga road) be recognized, Kakungulu mentioned that
the Basoga rulers used to call him their father. What is most important,
is that in his time, Basoga rulers came into a common Lukiiko which in 1909
was instituted as a court.

The Luldiko x193-g198 and the dismissal of Kakungulu
By 1912, however, the government began to tire of Kakungulu's services;
and in 19i3 the Provincial Commissioner, Boyle, supported the dismissal of
Kakungulu because of "inefficiency, disrespect and disobedience"." Probably
the government became frightened of the role that Kakungulu had built up for
himself as "Kabaka of Busoga". Although Kakungulu lost his appointment,
the office of President continued though no-one was appointed to fill it. In
the meantime the District Commissioner controlled everything, and the
Lukiiko fell into the background, though it met occasionally. The attempt
to create a machinery for indirect rule by introducing Kiganda institutions
became abandoned and for a time a practice of direct rule was imposed.

The revival of the Presidency g199-192o
The desire to revive the office of the President of Busoga Lukiiko started in
1918. Both the colonial government and the Baspga rulers desired the revival.
A number of reasons can be put forward to explain why the rulers wanted the
revival of the office. First, the rulers had, in I9o6-13, come to regard Kakungulu
as their paramount chief, so that when his office was abolished at the end of 1913,
there seemed to be a vacuum at the apex of the political system. Probably,
the rulers were once more disunited. They might have been happy to see Ka-
kungulu go, but they felt insecure without somebody like him at the top
to act as their uncle and to voice their feelings to the British masters. 1914-18
was the time when most of the Baganda chiefs and advisers were withdrawn
and some of the old Basoga chiefs retired. The young ones who were appointed
were mostly those who had been educated in missionary schools and who were
not yet sure of their steps in the new politics.12 Secondly, it may be that the
honour they had attached to the office of President contributed to the rulers'
desire for its revival. They might have wanted Busoga to be like Buganda and
the other kingdoms but this could not be so unless there was somebody at the
top like the Kabaka. Because Baganda chiefs had been brought by the colonial
government to rule in Busoga in the g19os, and because Busoga kingdoms had
been remodelled on Buganda lines, it indicated that the Buganda political
system commanded the most respect. This is why the rulers sought to call the
President of Busoga Lukiiko by a new name, "Isebantu Kyabazinga", something
comparable to "Ssabasajja Kabaka" or "Rukirabasaija Omukama". The
establishment of the office of President in 9go6 had given rulers and the people