Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 The diaries of Emin Pasha - Extracts...
 Speculations on the coming of the...
 The Rwizi drainage basin of south...
 The diary of the Kivu mission
 Baker's Fort at Patiko
 The genealogy of Kabaka Kintu and...
 The solar eclipse in Ankole in...
 Uganda bibliography 1961-1962
 Notes on contributors
 Index to Volume 27 (1963)
 Back Cover

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The Uganda journal
External Link ( Journal issues, 1999-2002 )
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080855/00071
 Material Information
Title: The Uganda journal
Abbreviated Title: Uganda j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 22-24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Uganda Society
Publisher: Uganda Society etc.
Uganda Society etc.
Place of Publication: Kampala etc
Frequency: irregular[1976-<1995>]
semiannual[ former 1934-]
annual[ former <1948>-1973]
completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Periodicals -- Uganda   ( lcsh )
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Uganda
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- 1934-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended May 1942-Mar. 1946; replaced by the Society's Bulletin.
Numbering Peculiarities: One issue published every few years, v. 38 (1976)-<v. 42 (1995)>
Issuing Body: Vols. 11-13 published in London.
General Note: Journal of The Uganda Society (formerly The Uganda Literary and Scientific Society).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ABS8002
oclc - 01644239
alephbibnum - 000301510
issn - 0041-574X
lccn - 52026895
System ID: UF00080855:00071
 Related Items
Related Items: Uganda journal

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Title Page
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    The diaries of Emin Pasha - Extracts VI
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 161a
        Page 162
    Speculations on the coming of the banana to Uganda
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
    The Rwizi drainage basin of south west Uganda in relation to the Oruchinga and Kagera Rivers
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
    The diary of the Kivu mission
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 194a
    Baker's Fort at Patiko
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 198a
        Page 198b
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 202a
        Page 203
        Page 204
    The genealogy of Kabaka Kintu and the early Bakabaka of Buganda
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 210a
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
    The solar eclipse in Ankole in 1492
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
    Uganda bibliography 1961-1962
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
    Notes on contributors
        Page 261
    Index to Volume 27 (1963)
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

The Uganda Journal



TO UGANDA - - - - D. N. MCMASTER 163
Ezera Kabali's Diary of the 1916 War THE REv. F. B. WELBOURN 223
Mahdist and Belgian Leaders in the Upper Nile during
the late Nineteenth Centry - - R. 0. COLLINS 227
A Subsistence Crop Geography of Uganda
(by D. N. McMaster) - -- - W. SENTEZA KAJUBI 231
Atlas of Uganda (Uganda Lands and Surveys) H. C. TRURAN 233
Africa's Wild Life : Survival or Extinction?
(by Eric Robins) - - - - C.D. TRIMMER 234
The East African Coast (ed. G. S. P. Freeman-
Grenville) - - - - - - M.P. 235
Kisimani Mafia (by H. N. Chittick) - - - M. P. 236
Seven African Writers (by Gerald Moore) - W. T. NEWBY 236
A Dance of the Forests
The Lion and the Jewel
(both by Wole Soyinka) - - GERALD MOORE 239
New Societies of Tropical Africa
(by Guy Hunter) - - - DONALD ROTHCHILD 240
Asians in East Africa
(by George Delf) - - - DHARAM P. GHAI 241
African Studies in Income and Wealth
(ed. L. H. Samuels) - - - SEMEI NYANZI 243
Compiled by Bryan W. Langlands - - - - 245
EDITORIAL NOTE - - - - - - - 261
INDEX TO VOLUME 27, (March and September 1963) - - 262

Published by
Price Shs. 15 (15s.)


Patron :
His Excellency Sir Walter Coutts, K.C.M.G., M.B.E.

President :
Mr. W. S. Kajubi

Vice-President :
Dr. M. Posnansky

Committee :

The President
The Vice-President
The Hon. Secretary
The Hon. Treasurer
The Hon Editors
The Hon. Librarian
Dr. W. B. Banage
Dr. W. W. Bishop
Mr. P. Bitature
Mr. J. L. Dixon
Mr. R. K. K. Gava
Mr. S. C. Grimley
Hon. Secretary :
Hon. Treasurer :
Hon. Editors :

Hon. Librarian :
Hon. Auditors :
Messrs Cooper Bros. & Co.
Corresponding Secretary at Jinja :
Corresponding Secretary at Mbale :

Mr. P. N. Kavuma, o.B.e.
Mr. B. E. R. Kirwan, M.B.E.
Mr. C. M. S. Kisosonkole
Mrs. M. Macpherson
Mr. D. K. Marphatia, M.B.E.
Mr. R. J. Mehta, O.B.E.
Mr. C. N. Mukuye
Mr. B. A. Ogot
Mr. A. H. Russell, M.B.E., D.s.C.
Mr. W. W. Rwetsiba
Miss NM. Senkatuka
Col. C. D. Trimmer, D.S.O.
Mr. P. Marsh
Mrs. J. Bevin
Dr. J. K. Almond
Dr. C. Gertzel
Dr. M. Posnansky
Mr. N. L. M. Sempira
Hon. Legal Adviser :
Mr. C. L. Holcom
Mr. E. P. Thiel
Mr. R. F. Clarke

Hon. Vice-Presidents :

H.H. Frederick Mutesa II, K.B.E.,
Kabaka of Bnganda
R. A. Sir Tito Winyi Gafabusa IV,
C.B.E., Omukama of Bunyoro
Lord Twining of Tanganyika and
Godalming, G.C.M.o., M.B.E.

Sir John Milner Gray
Mr. E. B. Haddon
Mr. H. B. Thomas, o.B.e.
Professor A. W. Williams
Mr. E. J. Wayland, c.B.e.

Past Presidents :



Sir A. R. Cook, C.M.G., O.B.E.
Mr. E. J. Wayland, C.B.E.
Dr. H. H. Hunter, C.B.E., LL.D.
Mr. H. Howitt, C.M.G.
Sir H. R. Hone, K.B.E., Q.C.
Mr. J. Sykes, o.B.E.
Captain C. R. S. Pitman, C.B.E.,
D.S.O., M.C.
Mr. S. W. Kulubya, C.H.E.
Mr. A. E. Temple Perkins
Mr. R. A. Snoxall
Dr. K. A. Davis, C.M.G.. O.B.E.
Mr. G. H. E. Hopkins, o.B.e.
Mrs. K. M. Trowell, M.B.E.

Mr. S. W. Kulubya, c..E.


Trustees :
Mr. B. K. Mulyanti, o.B.E.
Secretary : Mrs. J. Bevin

Dr. W. J. Eggeling
Dr. G. ap Griffith
Rev. Fr. F. B. Gaffney, w.F.
Professor A. W. Williams, C.B.e.
Sir J. B. Hutchinson, C.M.G. F.R.S.
Mr. J. D. Jameson, o.a.E.
Dr. Audrey 1. Richards, C.B.E.
Rev. Dr. H. C. Trowell. O.B.E.
Mr. D. K. Marphatia, M.B.E.
Mr. NM. Barrington Ward
Dr. H. F. Morris
Professor A. W. Southall
Mr. J. C. D. Laarence
Mr. B. E. R. Kirwan, M.B.E.

Mr. G. P. Saben


Uganda Journal



No. 2



Published by



Ezera Kabali's Diary of the 1916 War THE REV. F. B. WELBOURN
Mahdist and Belgian Leaders in the Upper Nile during
the late Nineteenth Century - - R. 0. COLLINS
A Subsistence Crop Geography of Uganda
(by D. N. McMaster) - - - W. SENTEZA KAJUBI
Atlas of Uganda (Uganda Lands and Surveys) H. C. TRURAN
Africa's Wild Life : Survival or Extinction?
(by Eric Robins) - - - - C. D. TRIMMER
The East African Coast (ed. G. S. P. Freeman-
Grenville) - - - - - - M.P.
Kisimani Mafia (by H. N. Chittick) - - - M. P.
Seven African Writers (by Gerald Moore) - W. T. NEWBY
A Dance of the Forests
The Lion and the Jewel
(both by Wole Soyinka) - - GERALD MOORE
New Societies of Tropical Africa
(by Guy Hunter) - - - DONALD ROTHCHILD
Asians in East Africa
(by George Delf) - - - DHARAM P. GHAI
African Studies in Income and Wealth
(ed. L. H. Samuels) - - - SEMEI NYANZI
Compiled by Bryan W. Langlands - - - -
EDITORIAL NOTE - - - - - - -
INDEX TO VOLUME 27, (March and September 1963) - -








Uganda Journal, 27, 2, (i963) pp. z43-i6i


These extracts from Die Tagebucher von Dr. Emin Pascha, edited Dr.
Franz Stuhlmann, vols.i, ii, iii, iv, and vi (Braunschweig: Westermann, 1916-
27), have been translated and provided with introductory notes and comments
by Sir John Gray. They are planned to appear in The Uganda Journal as a
series covering Emin's first visit to Buganda in 1876, his visit to Bunyoro in
1877 and his second visit to Buganda in the same year, followed by such portions
of his later diaries as are relevant to Emin's contacts with the Uganda region
during the years spent as Governor of Equatoria until his withdrawal in 1889.
Extracts I to V have appeared in successive issues of The Uganda Journal,
commencing with Extracts I in Uganda J., 25 (1961), 1. EDS.]

1 January 6 July 1886
Introductory Note
The present extracts from Emin's diaries deal with the events of the first
six months of 1886. Their main theme is Emin's attempts to get into touch with
the representatives of European states at Zanzibar and his ultimate success
in so doing. At the close of 1885 it seemed as if Kabarega would be ready to assist
in this respect. Accordingly on 2 January 1886, Dr. Junker and Vita Hassan
left Wadelai for Bunyoro in the hope that Kabarega would grant Junker a
passage to Buganda. There it was hoped that Mwanga, who had recently
succeeded his father Mutesa as ruler of Buganda, would grant Junker facilities
to proceed to the southern end of Lake Victoria, whence he could make his way
to the east coast and to Zanzibar. In Chapter XIII of his Travels in Africa
1883-1886, Junker gives a full account of the many obstacles which were
placed in his way. So does Vita Hassan in Chapters VI to VIII of his Die
Wahrheit iiber Emin Pascha. Both these accounts must, however, be read in
conjunction with contemporary letters, which they addressed to Emin and which
Emin has incorporated in his diary. With respect to Vita Hassan, Emin once
described him as being "as good as gold, but flighty, hot-headed and a babbler."
One of Junker's letter shows that he shared Emin's opinion. Kabarega did
not like Vita and sent a message to Emin demanding his recall. When at length
Junker managed to make his way to Buganda, Vita Hassan was recalled and
Emin sent the Italian, Gaetano Casati, to replace him at Kabarega's court.
The extracts show that at long last Emin received instructions from the
Egyptian Government at Cairo. These were far from encouraging. Nubar
Pasha gave him clearly to understand that he could expect no official assistance
and that he had carte blanche to do what he thought best. If he should decide to
evacuate his province, the Sultan of Zanzibar and the British Consul-General
at Zanzibar would do what lay in their power to assist him.

Sir John Kirk, the British Consul-General, likewise promised to assist
Emin in every possible way, but explained that he relied on the good offices of
the members of the Church Missionary Society in Buganda to induce Mwanga
to give the necessary facilities. Alexander Mackay, however, wrote from
Buganda to Junker to inform him that, owing to Mwanga's hostility to the
Mission, they were powerless to render any assistance. He urged Junker to
persuade Emin to withdraw his troops from any place in proximity to Buganda,
as their presence only increased Mwanga's suspicions.
Even before he received this advice from Mackay, Emin had decided not to
evacuate the troops from the Province for the simple reason that they had
declared themselves unwilling to leave. In what almost appears to be a pro-
phetic vein, he told Junker that he had every reason to believe that he himself
might be made a prisoner by his own soldiers, if he were to attempt to leave
the province.
One other matter of importance is more than once referred to by Emin
at this period the crass ineptitude and high-handed measures adopted by
certain of Emin's subordinates in their dealings with the local chiefs and tribes
stultified many of his attempts at diplomacy.

Extracts from Emin's Diaries
January 1, 1886. (Emin delivered to Junker the letters intended by him to be
despatched to Zanzibar.)
January 2. At 8 a.m. Dr. Junker with Vita and Kabarega's people went to
the lake in the steamer Khedive to disembark at Kibiro. Two days before I
sent people to Kabarega and asked for porters for the two gentlemen. Here in
Wadelai there now remains Mahongoki with nine men to forward any mail
and the seven boys, who are seeking to go to a school; I have taken two of them
into my house, and one each have been taken by the officers Hamed Aga, Kodi
Aga, Said Aga, and Mohammed Effendi Omar and one by the clerk Taib. It is to be
hoped that in 14 days Kabarega will help Dr. Junker on to Buganda and we
will at last get in contact with the English.
(Letters were subsequently received from Junker and Vita Hassan, dated
Kibiro, 4 January 1886.)
January 24. Taib Effendi has come back because he has made it plain that
it is now impossible for him to go to Khartoum.
On 26th in the afternoon there came a mail from Bachit Aga at Poda.
Chief Anfina wants soldiers to hold the negroes in check; he also wants muni-
tions and "any surplus weapons we may have." Chief Kamisoa has sent back
to Bachit Aga the three guns given to him by Dr. Junker and writes a long
letter. He has sent people to Buganda and to Kabarega. The last mentioned
have come back, because they were afraid they would be killed on the way,
because, as I knew, the road is dangerous. For his part he lays the blame for the
misunderstanding on Junker. If, as he had arranged with Kamisoa, he had
gone to Kabarega for which purpose Kamisoa would have rendered him every
kind of help, then the letters would have been in Buganda long ago. Besides
this, he had explained that he wanted to go to Kabarega after the burning of
the grass, but this proposal had not been accepted, nor that of going by another
route. What perplexes him, Kamisoa, and has not been understood by him,
is Kabarega's behaviour against the Government. On the contrary he knows
quite well that he could have remained under the protection of the Govern-
ment. He asks that the soldiers now with him may remain there. All that

anybody may tell one about him to the contrary is lies and he asks me to pay no
attention to them. In addition to this, letters addressed to Kabarega were
handed back (two from me and one from Junker), all of them old.
February 4. Added to all other miseries smallpox has broken out in the
station during the last few days. The disease, we have heard, badly ravaged
Kamisoa's country and called for many sacrifices.
February 14. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, Kabarega's people arrived
here, this time under the leadership of Wando and not Msige and without
any cloth or letter from Kabarega. But a full mail came from Junker, a diary
from Vita, and the news that an Egyptian has reached Kabarega. Dr. Fischer
is coming but has not obtained the king of Buganda's permission.
(Letter from Junker, Kabarega's place, 3 Feb. 1886.)
"I am troubled because our first news from here has been so long in going to
you and perhaps has caused you unnecessary worry about us. For the first
time in my life I found myself, and up to now find myself, in the land of the
despot Kabarega in the position where one's own will, at least the exercise of
it, is completely paralysed through the custom and usage of the country owing
to the boundless rapacity of an African prince. Such were the prophecies and
now 'after the piping comes the dance' I must by my dealings and for my object
possess myself of the greatest possible patience. This thread of patience is much
needed in Vita and you will learn this especially by his daily explanation to you
that from the very first moment the freedom to dispose of our business and our
movements has in the aimable African manner been taken away from us. In
this way the desire to send a mail to you likewise was shattered by the delays
and hesitations between one king and another king, as Speke formerly said
regarding Kamurasi. The most difficult thing about patience is waiting in hope
to obtain little by little. You know the countries and their customs and usages
from long experience and my proposals will be understood by you. As novices
in the house of an African potentate we expected at first bitter disappointments.
Now we are already in a better way and consequently in a calmer state of mind.
After the detailed information of Vita, I am afraid I shall make needless re-
petitions and will limit myself to a short report. (Here follow details of journey
to Kabarega.)
The distance from Kibiro to Kabarega's place is about 10 hours south-
south-east. About half an hour this side of Kabarega's place they showed us
the new houses of the prince lying to the east of the road, where you formerly
met Kabarega. Finally on the third morning, after we had imperceptibly crossed
the watershed between the outflow to Albert Nyanza and the tributaries of the
Kafu, we came on the right hand side of the road to five huts made of grass,
whilst work was being done upon a sixth. Msige said these huts were to be
occupied by us for the present. Everybody said 'Stay here.' After the slight
temporary surprise and the disappointments, which have followed in the course
of one month upon another, we stayed there for three days and then we were
able to move into our ready prepared residence like outlaws and pariahs, sick
of the smallpox of which, it was said here, there had been a great deal, for
some 23 days in the said huts at Akola.
(Further delays ensued in obtaining suitable quarters.) At our first audience
with Kabarega we all met the Zanzibar people. After the first introductory
words Vita handed over his letter. The Turkeys (Die Truthiihner, sc. jesters)
made many jests. On this first day the time appeared to me to be unfavourable
and premature for talking about the journey and sending of letters to Buganda

and I postponed giving my letter from you to Kabarega till the next oppor-
tunity. Kabarega made a very agreeable and jovial impression on me.
On 17 (Jan. 1886) the second audience with Kabarega; I handed over my
letter which contained the subject of my journey to Buganda with urgent re-
quests to send my letter o Mackay. I had in the meanwhile learnt that Mackay
was still in Buganda. If 1 could obtain ncvs from there, perhaps my journey to
Buganda would not be necessary, and it was only in the event of receiving an
early reply from Buganda that I could postpone my journey to Buganda or
Zanzibar, and, in fact, perhaps in the circumstances give it up entirely.
Kabarega promises to send my letter off soon by his messengers. As for the
question whether your last correspondence had not gone to Buganda I receive
ambiguous answers, Kabarega wants us to send all his letters in Arabic by
Msige; it should thereby be possible to find his last letter. I should then take
the letter myself so that he may send it also to Buganda. Letters and envelopes
would then be delivered to us through Msige, who often went hither and thither;
but I did not thereby find the last writing. We found the first old letter, which I
had once sent to Buganda from Kamisoa with the English and French letters.
It had been opened, a sign that formerly a direct despatch would be delivered
into Kabarega's hands. The letters in European languages were not found.
Enclosed in his letter Vita has sent you the first old letter to the Egyptian
government. Kabarega informed us through Msige that he was very exasperated
because your last letter had been lost owing to the blameworthiness of the
Zanzibar people. After all these disagreeable experiences I insisted on going
personally to Buganda. Then the minister and the guardian of the Zanzibar
people came to us with the sure promise to obtain within 15 days an answer to my
letter from Mackay', whose name he himself mentioned to me. After the ex-
piration of that time, if no answer came, I could myself set out. I have in-
formed Kabarega that I will leave my house and want only 15 porters.
On 19 January my letter went to Buganda by a servant of the minister
Rwabudongo2. Since the first audience with Kabarega, the Zanzibar people
have not come to us. Kabarega had pretended to grant us freedom of inter-
course, but our approach to the Zanzibar people was frustrated through lies
and intrigues, though I myself notified Masudi of an intended visit. The poor
Zanzibaris are more dependent on the sovereign than we are and apparently
in greater fear of him. The answer to my first enquiry about Masudi received
the entirely false answer that the Zanzibar people did not want to know any-
thing about us ...
At last on 1 February Rwabudongo came to us with the Zanzibar clerk and
I thereby took the opportunity to deliver a harangue to him that, as was cus-
tomary throughout the whole world, we had come here because of my duty as a
stranger to pay a visit and that all my plans were ready etc.
On 2 February about 20 Zanzibaris with their black servants made their
visit to us, including the much beloved Masudi. Msige also came to us. During
a very nervous conversation enough was said about their fear of Kabarega.
Naturally I could not and dared not ask anything of interest. A servant of
Stanley's was amongst them. I spoke of recent travellers and praised the hos-
pitable reception of strangers by the Muhammadans at Tabora, in Tanganyika
and at Nyangwe. Masudi said here we were all friends of a mighty prince, etc.
On 31 January I was for the third time with Kabarega, whilst in the meantime 1
had attended once upon the prince. Kabarega seems to hesitate about sending a

mail to you till our huts are ready. He appears to be angry at the length of time
in building them.
Copy of a letter secretly sent to us on 4 February 1886 at Kabarega's (in
French). 'The 28 of this month. Dear Sir, I have the honour to announce to
you my arrival here yesterday in good health. I have all the news from the
coast, for you and the Egyptians, that Abdallah (that is you, honoured friend)
is arriving and some troops. Dr. Fischer, a native of Germany, has reached
Sukumaland with the intention of coming to Buganda to search for you, but
the Sultan of Buganda refuses to allow him to come. Then he has decided to
leave for Manyema. (I have) plenty of things particularly to tell you. Only I
ask you in advance not to tell anyone because I have come as a commercial
man, and when I come to see you in the presence of people speak to me neither
in French nor Turkish nor Arabic, at least till I begin speaking to you. I ask
you to rely on the assurance of my friendship. I am your devoted friend Moham-
med Biri formerly interpreter to the Belgian International Association in
Africa.' The address is: 'Monsieur Monsieur (bis) the traveller in this town
from Md. Biri.' (Biri's handwriting is very doubtful this time.) A hard test in
our relationship to know this man is in the immediate vicinity and to be unable
to go to him!
On 5 February Kabarega sent Wando to take the mail to Wadelai. Un-
fortunately this letter must go without anything positive. Then there is Fischer!
Best wishes to you, Casati, and everybody. Your devoted Junker."
(Arabic letter) "To my honourable friend Doctor Hassan Effendi. May
God protect you! Honourable Bey! Greetings! And may God's mercy be with
thee! I inform you that I am a native of Egypt and I have all the news from
Egypt for you. I came yesterday from Buganda under the guise of buying and
selling and you must not tell Msige my secret as I fear he will tell it to the people
of the country. I hope to come to see you in these days and the bearer of my
letter is my slave Nikola. The writer of this letter greets you. He is your friend
Mohammed ibn Hamed Biri. On 28 Rabi el Thani 1303" (3 Feb. 1886).
(Vita Hassan's Journal) . ." 19 Jan. Msige came with Rwabudongo and
two porters (bagazi) to take the letters to Buganda. Rwabudongo says one of
the porters belongs to the station and is continually going to and coming from
Buganda and on his last journey he saw three other Europeans who had recently
come, but whether belonging to Mackay's or the other company was not clear.
Rwabudongo has promised that these two porters will go and return in 10,
or at the most 15 days.
"1 Feb. Rwabudongo came with Abdurrahman who says the English and
French have made a railway to Mpwapwa and finally to Ugogo a journey
of 20 days which now can be made in 1- days. He also says that Ahmed bin
Ibrahim has been killed at Mankereve (? Ukerewe) at night. He was in his hut
and had a fire kindled and the blacks came in the direction of the fire and shot
him with arrows3.
"4 Feb. Towards 4 p.m. there came a Zanzibar slave with Msige; he told me
Masudi saluted me and Abdurahman also. At a moment when Msige was not
watching he threw me two letters in French and one in Arabic. The one in
French was addressed 'to the traveller in this town', that in Arabic to me.
He had found them on the ground. When I wanted to open them, he made a
sign to me to desist till Msige left. When he had gone, I opened the letter and
found that Signor Fischer4 was searching for Dr. Junker! and had much to say
to him and particularly about Abdullah Emin and his troops. He wanted it to

be reported at once to the Doctor that he wanted to come to him, but the king
had not given him permission and so had turned aside into Manyema."
(At the foot of these extracts from Vita Hassan's journal Emin writes that
"Vita writes that Kabarega is full of affection for me")
(Letter from Junker at Kabarega's, 17 Feb. 1886.)
(Went on 7 Feb. to the Zanzibar people and met Biri who addressed him in
French. Khartoum has fallen.) "Abd er Rahman, Kabarega's right hand man,
is playing a disgraceful double role. We were warned about him and Msige."
On 8 Feb. Biri came in secret to us. He is a native of Tripoli and has accom-
panied a Belgian to Lake Tanganyika, where the Belgian died. He warned us
to mistrust the Zanzibaris, not excepting Masudi, as they were playing a double
game. I have learnt from Biri that on a visit some months previously to Bu-
nyoro, he saw our old letter at Abd er Rahman's and in spite of his immediate
request to send it to you or to hand it to him, nothing happened, and the letter
remained with Abd er Rahman. This person came today with the rest. He is
always with Kabarega and yesterday hoisted a new flag opposite to us. Abd er
Rahman wants us to say a good word for him to Seyyid Barghash in Zanzibar.
The Baganda were said to be on the warpath near to us. Vita has written in
Arabic to the King, Katikiro, and two Zanzibar merchants in Buganda. I have
written to Mackay and Lourdel, 'who in the eyes of the King is a good child',
and to the French Consul at Zanzibar, who is on good terms with Seyyid
Barghash. I have also written a letter to Seyyid Barghash in French. Also to the
German Consul at Zanzibar with a packet for the Russian Consul at Alex-
andria, and to my family, Schweinfurth etc. and the Egyptian Government.
On 11 Feb. Abd er Rahman again appeared and very proudly handed me five
letters, which according to his own statement he had forgotten. Shumari was
formerly a servant of Stanley, now a servant of Biri, who said he would set out
on 12 Feb...
On 15 February, early in the morning, came Minister (sic) Abd er Rahman,
Rwabudongo, Msige, Masudi and several others and brought a mail from
Mackay, which was in a fastened envelope, whilst the rest of the letters had no
Today, on 17 February, Msige came again and told me the people from
Buganda were approaching. Already for some days there had been a going and
coming of armed men. Kabarega is sending his clumsy wives and his goods
further to the east. Many others are leaving here, also some of the Zanzibar
people. I for my part am following Mackay's advice and remaining here under
my flag, and watching matters calmly, if not without anxiety ...
The quarrel of the Germans with Zanzibar has resulted in the traders making
Mwanga afraid that the Europeans will also eventually take his land. Mean-
while a hundred of Mackay's pupils no longer attend school because they have
been punished with death."
(Letter in French of Pere Sim6on Lourdel dated Ste. Marie de Rubaga, 6
December 1885, and forwarded to Emin by Junker together with his letter of 17
February 1886.)
"My very dear Sir, I have the honour on behalf of Mwanga, Kabaka of
Buganda, to forward the enclosed letters. You will also be happy to learn that
M. Fischer, a German, is searching for you with 200 men. At present he is in
Usukuma. The King of this place has sent to look for him by means of the vessel
of the English gentleman. Probably this gentleman will arrive in Buganda in a
month and a half. Probably Mwanga will not permit him to go himself to look

for you, because he does not want to open the road from the north and the east
to Europeans. On the other hand Kabarega, who has detained the letters which
you wrote to the Kabaka, will not let you pass. Perhaps Mwanga will make war
on Kabarega, but I cannot be certain about this rumour. Things in this country
change rapidly especially the king's plans. I will do all I can to facilitate
your deliverance, but I cannot say if Mwanga is really resolved to send an army
to bring you here. The envelope of your letter had been hidden by the king's
people, who did not know how to read the address. Idi, the Arab clerk of the
king, is instructed to send you these letters. I hope they will arrive. Accept
etc. - Simeon Lourdel, Superior of the French Missionaries in Buganda."5
(Letter from Rev. R. P. Ashe of the C.M.S. dated Natete, Buganda, Vic-
toria Nyanza, 6 February 1886.)
"I need only add to what Mr. Mackay has written to you by saying how
pleased we shall both be to receive you here, or to render you any assistance
in our power. It is perhaps unnecessary to warn so old an African traveller as
yourself to exercise the greatest caution and patience and forbearance in any
dealings with these Baganda. They are full of suspicions and the most trivial
act may be interpreted by them as an act of hostility. Mr. Mackay has mentioned
the sad death or murder of the English Bishop Hannington which took place in
October 1885. He seems to have been anxious to reach here rapidly and to have
objected to waiting until a formal messenger had been despatched from the
king to bring him. Any stores of any kind, provisions etc. which we have will
be at your service. Trusting that you will get safely through every trouble,
believe me to be dear Sir, yours very faithfully, R. P. Ashe."6
(Letter of A. M. Mackay, Natete, Buganda, to Junker, who forwarded it to
Emin Pasha. It appears to be of the same date as that of R. P. Ashe to Junker,
viz. 6 Feb. 1886. Emin says he found it difficult to decipher.)
"My dear Sir,
My three letters will explain all. I saw the King yesterday as well as the
principal chiefs separately. Today I saw them all in court together. I had
previously given them some good tips to prepare the way. The King and Chief
Minister have agreed to bring you here safely. But by this time a dangerous
war has been declared here against Kabarega. I hope he will not hinder you.
If the Baganda don't find you helping their enemies, you may be sure they will
treat you well and bring you safely. A mutongole (subchief) named Buza-
Baliao6a has got orders to go to the Kabaka or chief captain of the forces and
tell him in the King's name to let you pass on here safely. His name is Kangoa,
a big chief.7 If Kabarega retires south, my advice is that you decline to go with
him. If you stay where you are, the Baganda will not injure you, but this lad
will fetch you safely. He has a letter with all news. Enclosed in this are the
latest telegrams of 1884 and 1885 to 2 November. Please try to send them on
to Dr. Emin. We should like you to stay with us, but that is not advisable as we
are men suspected of being political agents. The Germans have had a quarrel
with Zanzibar about some new colony they have made there. This has made
much alarm here and in consequence they have killed our Bishop (in the end of
October), who came by way of Masai and Busoga.8 My brother Rev. R. Ashe
encloses a note for you. Dr. Fischer came to Kageyi (?) for you but the author-
ities here were afraid to fetch him. I don't just know if he has left there. We
shall send word to the coast in a day or two that you have been found and are
coming. Khartoum fell on 26 Jan. 1885 when Gordon was killed. The Mahdi
died soon after of smallpox. His successor Khalifa is said to be killed in a fight.

English troops have now all left the Sudan. They reached Khartoum one day too
late. Your messenger will give you this. Come with him to the border from
where these men will fetch you here safely.
Yours faithfully,
A. M. Mackay."
(Written in one corner of the letter) "Do try to send back Emin's men out of
danger till the war is over. They are cause of alarm here and will seriously
involve you, A.M.M."
(Written in German) Junker. 17 February, Wednesday.
Yesterday I again arranged and packed up the telegrams for you; nevertheless
I have cut off the fine tissue papers (pieces on which nothing was written) for
cigarettes, because through your economical smoking you still have some
stitched paper. This is my reward for my small pains and care. Please forgive my
severing them.
(Nubar Pasha's instructions, dated Cairo, 13 Shaaban 1302, corresponding
to 27 May 1885 9.)
"To Emin Bey, Commandant at Gondokoro. The state of insurrection in the
Sudan compelled His Highness' government to abandon that country. Con-
sequently we cannot bring you help. On the other hand being ignorant as to the
condition in which you and your garrisons exactly are, we cannot give you any
instructions as to what you have to do, and if we ask you to explain your
position that of your garrisons so as to give you instructions thereon, that
will take a great deal of time and the delays will aggravate your position. The
object of this letter, which comes to you by way of Zanzibar, through the
kindness of Sir John Kirk, H.B.M.'s Consul-General at Zanzibar, is therefore
to give you full liberty of action. If you consider it better for yourself and your
garrisons to leave and return to Egypt, Sir John Kirk and the Sultan of Zan-
zibar will write to the chiefs of the different tribes on the way so as to try to
facilitate your withdrawal. You are authorised to obtain money on signing
bills from Sir John Kirk.
I repeat that you have carte blanche to act in the best way for your own
safety and that of the garrisons you would take. I ask you to inform me directly
you have made up your mind. Nubar, President of the Council. P. S. Sir John
Kirk will write further to you to warn you as to the steps he will take to facilitate
the withdrawal of the garrisons by way of Zanzibar."
(Letter from Sir John Kirk10 to Emin.)
"The British Agency, Zanzibar, 18 July 1885.
Dear Emin Bey,
The enclosed official letter I have been asked to have forwarded to Uganda,
whence if opportunity appears, it will be dispatched to Gondokoro. I have
written to the new King of Uganda and asked him to do his best in forwarding
the letter, but my reliance is entirely on the good offices of Messrs. O'Flaherty"
and Mackay, both men of energy and experience, on whom I have told my
government I can entirely depend to do what is possible for you. You will see
that you are authorised to draw bills on me in my official capacity here for the
expenses. With these bills you will be able to pay for goods from Arabs on the
route. In order to win confidence both in your pacific intentions in marching a
force to the coast and for the better negotiation of your bills I have asked the
Sultan of Zanzibar to write to the King of Uganda and to the Arabs in Uganda
and I have asked for a general letter of recommendation which you may use.
As to the route to be followed, I would advise you to follow the advice of the

Missionaries who can write of each caravan road better than I can. The ordinary
way would be to cross the lake or skirt it, then march until the Urambo or
Unyamwezi road is reached when you pass through Ugogo to the coast. But
once in Uganda I hope your difficulties will be lesser, as the remainder of the
way is passed weekly by caravans. I have given to the hand of Bishop Han-
nington who goes from Mombasa through Masai land to Uganda duplicates of
your orders and of my letter. If he reaches before the regular mail, he knows
enough of the situation to explain everything to you and he will do his best.
I have asked Messrs. O'Flaherty and Mackay to incur any necessary expense in
getting your orders forward and have told them to give presents if necessary,
which I will be good for. I need not say how happy I shall be if I have the
pleasure of welcoming you and your companions here. Please to send inform-
ation ahead that I may be ready to assist you and have the means of transport
ready on your reaching the coast. Yours sincerely, J. W. Kirk."
(Endorsement in the margin.)
"We shall do our best to get the King to forward this to you. But we are our-
selves in great trouble. Do not come into this country too readily. You may be
allowed to pass safely. At present there is great suspicion of foreigners. Ch.
M.S. Agency. We shall try to write you ourselves to explain all." (No date
to this endorsement.)
February 26, 1886. From Vita's letter only a few notes are extracted which
Junker has enlarged. The greatest cordiality prevails between Egypt and
Zanzibar, and Seyyid Barghash has written to the Arabs to help me in every way.
Mackay is out of favour. Lourdel is better written of. Hamis bin Halfan (my
old friend) and Ali bin Sultan are the leading Arabs in Buganda and in very
high favour with the King. Idi the clerk is still there. On 12 February Moham-
med Biri left for Buganda and has taken our mail ...
(Continuation of Emin's diary.)
Early on 7 (March 1886) the steamer Nyanza came from Dufile. The Major
there has been to Patiko, where there has been something of a war with the
negroes, but this has virtually come to an end.
(Letter from Junker, Kabarega's, 1 March 1886)
Yesterday Kabarega offered me two alternatives, either to go to the Buganda
boundary or to take my things back to Kibiro. He, Kabarega, would not allow the
people to go to continue the war for me. It appears that the people here suppose
or have heard that Buganda makes the war in order to fetch me away. I find
myself between two fires and hope I shall not burn in either of them. What
choice can I make except to go forward? Mackay enjoins patience, and I must
wait for Mwanga's messengers. Kabarega urges my departure and the people
hope to avert war by this means. Rwabudongo was here with me today and
himself said my departure was desired. I saw Kabarega today. Tomorrow the
porters will be on the spot. Vita will go back to Kibiro. The invasion of the
Baganda should follow on the new moon. Kabarega has sent the messenger
Wando back to you to ask you to send 200 soldiers. I know that at present
you are not in a position to do this; also it would be too late and highly im-
politic to act against Buganda. This accursed war will perhaps cause a further
delay in opening up communications. There is little hope that I shall be in a
position to direct fate. I hope I shall not drag my own skin to the market.
Ostensibly I am departing in a southerly direction, as the locusts are expected.
At the boundary I propose to stop and wait for Mwanga's messengers ..
Vita will speak with Kabarega about Khartoum etc. at the end of the war,

at the most within 10 days.
On 6 March Vita was also ordered to leave. He reached Kibiro on the 8th
and has set out thence by steamer to Mahagi, where together with a dragoman
of Kabarega he stayed at Chief Songa's and thinks he will step until the war is
finished. Kabarega has mustered all his people from Mruli, Mwenge and even
from Toro. He himself has abandoned his huts and is staying a little to the south
at a village belonging to his mother. Kabarega's dragoman not long ago made
a raid to the west of Lake Albert (10 days) into the land of the Babira (Bubira).
March 15. Before the departure of Kabarega's people I got from them the
following itinerary from Kabarega's place to the land of Mboga lying to the
west of the lake. From Kabarega's to the following rest camps; Kidjamba,
Bujaja, Kabuga (Nyamwenge). Here one crosses the Muzizi, which is broad
and full of water. Kavalli, Nyakateba to the mountain of Nsoro (Stuhl-
mann's editorial note equates these with Ruwenzori) plains from Kajere
to the lake. Here one crosses the lake which is long and narrow the land of
Mboga. Here Kabarega's people stayed a long time and obtained much booty
in cattle (long horned oxen) and slaves and subjugated the whole land. Now a
chief set up by Kabarega rules there ...
(Continuation of Emin's diary.)
On 16 March . came the news from Kabarega when the war was finished
I could begin to send forward my people there. I have written to Patiko orders
to send all the Dongolese. I am afraid that should the stupid story of these
parts come to the ears of the soldiers, the poor devils would rather first be shot
dead. I will send them with weapons and munitions to Kabarega, who will be
very glad indeed to see a few armed men from here.
At 9 in the morning (18 March) a letter came from Vita at Mahagi. The
bearer of the letters, an underchief of Songa's says the Baganda have burnt
Kibiro and that Kabarega, before he went to the south, set fire to all his huts so
as to anticipate the Baganda. I am sending the people he wants. If I let Vita
come back, our undertaking in the whole land will come to nothing and the
new cloth will be divided up amongst the people who will not want us to come
to the south.
As soon as the Baganda have withdrawn, Vita must at all costs go back to
Kabarega and thence to Buganda.
On 20 March the steamer Nyanza went early to Mahagi with 10 soldiers,
10 dragomen and 1 officer to be prepared for any raids by the negroes. On its
return voyage the steamer will cross the lake to Kibiro and try to learn what is
happening at Kabarega's and whether or not the Baganda have withdrawn.
On the same steamer Bachit Aga's people went to Panyango and thence by land
to Poda. In the afternoon there came back the soldiers, who had accompanied
the munitions which were being sent for Kabarega to Chief Boki's. No letter
from Vita has reached Boki. This would be quite in order. No news of the Baga-
nda. Kabarega has gone south to the mountains. Some of the population of
Kibiro have fled to Boki's and are still there. The munitions left Boki's on the
17th by water and should have passed by Kibiro.
On 26 (March) the steamer Nyanza came back in the afternoon from the
lake, where it disembarked the people at Mahagi. The following information
is taken by me from Vita's letters. The official Arabic letter says he heard on
14th that the Baganda were coming to Kibiro. On 16th that Kabarega had
killed a host of the Baganda and carried off many weapons as booty; on 18th
that the Baganda had withdrawn; and finally on 24th he went to Kibiro by the

Nyanza and had questioned the Mutongoli there and heard that Kabarega
was at Parajok (6 hours south-east of Kibiro) and proposed to send an army
against the retreating Waganda. Vita had sent Kabarega the dragoman whom
he gave him to ask the latest information. As a postscript comes the information
that he has come to Mahagi against his will, but he will follow Kabarega's
The captain says the people from Kibiro have gone away from their station
leaving behind their houses and goods and that the Baganda were killed, but
only by the smallpox which has already raged a long time in Kabarega's land.
Vita now wants to go back to Kabarega and asks me to send him my opinion
as soon as I can.
(5-11 April. The Nyanza is to go to Kibiro.)
Today 7 (April) one of the seven boys whom Kabarega sent here to school
died of the smallpox ...
.. At 4 in the afternoon there came a letter from Vita at Mahagi, dated
5 April 1886, that is two days before, saying it is hoped that the war is at an
end. The bearer of the letter was a corporal who on 15 March went with the
ammunition to Kabarega. He says that, setting out from here, it was on the
ninth day that he reached Kabarega, because the lake ran high and the boat
made no progress. The land journey from there to Kibiro takes only a few hours.
Kabarega, with whom he stayed five days, had treated him very well and was
very thankful for the ammunition and regretted he was unable to write because
the writer in Arabic was on the island with the other Zanzibar people. Next
time he will send Msige as soon as that person has rebuilt his burnt huts. The
Baganda have suffered heavy loss and have withdrawn, Kabarega's country
has not been devastated. Kabarega wants to stay at the village where he is now
residing until the big rains are over when he will erect new huts in a suitable
place. Up to the time of the officer's departure there was no news of Dr. Junker,
but the porters who had been sent to him had come back. They had decided to
come back and making the most of the war, each man returned to his own home.
With the under-officer there came Kabarega's local agent Mahongoki, who
had been sent by me to Kabarega on 6 March. He said his sovereign would
agree to everything I decided to do and was very pleased with the ammunition
that was sent to him and the assurance of my interest. Kabarega is now settled
in the village where I visited him and thinks of staying there. He will let me know
as soon as the huts are ready. He was asked if it would not be a good thing to
collect all the Banyoro scattered at Boki, Okello, Songa etc. and settle them at
Mahagi so that, if the soldiers came, they would find food and shelter on the
march. Very few people of importance amongst Kabarega's people have fallen
and no chiefs, whilst the Baganda have lost 5 chiefs, 25 guns, 6 flags, and 3
boxes of ammunition. It was true that the Arabs had taken part in the war and
Kabarega was very angry. The Arabs, who settled with him, were still in the south,
whither they had fled, and Abd er Rahman was with them. On the whole the
news is very meagre, but Mahongoki is no master of Arabic and therefore it is
better to wait for Wando's arrival to learn what the prospects are. It appears to
me that Kabarega very rightly is afraid of the arrival of a large quantity of
soldiers and thinks it would be much better to wait until I myself am in a
position to inform him personally about my plans and intentions, and if it is
necessary, to make blood-brotherhood with him. Mahongoki had no recent
news about Junker, but he said Kabarega had told him, to tell me that he would
give him a letter to deliver to me. At the same time as this news a packet of pipe

stems was brought to me instead of the missing letter. Two pieces brought
Kabarega's greetings, twelve those of his Batongole. Of the eight others one
represented the Baganda and the seven others their allies from Busoga, the
Arabs from Zanzibar, the people from Takka etc., who had combined to attack
Kabarega. Three Zanzibar people were killed.
April 9. A long letter from Vita contains little news. If only the writer were
not so Egyptian! The Egyptian officer, who was sent to Mahagi, has been be-
having badly and has already made a raid. He knows that the people are Kabare-
ga's subjects and that without Kabarega we can undertake nothing.
April 20. (Messengers sent to Kabarega to send Msige or Wando.)
(Letter from Bachit Aga12 at Anfina's received 6 May 1886 "Whilst the people
of Butiaba are busy building Kabarega's huts, Anfina's people in true robber
fashion have made a raid there and carried off much salt, women, bark-cloth
etc. He further writes that in the course of the Buganda-Bunyoro war Kabarega
has had great losses, that six of his wives and two of his sons were killed and
two made prisoners, that Kabarega has fled and is now staying at Butiaba and
that the Baganda have rejected his offer to surrender and in these months will
return to the attack on Kabarega. Kabarega intends to settle in Mruli." This
appears to be all lies. Bachit Aga is Anfina's blood-brother though Hassan
Aga says they live on bad terms. Anfina refuses him corn and meat and he
must obtain their wants from Kamisoa; I think there is an understanding
between the two and this is really a bit of play-acting in front of Hassan Aga.
Anfina writes to me that, as his people have fled to Kamisoa and have not been
sent back, he will be compelled to attack Kamisoa. This appears to have been
intentionally written so that I shall tell Kabarega's people, who are expected
to be coming here. I have today (on 8 May) personally asked the soldiers and
they have told me that they cannot speak too highly of Anfina. They have
received in full meat, corn and even corn seed, and have planted a few ve-
getables. The only persons with whom they are on bad terms are the officers,
who ill-treated them, and they want another commanding officer. It appears
to me very doubtful whether Bachit Aga does not tell me this whole pack of
lies, so that I may send a force from here to go with Anfina against Kabarega.
Also here lies and deceptions!
May 9. From Dufile no news except that the gentleman wishes to make
a raid on Jebal Matu, and Fadl-el-Mula Aga13, the chief of Patiko wants to
establish a station at Padibe and for this purpose has sent ChiefAgwok, my old
acquaintance, in a halter to explain his thoughts.
(Letter from Vita Hassan at Mahagi, dated 10 May 1886.)
(Writer has sent a dragoman to Boki to hear whether any news has come
from Kabarega. They say a mutongole has come from him to learn why Songa
keeps me from him. They say the war is finished and blood-brotherhood has
been made with Mwanga. Kabarega says he wants to make a station at Mahagi.)
May 11. (Instructions are being sent to Vita Hassan recalling him to Wadelai.)
Early on 16th the steamer went to Dufile. I have sent Chief Agwok with
permission to open a station in Padibe because I prefer in these times to see the
soldiers distributed rather than have many at one point. I can then leave them
to the officers if matters return to what is natural. From Dufile Padibe is to
the left of Fallibek, quick and easy to reach.
May 18. (Letters delivered to Casati for forwarding by way of Buganda to
May 20. Early on 20th the steamer Khedive sent to Kibiro: with it travelled

Herr Casati, with whom I have sent Kabarega's man Mahongoki and Ser-
geant-Major Abd er Farajalla, who was with Junker, whom I had sent to serve
with him. First of all he has taken 100 ivory tusks of all sorts and I have also
sent with him some copper, beads, iron shelves, cauris etc. for his personal
expenditure. It is to be hoped he will get on good terms with Kabarega and
open up intercourse with Baganda again.
At 3 in the afternoon (of 21 May) I had the pleasure of receiving a mail
from Kabarega with a letter from Dr. Junker enclosed and a note from Casati,
whom the bearer had met near Panyango. He says Casati on Friday that is
early today disembarked at Kibiro and will send the steamer to Mahagi.
Msige had gone direct to Mahagi . Kabarega's letter was written by the Arab
Ahmed Awad, and is firstly the acknowledgement of my former letters. It contains
a request to send him more boxes of ammunition of all sorts, as he has heard
that the Baganda, embittered by their defeat, want to come back, and the
further request not to send Vita any more to him, because he is very hot-
headed and talkative (havari we ketir elkelam), and to send another officer in his
(Letter from Junker dated 31 March 1886.)
(Reached the Kafu without meeting any armed men on the way, but at the
Kafu met a number of bellicose Banyoro, who were abandoning the land with
children and chattels. The district of Bunyoro bounded by the Kafu belongs
to the chief Kauka. Beyond the boundary the chief is Bikamba (probably
Emin's old friend Byekamba). After crossing the Kafu, the Banyoro left him and
on 6 March he was by himself and had a fall from his donkey which injured
him. Reached Byekamba on 10 March. Sent a messenger with a letter to
Lourdel. Baganda reported to have gone to Kibiro and Kabarega to have
fled to S.W. Reported that Mackay and Mohammed Biri are out of favour in
Buganda. Hannington's murder explains this. Nobody now dared go to be
taught by Mackay. In a P.S. Junker writes -
"1 May. Yesterday good news came from Buganda. Idi, the boundary
chief, has information from Mwanga that I may come and has sent me several
Waswahili people. My things are packed and I follow at once. I am taking
your soldier Surur with me to Mwanga so as to give you the latest news. If
I can, I will send you Mohamed Biri. My patience is, I hope, yielding good
fruit. Yours Junker."
May 20-30. According to Msige the following is the way from Kabarega's
place to Mboga Kabarega's place Njakwogo Kidjambo, where one
crosses the river Nkusi which flows into Lake Albert, Bujaja (the prin-
cipal market place is called Kerwage) Kabuga, where the Muzizi is crossed
- Kibale Nyakatabwe, whence goes the road to Toro Kjavaranga -
Dessekere Nsoro mountain (sc. Ruwenzori) plains of Kajera where the
river Duani which flows from the mountains is crossed in boats Mboga.
In the last mentioned country one of Kabarega's men Irota, has been set up
as chief, and was recently residing on an island, but at the present time on the
mainland . The direct road from Kabarega to Karagwe goes by Ankole,
whose people are very warlike, and up to now have not allowed people to pass
through, whether Arabs or people of Kabarega. It is to be noted that when I
was at Kabarega's, Ntale, King of Nkole, invited me to come to him, but
Kabarega refused his permission from fear for my safety. Between the Nile
on the east and Toro on the west there lies a land which is ruled by a woman,
who, if she received anybody, remains behind a curtain of bark-cloth and is

never seen by anybody; for this reason people believe her to be a sorceress.
This lady is called Nyabingi by the Banyoro14. My informant was unable to
give me the name of the land. In the Toro mountains dwell the Bakonjo, a
dark-skinned race, who keep their teeth intact, that is, do not take out their
front teeth and make their clothing out of bark-cloth.
They have their own language. In the Mruli district of Toro there are some
white Bahima, who are purely herdsmen with no agriculture. At the feet of the
mountain there are the Batoro, who speak the Runyamwenge dialect of Ru-
nyoro. They dress in skins like the Banyoro. With regard to Runyoro, there are
dialects in the following district, each of which speaks in its own dialect -
Bunyala, Buruli, Bujenje, Bugahya (Kabarega's country and the most elegant
dialect). Bugangadzi, Mwenge, Masindi; Toro and Busongora speak the Ru-
nyamwenge dialect. Mboga speaks Runyoro like the Bahima of Toro. The
mountains of Toro are called Gambalagala by the Baganda and by the Banyoro
Ballitu emfungo (send the birds up (to the summit)) (? balitembya nyonyi).
They are richly cultivated, especially with bananas. The road to Ruanda
passes by Busongora. At a village, Hamburko, on the River Dweru in Buso-
ngora, salt is obtained from natural springs, which is collected in deep wells
and is brought out to evaporate in the sun.
May 31. (Emin set out in the Khedive from Wadelai to visit Lake Albert)
Soon after noon we passed the village of Panyigoro, belonging to the chief
Okello. The village gives its name to this particular district . The inhabitants
are Alur together with Jopaluo-Banyoro, who under their chief Amara migrated
there in 1879, when we abandoned our station at Magungo ..
Entering the lake, . we hugged the western shore and soon reached the
district of the chief Boki, and his village, which is called Panyimur. The 'Turk'
with his civilization has not yet come here. The chief Boki, an old acquaintance,
came to us in a boat propelled with oars of bamboo, and begged us to take
some bamboos from him to Kibiro, as Kabarega wanted them. This was strange,
as bamboos grow plentifully in Kabarega's own country. The chief's visit did
not last long, as the rolling of the ship did not appear to be to his liking ...
Half an hour's steaming brought us to the wood station.
June 1, 1886. By noon we had enough wood on board, and with a very
fresh wind we steamed at about one third of a mile from the shore towards the
south ...
After less than an hour we came upon a long spit of sand in the shape of a
crescent. On keeping well to the west, we soon perceived that it was an island
and anchored about fifty yards from its shore. This island lies somewhat further
south than our deserted station of Mahagi. The island . is of quite recent
formation. In 1879, as we noticed when going from Mahagi to the hot springs
at Kibiro, the spot where it now lies was covered with shallow water. It was
therefore formed within the space of five years, for it has already been occupied
for two years . the natives have given the name of Tunguru to this island ...
The chief of the whole district of Mahagi is my old acquaintance, Songa,
a brave old fellow, who came to pay me a visit late in the evening. On receiving
a few small presents, he apologized for coming to me empty-handed. Not every
negro must be labelled a drunken good-for-nothing and a beggar. The entire
population of the western shore, from Okello's village at Panyimur to the re-
cently subjugated land of Mboga, acknowledges the supremacy of Kabarega.
This prince maintains relations of close intercourse with the chiefs of this
region by sending to them from time to time small presents of Zanzibar cloth,

or a few pieces of fine bark-cloth, which have been imported from Buganda
and which is highly esteemed in this country. Apparently the chiefs did not
render any fixed form of service in return for these presents, but during the
last war with Buganda they gave him great assistance by sending him supplies
of arrows, lances and shields. Kabarega has also at the request of the Alur
chiefs sent men across the lake in order to assist them in raiding into Londu on
the other side of the hills.
(During the night the Khedive dragged its anchor in a heavy storm and ran
June 2. (After the ship had been hauled off the sand, the Khedive steamed
SSE) Shortly after noon we saw ahead a wide crescent shaped by three large
villages, all of which were built on outlying ridges close to the foot of the hills
behind. We anchored off the southernmost of these about fifty yards from the
shore ... Some of Kabaraga's people who had accompanied me from Wadelai
disembarked here. Their leader Msige returned on board along with Kagoro,
the chief of the place. This latter was a stalwart and very dark-skinned fellow,
with a smooth shaven head. He was clad in the inevitable, albeit clean-looking,
ox-hide. Above this he wore a new piece of bark-cloth and held in his hand
a long staff of authority which indicates the Munyoro chief. He bore himself
well and with much dignity and made a favourable impression on me. We
exchanged the usual compliments and he placed his district at my entire service.
We then landed together and I sent a messenger to Kabarega with letters to be
sent to Buganda.
(Here follows a lengthy description of Kibiro and the salt industry which
has been printed with some additions thereto in Emin Pasha in Central Africa,
On this account (sc. of the salt industry) the village is a very important
possession of Kabarega. In the recent war with Buganda, before they were
beaten, the Baganda demanded a large quantity it is said one hundred loads
- together with I do not know how much ivory to stop the war.
June 4. I was pleasantly surprised to receive a letter from Dr. Junker,
which announced that he had arrived safely in Buganda. It is also to be hoped
that he will reach home safely. Along with this letter there also came greetings
from my old acquaintance Idi, who was formerly Mutesa's secretary and who
is now a frontier chief in good favour with Mwanga. I received also an official
communication from Nubar Pasha and a very friendly letter from Seyyid
Barghash. He writes that he has heard that the way by the Nile is barred to us
and that we are besieged in the country. He has therefore ordered all his subjects
to help us on our way to Zanzibar. The letter, which is very well written, is
dated 3 Shawwal 1302 (26 July 1885) and is therefore a year old.
(In the morning Emin ascended the lake escarpment.) Although there was
now nothing to prevent my departure, nevertheless at Kagoro's request I
consented to stay a day longer. Towards evening that chief came with a budget
of compliments and a few eggs by way of a present. He excused himself for not
bringing more on the ground of bad times and short supplies. This was a sure
means to enhance the value of his present. The pet wish of his heart was then
gratified by the present of a pair of shoes. He then departed with the utmost
delight. With a little patience and good will negroes are so easy to please.
June 5. By noon we had all our baggage on board and steam up. With a
strong south-west wind, which whipped the lake up into short white waves,
we started on our return journey ... About 5.32 p.m. we once more cast anchor

before Boki's village at Panyimur.
June 6. (Reached Wadelai)
June 19. It is said Kabarega, together with Vita and Abd el-Wahab, is being
besieged on an island by the Baganda ... Ibrahim Aga Ghattar, who has come
from Patiko, tells me that the officers there have clearly decided that they are
of the same mind as those of Lado and will not go to the south.
S. On 26th (June) in the evening there came a mail from Vita at Mahagi.
He has heard that in their raid the people have carried off plenty of cattle and
have now sent to Songa's and Areja's sons to receive tribute. Soon after the
departure of the people from Mahagi the negroes embittered by Songa's
treachery fell on his town, carried off ten cattle and a number of goats and
burnt his huts. That is the blessing of these raids.
(Letter from Junker, dated 2 June 1886, at Mwanga's.)
(Reached here yesterday. Received permission to live with Mackay or the
French mission. Today saw the gentlemen of the Mission. The king is on the
lake. Perhaps I am going to see him tomorrow morning but cannot write to
you with any certainty. The gentlemen of the Mission are of the opinion that
you should postpone your coming here to a better time. Some days ago the
King killed 100 people, who went to school at the Mission. The gentlemen think
that at present you will not obtain permission to march through Buganda.
Times are bad, very bad. You can, if you are compelled, leave Wadelai and stay
some time in Bunyoro. Writing in great haste. The messenger (the messenger
of the moment) is waiting for the letter. If I see the king, I will write more.)
(Later from A. M. Mackay, written in German and dated June 2, 1886, at
"Natete, Buganda, Ch.M.S. Stat.")
"You will perhaps understand my dreadfully bad German. I cannot manage
the proper language, but it is necessary that I should write my opinion in pri-
vate, because English is not entirely unknown here. Dear Sir, if it is possible,
do not come to Uganda. Your numerous people will not find a friendly way
here. The King is young and wicked. He is dreadfully suspicious, especially in
recent times. You know quite well that the false scoundrel has murdered our
Bishop and all his porters I do not know how many men, but more than
50 in Busoga. Your proposal to send your people here is not prudent. They
would probably all be killed. Do not do this. My advice is to remain there, if it
is possible, or if you cannot stay to the north of the River Somerset, come to
those parts perhaps to Foweira or Anfina. You could stay there until we wrote
to the Consul. You will certainly see help. Tne English Government under
Gladstone was rotten not to support the garrisons in the Sudan, as it had taken
this in hand. The expedition to Khartoum was fruitless, but in these parts the
position is different. Only say you are ready to keep the Equator Province in
your hands and that you would have English support, and I think you will
very soon see help. We have already written this to England. Do not budge
from this. Keep your steamers. There is a great interest in the affairs of East
Africa in these times. Germany today wants many colonies, and in the neigh-
bourhood of Zanzibar Bismarck has already made plenty of trouble and has
already seized two or three districts. England will also do something in East
Africa. She only wants a good opportunity, but the suitable time is already
there. We cannot think that our Minister will pardon the King in the affairs
of our Bishop. You are also in this neighbourhood. The old government at
Khartoum no longer exists, but you can deliver over a large territory into
English hands, if you wish to do so. Remain there, dear Sir. Do you not know

that today the whole of the Congo Basin has been made a Free State? The King
of the Belgians is its Protector and Stanley its Viceroy. Today you have the key
of the whole neighbourhood in your hands. You know quite well how power-
less all these lands are. It is very necessary for the peace of East Africa that a
good governor, such as you are, should take over the whole territory of the
Nile Sources. I know quite well that you could bring all this about if you took
it in hand. You must, however, be supported and England will without doubt help
you, if you say so. Where will you take all your people ? There is no better land
than that in which you are. There is a direct road to Mombasa. Mr. Thomson
has already made a successful journey to the Baringo Lake and our Bishop
reached the Ripon Falls. Dr. Fischer has also made a journey from Pangani to
Kageyi. Thence he has gone northwards by Ururi and Kavirondo. He is search-
ing for Dr. Junker, who came here safely yesterday. It would appear that it
will not be possible for Dr. Fischer to find a road by way of the Wadelai. It is
aaid he is now in Busoga. This king says that Dr. Fischer will not be allowed a
way through Buganda ahough the traveller has only 200 porters. He is more
afraid of the Egyptian soldiers than of the miserable people of Zanzibar.
Perhaps you know this king recently made war on Kabarega only because he
heard you were coming to Bunyoro. His game was however unprofitable. He
has planned especially to kill you. If you must go to Zanzibar, go direct by Ba-
ringo and Masai to Mombasa. But I have good hopes you will remain where
you are or in Bunyoro, but as far from here as possible. There is now a great
following of Christians in this land. Every day people, who have been instructed
by us, are being killed. We have no peace. We are just as if we were in prison.
We will send your information to the coast. This king plans to make a further
war on Bunyoro. His intention is completely to overthrow Kabarega. Yours
(Letter in French from Mohammed Biri, dated "Uganda 3 July (sc. June)
I have just received today your letter by Dr. Junker, your friend. We have
not had the time to speak together about all that we should do. Dear Sir, at
present the road to Kabarega is not free because of the war, as M. Vita has
already told you, but ask God that Kabarega will make an arrangement with the
Sultan of Buganda and ask him for peace so that the road may be free as
formerly, so that I may reach Bunyoro. In any event I think it would be better
to cause M. Vita to return to Kabarega with 10 persons if the war is finished,
so that our affairs may be easy to direct. When I was there, I heard that you
were going to abandon your ivory, but it would be better to send all your
ivory to Kabarega and put it in a depot until the day when there is the means
of sending it to Zanzibar, giving to these two chiefs 10-15 tusks each. But it is
very difficult to get leave for you to pass. As you know, there is much fear
concerning you, especially with 3,000 persons, but there are the means for you
to pass by Ururi by the route which M. Fischer has taken by Usukuma to
Busoga, and thence enters Kidi. It is all I can write at the moment.
(Two letters from Casati. The first was written from "the new residence
of Kabarega at Kiola, 4 April (sic ? 4 June) 1886, in which he states that his
habitation is situated about one and a half hours to the north of Kabarega's
residence, but that Wando has promised that he will be provided with better
accommodation soon. The second letter is dated 4-22 June 1886, and gives, in
Italian, the following information)
At 7 o'clock Ahmed Sajad left with the mail and proposals for peace on the

part of Kabarega. The Zanzibaris have at no time had cloth or even coffee.
They have plenty of cowries and sell them at 250 to the dollar. In Uganda
however, they are hoarding a lot of merchandise and, when peace is definitely
concluded, they will send it. The following are the English stations on the road
to Zanzibar Mamboja, Mpwapwa, Karoma, Ndonda, Uganda. French
stations Simbamwena (principal station), Kipurapura, Ukambi, Uganda,
Bagamoyo. On 10 June Msige came with a letter in his hand for me and ac-
companied by two servants carrying mwenge. In the discussion as to the passage
of the troops Kabarega opposes me because in the north armed men of the
Government are plundering, but he confines his complaints to the enemies of the
Dongolese (sc. the Mahdists) who are able to come from Khartoum.
July 6. I am at once writing to Junker that I am staying here, and that he
should think only of his journey home, and not of us. I asked him on arrival
at Cairo to inform the Government of all local events. To Mackay I am writing
that he should have no anxiety about our troubling Buganda, as I am resolved
to remain ... In a letter to Sir John Kirk I am telling him that Mackay made
certain propositions to me and that I am quite ready to co-operate with all
who will extend help to our land; Mackay, to whom I have written in detail,
will give him the information.
(It would appear that the letter to Mackay was the one which Mackay
forwarded to Sir John Kirk from Buganda on 24 August 1886. It was there-
after forwarded by Frederic Holmwood, who in Kirk's absence was acting as
British Consul-General at Zanzibar, to the Earl of Iddesleigh, then Foreign
Secretary, on 10 October 1886. In his letter to Mackay Emin expressed the
opinion that no blessing could ever come to his province from the Egyptian
Government, and that he did not like the "perspective Dr. Junker opens me"
of the annexation of his province by the German East Africa Company. He
tells Mackay that, "to your question am I prepared to aid in the annexation
of this country by England, I answer frankly 'Yes'. If England intends to oc-
cupy these lands and to civilise them, I am ready to hand over the government
into the hands of England, and I believe thereby I should be doing a great
service to mankind, and leading an advance to civilisation." (Oliver, The
Missionary Factor in East Africa, pp. 130-1.)


1 Alexander Murdoch Mackay (1849-1890) studied engineering at Edinburgh University
and was a draughtsman in an engineering firm at Berlin, 1873-5. Joined the Church Missionary
Society's Mission to Lake Victoria in 1876. He first reached Buganda in 1878 and died at
Usambiro at the southern end of Lake Victoria in 1890. He and Emin at length met in August
1889, when the latter, in company with Stanley, stayed at Usambiro from 28 August to 17
September 1889. The Khedive conferred upon Mackay the Order of the Osmanieh (4th class)
for the services which he rendered to Emin after the fall of Khartoum. Mackay's sister wrote
his biography, Mackay of Uganda (1890). See also Yule, Mackay of Uganda. The Missionary
Engineer (1923).
2 Rwabudongo remained Kabarega's first minister until 1895, when he made his
submission to the British Government. He was subsequently given a chieftainship under
Kasagama, Mukama of Toro, but the two were constantly quarrelling and in 1897 Rwabu-
dongo was deported to Kampala.
3 For an account of the circumstances in which Ahmed bin Ibrahim came by his death in
Karagwe (and not on Ukerewe Island) see 'Ahmed bin Ibrahim The First Arab to reach
Buganda', U.J. 11 (1947), 80-97.
4 G. A. Fischer settled at Zanzibar as a physician in 1876. In 1877 he visited Witu, and in
the following year ascended the Tana River, residing for some time at Kau and Ozi. In 1882-3
he visited Masailand. In 1885 he was commissioned by Dr. Junker's brother to go to his

rescue. He reached Kageyi at the southern end of Lake Victoria on 16 November 1885. Whilst
there he received a letter from Mackay warning him not to attempt to come to Buganda, as
Mwanga intended to murder him. He accordingly decided to try to reach Emin and Junker
by way of the eastern shore of Lake Victoria, but the difficulty of obtaining provisions owing
to famine in the lands through which he passed compelled him to relinquish the attempt and
to make his way from Kavirondo to the coast. He arrived back in Zanzibar after he and his
party had undergone great hardships. He died on 11 November 1886, as the result of the
sufferings which he had undergone. An obtituary notice in P.R.G.S. (1886), 791-2 describes
him as "anything but a voluminous writer, and this is all the more to be regretted, as he was
a careful and an industrious collector." An English account of his expedition for the
relief of Junker appears in P.R.G.S. (1887) pp.45-7.
5 Simbon Lourdel (1853-90) and a lay brother (Amans) were the first members of the White
Fathers' Mission to reach Buganda, where they arrived on 21 February 1879. For his career,
see Nicq, Le Pere Simeon Lourdel (1895). An English account of Lourdel is to be found in
Forbes, Planting the Faith in Darkest Africa (1927).
6 Robert Ashe first arrived in Buganda as a missionary in 1883. He was forced to leave
owing to the hostility of Mwanga in 1886 and eventually returned to England in 1886. He was
again in Buganda from 1890 to 1893. He has given an account of his experiences in Two Kings
of Uganda (1889) and Chronicles of Uganda (1894).
6a This would be James Buzabaliawo, the high-spirited Christian soldier, who less than
four months later was burned at Namugongo (3 June). He is among the 22 Uganda martyrs
recently canonized by papal decree. See Faupel, African Holocaust, 1962.
7 A full account of this war between the Baganda and Banyoro is given by J. W. Nyakatura
in Abakama be Bunyoro Kitara, pp.169-72. Kibirango, Kangawo or county chief of Bulemezi,
was killed during the fighting.
8 James Hannington (1847-85), first Bishop of Equatorial Africa, was murdered in Busoga
on 29 October 1885.
9 Nubar Pasha Boghos (1825-99) was an Armenian Christian educated in Europe. He was
prime minister of Egypt, 1878-9 and again from 1884 to 1888.
10 Sir John Kirk (1832-1922) was British Consul-General at Zanzibar from 1873 to 1887.
11 Philip O'Flaherty had served as an interpreter in the Crimean War. He was subsequently
ordained, serving as a curate at St. John's, Deptford. Becoming a C.M.S. missionary, in 1880
he escorted Mutesa's returning envoys from England to Buganda. He died in the Red Sea
on his way back to England on 21 July 1886. He was the author of Collections for a Lexicon
(Luganda) published in 1890.
12 Bachit Aga was described by Mounteney Jephson as having "remained loyal to the
Pasha, but was quite unable to check desertions; he was useful and obedient, but was rather a
drunkard." He later played a prominent part in the defence of Dufile against the Mahdists.
Mounteney Jephson, Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at the Equator, pp.99-352.
13 Fadl-el-Mula Bey Muhammad was a Sudanese soldier of the Dinka tribe. In 1888 he
became one of the ringleaders in the rebellion against Emin. After Emin's withdrawal from the
province in 1889 he set up a number of military posts along the Albert Nile and reoccupied
the abandoned station at Pabo. In 1892 he agreed with the Belgian Lieutenant Milz to enter
the service of the Congo Free State and was given the title of Governor of Equatoria. On 29
January 1894, he was attacked and killed by the Mahdists in the vicinity of Wadelai. Holt,
The Mahdist State in the Sudan, pp.198-202; Gray 'Acholi History, 1860-1901', U.J. 16
(1952), 32.
14 In 1891, in the course of his last journey, Emin entered the dominions of "Queen"
Nyabingi. All his dealings were with her Katikiro and he reached the conclusion that "the
whole of Mpororo has fallen into a complete state of lawlessness, owing to the circumstance
that the Queen has no authority whatever."
(Schweitzer, Life of Emin Pasha, ii, 182.)


P.161 note 6a line 3: for 'canonized' read 'beatified'
for 'recently' read '1920'

Uganda Journal, 27, 2 (1963) pp. z63--75 163

Bananas (Musa spp.) are the great staple food crop of southern Uganda (Fig.
1). In 1958 they occupied a total area of over 1,200,000 acres and supplied the
main subsistence of roughly 2,500,000 people, or 35 per cent of the total population
of Uganda. Banana cultivation also supports densities of population well above
the average for the country. In many areas, where the crop is paramount, densities
I I I I I /
31 33 3 35*
-4. / 4"-

1. I


I I \

". \

2'" 80 MILES L K 20

.....".. M

0&1 0



I. : ..:..

01* 33* 350

Fig. 1. Distribution of bananas, 1958.

*This article is reprinted from the Journal of Tropical Geography, (Volume 16, 1962, 57-69) with
special permission of the Editor.

of over 200 persons per square mile are frequent, rising in central Buganda to over
500 per square mile, and among the Gisu of the western slopes of Mount Elgon
it reaches 1,000 per square mile. The close association between banana cultivation
and the Bantu-speaking tribes is demonstrated by Figs. 1 and 2. The nature of the
association varies. The dominant importance of bananas is most clearly marked
among the largest single tribe, the Ganda. This is true both of the past (1) and the
present. A similar relationship continues into Tanganyika among the Haya of Bukoba
District. The traditional dominance of bananas in the agriculture of the Soga
and the Amba is also attested by Fallers (2) and Winter (3) respectively. Today,
bananas are also the staple crop of the Gisu, although the extent of their former
reliance upon them is uncertain (4). Among many of the remaining Bantu-speaking
tribes of southern Uganda, notably the Nyoro, Toro, Ankole, Hororo and Gwere,
the status of bananas is somewhat different. Formerly they appear to have been of
subsidiary importance to finger millet (Eleusine coracana), but in the present century
banana cultivation has expanded steadily in both acreage and popularity.
Baker and Simmonds believe there are about fifty varieties of banana in the inland
areas of East Africa, and they consider this to be a probable 'secondary centre of
diversity of the crop' (5). Buganda again predominates. As early as 1902 Sir Harry
Johnston recorded thirty-one local varieties. This wide range, much exceeded in later
counts, is a reminder of the importance of bananas to the Ganda. They are focal
in the life and economy of the people. All other foodstuffs are considered secondary
and second-best. Legend associates the banana with Kintu, the mythical father of
the tribe. The techniques of banana cultivation are elaborate and give every indication
of being long established. Four main groups of bananas are recognized: cooking
bananas (or matoke), beer bananas (mbide), roasting bananas (gonja) and dessert,
yellow bananas (menvu). Within these broad groups there are great refinements in
variety, nomenclature, management and usage. Besides the fruit, almost every portion
of the plant has traditional usages for fibres, wrapping, fuel and so on.
The broad outlines of the banana problem in relation to Uganda may now be
stated. Here is a crop which, on botanical, anthropological and agricultural evidence,
shows every sign of being anciently entrenched in local cultivation. Simmonds, who
has made a particular study of the crop, writes, 'I find it difficult to believe that a
banana civilization such as that of the Baganda has developed in a mere 1,000 years
or so' (6). Yet the cultivated bananas are not, in their origins, indigenous to Africa,
being quite distinct from the native genus Ensete, none of which bear edible fruits
(5). The great majority of edible bananas had their origin in only two wild species,
Musa acuminata and M. balbisiana, or in crosses between them (7)*. The apparent
homes of these ancestors lie in the monsoon coastlands of eastern Asia in the area
bounded by the Bay of Bengal, the Malay Peninsula and the southern ranges of the
new fold mountains. Today, the banana is a true cultigen: a plant made over by man for
his own uses, no longer bearing viable seeds, and dependent upon man for its propa-
gation by means of corms or suckers taken from existing plants. Under such conditions
the sole method of genetic variation is by somatic mutation (or 'sporting'), and mutation
rates are practically constant (6). It may be deduced from these facts and from
the great variety of cultivated bananas existing today that the domestication is
very ancient. This may indeed be among the oldest of domesticated food plants.
If so the origins of the banana are tied up with the origins of agriculture itself. The
broader aspects of the problem may, however, be approached from a consideration
of the local situation.
*Following the work of Cheesman, the former distinction between 'bananas' and 'plantain', for long
blurred, has become invalid for general purposes.


110 33 35
0L AMITES ----..
TRIBAL / ---

A\-- -- ---------- KARAMOW

-2 80 MILES / ---
_4LUR . .../.*,"-

-/ ,, o--

Sl AN--- / "

310* 333



nous East African agriculture to which, later, attractive food plants might have been
added as they became available by introduction. The attempt is soon checked by the
apparent poverty of choice of important food plants that may be assumed to have
been locally available. Greenway has summarized the evidence on the origins of culti-
vated food plants in their application to East Africa (8). Sorghum (S. vulgare), finger
I\. "", --*'-- 1---- --I

millet and simsim (Sesamum indicum) may have originated in eastern Africa, the
Ethiopian Highlands being the most likely centre. The Bambara groundnut (Voandzeia
subterranean) is more likely to have been locally developed.. It may be noted that
these are seed crops which might be expected to yield some archaeological evidence
of early cultivation in East Africa. Virtually all the important planted crops have
of early cultivation in East Africa. Virtually all the important planted crops have

been introduced. A more fundamental objection to'the localized invention of agri-
culture is found in the consideration of the time scale of man's technological progress.
In perhaps one million years of experience, man has been an agriculturalist for a few
millenia. In relation to Africa the time span is certainly reduced. The first attested
evidence from radio-carbon dating of agriculture in lower Egypt-admittedly in a
fairly advanced form-is about 4500 B.C. However obvious the ideas of cultivation
may appear in retrospect, they did not come quickly or easily to man. It is probable
that diffusion of the basic techniques considerably outstripped and outweighed
independent invention.
The nature of the African
continent in relation to crop ..
transmission is therefore im-
portant. Fig. 3 attempts an :: ""
evaluation in such terms. It
relates particularly to planted
crops for two reasons: firstly, ..
because the banana is such a ... ,
crop; secondly, because the
thesis of Hahn and others that
planted agriculture evolved
before seed agriculture seems *..., .
to be a valid premise. Tech- .... -- .. ....
nique is at least as basic to i, ,
agriculture as crop choice.
Vegetative propagation and .. ,... ---- '
selection on the one hand, and ,,
sowing and cross-breeding on ."i.
the other are very different ....\ .
modes of cultivation, which l ."*.. W.
must have taken the early C) .. "oo MILES
cultivators long ages to master _____
and to combine. Sauer also Fig. 3. An ecological evaluation of Africa in relation to
makes the significant observa- the early cultivation and transmission of planted crops.
vation that for the earlier Ecology after Phillips (10). Magadascar after Maurette (20).
cultivators, working with the digging stick and similar primitive tools, the moulds
and moist soils of forest margins must have offered easier opportunities than the
knotty tussocks and matted roots of the savanas. River terraces and alluvial fans
would also present advantages. Agriculture in the savana may well be derivative (9).
In Fig. 3, therefore, the zones designated as best suited to the early transmission and
cultivation of planted crops constitute the margins of the humid tropical forest,
the humid sub-tropical and montane forests, and the sub-humid wooded savana.
The designations are those of Phillips (10). Without starting the hare of possible
climatic change, it is reasonable to conceive of the sub-humid wooded savanas having
become progressively more open during centuries of human activity, with consequent
effects upon their water resources and soils. On the flanks of the favoured zones,
heavy forest, particularly where it is marshy, drier savana, semi-deserts and deserts
progressively limited the opportunities.
The ecology of East Africa is peculiar. A favoured region-the plateau of the
great lakes-is surrounded by barriers of varying degrees of difficulty. To the north,
the sudd and the toich are formidable zones. To the north-east, below the tabular
edge of the Ethiopian Highlands, lies a belt of semi-desert, intensifying into true

desert around the southern end of Lake Rudolf. To the east, backing the Indian
coast, lies the Nyika, a tract of inhospitable, sub-arid thorn bush. To the west, the
highlands and troughs of the western rift valley system and the extensive forests of
the Congo Basin pose difficulties. The history of the nineteenth century European
exploration of East Africa provides ample testimony to the reality of these barriers.
Only to the north-west, via the Congo-Nile divide, and to the south, via the rift
valley lakes, are there attractive approaches to the East African plateau. The Congo-
Nile divide is the easier route. Physically, this major watershed between two great
African rivers is surprisingly unimpressive. Often, its contemporary treelessness,
consequent upon generations of human activity, underlines this effect.

sm* 9. RE'NOlO .. U \4 LAMI {.I" CENT
-*l BAnEr AND 5..MONDi i9 ..MBAA IA D 1300)
-0 SAUER 1952 C, It 1
Ist /or8lh

Fig. 4. Some suggested routes of possible banana transmission in their relations to Uganda.

Divergent views on the introduction of the banana to Uganda may be set against
this ecological background (Fig. 4). Firstly, the ideas of the Ganda themselves
deserve consideration. These ideas are fairly specific and circumstantial: the banana

was brought by Kintu from the north or the north-east (la). Opinions vary widely
on the value of tribal myth in historical interpretation. Unaided, it scarcely supports
the superstructure of a thesis. The story of Kintu prevails in some detail, not only
among the Ganda but also among the Nyoro and the Toro (11). In Buganda there
are perhaps two strata in this myth; the first embedding cryptic elements concerning
a long-distance folk migration, the second partially derived from the first and relating
to the incoming of Hamitic overlords from the north-east. In the orthodox view
the latter elements founded a dynasty in Buganda, probably between 1,000 and 500
years ago. They may well have taken over existing tribal legends to underwrite and
confirm their own power. However this may be, certain points of the legend of Kintu
as given by Roscoe deserve note. When he first came to Uganda, Kintu found no food.
He brought with him one cow but no crops or domestic stock until Nambi, his wife,
accompanied him, when a goat, a sheep, a fowl and a banana plant were also brought.
The banana was established in a named locality. Kintu's wife is thus depicted as the
first Buganda agriculturalist. The immigration of an agricultural people into a thinly
populated territory of hunter-gatherer and fishing groups is consonant with modern
views on Uganda's pre-history. There is also some indication that this incursion and
overlapping progressed southwards through the continent (12). As a record of folk
migration the approach of Kintu from the north would also agree with the postulates
of Greenberg (13), who, upon linguistic evidence, assigns to the Bantu-speaking
peoples an origin in the area of the Cameroons, the expansion therefrom having
occurred within the last 3,000 to 2,000 years. Kintu, then, hints at a possible south-
ward entry of the banana into Uganda, but the more distant routes remain obscure.
Wainwright (14) has directed attention to the possibility of the banana having
entered Uganda from the north-east by way of the Ethiopian Highlands. He presents
probable documentary evidence for its presence on the Red Sea coast at about A.D.
525. It could thus have been brought to Uganda by Kintu, conceived as the Hamitic
founder of a dynasty. Neither the final stages of the route through the north-eastern
approaches, nor the carriage by a predominantly cattle-centred group are fully
It is sometimes maintained that a direct entry of the banana into the Lakes
Plateau from the East African coast poses no particular difficulty. This is not so.
The Nyika forms a forbidding hinterland to the coastal fringe, of such significance that it
is probably a valid generalization to say that before the nineteenth century it was the
East African interior that 'discovered' the coast rather than the reverse. Archaelogy
offers no evidence for penetration inland from the coast. 'No pottery or porcelain or
other objects imported to the coast have yet been traced inland' (15). Nor is there yet
any documentation of contacts between Uganda and the coast earlier than the
eighteenth century. Baker and Simmonds suggest, as an alternative to a southern
route, that the line from the coast via the Usambara Mountains and Mount Kili-
manjaro is a feasible one for the introduction of the banana, but their own work
on varieties goes some way to rule it out, and Simmonds confirms the difficulty (5, 6).
The varietal populations of the inland and the coastal areas are markedly different,
and most of the overlap can readily be explained as a modern development. There
may, further, be a chronological problem. The archaeological evidence for coastal
settlement by sea-going peoples does not go back earlier than the late thirteenth century
(16). The banana seems to have been present on the East African coast by A.D.
1300 (8). Unless, however, it was already of some antiquity, these dating allow
quite inadequate time for diffusion inland and the subsequent development of new
varieties. A much longer time interval would be needed. There is reason to infer Arab,
and perhaps Indonesian, contacts considerably earlier, although Kirkman is sceptical


regarding the latter. According to documentary evidence, the earliest contacts were
made about the first century A.D. The periplus ofthe Erythraean Sea contains references
to the maritime trade of the East African coast, but no points have been confidently
identified (17).
Thomas (19) and Simmonds (6) urge the claims of the southern route of entry
for the banana, via the Zambezi valley and the great lakes. It has, indeed, strong
claims to consideration and its geographical suitability has already been noted.
Indonesian settlers, arriving almost certainly along the monsoon routes, are known
to have reached Madagascar in the eighth century, and earlier migrants may have
arrived as early as the first century A.D. (20). Various workers, including Hornell
(21) and Culwick and Culwick (22), have indicated positive and possible Indian
echoes within mainland Africa. These are summarized by Posnansky (23). The
form and decoration of sewn boats in East Africa are the most material traits, musical
influences the most wide-spread. The banana is an important food crop in Mada-
gascar. It, and other Asiatic crops including taro, or the coco-yam (Colocasia anti-
quorum), could also have been among the introductions that diffused gradually
northwards and westwards through tropical Africa.
10aW 10E 30E

1 L. "-* 'O .

ASH.. ........


., LAME \ ,
VIAw oE 3o E
I rE I
Fig. 5. Some features and relationships along a suggested northern route. The northern
limits of banana cultivation shown here are determined mainly on climatic grounds, and
draw on plates 18 and 23 of the "Atlas des Colonies Francaises" (Paris, 1934), and on
Tothill (36). The southern limits accord mainly with the importance of contemporary
cultivation; for West and Central Africa they draw on the maps of Johnston (42).
A number of reservations concerning this route should be set out. Firstly, the
problem of bulk carriage of a considerable variety of planting stock over extended
ocean routes should not be minimized. Secondly, it may be noted that the route
when applied to East Africa, though certainly feasible, runs counter in direction to
general views on the diffusion and migration of a number of other elements in Africa,
including cattle (24), the movements of Bantu-speaking peoples (13), with the con-
sequent recessions of the Bushman-Hottentot groups (12), and the spread of iron
working (25). The human implications seem especially significant. The carriage of a
staple crop of such importance and variety, as the banana assumes in Uganda, must
surely be associated with folk migrations. The time range of up to 2,000 years, which
is available if a spread from Madagascar is postulated, may be sufficient, but it is

difficult within the existing framework of the Bantu expansion to envisage the main
human groups moving south-eastwards and southwards from West Africa, whilst
crops of basic importance to them today were transmitted northwards by other
agents. Thirdly, the present areas of important banana cultivation are best developed
in a broad wedge of country situated chiefly north of the Equator and extending
from West Africa to the East African plateau. Southwards the distribution of African
banana-cultivating groups becomes more fragmentary (Fig. 5). Although there are
climatic patterns supporting this distribution, it does not accord too well with an entry
from the south. Fourthly, if the banana did enter the continent via the mouth of the Za-
mbezi, some early diffusion might well have been expected southwards along the trade-
wind coastlands of Mozambique and Natal, where bananas are appreciable com-
mercial crops today. The writer knows of no suggestion that this occurred. It is felt
that the general mode of entry of the banana into the continent still remains an open
Brief note should next be taken of the broad synoptic picture given by Mur-
dock (26) of the sequential development of African agriculture. Murdock does not
himself express this in a map. Fig. 6 is an attempt at such an interpretation in general
terms. Any errors or mis-readings that it contains are due, therefore, to the present
writer. An entry of the banana from Indonesian settlements on the east coast is
proposed. This possibility has been discussed above. A central point in Murdock's
thesis is the independent invention of agriculture in a Sudanic area of West Africa
which he terms Nuclear Mande. Origins between 5000 and 4000 B.C. are suggested.
The range of staples proposed includes both planted and sown crops. Some impli-
cations of these views have also been discussed above. Murdock does a service in
drawing attention to the probability that agriculture existed in West Africa in much
earlier times than has often been assumed. However, the suggestion of independent
invention scarcely has sufficient warrant, particularly in view of the broadly contem-
poraneous evidence of agriculture in lower Egypt, and the demonstration, by the
British Ennedi expedition (27), of regular contacts by about 4000 B.C. between the
middle Nile and the Lake Chad area. Posnansky (23) concludes that the archaeo-
logical evidence is overwhelmingly against the independent invention of agriculture
anywhere in northern or central Africa. This, again, prompts the consideration of
Sauer's work (28). Although a brief synopsis must do scant justice to the cogency of
his arguments, the main relevant points in his thesis should be noted.
Sauer argues that the origins of agriculture should be sought among settled
communities, and suggests that fishing societies in tropical areas of diversified top-
ography agree best with this tenet. Whilst men engaged in fishing, women may have
developed the earliest agriculture, based upon the vegetative reproduction of planted
crops. Geographical and botanical pointers lead Sauer to propose south-eastern
Asia as the hearth of this original agriculture. In this setting the achievements may
have included the domestication of a range of important crops including bananas,
taro, certain of the yams (Dioscorea alata and D. esculenta), and a number of plants
used for the preparation of fibres, dyes and spices. The domestication also of the dog,
the pig and the chicken as household animals, and the development of such techniques
as the preparation of bark-cloth and the use of certain stupefying vegetable juices
in fishing are also credited to this hearth. Agriculture was women's work. It did
not yield a balanced diet, since fish was also produced by the men.
This ancient planting culture is seen as diffusing in slow folk migrations north-
eastwards into China, south-eastwards into the Asian and Pacific archipelagoes,
and westwards into India, the Middle East and tropical Africa (Fig. 4). The Guinea
Coast of West Africa is accorded importance as a subordinate centre of vegetative


I P 400E
Fig. 6. Sequential development of African agriculture (after Murdock, 1959).
domestication, the two yams Dioscorea rotundata and D. Cayenensis being among
its contributions. In favoured areas along the migration routes there evolved, under
the earlier planting stimulus, new crops and new techniques of seed agriculture.
Following Vavilov, Sauer attributes such derivative importance to the Ethiopian
Highlands, where a range of crops including sorghum, finger millet and simsim may
have developed.
There is great attraction in the bold synoptic view just outlined. Patterns of life
in the more humid parts of western Africa often agree well with features attributed to
the planting culture. Summary accounts of the Fang (29), the Boloki (9), and the
coastal Bantu of the Cameroons (30) may be cited as examples. Furthermore, nu-
merous possible parallels may be traced among the Bantu-speaking tribes of Uganda,
particularly among those which appear to have been least affected by later Hamitic

influence, as for example, the Kenyi, Gisu, Konjo and Ganda. Some of these parallels
have been set out in the Kintu myth (31). The Kenyi are predominantly a fisher folk,
whose limited agriculture is almost wholly by planting techniques. The Konjo of the
Ruwenzori slopes were found sixty years ago to be subsisting on a diet 'mainly of
bananas, sweet potatoes and colocasia' (32). Indeed, even allowing for the modern
spread of cassava cultivation, the correspondence between the distribution of Bantu-
speaking tribes in Uganda and the general dominance of planting techniques in agricul-
ture are close (33). Use is made of vegetable fish poisons by a number of tribes,
including the Gisu.
There are, however, appreciable problems in applying Sauer's thesis as it stands.
The feasibility of a major migration of the banana through the Arabian realm has
been questioned by Thomas (19) and Simmonds (6). Sauer discusses the point. He
envisages a route through the coastal fringes of Southern Arabia, where there are a
number of oases sited below mountain ranges which rise to 3,000 feet and more.
The importance of this coast-wise route in general agricultural migrations was
subsequently stressed by Burkill (34), who terms it the Sabaean Lane. Dale (35) hints
at possibilities of climatic deterioration in this zone, but, even setting this aside,
something can be allowed for man's progressive impoverishment of the natural
vegetation of the highlands. The banana will grow in oasis conditions, provided it
has shelter and sufficient non-saline water at its roots. It is cultivated under such
conditions in the modem Sudan Republic and in Egypt (36). Sauer notes that, for
carriage, the root stocks can be thoroughly dried out and left exposed for months
before replanting. The pseudostem may also be used for a starchy foodstuff in times
of famine. Even so, the route raises doubts, and, since these are most strongly
expressed by botanists, the difficulty cannot be considered as fully resolved.
The Ethiopian Highlands provide a suitable line of entry into Africa for a planting
culture, including the banana. Traces of old racial and cultural influences are indicated
among the Mao and the Ometo group of Sidamo (37). But, concerning the banana,
it is in these areas of Africa alone that there exists today a strongly developed cul-
tivation, not of the Musa species but of the indigenous African genus Ensete (38, 39).
This plant forms a staple food, cultivated at altitudes between 5,000 and 9,000 feet
for its pseudostem, from which an edible starch or bread is prepared. This evidence is
distinctly equivocal: the techniques of agriculture are in accord with planting ways.
But, if the edible banana became available early, why did it not supplant Ensete?
The question cannot at present be answered. Simmonds may, however, provide a
pointer when he notes that 'it is hard to conceive of Ensete agriculture existing (at
least in its intensive form) without the stock upon which it depends for manure'.
There remains a material chronological problem regarding Ethiopia. The
postulate of a derived Ethiopian seed centre requires the passage of the planting
culture through this realm long before there is any warrant for assuming its diffusion
southwards into East Africa. This objection does not, however, apply to West Africa.
Sauer's own diagrammatic lines of diffusion into Africa do not meet this objection,
nor do they fit in well with the natural barriers to the north and north-east of the
East African plateau.
Objections to Sauer's scheme have been set out fairly fully because, despite
them, this is felt to be the most satisfying approach to the banana problem. The
case for the planting culture is better than the specific case for the carriage of the
banana, but it seems likely that if Africa did get agriculture by this route one of the
oldest cultivated plants was introduced as part of the endowment.
A modification of Sauer's thesis is now proposed which meets some of the
difficulties within Africa. The planting culture, including the banana, is seen as

entering Africa through the Ethiopian Highlands during folk migrations at a very
early date. Barriers of swamp and desert prevented a direct transmission towards
East Africa. Instead, the main diffusion was towards West Africa. The route suggested is
from Ethiopia towards the present site of Malakal, and thence along the southern
edge of the plateau of Kordofan to the Dar Shalla. This tract admittedly raises
difficulties, but water and alluvial soils would enable settlement to take place in
favoured sites along the scarp foot. The Dar Shalla lies on the northern edge of the
general zone suited to banana cultivation. Thence, transmission westwards, skirting
the margin of the high forest and taking advantage of the natural 'stepping stones'
of the Massif de L'Adamaoua and Mount Cameroon, could readily occur. There-
after, the more humid regions of West Africa and the Cameroons are seen as the main
setting for the evolution and the expansion of agriculture in tropical Africa for many
centuries. Additional domestications were made, variation among bananas may
have proceeded, and agriculture in the West African savanas may have developed,
with their further stimulus of contacts along the east-west Sudan zone south of the
Sahara. This has been a great route for migrations and trade throughout many
Evolved societies based on planted crops are not highly or readily mobile.
Their methods do not make undue demands upon the soil and may support consider-
able rural population densities. The stimulus to later folk movements is therefore an
open question. Posnansky (23) links the Bantu expansion with the spread of iron.
This connection may be valid but it may have operated indirectly. Ganda tradition
is that iron-working was acquired from Bunyoro, to the northwest: there is no
mention of Kintu having brought it (25). This suggests that the Ganda were already
established in their present area when iron arrived. However, the suggestions of
stability and population balance in western Africa emphatically do not apply to the
savana or to the Sudanese zones. Therein generations of seed agriculture, with the
accompanying tree destruction, operating on soils of moderate potential, will have
impoverished certain areas and opened the ways to movement southwards. Cattle-
ownership would accentuate this mobility, and iron-technology, moving easily along
the Sudan belt, would furnish new and potent weapons for conquest. The migrations
of the Bantu may have been a response to such invading pressures from the north.
Forde's analysis of the Yoruba would accord with this general pattern of develop-
ment (9).
Under pressure, an eastward reflux movement of planting peoples, carrying
the banana, taro and yams among their crops (40), is likely, moving along the forest-
savana corridor, now somewhat more open and extended further southwards. The
entry to East Africa would be by way of the easy Congo-Nile divide, with an ultimate
arrival in Buganda from the north. Such a movement could have brought the Bantu-
speaking agriculturalists to Uganda within the last 1,500 years and with them the
main planted crops. If the banana was among them, considerable variation would
already have been present upon which later selection has drawn. No accuracy is
claimed for the further movements within East Africa shown on Fig. 5. Bantu-
speaking groups undoubtedly moved coastwards as well as southwards, but it is
certain that new banana varieties must subsequently have been brought to the East
African coast and spread inland from there. Once Bantu agriculturalists reached the
coast new crops can easily have been added to their range.
In later ages, southward drives of invaders from the Sudan zone certainly oc-
curred. Earlier societies have often been part overridden, part absorbed and in other
instances driven deeper into the Congo forests. The descriptions of the Mangbetu
and the Azande, as summarized by Baxter and Butt (41), may exemplify successive stages

in the absorption of earlier planting societies. Banana cultivation flourishes in stable or
sheltered societies. In times of pillage and invasion the crop itself is vulnerable to
theft and destruction. Invading peoples may also have brought with them new grain
crops. The adoption of finger millet as a staple by the Nyoro and Toro could reflect
such influences. Furthermore, agricultural economies have been greatly modified
in recent centuries by New World crops, particularly cassava, sweet potatoes and
maize, driving into the continent from the Congo and the Guinea Coast. The adoption
of these crops may have helped to check the southward extension through the Congo
Basin of the banana as a major food crop (Fig. 5).
Within Uganda, the modern extensions of the banana in Bunyoro, Toro, Ankole
Kigezi and Bukedi are more readily explicable. The last sixty years have witnessed
a new regime of stability and order. Even more significantly, in the early decades of the
present century this was carried over most of southern Uganda, and as far north as
Lango, by subordinate Ganda administrators. They bore with them their favourite
food crop, the banana. To local Bantu eyes, it also seems to have become endowed
with some of the prestige of the Ganda. The modern expansion of the crop seems to
spring mainly from these causes, the desire to copy Ganda ways perhaps becoming at
the same time stronger and less explicit as development proceeded.
No finality is claimed for the suggestions put forward in this paper. They will
serve their purpose if they draw attention to certain key areas and fields of study,
from which the different arguments may be strengthened or undermined. The writer
considers that a northern sequence solves more problems than it raises, but it certainly
lacks proof. The northern forest fringes, the Zambezi-great lakes route, and the An-
golan Plateau are key areas, but the extent to which later tribal movements and
modern sophistication complicate the reconstruction of earlier patterns of agriculture
must be recognized. Archaeology and botany are key fields of study. The evidence
from archaeology is likely to be indirect, since bananas and other planted crops yield
little lasting material imprint. Simmonds (6) points out, also, that bananas are in-
herently unpromising material for the recognition of subtle mutations, but he also
notes that little is yet known of the relationships of the varieties grown in West
Africa. Botanical research on these types and on those of Madagascar may in time
yield more positive pointers than those now available.

1. Roscoe, J., The Baganda (London, 1911); (a) pp. 460-4, 151 and 186; (b) p. 151.
2. Fallers, L. A., Bantu bureaucracy: a study of integration and conflict in the political institutions
of an East African people (Cambridge, 1956).
3. Winter, E. H., Bwamba economy (Kampala, 1955).
4. La Fontaine, J. S., The Gisu of Uganda (London, 1959).
5. Baker, R. E. D. and Simonds, N. W., 'Bananas in East Africa. Part 1: The botanical and
agricultural status of the crop', Empire Journal of Experimental Agriculture, Vol. 19, 1951,
pp. 283-90.
6. Simmonds, N. W., Bananas (London, 1959).
7. Cheesman, E. E., 'On the nomenclature of edible bananas', Journal of Genetics, Vol. 48,
1948, pp. 293-6.
8. Greenway, P. J., 'Origins of some East African food plants', East African Agricultural Journal,
Vol. 10, 1944, pp. 34-9, 115-9, 177-80, 251-6, and Vol. 11, 1945, pp. 56-63.
9. Forde, C. Daryll, Habitat, economy and society (London, 1934), p. 172-'There appear to be
two phases of hoe cultivation in Africa: an earlier, associated with root crops and dominantly
female; and a later, probably developed primarily in the savanna lands in connection with
millet growing, in which men share in or take over nearly all agricultural pursuits'.
10. Phillips, J., Agriculture and ecology in Africa (London, 1959).
11. Richards, A. I. (Ed.), East African Chiefs: a study of political development in some Uganda
and Tanganyika tribes (London, 1960).

12. Heinzelin de Braucourt, J. de., Exploration du Parc National Albert Pt. 2, Lesfouilles d'Ishango
(Brussels, 1957).
13. Greenberg, J. H., Studies in African linguistic classification (New Haven, 1955).
14. Wainwright, G. A., 'The coming of the banana to Uganda', Uganda Journal, Vol. 16, 1952,
pp. 145-7.
15. Freeman-Grenville, G. S. P., 'The times of ignorance: a review of pre-Islamic and early Islamic
settlement on the East African Coast', in Discovering Africa's past (Kampala, Uganda Museum,
1959, Occasional paper, No. 4).
16. Kirkman, J. S., 'Archaeological research on the coast of Kenya', in Discovering Africa's past
(Kampala, Uganda Museum, 1959, Occasional paper, No. 4).
17. Allen has presented a case for identifying Rhapta, the southernmost port mentioned, with
the Pangani estuary (18).
18. Allen, J. W. T., 'Rhapta', Tanganyika Notes and Records, No. 27, 1949, pp. 52-9.
19. Thomas, A. S., 'The coming of the banana to Uganda', Uganda Journal, Vol. 19, 1955, p. 211.
20. Maurette, F., 'Afrique equatoriale, orientale et australe', Geographie Universelle (Paris, 1938),
Tome XII, ch. 23.
21. Hornell, J., 'Indonesian influence on East African culture', Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute, Vol. 64, 1934, pp. 305-32.
22. Culwick, A. T. and Culwick, G. M., 'Indonesian echoes in Central Tanganyika'. Tanganyika
Notes and Records, No. 2, 1936, pp. 60-6.
23. Posnansky, M., 'Bantu genesis', Uganda Journal, Vol. 25, 1961, pp. 86-93.
24. Epstein, H., in The indigenous Cattle of the British dependent territories in Africa (London,
1957), Part IV, and Fig. 9 on p. 141.
25. Wainwright, G. A., 'The diffusion of -uma as a name for iron', Uganda Journal, Vol. 18,
1954, pp. 113-36.
26. Murdock, G. P., Africa: its peoples and their culture history (New York, 1959).
27. Arkell, A. J., 'Preliminary report on the archaeological results of the British Ennedi Expedition,
1957', Kush, Vol. 7, 1959, pp. 15-27.
28. Sauer, C. O., Agricultural origins and dispersals (New York, 1952).
29. Brunhes, J., Human Geography (London ,1952, translation by E. F. Row), pp. 152-6.
30. Ardener, E., 'Coastal Bantu of the Cameroons', Ethnographic Survey of Africa (London,
1956), Pt. XI.
31. It is notable that the association between Kintu and the coming of the banana is particularly
strong among the Mushroom Clan, traditional makers of bark-cloth (lb.).
32. Johnston, Sir Harry, The Uganda Protectorate (London, 1902), Vol. 2, p. 576.
33. McMaster, D. N., A subsistence crop geography of Uganda (Ph.D. thesis of the University
of London, published in 1962 by Geographical Publications Limited as World Land Use
Survey, Occasional Paper No. 2), Fig. 12.
34. Burkill, I. H., 'Habits of man and the cultivated plants of the Old World', Proceedings of
the Linnean Society, London, Vol. 164, 1953, pp. 12-42.
35. Dale, I. R., 'The Indian origins of some African cultivated plants and African cattle', Uganda
Journal, Vol. 19, 1955, pp. 68-72.
36. Tothill, J. D., (Ed.), Agriculture in the Sudan (London, 1948).
37. Cerrulli, E., 'Peoples of South-west Ethiopia and its Borderlands', Ethnographic Survey of
Africa (London, 1956), Pt. III.
38. Smeds, H., 'The Ensete planting culture of eastern Sidamo, Ethiopia', Acta Geographia,
Vol. 13, 1955, and 'Ensete-odlingen i Syd-Ethiopien', Saertryk af Kulturgeografia (Aarhus),
No. 73, 1961, pp. 49-59.
39. Simmonds, N. W., 'Ensete cultivation in the southern highlands of Ethiopia; a review', Tropical
Agriculture, Vol. 35, 1958, pp. 302-7.
40. It is probable that other crops will have been acquired, for example, simsim.
41. Baxter P. T. W. and Butt, A., 'The Azande and related peoples', Ethnographic Survey of Africa
(London, 1956), Pt. IX.
42. Johnston, B. F., The Staple food economies of western tropical Africa (Stanford, 1958).
43. Reynolds, P. K., 'Earliest evidence of banana culture', Supplement of the Journal of the Ame-
rican Oriental Society, No. 12, December 1951.
44. Wainwright, G. A., 'Bananas in Uganda', letter to Uganda Journal, Vol. 17, 1953, p. 85.

Uganda Jourual, 27, 2 (z963) pp. 177-z86.


The publication of the new 1/250,000 sheets of south-west Uganda during
1959 which have reliable contouring, based on the air surveys done for the
1/50,000 series, has made it possible to define the drainage basins of the Rwizi,
Oruchinga and Kagera much more certainly than hitherto. it is also possible to
begin to sort out some of the broad outlines of the history of the drainage evo-
lution in this part of Uganda. The area covered in this survey includes parts of
central and southern Ankole, west and south-west Masaka and parts of north
east Kigezi. What is given in section 2 below is a general description of the
Rwizi and the relevant portions of neighboring rivers. There has been recent
reference to the Kagera and Oruchinga rivers (Bishop and Posnansky, 1960)
but with regard to the Rwizi, little has been written and, as far as is known,
most of what this writer contributes is based on original work. For locality
names the reader is referred to the 1/250,000: East Africa Standard Series,
Mbarara: sheet number SA 36 1, published August 1959. An outline of
the subject discussed is shown in the accompanying map, fig. 1.

(a) The Rwizi
The Rwizi, flowing east past Mbarara, now drains a large part of the wetter
swamp filled valleys of western Ankole. The Rwizi waters pass east to join the
Lake Nakivale, Lake Kachira and Lake Koki-Kijanebalola system, before
passing through a gap at Kalungi in Masaka district, south-west of Rakai, to
flow into Lake Victoria. The Rwizi Valleys west of Mbarara are gently graded
and largely swamp filled. Many lead generally south or south-west and the
Rwizi drains parts of the higher Buhweju and Rwampara country as well as
the lower plains of Kashari and eastern Shema. East of Mbarara the Rwizi
drops to the levels of the three lakes mentioned and in this drier country there
are many dry valleys and swamps only occur near the lakes. Many valleys
leading to the lakes also tend generally south, south-west or north-west, the
only major valleys leading south-east are that now occupied by the Rwizi and
two others, now nearly dry, flowing into Lake Nakivale.
(b) The Oruchinga
At present there is no clearly defined watercourse traversing the full length
of the valley though there is clear evidence that this valley has been occupied by
quite a large river, presumably flowing from north to south. Wayland found
50 feet of river gravels below the floor of the present valley when digging
his artifact pits and a boulder gravel has also been cut into near the south
end of the swamp extension of Lake Nakivale when digging the main intake
channel for irrigation plots on the valley floor at a lower level south of this



/ RUANDA nil e

Fig. 1. Location Map of South West Uganda showing the rivers affected by the Rift Valley
disturbances B, K, R (SE of Mbarara)=Bihunya, Kwashansula and Rwemigina Hills.

(c) The Kagera
Only those parts of the Kagera that lie on the borders of Uganda are con-
sidered here. This river, the largest flowing into Lake Victoria, reaches the
Uganda border at Merama Hill flowing north-west. There the river turns east
and, flowing across the Ibanda (Tanganyika) Arena and north-east through
the Kikagati-Nsongezi gorges continues to flow east-south-east into Tanganyika
south of 1 lat. South and then empties into Lake Victoria, north of Bukoba.
At the Kikagati Power Station old riverine gravels are exposed in cliffs up to
about 50 feet above the present river level which have forset beds sloping
westwards, i.e. upstream. Clearly a west flowing river once occupied the valley
now occupied by the east flowing Kagera at Kikagati. From Merama Hill
west-north-west a largely dry through valley can be traced across south-west
Ankole as far as the Kigezi border south-west of Rwashamaire. This is now
occupied by a swampy stream flowing south-east from a divide at Kijonjo
(or Nkongoro), south of Rwashamaire to join the Kagera at Merama Hill

It is now clear that the western Rift Valley has disrupted an earlier drainage
pattern north-west and west of Lake Victoria in Uganda. It is evident that
much of the present relief came into being prior to the latest phase of the
present Rift Valley disturbances. These created generally an upwarp east of the
present rift valley in Western Uganda and a downwarp in central Uganda, now
occupied by Lake Kyoga and Lake Victoria. Prior to this crustal warping
there seems to have been a general east to west flowing drainage system across
present Uganda. When the downwarping, east of the rift margin upwarp, set in,
parts of these west sloping valley floors sank and other parts were raised (in
the Middle Pleistocene, according to Bishop and Posnansky). Thus the valley
gradient east of the rift margin came to slope east and the accumulating water
drowned the valleys creating lakes like Lake Kyoga.
The Rwizi and Kagera both display indisputable signs of having originally
also been west flowing rivers. Judging from the gravels evidence of the Kagera
at Kikagati and the existence of the dry valley across S.W. Ankole it appears
probable that the Kagera formerly flowed north-west from Merama Hill along
this valley. This is referred to again below. The smaller Rwizi appears to have
had a rather more complicated history and therefore is dealt with in rather
more detail. It so happens that the key to one episode in the evolution of the
present river lies at Mbarara where the writer has been stationed for the past
seven years. A separate description of the present valley past Mbarara is there-
fore given below.
The Rwizi, flowing east and passing immediately south of Mbarara, changes
its character from a broad, swamp-filled valley west of the town to a narrow,
swift flowing stream, passing over rocky rapids and waterfalls, east of it. The Rwizi
brings the water from a large number of mature swamp-filled valleys in West
Ankole eastwards to Mbarara. Approaching from the west, the valley occupied
by the present stream narrows from over 500 yards wide west of the stock
farm to under 50 yards at the road bridge. Also the river enters a narrow
steep sided valley with incised meanders and where in several places active erosion
is still going on. The general character of the Rwizi valley for the next 1 miles

eastwards is one of youth. There are abrupt changes of slope between 60 and
80 feet above the valley floor. On the outside bends of several meanders there
are several river cliffs exposing decayed local rocks, which in some cases are
capped by water-worn river gravels. These gravels underlie clear terrace flats,
anything from 40-80 feet above the present water course. In one or two places,
as south of Ruharo mission, these gravels contain boulders, mainly of vein qu-
artz, up to over a foot across, but the more normal size is a coarse sand as matrix
to a 1 -2" gravel. South of the hospital the present Rwizi is occupying the site
of a former valley floor whose former level was at least 60 feet above the present
stream. The youthful character of this valley is in marked contrast to the
smoother and gentler slopes of the landscape, above and outside the steep
slopes immediately above the present river. South-east of the Central Prison
and north-west of Katete there are nearly continuous river cliffs, 10-20 feet
high, cut in the re-cemented rock waste, above 70-100 foot high talus slopes.
On the valley floor, from south of the hospital to east of the prison, there are
several abandoned channels, now filled with papyrus. One abandoned channel,
immediately south of the hospital, nearly severed a now isolated hill before the
river cut through the meander neck north of the hill and so stopped the final
complete separation of this hill. The others can be seen on air photographs
(and on the ground) and are marked on the map. East of the prison the valley
narrows and the river gradient begins to steepen. The valley floor flats come to
an end and the river enters an even narrower valley, in places with nearly
precipitous lower slopes and cut as much as 100 feet below the gentler upper
slopes. According to the 1959 1:2,500 maps of Mbarara, whose error is said to
be "within 3 feet", the river drops 10 feet from 600 yards west of the road
bridge to 130 yards east of the ford south of the hospital and prison, this is a
distance of over 1I miles. From this point, 130 yards east of the hospital ford to
the top falls (5'6") south of Rugazi, there is a further 15 feet drop in 1,700 yards.
Beyond here rapids begin and within the next mile the river drops a further 100
feet over a series of rock-floored rapids and waterfalls. There are at least 8
clearly marked rapids of four feet drop or more including one set of proper
falls with a drop of over 21 feet. For convenience the "Top" falls are named the
"Rugazi Falls" and the 21 feet drop falls are named the "Kakoba Falls".
These falls are cut into bed rock, below the softer rotted rock waste within 100
feet of the former surface. On the south bank west of the present Kakoba
Falls there is a ridge studded with large rocks in situ. These are weathered in
such a way that there is no doubt that this is the site of a large 'fossil' fall now
quite dry and much overgrown. This dry fall is much larger than any that
now exists in the present river. On the larger rock slabs of this dry fall several
rock-lined pot holes have been found, one over three feet deep. It is quite clear
from the foregoing evidence that in the not very distant geological past a far
larger river poured over here than that which now flows over the present falls.
Below these falls the Rwizi enters a narrow gorge, in places over 100 feet
deep, under 200 yards wide, with convex slopes and rock outcrops. There are
practically no valley-floor flats within the next half mile, within which the
river drops a further 55-60 feet over a further set of 6 rapids.
East of the Rugazi falls, vigorous downcutting below the former valley
floor went on until solid unweathered rock was reached. At present this is
going on much more slowly now that hard rock has been reached. Also the
flow is now much reduced. West of the Rugazi Falls the river has certainly cut
down through the former surface rotted rock waste until it reached a local base

level made by the rock bar at the Rugazi Falls. It appears that in the section of
the valley where incised meanders are well developed, these meanders are
partially ingrown, with slip-off slopes and that they have and are still moving
slowly downstream. Erosion scars in the rotted surface debris show that lateral
cutting is continuing.
Summarising these observations it can be stated that west of the Rugazi
Falls there has been considerable lateral corrosion and meander migration in the
softer surface debris. A valley floor up to 200 yards across in places has de-
veloped and the gradient gradually steepens from under 4 feet a mile between
the road bridge and the hospital ford to over 6 feet a mile to the Rugazi Falls.
East of the Rugazi Falls the erosion has been predominately downcutting,
with little lateral erosion. In the stretch where the falls and rapids are, the
average gradient is about 85 feet per mile.
The whole of the Rwizi valley south east of Mbarara shows clear signs of
rejuvenation. West of the prison and Katete there are incised and ingrown
meanders and the present Rwizi valley is entrenched 60-80 feet below former
valley floors. East of the prison and the Katete-Rugazi ford, the Rwizi occupies
a gorge, in places over 100 feet deep east of the Kakoba Falls. Along the whole
length of the valley near Mbarara there are signs that at one time the river
flowing through it was very much larger. There are high level gravels pointing
to downcutting and a fossil fall to show former greater flow. Possible causes of
these features could be these :-
(1) Greater flow from greater rains producing greater erosion.
(2) The back tilt caused the ponded waters to collect in a lake, west of Mba-
rara, which can be called "Lake Rwizi". These waters finally spilt over a
low col and cut an overflow channel across the divide. Thus the increased
river volume was greater only while this Lake Rwizi was being emptied.
Confirmatory Lake Bed clays were exposed along cuttings following the
realignment of the Kabale road during 1961, near Rati, 3 miles west of
(3) Headward erosion of an Oruchinga valley cutting across a low col,
between Katete and the prison and capturing the accumulating lake
waters before they overflowed.
In this writer's opinion all three factors contributed.
(a) There are low cols on the former Rwizi-Oruchinga divide for the rising
waters to have overflowed.
(b) There is evidence that because the Oruchinga valley floors east of Mba-
rara are between 100 and 200 feet below the Rwizi valley floors west of the
town that they have advanced westwards during a period of greater
rainfall. These old valleys on either side of the divide display rounded,
gentle mature slopes and are presumed to be pre-Rift back tilt.
Evidence that there has been headward erosion of Oruchinga valleys is
shown today between Bihunya and Kwashanshura Hills, 2 miles south east of
Mbarara. Here a rocky defile dividing these two hills has almost breached the
ridge joining them. Its floor slopes steeply southwards across another ridge
towards the Masha granite arena. This defile, now dry, shows in an arrested
state how this curved ridge, south and east of Mbarara, from Bihunya to
Rwemingina and Kaburangire, has been broken by the Oruchinga Basin
headwaters. Further north and south this ridge remains the watershed between


--+SteOf of lJwM&id

-> Site of wvflow

Fig. 2. Suggested drainage Basins of the Rwizi and Oruchinga before the latest phase of
Rift Valley disturbances.

these two former river systems and it was likely that this was so along it all at
one stage.
Therefore the Oruchinga Basin headwaters have succeeded in breaching
this curving ridge south east of Mbarara and forced the watershed to migrate
westwards towards a north-south line through Mbarara. Then following the
latest phases of the Rift Valley Disturbances, the Rwizi was diverted eastwards
by straight overflow or capture and has utilised a former headstream valley of
the Oruchinga. The difference of over 150-200 feet in the levels of the former
two drainage systems now produces the series of rapids and falls along the
Rwizi in the deepened valley through the hills east of Mbarara. Further falls
and rapids occur along the Rwizi, within the Masha Arena.
It can also be said that downstream of the Rugazi Falls at Kakoba the river
is downcutting into hard, unweathered bed rock and therefore downward
erosion is relatively slow, both past and present. Upstream of the same falls,
which act as a hard barrier, the river has begun to widen the valley in the softer
weathered rocks. An incipient flood plain has begun to develop from the down-
ward migration of meander cusps. The vestiges of old channels, mostly papyrus
filled, shows there have been frequent changes of course and with it a widening
of the flood plain.

(a) The Rwizi
Given (1) that the general hypothesis that the rivers of Western Uganda
were formerly flowing west, but now flow east and that (2) the present land-
scape in this part of Uganda is largely the product of river erosion prior to the
later phases of Rift Valley Disturbances, it is possible to outline the former
drainage basins, to indicate the watersheds and the position of the divide
between rivers flowing west into Lake Edward and those flowing east into Lake
Victoria. It is evident that the Rwizi today has been changed considerably.
Generally, the pre-Rift back tilt Rwizi drainage basin had its eastern watershed
passing roughly north and south through Mbarara at one stage, see fig. 2.
This writer also suggests that the former Rwizi basin extended west of Ndeija
to include all the present swamps and rivers that drain into the Mugoya and
which joins the old Kagera Valley south of Rwashamaire. The former trunk
stream, passing Ndeija, flowed west past Kirimbe and along the valley of the
Kasharara to join the Mugoya. The result of the back tilt has been to create a
divide in the swamp on the valley floor at Kirimbi.
Inspection of the relevant 1/50,000 maps (sheets 84/4, 85 ii, iii, iv) and air pho-
tographs show a through valley cutting across ridges of Karagwe-Ankolean
phyllites, which rise over 1,000 feet above the valley floor. On the floor of this
valley there is a divide where the water flows east into the present Rwizi and
west into the Mugoya. In places the papyrus swamp width is reduced from about
100 yards to under 50 by several lateral delta fans. Where the track from the
Kikagati road crosses this swamp near the western end of this narrow defile
through the phyllites, the swamp water flows west. Less than a mile to the east,
at Kitinda, the main flow is east, into the Rwizi. The valley side slope and swamp
fill suggest that even at its narrowest point the valley could have been at least
50-100 feet deeper while occupied by a through river flowing west. Once back
tilting stopped the through flow, lateral deltas have contributed to blocking

the passage of waters and creating the present swamp divide across which it
is possible to walk, almost dry shod, through the papyrus.
(b) The Oruchinga
Given the evidence of the gravels found within the present relatively short
Oruchinga Valley, south of Lake Nakivale, strongly suggests that this
valley was once occupied by a big river flowing south.
Given also the alignment of valley confluences of the present Lakes Naki-
vale, Kachira, and Kijanebalola (or Koki) system, it becomes probable that the
Oruchinga Basin was once much larger, extending north-east to include all the
Lake system and the valleys leading towards them. The outlets of this basin
at present are at the south end of Lake Nakivale and at Kalungi, 8 miles south-
west of Rakai. Because the former river in the Oruchinga valley must have
been a large one to deposit the thick gravels, it appears likely that this Ankole
outlet was the original route that the river took. Therefore the Oruchinga
Basin eastern watershed presumably lay north and east of the present lakes.
This can be traced satisfactorily on the 1/250,000 map, but it is breached by a
single valley at Kalungi. This also has the appearance of an overflow channel
like that of the Rwizi at Mbarara. The back tilt has forced accumulating water,
no longer able to flow south-west along the Oruchinga outlet, to spill over a col
south-eastwards towards Lake Victoria. These Lakes have not yet been emptied,
as was the presumed Rwizi Lake west of Mbarara, because at present the
evaporation in the lakes has so reduced the overflow of the Kibale that down-
cutting is at present reduced.
Where the road from Rakai to Bubba continues to Kalungi it crosses a swampy
extension of Lake Kijanebalola called the Kibale. The valley floor is wide and
the road descends to a low bridge by gentle gradients. However almost immedi-
ately south of this bridge the Kibale enters a tree-covered defile. Half a mile
further south the defile has become an impenetrable, forest covered gorge,
over 60 feet deep, with very steep sides with the river in the defile bottom,
flowing as a rushing youthful torrent. This tree-filled gorge continues for over
a mile to the south-east passing through generally thick bush country difficult
of access, before the Kibale, having dropped over 200 feet, passes out onto the
flats north of Kakuto, on the Bukoba road. At the Kalungi bridge the depth of
water flowing under it in early January 1961 was between 6 inches and 1 foot;
but it is understood from the Water Department that at the end of the dry season
the flow of the Kibale is "almost negligible".
The character of this gorge with abrupt changes of slope at its top, the steep
sides and rushing torrent at the bottom, point to its recent origin as an over-
flow channel. Incision has proceeded headward up this gorge from the Lake
Victoria level almost to the bridge. North west of it, future recession of the nick
point will cut into the swamps and eventually begin to lower the water levels
of the extensive lake complex of Lakes Koki, Mbura and even Lake Nakivale
about 50 miles to the west.
The divide at the south end of Lake Nakivale, separating it from the lower
Oruchinga valley to the south of it, is only 15 feet high and 200 yards long
where it has been cut through by the head stream for the Oruchinga Valley
Irrigation Scheme. It is not clear how this blocked outlet was produced. The
barrier may have been either the result of a lateral delta during a wetter period
or a delta at the head of the Oruchinga valley draining into a gulf of Lake
Victoria, during a high level phase; where a lake arm extended to Nsongezi,
above the present Kagera River, 11 miles further south (Bishop & Posnansky).

Within recent years the level of Lake Nakivale has been rising and has killed
many tall trees formerly growing on the valley floor. It is possible that papyrus
growth east of Lake Nakivale is choking the intermittent overflow eastwards
at Kalungi and the old drainage flow along the Oruchinga Valley is being
The present irrigation channel uses part of a choked channel south of the
barrier before the artificial cut diverges to follow a contourwise alignment
along the east side of the valley. 330 yards south of the road bridge there is a
shallow cutting through boulder gravels of the old Oruchinga. Over a mile
further south the irrigation ditch is 32 feet above the valley floor using a fall of
1/1500 or about 4 feet per mile from the head sluice.
In view of the recent appearance of the Kibale overflow channel at Kalungi
and the thick Oruchinga gravels, the conclusion is drawn that the Oruchinga
Valley was the pre-Rift back tilt outlet of the Oruchinga Basin and not the
present Kibale overflow channel at Kalungi, south-west of Rakai. The writer
suggests the initial overflow cut was made by a rapid, but overloaded stream
which quickly swept out the rotted rock above harder unweathered rock.
Choking of the channel would cause meanders to grow which below the Rugazi
and Kakoba falls at Mbarara have now become incised during downcutting and
the present Rwizi course below these falls has further been modified by following
joints and crush zones in the gneissic rocks now exposed in the gorge.
(c) The Kagera
Given the unquestionable evidence of the Kikagati gravels, it is certain that
either prior to the final stages of the back tilt or when a much larger Lake
Victoria overflowed here, a river flowed westwards through the Nsongezi-
Kikagati gorge to lay down the gravels seen at the Power Station. It follows
from this that the Kikagati-Kagera and the Rwanda Kagera were originally
two rivers which joined at Merama Hill and continued to flow north west
along the through valley south of Rwashamaire. It therefore appears that all
the drainage of this part of Uganda joined the former west flowing Kagera. The
Oruchinga, it is suggested, joined at Nsongezi and the Rwizi at the Kakono
Swamp. The Kagera followed a course north west towards the Congo, across
north east Kigezi and the present site of Lake Edward, along that now taken
by the Bubira and Ntungwe rivers. This valley has now become deeply incised,
over 1000 feet, since the Rift Valley faulting lowered the base level of west
flowing rivers. The Ntungwe and Bubira rivers have now deepened the former
old Kagera valley west of the Kakondo Swamp divide south west of Rwasha-
maire, partly by both downcutting and headward erosion.
The pre-Rift Rwizi formerly joined the old Kagera along what is now named
the River Mugoya just west of the Kakondo Swamp west of the present Kijonji
divide. The present river flowing west is named the Bubira and this river has
cut a huge gorge, over 1,000 feet deep, south west of Rukungiri. The effect of
rejuvenation can be traced east-wards to about half a mile east of where a huge
quartz dyke crosses the valley. This is nearly a mile west of Kakondo swamp
and a few hundred yards east (upstream) from the bridge on the road from
Rukungiri to Kasizi and Kabale. This quartz dyke clearly held up downcutting
for a long time, but it is probable that the present gorge was eroded after the
latest phase of the Rift Valley disturbances. The old floor is clearly seen about
100 feet above the present stream and the quartz dyke is eroded down to this
higher level, except where the present Bubira has cut a new gorge along a crush
zone through this quartz dyke. Further drainage modifications are taking

place along part of the eastern escarpment of the Western Rift Valley in
Western Uganda. Some of the back tilted east flowing rivers are now having
some of their headwaters diverted west again by headward erosion from rivers
flowing into Lake Edward rivers, though the water now reaches the Nile (and
the Mediterranean) instead of the Congo (and the Atlantic).

Evidence has been offered to support the following :
(1) The present Rwizi at Mbarara flows through an overflow channel and
now joins the headwaters of the former Rwizi to the Oruchinga.
(2) The Oruchinga formerly joined a proto-Kagera at Nsongezi and its
drainage basin included the Nakivale-Koki Lakes.
(3) The outlet at Kalungi to the Koki Lake system is an overflow channel.
(4) The course of the Mbarara and Kalungi overflow channels was the latest
phase of the Rift Valley disturbances interrupting a former westerly flow
of the Rwizi.
(5) The Rwizi has lost the former westward part of its trunk stream by uplift
and valley blocking at Kirimbi.
(6) A temporary Lake Rwizi and its ultimate draining has produced the
present overflow gorge and fossil falls south east of Mbarara and at
Kakoba respectively.
(7) Rejuvenation of the Bubira by the Rift Valley disturbances is now ad-
vancing eastwards into the old Kagera Valley south west of Rwashamaire.

The writer expresses his thanks to D. N. McMaster, who has read the
typescript and made several suggestions. Thanks are also due to the Water
Development Department, who supplied flow figures for the Rwizi, and the
Agricultural Development Department for information concerning the
Oruchinga Irrigation Scheme.

Bishop W. W. and Posnansky M., (1960) Pleistocene Environments and Early Man in
Uganda. Uganda Journal, 24.

Uganda Journal, 27, 2 (1963) pp. 187-z93

By WM. ROGER Louis
The following document throws much light on what one eminent historian
has called "one of the more obscure incidents of the Protectorate's recent
history"' the Kivu military expedition of 1909. The purpose of the Kivu
Mission was to secure for Great Britain the disputed'Mfumbiro' region north
of Lake Kivu, where the present-day frontiers of Uganda, Tanganyika, Ruanda-
Urundi and the Congo converge. This dispute had its origins in the inter-
national agreements of the late nineteenth century which partitioned East
Africa.2 Boundaries were vague; European claims overlapped. Owing to the
reluctance of King Leopold II, the Sovereign of the Congo State, to part with
any square foot of territory to which he might have a conceivable claim, the
scramble for Africa in this remote corner continued almost until the eve of the
First World War. Through a secret agreement of May 1909, the British and
Germans promised to support each other's claims to the Mfumbiro and Kivu
regions respectively. To prevent the Congo authorities from ignoring this ar-
rangement, the Germans agreed to the British occupation of Belgian Mfumbiro.
This operation was rapid and effective, though the success of the mission was
nearly compromised by the Colonial Office's premature order to withdraw.
Unlike the Congo State (which was annexed by Belgium in 1908), the Belgian
government had no stomach for frontier squabbles, and quickly acquiesced in
the Anglo-German demands. At the 'Kivu-Mfumbiro Conference' of 1910 the
Belgians made substantial territorial concessions to both the British and the
Germans, enabling the three powers to reach final agreement on the partition
of this part of 'Africa. The Diary of the Kivu Mission' illuminates the decisive
action which brought about the settlement.

Diary of the Kivu Mission between 11 June and 14 July 1909,
i.e., from Mbarara to Lake Kivu and back.
Captain Ireland to Adjutant, 4th King's African Rifles.
Mbarara, 15 July 1909
I have the honour to forward the above diary, which gives the route of the
mission chiefly.
The Sikh contingent marched from Mbarara, with two Maxim guns, at
7 a.m. on 9 June 1909; and as the political officer had sent me a letter saying
food for the Nubi soldiers and porters would be the chief difficulty, the 9th
and 10th June were spent in collecting flour (wimbi), making bags to carry same,
arranging details of ammunition, etc., which was wrapped in sacking to dis-
guise it.
The political officer arrived on 10 June.
11 June 1909. Left Mbarara, 1.30 p.m., and marched to Milama. Drilled
porters and non-commissioned officers into finding their places, loads, etc.,
and instilled (as far as possible) the necessity for silence into their minds.

Route through the French Mission and adjoining shambas till the Ruwezi
River was crossed at 2 miles from Mbarara; the road then leads straight over
barren, undulating hills to Milama. Distance, 12 miles. Provisions and water
12 June. Marched at 3 a.m. to Chankeri, crossed and marched along several
swamps. Country fertile. Last eight miles of the march in hills and very rough
ground. Porters fell in batches exhausted. Nine and a-half hours were taken to
march 20 and one-half miles. Food plentiful; water bad.
13 June. Marched at 3 a.m. to Kabunero, 17 and one-half miles. At 2 and
one-half miles ascend steeply some 1,800 feet over the Lunwanga Pass. Here
the track is very narrow, broken, uneven, and covered with loose stones,
causing, especially in the dark, much trouble to barefooted porters and askaris
without boots. Continuing through rocky hills without water the porters fell
exhausted. Had up three of Captain Hall's askaris, who, eight years previously,
had accompanied Lieutenant Mundy's3 expedition. They remembered nothing
of value. I had not then received the Intelligence file containing Lieutenant
Mundy's map and report, but have since found the map wanting in detail
and very inaccurate as to names, and in some other respects. Food at Kabunera
practically nil; water (swampy) very dirty, but wholesome.
14 June. Marched 3 a.m. to Nichit, under Ihunga Hill, the British-German
boundary. Route onwards out of British territory. At 11 miles pass Lake Ka-
renge (1 and one-half miles long, one-fourth broad, no fish or crocodiles,
many hippopotami). Made men fill water-bottles and all receptacles with
water. At 19 miles reach Nichit. Few sparse millet crops; no water. Inhabitants
of two small villages fled into the hills. Dug three waterholes, which filled slowly,
and of which two were drunk dry by the evening. Food and water practically
nil. Country in this march was easy, undulating, barren hills, rendered more
than usually desolate-looking from the fact that the country-side had recently
been burnt. Saw one small herd of cattle in the distance, but no villages.
Note. I have passed lightly over the above days, the route being in British
territory, and probably reported on many times before. I had two maps, ...
and the War Office Congo Free State Map in my possession.
At Nichit the political officer and I climbed . hill . and saw our next
day's march would take us off this map.
Our future route (we had no guides and the country was barren and mostly
uninhabited for several days' marches) was determined by a ray taken on
the Congo Free State Map between the west German boundary point (chain line)
and the north-west end of Lake Kivu, and by climbing hills at the end of
each day's march and seeing the lie of country to be traversed, and taking
new prismatic compass rays. We were much helped by one Simmay, a sub-
chief of Ankole, who accompanied the mission, and who had been on a raiding
expedition with a small party on his own account many years before. He had
not, however, travelled by our route, and the conditions obtaining in the
country were now totally altered, as will be shown later.
15 June. Marches from this date were commenced and finished in daylight
S..; we were bound by conditions given to the political officer re boundaries,
etc., and so could not always proceed by the shortest line. Pass over a kotal
(neck between two hills) out of Ihunga Valley. Proceed down the right bank of
Charkamba Swamp under .. hill. At Kamera Hill cross the swamp at right
angles and proceed down the left bank . Ascend steeply .. .; the valley at
this end is terminated by a beautiful waterfall, a considerable volume of water

falling sheer some 70 feet. This water is from Chanyamwin Swamp, and runs
into Rurindu Swamp ... The inhabitants, as usual, fled, and after considerable
delay, one man was induced by signs to come and speak to us. This man showed
us a path, and took us 3 miles out of our direct way, saying that although we
would have to make a 10 mile detour we should avoid the Chanyamwin Swamp,
which was only passable by single unloaded men, but not by loaded porters
and mules; seeing our friend's 10 mile detour was through tremendous hills
and nullahs, it was decided to negotiate the swamp. We retraced our steps and
proceeded ... We were confronted with a swamp 300 yards broad, with running
water in the centre 30 yards and 15 to 20 feet deep, the swamp nearer the banks
being black mud and papyrus in water, knee-and waist-deep. The Nubis
did not carry machetes . The Sikhs of the escort at once stripped, and were
in the water making a floating papyrus bridge, which was strengthened by trees
and brushwood cut on the bank and passed out. The whole 'safari', including
the mules, were across in two hours and ten minutes without the loss of a load,
although the floating bridge when weighted sank some 2 feet under water in
the centre. The Sikhs formed lines on either side of the bridge assisting the
porters across. One mule sank, but was hauled out by its tail and was none the
worse, one Sikh being badly kicked in the process . after a total march of
21 miles we camped at Butozi. Hearing that the country was totally uninhabited
beyond and no food to be obtained, it was decided to form a depot for for-
warding food, which was being hurried up from the rear, and which was also
being collected at Ihunga. Captain Hall was here given certain orders mentioned
in my general report ... Loads were cut down to a minimum, the men having
only one blanket, and the surplus being left with a proportion of porters at
Captain Hall's forwarding depot.
16 June. Marched 6 a.m., 24 miles to Bukatzu. Leaving Butozi, cross a
swamp and a range of hills so thickly wooded and covered with undergrowth
that we had to cut our way, there being no track. Looking back upon hills
just passed no sign could be seen of our path just cut, so dense was the growth.
At 12 miles reach Kumba Hill overlooking Nyambali Swamp. Sent Captain
Hall orders to move his depot from Butozi to Kumba. Bridging Nyambali
Swamp, proceed 12 miles along the bases of hills on left bank of the swamp
to Bukazu. Here are a few villages, and the country more civilized. Crops are
seen, and a few supplies obtainable. Starting at 6 a.m. reached Bukazu at
6 p.m., porters, and in fact everyone, pretty well exhausted.
17 June. Marched at 6 a.m. to a camp on Lake Ingezi. Starting up steep
but gradual cultivated spur seen on the 16th, at 5 miles overlook Lake Ingezi,
a long, narrow lake some 20 miles long and very irregular in shape. The southern
shores are German and partially populated. The northern shores are dense
growth and forest and uninhabited, four years ago plague and famine killed
off the population, and few people left being massacred by the Batwa tribe,
no attempt has been made to reinhabit the northern shores. Very exhausitng
work cutting path through this forest. At 3 p.m. decided to camp and sent on
parties with machetes and axes to clear tomorrow's road. Luckily found some
old overgrown sweet potato patches. The potatoes helped to supplement the
flour supply, which was getting low, and the porters were weakening.
18 June. Marched 6 a.m. Twenty miles to a narrow rocky valley where the
only water available was found 6 p.m. Very hard day cutting path. Growth so
dense that mission on one occasion only made 4 miles in three hours, and
slept that night on the hill-side without tents. Leaving the camp on Lake Ingezi,

at 6 miles the head of the lake (i.e., its most westerly point) was passed. Pro-
ceeding westwards up a long valley turn south up a spur from the top of which
is visible the east peak of the Virunga volcanic range, which was said to be
Karissimbi, but afterwards was proved not to be that peak.
19 June. 'Safari' started 9.30 a.m. the troops earlier having sent out parties
to cut a road and find a track over the precipitous range before us. Crossing
and bridging a small swamp and climbing hills covered with bamboo forest at
4 miles overlook Mfumbiro Valley ... with Lakes Murehi and Mutanda to
the west. The country here formed a most pleasing contrast to the dismal
uninhabited hills and swamps just traversed. Dense population, crops, and
cattle were everywhere seen. Descending steep but open grass spurs for 8 miles
reach Kigezi village, the most easterly point of Mfumbiro Valley. The headman
of Kigezi was a villainous-looking Swahili-speaking native appointed 'neapara'
by the Belgians. The tribe is the Bassigawa. Food was brought in in considerable
quantities and water was got from a waterhole below the village. Big volcano
seen on previous day proved to be Kirunga. Natives very friendly, but were
terrible Jews who cavilled at the quality of the cloth and beads given in
payment for food. This Jewish characteristic prevails throughout the Mfumbiro
district, and there is no doubt the quality of the goods supplied by the Germans
was far better than that supplied by the mission. Distance of march 11 miles.
20 June. Marched 22 miles westwards through Mfumbiro Valley. The
villainous Swahili-speaking 'neapara' being our guide and proved willing but
amazingly (perhaps purposely) ignorant of names and places and being ob-
viously in fear of the Belgians who periodically loot without payment, but do
not administer the country. The Belgians merely appoint as 'neaparas' men
who will tell them who has cattle, etc., and where they hide them. Leaving
Kigezi, at 15 miles cross Zenia stream. Here a track across the Virunga range
to Kissenyi post (German) on Lake Kivu. Proceeding 7 miles camp by a rocky
pool below the richly cultivated hills at the north of Mfumbiro Valley. Except
at the Lakes Murehi and Mutanda and the swamps fringing them water is
very scarce and difficult to find in the eastern portion of Mfumbiro Valley.
No game except elephant and buffalo (tracks only seen).
21 June. Leaving camp proceed due west 2 miles. Winding along a good
track ascend a gradual gradient through richly cultivated and densely popu-
lated hills with abundant water. At 7 miles cross a kotal and ascend a rocky
cup-shaped valley with water. Turn west-south-west and leave this valley,
crossing a dense belt of thistle jungle. Debouch at 13 and one-half miles into a
huge lava valley, richly cultivated and densely populated. To the south-west
and distant some 15 miles, are the huge extinct volcanoes of the Virunga range,
and south-east the solitary active volcano (and its satellites) Kirunga-Ka-
Gongo. Here again there is no water for miles. Skirting the bases of the hills
on the east of the valley cross a succession of low lava spurs covered with
thistle jungle, the depression between the spurs being richly cultivated without
any permanent water supply. At 21 miles camp on a knoll and spur, under
which runs a curious cavern, extending some 250 yards into the bowels of the
earth. In this narrow cavern is the water supply, filthy, black water, which has
to be fetched from 100 yards from the mouth. The floor of the cave is rock,
and covered with black, slippery slime. A very little clear water is procurable
from a small spring in a village 500 yards to north-east. The Belgians had
lately thoroughly looted this portion of the valley. The inhabitants were ter-
rified at our appearance, and when caught and paid for food assumed a most

friendly attitude. No sheep, goats, or cattle had been left by the Belgians, and
the natives dared not take money, saying the Belgians took away all their money
and said they had stolen it from Europeans. The name of the water cavern is
22 June. Marched 12 and one-half miles to Kikumba. Leaving Kassigali,
skirt base of Sabzenu (extinct volcano), passing through cultivated country.
At 5 miles enter and cross a narrow thistle jungle. Pass over three successive
low lava spurs, between each of which is a small mountain stream of excellent,
clear water (no permanent only after rain). Cross a forest full of elephant and
buffalo tracks, and at 12 and one-half miles reach a long, low, grass spur with
forest. At the root of this spur, an under feature of Sabzenu, is the only consider-
able and permanent water supply within an area of which Kikumba is the
centre and the radius 20 miles. . which is of exceptional military strength
for a small force, and blocks the only exit from Mfumbiro district to Lake Kivu.
It moreover commands both the Belgian and German roads to Kivu, which
run respectively one-half mile and one-fourth mile from and under Kikumba
hill. Kikumba commands every other hill within 5,000 yards. There is a wooden
Belgian resthouse, with a fine garden, 1 mile north-east of Kikumba.
The water supply above mentioned is worthy of description, from morning
to night constant streams of natives and cattle come from 10 miles distance
from all directions to this supply. It consists of a symmetrical, hollow lava
cup, circular and 200 yards in diameter, and filled with swampy grass, reeds
and soil up to 4 feet deep. The supply is much fouled at night by elephant,
but good water is got by digging and fencing round pools so dug.
Lieutenant Campbell, twenty-seven Sikhs, forty-three Nubis, two Maxims,
and a proportion of porters formed a post at Kikumba. It was decided that the
political officer and myself, with twenty Sikhs and twenty Nubis, should push
on to Lake Kivu, leaving Lieutenant Campbell at Kikumba for a few days.
S23. June. Skirting for 5 miles through cultivated spurs, offshoots from
Karrissimbi and Sabzenu, enter and cross a waterless lava tract of forest 14
miles broad. Strike Mulondo Hill at foot of an underfeature of Kirunga-Ka-
Gongo (active volcano). Pass through thick 'shambas' of bananas till Kumasa
hill is reached at 20 miles ... Kumasa is 5 miles from the nearest part of Lake
Kivu, and 12 miles from the German post of Kissenyi on the lake shore.
24 June. Leaving Kumasa, pass through 2 miles of lava and thick forest.
At 5 miles skirt the base of an uninhabited hill on the lake shore. Turn due west,
pass between two cultivated hills and camp in a beautiful, sheltered bay on the
lake shore. My observations, owing to the close proximity of the Belgian work-
ing parties, were of necessity limited. More convenient spots might be found,
but this bay appears most convenient for a port and station. It is extensive
enough, and is easily defensible from both land and water sides. It is, in fact, a
strong position . While the political officer was interviewing the German
official at Kissenyi I sketched as much as possible of the general lie of the
country. Belgian working parties on the Lake Kivu to Ruchuru road were
about who prevented my moving freely. They were quite unaware of the mis-
sion's presence.
25 June. The political officer, learning the Germans had no knowledge of
the mission, and could not let us remain, we returned by our previous route to
Kikumba to form another post blocking the northern and eastern portion of
Mfumbiro Valley.
26 June. Still leaving Lieutenant Campbell at Kikumba, the political officer

and I, with same party that went to Kivu, marched 22 miles on a backward
trail and found the immensely strong position Rubona fulfilling our ideas.
27 June. Reconnoitred surrounding country, strengthened and picqueted
Rubona, while the political officer sent to inform the Belgians at Ruchuru
of our presence. Natives brought in four days' provisions on the first evening
of our arrival.
28 June. . It was heart-breaking from a soldier's point of view to, three
distinct times, let off the Belgians. Throughout they gave us every tactical
opportunity. Twice they were not aware of our presence, but the third time at
Rubona it was most obviously their intention to turn us out by force. They
were always on lower ground, and did not know our numbers or that we had
Maxims. This day the political officer received four separate orders to retire on
Mbarara. The Belgians lunched with us and we dined in their camp 800 yards
from, and overlooked by, Rubona. Before Mr. Coote and I entered the Belgian
camp I made the following precautionary arrangements: In event of our non-
return by 9 p.m. the Sikh native officer was given a letter by me to Lieutenant
Campbell at Kikumba. Lieutenant Campbell was to move at once by a short
cut, was to interpose between the Belgians and their post Ruchuru. This was
very easy to do even by night. The Sikh native officer was to harass the Belgians
from the Rubona side. The Belgians had 107 askaris with single breech-loaders
and 40 rounds per man. The British Mission had fifty Sikhs and eighty-five
Nubis, with two Maxims, the latter having plenty of ammunition and each
man 100 rounds on his person. The Sikhs were armed with M.L.E. rifles (maga-
zine). The Belgians knew vaguely that Lieutenant Campbell was in the vicinity
from what we told them, but where he was or how many men he had they did
not know. There could have been but one result had a skirmish taken place.
29 June. Recalled Lieutenant Campbell and his whole party from Kikumba,
and made necessary arrangements against an approach of the Belgians, who
retired towards Ruchuru. Later reports stated they actually reached Ruchuru,
and were hourly expecting reinforcements from Kisindi (M. Gendarme and about
200 askaris) and men who had been troubling Mr. Commissioner Watson at
Inchwera, 48 miles from Mbarara. I also heard that the Belgians have one
Nordenfeldt gun and one Maxim in Ruchuru post.
Note. On return journey the mission followed on a backward trail, their
original route between Rubona and Lake Karenge, but camped on occasion
in places other than on outward march.
30 June. Evacuated Rubona and marched 15 miles to Zenia Stream,
being there joined by Captain Hall and fifteen Nubi askaris. Sketched Rubona
and vicinity.
1 July. Heard from escaped porter of the capture of two Nubi askaris
and four porters by the Belgians. Marched to Kigezi, 12 miles.
2 July. Halted at Kigezi for reply to political officer's protest to the capture
of two askaris by the Belgians.
3 July. Marched to the valley camp of 19 June.
4 July. Marched to the western end of Lake Ingezi.
5 July. Marched to Bukazu, to which place Captain Hall had moved his
forwarding depot from Kumba. Here also was Lieutenant Lardner and seven-
teen askaris, who joined the mission from Hoima. Also the battalion signallers
sent from Entebbe by the O.C.T. to join the mission were picked up here.
6 July. Marched to Kumba.
7 July. Marched to Butozi, the mission's first original forwarding depot.


8 July. Marched via the waterfall videe 15 June) and Nichit, and camped
2 miles north-east of Ihunga. Here the mission was met by D.C. Watson and
D.S.P. McCombie with urgent orders from headquarters at Entebbe.
9 July. Marched to and camped by Lake Karenge.
10 July. Marched 15 and one-half miles to Nyalwanya.
11 July. Marched 5 miles to Kitagata. Here are extensive boiling-hot
sulphur springs; they are used for baths for sick people by the natives, one spring
being entirely set aside for people suffering from venereal diseases.
12 July. Marched 14 miles to Muntumgamu.
13 July. Marched to Dwiri on River Koga, 17 miles.
14 July. Leave camp, and at 1 mile pass through Rassasa Camp. At 13
miles reach Mbarara, passing through the Church Missionary Society's Mission
and plantations on the outskirts of Mbarara.
I am unable to close this diary without mentioning the cheerful demeanour
and hard work of both porters and soldiers. They were often taxed to the utmost,
and were frequently on short rations.
They had but one blanket apiece in a very cold climate. Both British officers
and men also slept out on occasions on the hill-sides without tents.

1. H. B. Thomas, in a note to J. M. Coote, 'The Kivu Mission, 1909-10', Uganda Journal, 20
(1956),108. J. M. Coote was the political officer in charge of the mission; Captain De
of 36th Sikhs (and 4th King's African Rifles), the author of the 'Diary', was the Courcy
Ireland, officer in command of the military escort. For identification of names mentioned
in the diary, details on the size of the expedition, and description of the territory through
which the Kivu mission passed, see Thomas's 'note'.
2. I have discussed the diplomacy of the Mfumbiro controversy in Ruanda-Urundi,
z884-z9i9, in press.
3. Lieut. G. C. R. Mundy (Leinster Regt.) was officer commanding troops when Mbarara
Station was established in December 1899.


t /'/

1 -.


Surveyed by P Hitchcock & BOluk,
Brathoy Exploration Oroup.
August 1902

Arugut 1002


" Gate House





4 ---



Rampart \

I Ditch




-- I


Uganda Journal, 28, 2 (1963) pp. 195-204


In 1872 Sir Samuel Baker established a fort at Patiko as a base for the
suppression of the slave trade in Equatoria. A survey of this fort was one of
the projects studied by the Brathay Exploration Group during their 1962 ex-
pedition in Uganda; reports on the other projects have appeared already
in the Uganda Journal (Vol. 27 part 1).
Patiko lies about 17 miles north of Gulu in the Northern Province of Uganda.
The direct road from Gulu leaves the Kitgum road about a mile from Gulu
at the place where the Kitgum road forks to the right.1 Patiko is the modern
spelling for the region which Baker knew as Fatiko.
Baker chose this site for the fort because a large granite outcrop, a hundred
feet long, formed a 'rock citadel' (Fig 1). On this he built ammunition2 and
grain stores, and the walls of these buildings are still standing (Fig. 2). At the
base of the rock, on the east side, huts were built on a flat expanse of grassland,
and they were defended by a rampart three feet high and a ditch eight feet deep.
There is no longer any sign of the huts, nor of the stockade which was built
on top of the rampart, but the rampart and ditch stand out clearly, though
bushes have grown in the ditch. The stone gateway in the south-east corner of
the fort still stands at the end of the road leading to the fort (Fig. 3). The stone-
work of this gateway and of the buildings of the rock citadel was repaired in
the 1930's and the grass in the centre of the fort is kept short.
The map (Fig. 4) was made in August 1962. We were surprised to find that
the position of the north rampart is not the same as that shown on Baker's
map3, and this suggested that the fort had been extended. There is a slight dip
in the ground at the position of the limit of the smaller fort, (along the line A-B
on the map), and when the ditch was cleared at the point B, the end of a ditch
which had been filled in was discovered (Fig. 5). Three excavations were then
made (at the lines 3, 4 and 5) and they confirmed that a ditch eight feet deep
of V shape with a flat bottom had been in this position and had been filled in.
At the line 3, the former ditch was excavated completely and the hard murram
shoulders were exposed in just the same way as they occur in the main ditch.
At 5, the excavation was carried to a depth of only two feet, but there was
distinct indications of infilling. There was no in-fill seen at 4, and this may have
been the position of the north gateway. So Baker's fort as described in Ismailia
must have been extended and the problem is to find out who was responsible
for the alterations.
There does not appear to be a historical record of the extension of the fort,
but it is possible to build up a clear picture of the relations between the garrison
and the local Acholi from the comments of people who visited Patiko. The
first historical reference to Patiko is on Giovanni Miani's map (1860) and he
mentions the source of the Nile as being 'beyond Patiko'4. Miani was an Italian

explorer who travelled with the traders of the firm Agad and Co., who held
trading rights from the Khedive in Cairo. Their main business was ivory and at
this date the slave trade probably did not extend as far south as Patiko. Miani
did not get within fifty miles of Patiko, but the vakeel (or agent) of Agad and Co.,
Abou Saoud, was to play an important part in the later history of the region.
Captain James Grant must have gone near to Patiko when travelling north
with Speke from the Karuma Falls in December 1862. He makes only slight
reference to slave trading at Paloro, about twenty miles north of Patiko, and
the area seemed fairly peaceful and prosperous, though the area between
Patiko and the Karuma Falls must have been largely unpopulated and was
then forested. Just over a year later Samuel Baker and his wife made their
first short visit and he notes that the traders at Paloro knew nothing of the region
to the south of their station. They found the natives wonderfully friendly-
indeed the warmth of the welcome was the cause of the shortness of their stay:
"In a short time the natives assembled around us: they were wonderfully friendly and
insisted on a personal introduction to both myself and Mrs. Baker. We were thus com-
pelled to hold a levee; not the passive and cold ceremony of Europe, but a most active
undertaking, as each native that was introduced performed the salaam of his country,
by seizing both my hands and raising my arms three times to their full stretch above
my head. After about 100 Fatikos had been thus gratified by our submission to this
infliction, and our arms had been subjected to at least three hundred stretches each, I
gave the order to saddle the oxen immediately, and we escaped further proof of Fatiko
affection that was already preparing, as masses of natives were streaming down the rocks
hurrying to be introduced. Notwithstanding the fatigue of this ceremony, I took a great
fancy to these poor people: they had prepared a quantity of sheep and merissa for our
lunch, which they begged us to remain and enjoy before we started; but the pumping
action of half a village not yet gratified by a presentation was too much; and, mounting
our oxen, with aching shoulders we bade adieu to Fatiko."5
The slavers must have arrived between 1864 and 1872, for things were
very different when, in March 1872, Baker returned to Patiko as Governor
of Equatoria with a firman from the Khedive instructing him to suppress the
slave trade. He writes in Ismailia:6 "This beautiful district which had formerly
abounded in villages had been depopulated by the slave hunters" . and "I
was once more here, in the new capacity of a deliverer... I soon distinguished
immense numbers of slaves being driven quickly out and hurried away to the
South." The slavers were organised by Abou Saoud-the man who a few months
earlier had sworn fidelity to Baker "in so forceful a manner that I entertained
serious doubts of his sincerity." Baker tells how Abou Saoud instructed the
natives to attack him, but they did not do so because he had been recognized
as a friend from his former visit. He describes his route to Patiko in such vivid
phrases that it is easy to recognize the way he had come. He travelled from
Mount Shooa, which must be Mount Ladwon of present day maps (the district
is still known as Shooa):
"In this order the march commenced. The distance was only six miles. This was as
lovely a route as could be conceived ... we travelled along a kind of hog's back which
formed the watershed to the West. As we ascended, until we reached a large plateau of
clean granite of about two acres, we broke upon a magnificent panorama, which com-
manded an extensive view of the whole country . We had thus suddenly appeared
upon the green sward of the plateau without the slightest warning to the inhabitants of
Fatiko. About a mile before us stood the large station of Abou Saoud, which occupied at
least thirty acres. On our right we were hemmed in by a pure wall of granite, sloped like
a huge whale, about three-quarters of a mile long and a hundred feet high. The southern
extremity of this vast block of clean granite was the rocky and fantastic hill of Fatiko
crested with fine timber. To our left, and straight before us, was a perfectly flat plain like
a race-course, the south end being a curious and beautiful assemblage of immense granite
blocks, and splendid groups of weeping acacia."

Soon after his arrival on the 6th of March, Baker decided to establish a
station at Patiko and work was started on the ammunition store, but twelve
days later he set off south to Bunyoro, leaving Major Abdullah in charge with
a hundred men. When he returned in August the slavers were making things
very difficult for the garrison, and within a few hours of his arrival the station
was attacked. Abou Saoud did not take part in this battle as "he was not fond
of fighting, personally", but the notorious Ali Hussein was killed and Wat el
Mek was captured. The fortifications at this time were no more than "a light
fence of wattles, which were inferior to the weakest hurdles", and before the
end of August fortification by ditch and rampart was started. This was a
difficult operation because of the hardness of the murram, but four months
later the fort was complete. Sir Samuel's contract with the Khedive expired soon
after and the Bakers returned to England. Major Abdullah was again left
in charge at Patiko. He was given written orders about the maintenance of the
fort, which included that the ditch was to be cleaned out each month, the gra-
naries were to be kept with three months supply of corn, and the old huts were
to be cleared away and replaced by new ones "constructed similar to those in
the south camp". This last order suggests that Baker had taken over Abou
Saoud's station, which was only ninety yards north of his rock citadel, but there
was no order that the ditch should be extended towards the North Camp.
Major Abdullah was left with two hundred men from the Sudanieh Corps.
This corps had formed one of Baker's two regiments, the other being made up
of Egyptians. The reputation of the Sudanese was high; they had fought with
French troops in Mexico and Abdullah wore the Legion of Honour. They were
sometimes known as the "black troops". The Egyptian regiment, or Arabs,
"turned out to be for the most part convicted felons who had been transported
for various crimes from Egypt to the Soudan"8. Baker's personal bodyguard,
the famous "Forty Thieves", was made up of officers and men of both regiments.
In addition there were the "irregulars". These were the former slave traders
who, under Wat el Mek, had now sworn fidelity to the Government. They were
mainly from the region of Dongola in the Sudan, and were known as the
Dongolese. Had Baker known the trouble that they were to cause to his
successors and to the local people, he might not have enlisted them; but there
were so many bands of slavers roaming the country, that he may not have been
in a position to do other than try to win them to his side and Baker clearly
had the force of character which made men loyal to him.
In March 1874 Colonel Gordon arrived in Khartoum to take up the post
of Governor of Equatoria, and in May his lieutenant Chaille-Long visited
Patiko on his way south to see Mutesa in Buganda. Long was impressed by the
garrison at Patiko, still under the command of Major Abdullah:
"It gives me no little pleasure to refer here to the cleanliness and discipline of his
command, and the esprit de corps which he had instilled into both officers and men;
nor can I now forget to mention the care and consideration with which my every wish
was complied with... he also gave me several donkeys which, notwithstanding their savage
and mulish propensities, rendered me very great service. These donkeys are found in
"Lango" and "Lobbhor", countries lying east and south-east of Fatiko; whence the
natives, speaking an unknown idiom, had already reached Fatiko, and had come be-
seeching the commander of the post to aid their tribe in robbing and enslaving an adjacent
hostile people! a proposal which the gallant officer repelled with disdain. I refrain
from any outburst of enthusiasm with regard to this place, and cannot concur in Sir
S. Baker's eulogy of the Fatiko country as the Paradise of Central Africa."
"Among the officers who, on the day of my arrival, defiled past me in salutation, as I
stood to receive them in a neat little hut assigned to me, I noticed a tall, very black man,
dressed in the uniform peculiar to the "Dongolowee" a long white tunic, confined at

the waist by a belt which supported a Turkish scimitar Turkish "bags" of the same
material, bound up to the knees, however, by leggings of raw-hide, his feet encased in
Turkish slippers. Sundry little talismans in leather, the peculiar mark of distinction of the
inhabitants of the Soudan, hung from his belt, his face was deeply marked with small-
pox, and the effect of "Merissa" was clearly shown in his husky voice and blood-shot
eyes ... This was Wat el Mek."
Neither Abou Saoud, nor Wat el Mek ever seemed to me necessary to the govern-
ment of these provinces; since they could not but long for the entire possession of a
country they deemed their own. This appeared to me so natural that I looked upon Wat
el Mek, as I had on Abou, as opposed to the object of my mission, and the mission of the
government, then at Gondokoro. Having no incentive to evil, however, Wat el Mek was
possibly a very good fellow; and my mention to him of his connection with the expedition
of Sir S. Baker gave him great pleasure. At this time he was exercising the function of
Sheik-el-Bilad over the Fatiko country, under the protection of the garrison at Fatiko.
He desired to accompany me southward as far as Foueira, the last outpost on the Nile on
the borders of Unyoro (Keba Rega's country) where there was a Dongolowee camp of
eighty soldiers, in addition to 190 regular soldiers of the Soudanieh Corps."9
The fort at Foweira had been set up by Baker, and he had carried out a 'blood
brotherhood' ceremony there with Kabarega's rival, Rionga.
Long passed through Patiko again on his way North in October and made a
confident report on the relations between the garrison and the local people.
The garrison was
"sheltered from any attack, not alone from its position in a military view, but because
of the entire sympathy of the natives, who were most friendly to the government troops,
and acknowledged their authority, with pride at being considered as belonging to "Meri".o1
As a result of Long's reports, Gordon decided to increase the garrison at
Patiko from two hundred 'blacks' to three hundred and fifty (two hundred
and fifty Sudanese and a hundred Dongolese). But at the end of January 1875
he heard that the Dongolese were intriguing with Kabarega and he immediately
decided to remove all the Dongolese troops from the area, In a letter on the
21st of that month, Gordon wrote:
"I have reports from Foweira, which is nine miles South of Karuma Falls, that
Kaba Rega, in conjunction with the old slave hunters in my employ (taken on by Baker)
was meditating treachery and meant to try and take the station. The officer said that he
had dismissed these slave-hunters. Fifty of these men came down with Wad el Mek,
whom I disarmed, and would not allow to go back, but sent them to Khartoum. I have
also ordered the ninety other slave-hunters in the Fatiko province to be sent down, and
then I shall have cleared the province. Fifty of these slave-hunters out of ninety are with Kaba
Rega. I have sent to order them back. Perhaps they will not come; however, they are
great cowards, and have but little ammunition. The wailing of the slave-hunters sent down
to Khartoum was terrible, for they had fifty-two slaves, which I got. Oh my dear -, for
two days I dared not ask Long (who told me that he had applied for 400 soldiers for me
at Khartoum and that they were on their way up) whether these troops were Arab or
black troops. At last I asked. They were Arabs!!! Now, out of 250 Arabs I brought here,
I should say, half were dead and 100 were invalided; so you may inagime my horror.
He did his best, but it was killing for me. The consequence is, that I ordered rice, coffee,
sugar, etc., to be given these men, and am trying to keep them well till they can be moved
to a healthier spot. This reinforcement was worse than useless much worse. Out of 150,
eighty-four were sick the day after arrival; and now is the comparatively healthy season.
If I can only get them up country before they break down! Why, twenty miles from here
the reinforcement passed two boats with thirty-five sick Arabs whom I am sending down!
I sent down by steamer fifteen sick two arrived at Khartoum. It is terrible for them."l I
Another lieutenant, Linant de Bellefonds, stayed at the fort for two weeks
in February, 1875. On the 13th of February, Linant wrote:12
"Patiko is a very pretty Mudiria (Province) situated on a mountain. The air is healthy.
The camp possesses a trench which has been better executed than at Gondokoro. The
Mudir Nuehr Agha is an active man and intelligent. The abids (slaves) are bringing in
doura (millet). Following your Excellency's instructions and orders I have not interfered
in the Mudir's work as I have no authority over him ...


Fig. 1. Patiko from the West. "On our right we were hemmed in by
a pure wall of granite, sloped like a huge whale, about three-quarters
of a mile long and 100 feet high. The southern extremity of this vast
block of clean granite was the rocky and fantastic hill of Fatiko crested
with fine timber." ("Ismailia" II, p. 86).

Fig. 2. The Rock Citadel. Ammunition store in front, millet and sim-
sim stores behind, prison caver in centre back ground and low wall
defense on right. (Photograph by M. Posnansky).

Fig. 3. Patiko from the East. The ammunition store stands out on the
'rock citadel The gatehouse and the ditch are in the foreground.


The stores at Patiko possess nothing whatever. I have given them brass wire, mallets,
copper bars, hatchets and saws, but I understand that Your Excellency is sending them a
quantity of divers things with Wad el Mek."
A week later Linant reported to Gordon that Nuer Agha had called in all the
Dongolese from his outstations. He reported that:
"The situation in the Mudiria of Patiko is quite satisfactory. The Mudir is a man who
knows how to make himself respected. There is no lack of doura, but meat for feeding the
soldiers is very rare. Mortality amongst the cattle is very great owing to the quality
of the grass, which does not contain sufficient salt. Cattle which come from the country
of the Bari and Lango do not live at Patiko. There is only one kind of cow, which can be
aclimatised at Patiko and that comes from the country of Amara. Unfortunately this
tribe will not sell its cattle at any price and has declared itself to be an enemy of the
government. .."
"The stores at Patiko were completely empty when I arrived, but they have been
filled a little by the last messengers from Lado. I have told the Mudir to have drawn up an
exact account of the merchandise therein contained."
"Relations with the abids are good, but not however entirely complete. These parts
have been for a long time occupied by the Dongolese and especially by Abou Saoud's
bands. The abids who have been despoiled, massacred and have seen their villages burnt
by the Dongolese, have been made happy by the destruction of the last named and have
come to place themselves under the protection of the Government. On the other hand,
those abids, who made common cause with the Dongolese, who left with them their
stolen cattle, are today very discontented with the intervention of the Government.
Unfortunately these last named are represented by some big sheiks, who are not content
not to recognize its authority, but wish to prevent the other abids from entering into
relations with the Mudiria. Such are the Amara and Rermonghi who have on several
occasions attacked those bringing in ivory and doura. The position of the Mudir is
critical because the good ones ask to be protected. I have told him to be patient until
the arrival of orders from Your Excellency, to whom he should make a report."13
At the end of August, the Mudir reported to Gordon at Gondokoro, and
Gordon wrote:
"The Mudir of Fatiko came in yesterday ... he was so glad to have the road open; for
four years he had been cut off from the world."14
The Mudir had been instructed by Gordon to leave a good garrison; to make
a local chief called Agouz submit and set up a station; then he was to make
the Lango submit; and finally he was to make a secret march and take possession
of Magungo on the south bank of the Victoria Nile near Lake Albert.15
In January 1876, Gordon himself passed through Patiko and he wrote
to Khairy Pasha:
"On arrival here I have not found the troops in a good disposition for an advance. They
have been for so long here without any discipline that I mistrust them. Nevertheless I
hope I shall be able to take them to Mruli and leave the occupation of Magungo until the
completion of the steamer, which should not take longer than two or three months."
"I regret having to inform his Highness that one cannot hope for anything great in these
countries. The officers take no interest in their duties and seek only to avoid work."
"It should have been enough for me simply to give the order for the advance to Mruli,
but although I am not at all well, I am so full of mistrust that they will not go, if I do not
accompany them, that I am forced to go ... As for any further advance beyond Mruli, it
cannot be thought of with these people for they will not go."16
Earlier he had complained on more than one occasion that these soldiers had
been left for years without pay and without cloth.7
On his return journey in February he wrote wearily from Patiko :
"The undertaking has been a long one, but the difficulties and fatigues have been very
much greater than imagined. Every single station has to be stocked and fortified before
we can move on to the next . everything about this country has been greatly exag-
gerated, and it is astonishing that there is so little to observe."18
Gordon was not fit at the time and his letters suggest that he found Equatoria
very trying-unlike Emin who was fascinated by the natural history of the region.
The following year (1877) Gordon became Governor of the Sudan and he
did not visit Equatoria again, but in 1878 he appointed Emin to govern the

region. Emin visited Patiko at the end of that year; he had been further south
two years earlier, when he was Gordon's envoy to Mutesa, but on that occasion
he probably travelled up the Nile as far as Magungo.
About the same time Gordon found that the cost of maintaining the garrisons
in Equatoria was a serious embarrassment to the Sudan and to Egypt, where
the Khedive's financial difficulties were causing his downfall. Gordon wrote to
Baker on the 29th October 1878:
"I have just made out the Sudan accounts. They are
Receipts .. .. .. 676,000
Revenue .. .. .. 579,000
Deficit .. .. 97,000
Floating debt.. .. .. 327,000
This is a settler, and I mean to evacuate Unyoro, except Fatiko, and only keep Lake
Albert. I mean to evacuate Latuka, Makraka, Rohl, Bahr el Ghazal and part of Dar-
Fur. Every cantar of ivory costs us 80; and it is not worth it."19
And again a month later:
"Of course I have heard nothing from the equator for several months. I mean to evacuate
M'ruli, Fauvera, Masindi, Latuka, Rohl and Makraka: they are not worth keeping.
Rohl and Makraka are slave trader's nests."20
Emin's reaction to the order that the stations should be evacuated is reported
by Schweitzer who21 described how in the Southern district of the equatorial
province, in spite of Emin's efforts, disturbances broke out again and again.
Gordon had therefore given orders that henceforth Dufile was to be con-
sidered the southern frontier-and various stations were to be abandoned.
Patiko was not mentioned among these, but only a few were named as examples.
Schweitzer quotes Emin's diary for 8th November to show his disappointment
at this order:
"Thus all my labours have been in vain. From Kisuga, Kabarega's people have been at-
tacked and many of them killed, and several of our soldiers too have been killed or taken
prisoners. Kabarega has refused to accept the letters I sent to him; he has broken off all
communications with us, and is once more threatening the existence of our stations in the
South. And all this in spite of my orders to the commanders of the frontier stations not
to attack him. My hands are tied by Gordon's senseless order not to go farther South
than Dufile. I seem quite useless here."
Schweitzer goes on to say that Emin did not obey Gordon's orders for long,
as he found that after the heavy initial expenses of establishing the stations
they had become very remunerative, and Schweitzer quotes from Vita Hassan
about Emin:
"He therefore evaded the order. Instead of abandoning the stations, he, on the contrary,
projected an extension of the province as far as the Albert Lake. Gordon, however ad-
hered to his resolution, and directed Gessi Pasha, who was in the Bahr el Ghazal, to go to
the Equator and effect the evacuation. But as soon as Gordon had quitted the service,
the abandoned stations were reoccupied by Emin, to whom they were subsequently of
great value."22
Reports from the area during 1879 suggest that life had become peaceful
again, especially at Patiko. The C.M.S. missionaries, the Rev. C. T. Wilson
and Dr. R. W. Felkin travelled north from Uganda, and Felkin hoped to meet
Emin at Patiko at the beginning of July; but "urgent business" meant that
Emin had to be elsewhere. Felkin found the relations between the Acholi and
the garrison were much as Baker intended they should be:
"The men here when working in the fields do not take their weapons with them, a sure
sign of the peaceful life they lead; and it was pleasant to see how joyfully the soldiers
were welcomed everywhere; often the villagers would carry the soldiers guns and small
loads for some distance on the road, enjoying meantime a lively conversation with their
friends ... At the gate Abdul Aga Nimer, the governor of the station, a thorough gentle-
man, and my old friend the Murdir Morjan Aga, gave a hearty welcome ... Ever since the
station has been established at Fatiko, the Shulis have been loyal to the government, and

no unpleasantness has arisen. The soldiers can go about unarmed, and if, as sometimes
happens, they fall ill, at a distance, the natives prepare a litter and carry them by easy
stages back to the station ... Near the fort there is a large native settlement and dancing
goes on every night until 9 p.m., when the roll is called and the gates are shut."
In spite of a sprained leg Felkin climbed Ajulu, but did not quite reach the
top. He found:
"... the view is very fine, the plain extending the distant mountains,
being covered with immense field of corn, among which are scattered the
native villages. This is, in fact, the granary of the province.,,23
Felkin cannot have known of the trouble that there had been between the
garrison and the Acholi. In the biography of the Acholi chief Rwot Ochama24,
Sir John Gray quotes Emin's diaries to show how the relations had deteriorated.
Taib Bey, when commander at Patiko, had beaten Rwot Ochama and put him
in chains, but because of his friendship with Baker, Ochama was prepared to
meet Emin in a friendly way in 1879. I expect that Taib Bey was the same man
as Colonel Tayib who Baker had found earlier "not fit for an independent
command."25 But in 1884 Rwot Ochama asked Kabarega for men to help him
attack the station at Patiko, but this attack never took place. There were spo-
radic raids from then on and Emin's diary during February 1887 records:
"When I came here eleven years ago, Shuli land was well populated, rich in corn, honey
etc., and its inhabitants friendly and peaceful. Every head of a station has indulged in
plunder; all my exhortations have been disregarded; I have no European officials; and
slowly things have come to the present state of affairs. One piece of luck is that the Shuli
do not possess many weapons."26
By that time Rwot Ochama was dead, killed in battle with a neighboring
tribe not far from Patiko. He was succeeded as chief by his son Awich. In his
account of the life of Awich, R. S. Anywar described the final decline of the
fort at Patiko:
"The Nubis at Patiko and Pabo gradually got into difficulties. Their clothes were all
worn out and they had to sew and wear the skin of game. Their bullets too were finished'
and they used blue beads packed on gunpowder as a makeshift. The Acholi had grown
tired of supplying them with food daily for so many years, with the result that the Nubis
started seizing it, burning villages and killing the inhabitants in the process. Such be-
haviour naturally roused the country against them, and in 1888 Awich's people gathered
together and fought the Nubis in the valley of the Akworo near Oceco fort by the hill
called Ajulu. Many of the Nubis were killed in the encounter, and they lost all their guns
and women; the survivors escaped to Pabo."27
1888 was also "the year that the locusts first came"28 and ten years later F. M.
Carleton reported that there were no inhabitants in the vicinity of Baker's
old fort.29
In 1962 it was possible to see the links between these historical records and
the present time. The "wall of pure granite, sloped like a huge whale" described
by Baker is shown in Fig. 1, and it was possible to see the way in which Baker
might have come from Shooa. But we did not follow the route as the grass
was very long. Another view of the "fantastic hill of Fatiko" (known as Ajulu)
is shown in fig 6. Dr. J. R. Baker, whose father Julian Baker was the only other
European with Sir Samuel and Lady Baker, took this photograph when he
visited Patiko in 1957. He noticed the similarity between this view and the print
in Ismailia, which was based on a water colour by Sir Samuel. Dr. Baker has
determined that Sir Samuel must have been sitting on a prominent rock on the
rock citadel of the fort when he painted this picture, and we have therefore
named this rock 'Baker's seat' on the map.
The name 'Baker's leap' on the map refers to Julian Baker. The reference
comes from Felkin's account of his visit in 1879:

"During my stay I saw Sir Samuel Baker's old dining hall, which is a cave; and also his
and Lady Baker's private caves, and Mr. Baker's rock, celebrated for a jump he used
frequently to take from it; the chasm over which he jumped was so deep that a slip would
have cost him his life."30
We were told that the slavers had also used the caves, which are no more
than gaps under large boulders, and we were shown where they had had their
kitchen, and a cave under a rock where the prisoners were kept, and the inclined
slab of rock where they were sometimes beheaded. The local people have a
strong verbal tradition about the Bakers. We were shown the place where Baker
arrived in Patiko in 1872 and sent for emissaries from Abou Saoud-it is about
three quarters of a mile east of the fort and just behind the District Office.
We were told how Abou Saoud had described Baker to the people as a sorcerer
because he had four eyes (a reference to his binoculars), but similar comments
may refer to Emin who wore spectacles. Baker had a reputation for good nature,
and we were told of his laugh, his friendliness to children, his large beard-
and his hairy arms! He must have been a man of tremendous presence. I picture
him laughing as he received the letter from Geigler telling him of the Austrian
Consul in Khartoum:
"He often tells of the happy hours he spent in company with yourself and Lady Baker;
and of the fine English songs you sang, with so powerful a voice that the windows
Emin and Gordon made much less impression, but they were at Patiko
for a much shorter time. In 1889 the Sudanese troops told Jephson (one of
Stanley's lieutenants on the expedition to rescue Emin):
"We don't care for Gordon or Emin. Baker is our man. When he fought he was always
at the front; when he fired he never missed; he was indeed our man. If we did not obey
orders, he shook us: then our teeth fell out."32
The fort has probably changed little since it was abandoned. There are still
scattered borassus palms and acacias, but the roofs of the stone buildings have
fallen in, the stockade on the rampart and the huts have gone, and the ditch
has become overgrown. But there is now no water supply in the fort, which
is surprising. Baker does not mention the water supply for the fort, but Long
wrote on May 6th 1874:
"The water here is delicious. It springs from the ground with a gurgling sound, and for
the first time for years I have seen a beautiful clear spring of water and have drunk deeply
from its fountain."33
Did Baker's troops have to go outside their defences for water? We were told
how the huts had been built by a chain of men passing mud hand to hand from
the river half a mile away, but there may have been a spring within the fort
which has since dried up. Perhaps the large areas of grain noted by Felkin
led to erosion and a change in the water table, and so to famine, so that the
Acholi could no longer "pay their trifling corn tax with great good humour."

The archaeological evidence gives little definite information on the date of
the extension. There were broken querns in the in-filled ditch (fig. 5) and these
may have been used by Abou Saoud's Dongolesse between 1864 and 1872;
or by the garrison between 1872 and the time when the ditch was filled in. The
black earth natural in-fill at the base of this ditch is about two feet deep, sug-
gesting that the ditch had been open for a few years at least. On the other hand
there are still several broken querns lying around in the fort near this ditch and
they probably accumulated after the ditch had been filled in. The new ditch,




Fig. 5. Excavations in the East
Ditch. The end of a filled-in
ditch running across the fort is
exposed on the right and the
hard murram walls are visible
and marked by the arrows.

Fig. 6 'View from the Rock Fort of Fatiko' from Sir Samuel Baker's
"Ismai'ia," 1874, II. 438. Alongside is a photograph taken by J. R.
Bak;r from the same spot in 1957. (Photographs by permission of
J P Bakei).

forming the extension, is built in the same style as the old one, but with rather
steeper sides.
In the rest of the fort there are several hollows in the ground, suggesting
pits which have been filled in. One was excavated and certainly was a pit at
least four feet deep. But it might well date from recent times when the fort has
been used by the K.A.R. for a training camp.
It is unlikely that Baker extended the fort, or that it was extended under
orders left by him. He does state however in a letter to Gordon:
"When writing my book I was foolishly very careless; and, getting hot with ex-
citement at the recollection of past incidents as the scenes came before me, I scribbled
away, current calamo."34
But he would be unlikely to publish a map that was out of date, or to omit
from his detailed orders given in Ismailia any instruction that the fort was to be
Gordon may have decided to extend the fort-and, as Sir John Gray
has suggested to me, to double its size when he doubled its garrison in December
1874. In a letter to Khartoum written from Patiko on February 3rd, 1876 he
mentioned that the work was going well and he hoped it would be completed
in a couple of months.35 But this comment probably referred to fortifications
at Mruli and Foweira, which Gordon had just left. His main concern at the time
was to build a chain of forts south to Lake Victoria.
But later in 1876 the steamers were on the Nile between Dufile and Lake
Albert, and Emin developed the forts at Wadelai and Magungo. The importance
of Patiko as a post on the route to the south then declined, though Felkin used
it on his way north in 1879. Emin noted that little change had taken place at
Patiko since Baker's time, but he may not have noticed the extension of the fort.
If it had not been extended by then, one of the local commanders in the 1880s
may have found it necessary to increase the size of the area he could defend
as relations with the Acholi deteriorated. But by that time the garrison were
demoralised and would be unlikely to undertake such an arduous task. It seems
most probable that the fort was extended in 1876 under Gordon's orders.

I am greatly indebted to Sir John Gray and Mr. H. B. Thomas for drawing
my attention to many of the passages quoted, and for their suggestions, and to
Dr. Posnansky for advice at Patiko and again later during the preparation of this
paper. The Brathay Group, who carried out the mapping and excavations,
wish to thank their sponsors for making it possible for them to undertake this
investigation, and also the local people of Patiko for much friendly assistance
at the fort. A grant towards the illustrations is gratefully acknowledged from
the Ministry of Information. Fig. 6 is reproduced by permission from the Nile
Quest ed. Merrick Posnansky and published by the East African Literature
Bureau (p. 9, Plate II).
1. In 1962 there was a better surface on the road which leaves the Kitgum road nine
miles further on and goes through Paicho and Awich; by this route Patiko is about
24 miles from Gulu.
2. The south room of the ammunition store was also excavated though no trace of its
original use found. A large mass of broken pottery from the eighteen inches of infill could
quite easily postdate the main occupation of the fort as the rock around the buildings is
still used as a grain drying area by the local women &c. The pottery is now in the Uganda

Museum (Accession Nos. A6268-70).
3. Baker, Sir S. W., 1872, Ismailia, I, p.483, London.
4. Thomas, H. B., 1939, Uganda Journal, 6, p.176
5. Baker, Sir S. W., 1866, Albert Nyanza, H, London pp.26-27.
6. Baker, Ismailia, II, p.85.
7. Gray, Richard, 1961, A history of the Southern Sudan, London, p.93 would suggest
that Baker's view is somewhat exaggerated and the devastation of the slavers and the
slave trade was not quite as great sa in the Bahr el Jebel (ed.).
8. Baker, Ismailia, I, p.16.
9. Chaille-Long C., 1876, Central Africa, London pp.60-69.
10. ibid p.205.
11. Birkbeck-Hill G., 1899, Gordon in Central Africa, London, p.64.
12. I am greatly indebted to Sir John Gray for the following extracts from M. F. Shukry,
1953, Equatoria under Egyptian Rule, Cairo University Press, in which some of Linant de
Bellefond's letters to Gordon are quoted.
13. Shukry, op. cit., pp. 230-33.
14. Birkbeck-Hill, op. cit., p.116.
15. Shukry, op. cit., p.292.
16. ibid, p.323.
17. ibid, p.307.
18. Translation from C. Zaghi, 1947, Gordon, Gessi e la Riconquista de Sudan, Firenze.
19. Murray, T. D., and A. S. White, 1895, Sir Samuel Baker, a Memoir, London, pp.253-54.
20. ibid
21. Schweitzer, G., 1898, The Life and Work of Emin Pasha, 2 volumes, London.
22. ibid, I, p.67.
23. Wilson C. T., and R. W. Felkin, 1882, Uganda and the Egyptian Sudan, II, London,
24. Gray Sir John M., 1948, Uganda Journal, 12.
25. Baker, Ismailia, II, p.469.
26. Uganda Journal, 12, p.125.
27. Uganda Journal, 12, p.75.
28. ibid.
29. Gray Sir John M., 1952, Acholi History, 1860-1901, II, Uganda Journal, 16, p.43.
(part I of Sir John Gray's article is also of interest and is in the Uganda Journal, 15, (1951)
30. Wilson and Felkin, op. cit., II, p.65.
31. Murray and White, op. cit., p.233.
32. ibid, p.370.
33. Chaille-Long, op. cit.
34. Murray and White, op. cit., p.228.
35. ibid., p.232.

Uganda Journal, 27, 2 (1963) pp. 205-2r6


The main purpose of this paper is to confirm that Kabaka Kintu was born
in Buganda and secondly to establish the foundation upon which can be based
an investigation of the origin of our Kingdom of Buganda and our traditional
systems so that they may not perish as they have already started to do so.
I also think that if all the senior heads of the clans do not resolve together to
codify our traditional systems so that they may not perish, we may relegate
them to folklore.
The beginning of the Buganda Kingdom is fraught with much speculation.
There are many books on the history of Buganda which relate how Kabaka
Kintu came here. All those books, as a whole, commence the Kingdom of
Buganda with Kabaka Kintu and the Snake-King, Bemba, whom many believe
to have been a snake, which was ultimately killed by a tortoise. When Kabaka
Bemba is referred to as a snake, Kintu does not become a tortoise but remains
a human being.
One may wonder, 'How did the Snake-King Bemba come to rule Buganda?'
That is not explained and if further enquiries are pursued, one can find refer-
ences only to Kintu and how he came from Heaven with his wife Nambi Nantu-
ttululu. Others say that he came from the East, that he killed the Snake King
Bemba and became Kabaka of Buganda. The origin of the Snake-King Bemba
and how he came to rule Buganda are not explained. Kintu's origin from the
East is regarded by most people as the authentic suggestion to the exclusion
of the myth. Yet other writers take advantage of Kintu's origin from the East
and after taking account of the high degree of civilisation of the Baganda
which Europeans found here they suggest that civilisation may have originated
from the North and have been brought here by Kintu.
And on this J. V. Wild in The Story of the 1900 Uganda Agreement (1950
p. 8) writes: ... there is little doubt that the ruling families of Buganda were
in fact the offspring of invaders from the east or north-east who intermarried
with the indigenous people and produced a more advanced type. The invaders,
who probably entered Buganda some three hundred years ago, may have been
Hamites from the region of Ethiopia or possibly Luo from the Sudan: they
are represented in the legends of today by the story of Kintu."
I differ from the assertion that the dynasty of our kings came from outside.
Intensive interviewing and travelling have shown me that this is not so, as I
shall explain.
1. Sir Apolo Kaggwa, who was a Katikiro of Buganda and who made a
major contribution in his transcription of traditions, wrote in his Bassekabaka
be Buganda (1901):
Translated by S. Kaddu and adapted for publication by M. Posnansky from the Luga-
nda version Ebyo Bwakabaka bwa Buganda, Obuzaalebwa Ssekabaka Kintu ne Bassekabaka
abasooka (published Kampala 1963) with the aid of a grant from the Wenner-Gren

... Many others say that Kintu landed at Podi harbour in Bunyoro country
and eventually reached Kibiro, coming with many other companions:
Bukulu and his wife Wadda; Kyaggwe and his wife Ndimuwala; Kyaddondo
and his wife Nansangwawo; Bulemeezi with his wife Ndibuuliriza; Ssingo
with his wife Muganwa; Sesse with his wife Kweba; and Mazinga with
his wife Mbuubi. His first camp was at Ssoko but later he moved to Kibulala.
He stayed more or less five years at Kibulala from where he transferred to
Nabyungu. During the eight years or so he lived at Nabyungu, he begot the
following children: Nangoma, Lukedi and Wunyi. Then he moved to Nana-
gaabe where he dwelt for about thirteen years. When his children grew
up he gave Buruli country to Nangoma, that is why it is called Buruli of
Nangoma up to this day. But Nangoma was a daughter. Lukedi, a son,
was given Bukedi where he settled with some of his relations who can be
found there up to this day. To Wunyi he said, "Go back to Kibulala (in
Bunyoro), reside in our camp whence we came and guard it."
This belief appears to be the major basis of our Buganda history and indeed
for the books written by outside authorities. In his book Sir Apolo does not
provide any concrete evidence about Prince Kintu's country of origin, nor of
his father, although it would be quite understandable if his mother was not
known. To say that he came from the east is insufficient justification for affirm-
ing that he originated there.
The clans that came with Kintu also have no evidence to confirm that they
came from another country. The heads of these clans cannot definitely point
to such and such a country as being the place from where they came with their
prince or Kabaka Kintu. On the other hand, some clan heads who are said to
have accompanied Kintu assert that their clans date further back in history.
For example, in the Mamba (Lung Fish) clan, the Abakerere were known long
ago in this country.
2. The head of the Lugave (scaly-ant eater) clan, although he later refused
to reveal for publication what he knew about Kabaka Kintu, told me in an
unofficial interview before he died the following story:
Kabaka Bemba was very tyrannical and when some of the principal clan
heads saw that he was becoming even more tyrannical they conspired to
abduct all the young princes to a far place. Their idea was that when those
princes grew up they would select one of them to lead a rising against King
Bemba and replace him. The Head of the Lugave clan was commissioned to
take the princes into exile in the direction of Bugisu. He took four princes and
their mother, who it is supposed was called Naguti, but unfortunately,
on their way at Manjira in Kyaggwe, the princes became very ill and two
of them died. The lower jaw-bones of the princes who died were preserved.
The surviving princes, who are said to have been twins, proceeded to their
destination. They crossed the lake and went to Bugisu where they settled
for a fairly long period. It is said that those princes used to ask their mother:
'Mother, before you die tell us, where is our home?' and she would answer,
'Where the sun sets that is where our home is.'
When the heads of the clans surmised that the princes were grown up
they sent the head of clan Ndugwa a second time to fetch one of the princes
to fight Kabaka Bemba. The heads of the clans who came with the prince
on this occasion are those whom we refer to as the clans which came wiht
Kintu. It is also said that the two princes separated, Kato Kintu coming

to Buganda, the other Wasswa, who is also called Nakirembeka, going
to Bunyoro. When Prince Kintu reached Buganda he fought Kabaka Bemba,
defeated him and became Kabaka in his stead.
If you examine both those versions of Kintu's coming to Buganda and see
the speedy way in which he attacked Kabaka Bemba it will be easy to conclude
that Prince Kintu knew full well Kabaka Bemba's habits. It is also clear that he
came with a grudge which he wanted to revenge on Kabaka Bemba. If he
had not known of Kabaka Bemba when he reached Manjira, in Kyaggwe,
there is no reason why he would not have settled in that very fertile part of the
country. Then it would have been Kabaka Bemba who would have attacked
Kintu on hearing that he was trying to establish himself in his country. This
was not so, it was Kintu who quickly marched to fight Kabaka Bemba.
To those who say that Kabaka Kintu was not born in this country, we have
a Kiganda custom of preserving and decorating the 'twin' (umbilical cord)
of the Kabakas which is performed by the Abagiriinya. If Kabaka Kintu's
twin is not a fake there is clear evidence that 'he' is at Manijra in Kintu's camp.
This is part of another line of evidence which we shall adduce to show that
Kintu was born in this country and did not migrate here as some people think.
3. The people of Bugisu regard Kakaba Kintu as their son and they aver
that Kintu is Bugisu-born. They even say that Kintu had a palace on Mt.
I endorse the correctness of his having had a palace on Mt. Elgon because
even those who hold other views (including the head of the Lugave clan)
believe that Kintu established a palace on Mt. Elgon after he had fled the
tyranny of Kabaka Bemba. I have not yet found out whom the Bagisu think
was the father of Kabaka Kintu.
4. The head of the Mutima clan, Sulemani Waliggo, Nakirembeka of
Butale, Buddu, who resides at Kwata on the Gayaza road also confirms that
Kabaka Kintu was a true born son of Buganda and he refers to Kintu's journey
to the East as having been the result of hunting expedition whereby Kintu
set his dog on some playing animals which their father, Mukama, had forbidden
them to hunt.
In the majority of traditions it is confirmed that Kabaka Kintu was once
on Mt. Elgon in Bugisu and that is where he came from to fight Kabaka Bemba,
who is said to have been a snake. Certainly, that is not disputed but what
should be stated is that there were reasons which took him there, and we have
seen one of them already. What is left unaccounted for by those who hold this
belief is the parentage of Kintu. Happily, they also confirm that Kabaka
Bemba, whom they regard as a snake, was very fierce. Kabaka Bemba's ferocity
is undisputed and also the saying, "Ebemba tekyala, etabaalabutabaazi"
(The snake Bemba does not go visiting, it wages war) is enough to confirm this.
That reputation of ferocity will help us in the second episode of what led to the
flight from Buganda of Prince Kintu.
The big omission in Sir Apolo's book are the early Kabakas prior to Kintu
and Bemba, who reveal the parentage of Kabaka Kintu and the reason which
led to his fight with Kabaka Bemba. Furthermore, Kabaka Bemba who is
referred to is merely mentioned without any further details and, probably
that is why he is called a snake, when he never was a snake. The origin of Kabaka
Bemba is not apparent, instead he is simply found on a rock at Kitala in Zziika,
Busiro and on Budo hill.

The history which would appear to be the correct one on which to base
research is that which endeavours to establish the origins of the Royal lineage
in Buganda. It is true that there are still a lot of things which require slow and
careful research but I have, on the basis of my initial study found that much
of it appears valid, particularly on the basis of the places where those princes
referred to are said to have resided. The names of the princes as recounted are
very old, but the heads of the clans and elderly people who live near and around
the various hills where these princes are said to have lived know or have heard
of them.
It is said that in the beginning when God was creating this country of ours,
He put into it two people, a man and his wife. Those people were the Kabaka
and his Nabagereka. They in turn were responsible for the procreation of the
inhabitants of this country who have spread out.
That first Kabaka was called Kabaka Muntu and his Nabagereka was
KIBAAWO. God put them in the village called Nnagalabi, on Budo hill, which
was right in the midst of a wide expanse of country which was empty and had
no other name than MUWAWA (empty) before it had the name of Buganda.
The Giver-of-all gave to Kabaka Muntu and his Nabaregeka many children
and Kabaka Muntu gave to his children portions of hills and villages in his
kingdom and the children in their turn occupied their possessions. Some
extended their territories whilst others made history by their deeds which are
still remembered up to this day by some old heads of clans in those areas where
they lived.
These are the children of Kabaka Muntu and his Nabagereka Kibaawo :
1. Their first-born was called MUWANGA of Nseke, and this child spoke
while in his mother's womb. After his birth he was taken to Nseke, past Mpa-
mbire near the home of Princess Nabikande in Mawokota. If one enquires
from the people of those regions one finds that they have heard of this prince.
I asked some people of Nsamu who also appeared to know of him.
2. The second-born was MUSISI GINDA OMUTENZA-GGULU, he
was given Zzinga in the lake; on those islands he had a child called Wannema
who in turn had two sons, Mukasa and Kyobe Kibuka. Many heads of clans
know Musisi Omutenza-Ggulu, but some are doubtful whether he was given
Ssese or Zzinga, but most say Zzinga.
who was put at Mmende and given Kizibawo hill so that he would not peer
through to his father, and he was commissioned to perform the rite of strapping
ankle bells on the legs of Kabakas upon their installation at Budo, although he
himself was a true prince. He is still very well known and I saw some old people
of Mmende who knew about his history.
4. Kabaka Muntu's fourth child was NNAMUSERA MUDONDOLI.
He was given Nnamusera, in Busiro, past Kisimbiri. It is thought that this
prince changed the name of that hill and named it after himself.
5. Kabaka Muntu had a fifth child called NNABONGO; and gave him
Nnansana on Kabumbi hill in Kyadondo. This prince is well-known among
the old people of Nnansana.
6. The sixth child was NNAMUWALA, who was given Mukono hill in
Kyaggwe and her headquarters were known as Kawuuga. She too is very well
known and it may still be easy to find out her history upon enquiry.

7. The seventh child was MUGERERE, who is also remembered and was
given Mabira on Nnamusa hill in Kyaggwe past Katoogo and Waggala.
8. Then Kabaka Muntu had an eighth child named WANGA of Katoo-
lingo in Busiro near Bakka.
9. Then Kabaka Muntu had his ninth child TONDA who was given
Butonda in Kyaggwe. Tonda, a hereditary name, of Butonda is very well known
as an elder of first rank and many people go to him to enquire about things
of the past, but many appear not to know that he is a prince.
10. Their tenth child was GOOGOMBE. He was given Kimwanyi in Kya-
dondo. This prince is very well known and some heads of clans know his name
well but many did not know that he is descendant of a Kabaka long ago.
11. The eleventh child was BISIRIBA, who was given Kimoggo in Busiro
near Bakka, but some say that he was given Ssessiriba.
12. Kabaka Muntu then had a twelth child WADDA, to whom he gave
Kiwawu in Bussujju. Wadda is referred to in Sir Apolo Kaggwa's book Basse-
kabaka as the wife of Bukulu, when in actual fact he was a prince and not a
princess nor an ordinary woman.
13. Then they had their thirteenth child BUKULU, who was given Kiwawu
in Busunju. Bukulu is also referred to in Sir Apolo Kaggwa's book as coming
with Kabaka Kintu, but Sir Apolo does not call him a prince. Sir Apolo writes
about him . Also Bukulu came with Kintu. He had a wife called Wadda.
When Bukulu separated from Kintu, Bukulu went to Ssese, built a house there
and had the following children Laba, Wanga and Musisi ... ". We have
already seen that most of the heads of clans know Wadda to have been a prince
and Bukulu was also a prince not a commoner. But I have not yet found out
what the Basesse say about him, particularly about those children who are
attributed to him by Sir Apolo.
After those thirteen children whom we have already encountered, Kabaka
Muntu begot four children at the same time, two boys and two girls. To the
boys he gave the following hills: KYABAZINGA NTEMBE was given Bunya
hill in Busoga and LUKEDI was given Lukungu in Lango. Later on Prince
Lukedi moved from Lukunga slowly conquering Bukedi and Budaama and
later' because of the wide experience he had in Bukedi and Bugisu he was the
one who helped Prince Kintu to reach Mt. Elgon where he obtained his war
Of the two girls, one, KAPALA was given Bwera; the second one OLAKYA
was given Kiziba. To confirm that these two girls were princesses, there is a
book of the Mamba clan which refers to them and in it I came across a reference
to Kapala's throne, and I hear that this name is well known even today at the
After a fairly long time Kabaka Muntu had three more children: KYA-
LUBANGA to whom he gave Buruuli. But some say that Buruuli belonged to
Nnangoma; but what is well-remembered is its principal fetish called Lubanga
which appears to have been Kyalubanga's fetish, that is why it is called Lubanga.
There is also recent confirmation that Nnangoma is of a later period and it is
said that she possessed Buruuli during the reign of Kabaka Kintu.
Busindi, and he built his village on Kituba hill near Pajawo on Lake Mayugi,
the lake being behind his village. He was a Cwezi. This Prince Mulindwa
played a big part in the history of Buganda and all Uganda.

After some time Kabaka Muntu had another child KANNALWANDA
and gave him Rwanda. This child was born to him when he had gone to Rwanda
to fetch his wealth, including cattle; it is said that it was God who directed
our forefather Muntu in the way in which he would acquire wealth and cattle,
because there was no cattle in this country. Kabaka Muntu spent nine years
in Rwanda during which time Prince Kannalwanda was born to him and whom
he later left on Lwanda hill in Rwanda as king of that country. Upon his return
Kabaka Muntu brought with him many cows with long and short horns as
well as much other wealth. Kabaka Muntu distributed the cows he collected
from Rwanda among his children with plenty to go around.
During the whole period when Kabaka Muntu was begetting his children
the people had not declared that he was 'the king who sits on the throne';
but whenever his children came to visit him and finding him in the same place
where they left him they began to call him the following names :
1. Ssabataka w'abataka (The head of the settlers) because he never moved
from his settlement.
2. Ssabasajja w'abasajja (The head of all men).
3. Kabaka wa Bakabaka atuula ku Nnamulondo (The king of kings who
sits on the throne).
When his children appeared they would always beat on their drums the signal
tunes Ndibatuusa (I will always bring them home) and Ntegereza (I am watchful).
Once when his children were gathered together, Kabaka Muntu said,
"Now then my children, how can you ensure that you will always find me on
the throne when there is no-one here to guard me? So the children decided
to send him their children; and they sent to his court their sons and daughters
so that he would procreate and fill the country. That is the origin of the saying,
"Omuzukulu tava ku mabega ga jjajjaawe n'agwa" (A grandchild cannot fall
off the back of his grandparent), and that is the origin of the practice of sending
pages to the court of the Kabaka.
The children whom Kabaka Kintu begot by his grandchildren were the
subsequent Kabakas of Buganda after his first children had been established in
the surrounding areas.
Among the children Kabaka Muntu begot in his grandchildren was Prince
Bukadde Bukokoma, and when Kabaka Muntu died Bukadde Bukokoma
succeeded him to the throne. When Bukadde Bukokoma succeeded to the Buganda
throne, he remained in Nnagalabi where three children were born to him:
Ssenkuule, Beene and Mukama. Very little is known about Kabaka Bukadde
Bukokoma. although some heads of clans and old people know something
about him.
Many heads of the clans know that the three children of Kabaka Bukadde
Bukokoma became Kabakas of Buganda, one after the other. It is affirmed
that the reason why all three of them managed to succeed to the title was that
the first two had no issue.
It was SSENKUULE who initially succeeded to their father and he remained
in Nnagalabi. When Ssenkuule died, his younger brother BEENE succeed
him and he built his capital at Mitwebiri Bulondo in Busiro. And when Beene
died MUKAMA became heir and he built his capital at Katoolingo in Busiro.
Kabaka Mukama had three children; BEMBA, BUGANDA and KASAJJA.

^ --

Fig. 1. Princess Kibwa in front of the shrine of Kabaka Buganda at
Lunvo. Entebbe.

The Bakasajja are now the Ba-Ssagi of the Heart clan in Buddu. The Ba-Ssagi
are real princes and we shall come across them later when considering Prince
Nakirembeka. Some clan heads told me that it was Kabaka Mukama who
changed the name of this country after the birth of his child Buganda and
named it 'BUGANDA', because from early times this country had no name.
Also there were some clan heads who told me that there was a hillock called
Buganda somewhere between Kawempe, Jinja and Ttula, but 1 have not had
a clan head confirming that that hill is this or that; and if you probe others
with questions they say that it was not a hill but a banana plant which was
called 'Buganda', whilst others say that it was a tree.
But now I have established that it was a "Mvule Tree" which was named
Buganda. It is a very huge mvule tree, situated at Ttula near Kawempe. The
elderly people in the vicinity informed me that it was from this mvule tree that
the frame of the drum called Buganda was cut. I was also informed that when
the tree had fallen down, a very long time ago, a piece was cut off to make
the frame for the drum, but the rest of the tree sprouted and continued growing.
When Prince Buganda attained manhood he built his town at Kazo, in the
neighbourhood of Jinja, in Kyadondo, near the place of his birth and that is
born to him and he named him after his grandfather Mukama. Later on when
Buganda became Kabaka he built his capital at Lunnyo, in Bulama, Busiro.
now known as Entebbe, his village was behind the present Entebbe Police
Station where he was also buried after his brother Bemba had killed him.
Up to this day his grave can be found there and a princess attends it (fig. 1),
but surprisingly up to now it has been hardly known. The jaw bone of Kabaka
Buganda is still preserved and his barkcloths are still intact, as is the Kiganda
custom. It made me very sad to see that Magunda of Lwanga, who is charged
with the task of supervising the preservation of the grave of Kabaka Buganda, by
appointing another princess upon the death of the previous one as an attendant
of the grave, appears not to regard it as of prime importance in the Kingdom
of Buganda.
Princess Kibwa, who keeps that grave is a very old woman, but she is very
lonely. Until 1960 when I took Prince Mawanda Ssematimba, the heads of
many clans did not know about that place. Also surprisingly' though the autho-
rities know about that place but they do not pay attention to it except exempt-
ing it from busulu nvujjo taxes (land taxes). What amazed me most when I
asked the Gombolola Chief Ssabaddu, Busiro, Entebbe whether he knew
anything about that place of Kabaka Buganda, his answer was that he merely
thatches the building without knowing what it is and he does not care to find
out. One cannot fail to sympathise with Princess Kibwa in her difficulties.
She single-handedly performs all the rites. When I asked her about Kabaka
Buganda, whose tomb she attends, she replied that she did not know much
about him because she was picked to do her work long after the death of the
previous attendant, but she definitely knows that the tomb she guards is that
of Kabaka Buganda, the father of Kabaka Kintu. This is where all the history
of Kabaka Kintu was lost, because once you forget his father you are left with
no point from which to start his life history except bringing him from nowhere
without any specific place of origin.
Buganda, the younger brother of Bemba, succeeded to the Kabakaship
after the death of their father. This was not because of their father's will, but

as a result of complicity with his younger brother Kasajja as they did not want
their elder brother to become Kabaka because of his ferocity.
When Buganda became Kabaka and after Kintu had grown-up, Bemba
who had been denied the kabakaship became jealous and angry and he fetched
from Kyalubanga of Buluuli four sets of charms. He promised Kyalubanga in
return that if he helped him to conquer the kingdom he would give him the king-
ship of Buruuli. Then Kyalubanga gave him the war charms telling him, "Take
what I have given you an old man always has something handy find a
secluded spot and lay them out to dry in sets of eight and when the period of
eight-four days is over you will see what will come to pass, then you will advance
to battle; the victory will be yours and you will secure the kingship."
After Bemba had placed his new acquisition in the prescribed place he went
to Zziika at Kitala on the rock. Every day he dug one hole in the rock in order
to reckon the set of eight required, as there were no calendars in those days.
These are the sets of eight holes which he dug in the rock which we know call
the Omweso of Kintu on the rock at Kitala.
When the prescribed days were completed and the fettish horns were dry,
they changed into a enormous snake; that snake became Bemba's chief of staff
and was head of all the snakes of the lake and forests and was named Luwaali.
Then Bemba set out to fight his brother Buganda, they fought and Bemba
defeated his brother Buganda and killed him. Then Bemba became Kabaka
by force. In this war, Bemba's huge snake Luwaali was the chief commander
and many people were bitten by snakes and died.

After Bemba had killed King Buganda, Kintu-kya-Mukama-Tekitta-
Kyegaanira, who had now passed into adolescence, ran with his warrior Musisi
towards the lake. It was at Ziginga, in the lake, that he entered into 'blood
brotherhood' with Kirimussu, of the IJonge (Otter) clan who was also the father
of Kisoro, the Katikiro of Kabaka Kintu. At their first encounter with Kintu,
Kirimussu was very frightened but Kintu told him, "don't be afraid, I too am
fleeing from Bemba".
On his way to Zzinga, Kintu was accompanied by his sister, Nalubaale and
Prince Lukedi together with Lukedi's child. After their blood covenant, Kiri-
mussu strapped a piece of an otter's skin onto Kintu's shoes. Kintu had come
across Kirimussu when the latter was out on a long hunting expedition, eating
meat instead of food and having plenty of animals' skins which he collected.
That is how the duty of the members of the I)onge clan of making the shoes of
the Buganda Kabakas originated.
Then Kintu fled with Kisoro. They landed at Nansagazi and their first
stop was at Mmangira, in Kyaggwe and there they spent the night at the home
of Nsimbi. Nsimbi added his son Mwanje to Kintu's party, and Mwanje is
head of Magonga up to this day. Upon leaving Mangira they crossed the Sse-
zibwa and Musmya rivers. They spent the night by the lake at the home of the
ferry-man who belonged to the Ngeye (Colobus Monkey) clan who was later
succeeded by Kiwana of the Katinvuma clan. The following morning the ferry-
man of the Ngeye clan brought a dug-out canoe called Nnakakweya which
they boarded. As they were crossing in mid-stream, the boat disintegrated and
Lukedi fell into the lake but the rest continued on their course, continuously

ladling water out from the leaking boat. When they reached the other side
of the lake they spent the night at Kakindu in Bugabula, Busoga. From there
they moved slowly, putting up for nights at various places en route to Mount
Elgon, until they reached the home of Ssalongo Takyadda-olwo Naagenda,
high up on Mt. Elgon.
Kintu built his headquarters on Mt. Elgon from where he started to look
for war fetishes as Prince Lukedi had instructed him. After he had secured them
he returned to his mother-land to fight Kabaka Bemba. Helped by his fetishes
he succeeded in defeating Bemba.
Those war fetishes which he brought killed Luwaali, Bemba's commander
of the snakes. After Luwaali had been killed Bemba fled and could not be traced.
Some say that Bemba himself was killed but this was not the case They say,
"Bemba was killed by a tortoise". Bemba was a human being and he fled
after having heard of the death of his commander Luwaali; the tortoise was
Kintu-kya-Mukama-Tekitta-Kyegaanira's fetish and it was that tortoise which
killed Luwaali, Bemba's snake.
The way Kabaka Kintu's fetish killed Luwaali, Bemba's commander, is
well-known by many clan heads all over Buganda, but what is misunderstood.
is the identity of Kabaka Bemba, who is supposed to have been a snake. Sir
Apolo Kaggwa also wrote about this, the only difference in his version being
that he supposed that Kintu settled in this country for a fairly long period before
he was told that this country had a Kabaka, Bemba the Snake, who lived on
Budo hill and it was then that he went to fight him. One good thing in Sir
Apolo's version is his denial that Bemba was at one and the same time a snake
and a Kabaka and he does not agree that a snake could rule over people. As
he wrote,
".. he was told that a snake called Bemba was on Nnaggalabi hill (now
known as Budo) who was the ruler of this whole country. Kintu did not
delay, he held discussions with his chiefs and planned to attack it. Upon leav-
ing Bukesa he spent the night at Njagalabwami. During the night a tortoise
came to Kintu and said, 'I will kill Bemba the snake for you.' Kintu agreed
and commissi oned the tortoise. When the tortoise reached Nnaggalabi, it told
Kabaka Bemba,'I am a medicine-man and I never die, for at night my head
and feet disappear and those of all my companions, perhaps if you too did
the same you would never die.'
When night fell, the tortoise hid its head in its shell and all its com-
panions followed suit. When Bemba the snake saw this, the following morn-
ing he said, 'In the evening cut off my head also.' When evening came,
Bemba called all his men to have their heads cut off. After all Bemba's
men had gathered together the tortoise whispered to his fellow tortoises,
'As soon as I have chopped off Bemba's head you do the same to his men.'
After the tortoise had cut off his head he other tortoises cut off the heads
of the other snakes and killed them.
After killing Bemba the snake, the tortoise sent a message to Kintu that
he had killed him. On hearing this, Kintu set out for Nnaggalabi and burnt
up all the snakes. After doing that he went back to his home at Bukesa,
having spent a night at Namagoma.
But those words are not true: how could a snake, like human beings,
be a king in a country? Perhaps they were mere people. For the Kabakas
of Buganda acquired from this episode the saying that 'Kabaka Bemba

does not go visiting, he simply attacks'. I made several enquiries about this
affair of Bemba but none knew about it, except expressions of uncertainty...,,
Bassekabaka be Buganda, p. 3.
The history of the Buganda Royal drums shows that Prince Kintu upon
his return from the place of his flight, Mount Elgon, Bugisu, came with a war
fetish sealed in a drum called Buganda which he was instructed to play when
ever he went to war. The drum Buganda is the most important among the drums
of the Buganda Kingdom. It was the first one to be established. The drum is
played by the members of the Nnyonyi clan. The history of the drum Buganda
or Entemiivu, relates how the friendship between Kabaka Kintu and Kakooto
Mbaziira, the head and grandparent of the members of the Nyonyi clan, came
about when they met at a hunt. Kakooto Mbaziira was a skilful hunter who
could never settle down because of his constant desire to be out hunting. Once
he set out for a hunt from Bulama, Ttende village, in Busiro county and met
Kabaka Kintu, also out on a hunt, near Mangira. Immediately afterwards
Mbaziira moved to Kabaka Kintu's court. Then Kintu said to Mbaziira
"Find someone who will beat my drum". Kakooto Mbaziira answered Kabaka
Kintu's request by giving him his son, Nnabitimpa, saying, "He will always
play your drum". Then Kakooto Mbaziira handed over all his children to
Kabaka Kintu to serve him. The first-born, Nnabitimpa was entrusted with
the drum Buganda; the second, Ssekituba, was charged with chopping firewood;
Kakumirizi, the third, was given the task of herding the cow Kanywa-omu;
the fourth, Kitanda became his cook; the fifth Kafuma looked after his health,
for Kakooto Mbaziira was a doctor whose skill was never defeated by any
disease; the girl Nanyonga was assigned the task of looking after his house and
up to this day it is Nnanyonga who keeps Kintu's house at Magonga. Such
is the friendship which emanated from two expert hunters who met during a
It is said during hunts Kabaka Kintu used to kill many elephants and that
he used to collect together most of the ivory tusks. When Kintu had amassed
sufficient ivories he went to pay off the debts he had incurred in securing the
war charms which enabled him to defeat Bemba and to become king. He took
with him three hundred tusks and disappeared and his son Gguluddene Kiwee-
wa, the first-born prince was the only one who knew of his secret. He had also
shown his son the boundaries of his principality as being River Nkerenge and
River Mayanja of Nkalwe. Also before leaving he charged Kawagga with the
task of patrolling the palace. He instructed Gguluddene to impart all this
knowledge to his brothers and sisters. Before Kabaka Kintu's departure, he
handed over the territory of Buleega (Bunyoro)to Wunyi, his son and a brother
of Cwa Nabakka. He selected Cwa Nabakka to succeed to the Buganda throne.
Wunyi refused to go to Bunyoro and instead built his village by force in his
brother's territory at Kibulala in Ssingo.
Wunyi was responsible for a lot of trouble in the history of Buganda King-
dom, because when he established his village at Kibulala in Ssingo after he
had become king of Bunyoro, he did not know that later this would lead to that
part of our country being disputed by the Banyoro. Sir Apolo confirms this
when he refers to it in Bassekabaka where he asserts that Wunyi built his village
at Kibulala, although he says that in the beginning it was his father, Kintu's
village and he was only sent there at its keeper.
As we have seen, Kabaka Kintu went to pay his debts but he did not return.
After some time, his son Gguluddene called Kiweewa and his brother Waka-

yima of Bbembe, together with their sister Kibeere-Kitinta, went to seek their
father and they too did not return.

When I interviewed the head of the Mutima clan, Waliggo Nnakirembeka
on the origin of Kabaka Kintu and the Prince Kasajja, he gave me the following
information :
"The first forefather of the Baganda is BEENE MAGANDA who built
his house BUGANDA on Nnagalabi hill, now called Budo, and he is the first
Kabaka of Buganda. His gatekeeper was called Ssemanobe and after the death
of Kabaka Beene Maganda he became keeper of his master's burial ground.
Now, the ceremony at Maganda's tomb is the final rite which the Buganda
kings have to undergo before they are fully acclaimed in their office. Every
prince who succeeds to the throne has to go to Budo and fight a mock battle
with young elephant grass shoots (birumbirumbi). If the prince defeats Ssema-
nobe, the keeper of the tomb of Beene Maganda, he steps onto the tomb of his
grandfather and he then becomes Kabaka of Buganda with the acceptance of
all concerned.
Beene Maganda belonged to the Mutima clan. Kaababembe was his drum
and up to this day it is the principal drum among the Buganda Royal drums
and it is still played at the palace; Mujaguzo is a much later drum in com-
parison. Beene Maganda's wife was Nnavubya. His throne was called Nnaki-
buuka. Beene Maganda had many children. When Beene Maganda died his
eldest son KYEBAGABA succeeded him on the throne. His headquarters
were also on Budo hill.
Kyebagaba also had many children. When he died his eldest son RWA-
KATABA succeeded him. He was succeeded in turn by NANNONGO
MUTIBWA and MUKAMA who had twin sons, Waswa and Kato. He
named Waswa, Nnakirembeka and Kato, Kintu. Those twins grew up when
their father was king and Ndugwa of the Lugave clan was Katikkiro. Of the
two children, Kintu was the father's favourite but both were skilful hunters.
Their father warned them, "If ever you are out hunting and you see two animals
grazing towards you, do not set your dogs upon them." But once when they
were hunting, Kintu saw the animals, but unfortunately he set his dog at them,
the dog followed them and Kintu followed. Nnakirembeka went back to their
father Mukama and told him all about Kintu. Kintu did not return. During
that trip, Kintu passed through Mawogola, where he built the 'Bigo bya Mu-
genyi', for local residents did not know him so they called him 'Omugenyi'
(visitor). From there he went further on to Mubende and reached a hill called
Lusiba. Later on that was the hill which King Cwa Nabakka gave to Prince
Lukanga, the son of Nnakirembeka. Eventually Kintu crossed over into
Bunyoro. Leaving Bunyoro he crossed into Chope country. All the time he
continued hunting until he eventually reached Mt. Elgon in Bugisu.
Kintu's father grew old in the absence of his son. Then Prince Bemba,
one of the sons of King Kyebagaba, starting from Nkubuuzeegaawa village in
Butambala attacked the old King Mukama at Budo, defeated him and re-
placed him on the throne. King Mukama fled to Kisaalwa, near Mawogola
where Kintu had built his fort. When Bemba heard that Mukama was re-
pairing his son's fort he once again attacked him. Mukama fled to Bunyoro.
His son, Waswa Nnakirembeka remained in Buddu with his mother Naguti.

After Bemba had driven away Mukama from Bigo bya Mugenyi he went back
to Budo. From Budo, he heard that Ndugwa, Katikkiro of King Mukama,
was at Wassozi, so he attacked him also, defeated him and killed his son Kya-
basinga Nnyombi. Ndugwa ran and crossed the lake to Malanga Island, in
Ssesse, which belonged to Ggere. Then Bemba ran wild, fighting everybody
whom he thought was getting too strong, in fear that he might attack him.
All this time Kintu was on Mt. Elgon. But when his father's men heard
that he was on Mt. Elgon they sent messengers to look for him. The mes-
sengers, on finding him, told him how Prince Bemba had driven his father off
the throne, how his father had disappeared and all about the tyranny of Bemba
and they asked him to rid them of Bemba and become their Kabaka. Kintu
accepted this request and they set out from Mt. Elgon for Buganda. Kintu
crossed River Mpologoma, travelled through Busoga and crossed the River
Nile travelling through Bugerere until he crossed the Ssezibwa River and
reached Butwala in Kyaggwe. Prince Kintu named that village Butwala (that
which has grabbed) because he lost his bag in the Ssezibwa river. From there
he moved on to Kitale village, which he named so because its villagers were
threatening to fight him, but those who were accompanying him told them,
"He is a prince going to become Kabaka of Buganda, do not fight him".
From Kitale he spent the following night at Bulamu, now the quarters of
the deputy to the saza chief Kago. He named the place Bulamu (life) because
he was then in a part of the country familiar to him. From there he camped at
Mangira and sent people to fetch Ndugwa, Katikkito of his father, so that
they would plan the war against Bemba. Ndugwa responded immediately.
Kintu set out with his brave soldiers, Nfuddu (Tortoise) and Lugave (Scaly
ant-eater), whom Ndugwa had given him and marched to Bukesa while Ndugwa
returned to his old home at Wassozi from where Bemba had driven him.
Kintu commissioned those brave soldiers to fight Bemba and they set out with
a large army. They fought Bemba and killed him on Budo hill.
After killing Bemba, Kintu asked Ndugwa whether his brother Nnakire-
mbeka and their mother Naguti had also disappeared together with their
father. He was told that they were at Kasambya in Buddu, so he ordered them
to be brought back. Nnakirembeka returned but their mother, Naguti had
already died.
After they had conducted the burial ceremony of their father Mukama,
Kintu-Kato went to Budo and became Kabaka. He moved his town to Mago-
nga, and gave his brother Nnakirembeka Buddu country and the latter built
his town at Butale, near Kasaka.
Some time after the death of Kintu, when his son Cwa Nnabakka was
Kabaka, he sent a message to his uncle Nnakirembeka in Buddu asking for
some of his children. He sent him his second-born son, Lukanga to whom Cwa
Nnabakka gave Lusiba hill in Buwekula and up to this day this is where Lu-
kanga's burial grounds are found.
This is the chronology of the Kabakas which the clan head Nnakirembeka
refers to: 1. Beene Maganda, 2. Kyebagaba, 3. Rwakataba, 4. Nnannogo,
5. Mutimbwa, 6. Mukama, 7. Bemba and 8. Kintu.

Uganda Journal, 27, 2 (1963) pp. 2i7-22i



As K. W. and John William Nyakatura, the historians of Bunyoro-Kitara,
tell us, Olimi I Rukidi Rwitamahanga, the fifth Mukama of the Bito dynasty
of that country, set out to conquer many lands. After having made war on
Nakibinge, Kabaka of Buganda, who was killed during the fighting, he invaded
Kaaro Karungi, otherwise Ankole, which he claimed as part and parcel of his
dominions. The excellence of that country's grazing lands and of its cattle
attracted the invader and he decided to settle there, after having driven out its
ruler the Mugabe, Nyabugaro Ntare I.'
After he had been residing in the country for some time, as K.W. tells us,
"The whole land was darkened and it was said that the sun had fallen out of heaven
onto earth. When he (Olimi) saw this, he took counsel with the leading chiefs and
soothsayers because he wished to know what had brought about this darkness. They
debated the matter with him and then announced that it was because he had killed the
Kabaka of Buganda, notwithstanding that their ancestors were twins, and because he
had driven out Nyabwigara (Nyabugaro), who was his herdsman. Hence this marvel. They
advised him to return to his own country and to offer sacrifices so as to put a stop to this
marvel." 2
Sir Tito Winyi Gafabusa, Mukama of Bunyoro-Kitara, supplies the fol-
lowing details regarding the place at which this marvel occurred;
"The Mukama Olimi I lived at many places in Ankole, but the two main ones were
Ibanda and Mhorro. People say the eclipse was seen at Biharwe. The Mukama was going
that way to Karagwe and, when he was at Biharwe, the eclipse was seen. After the eclipse
his chiefs and soothsayers forced him to go back to his own country, Bunyoro."3
Biharwe would appear to be the place bearing that name near the Masaka-
Mbarara road about ten miles north-east of Mbarara. According to the map
Biharwe is situated in approximately latitude 0 30' 30" south and longitude
300 45' east4.
The traditional history of Ankole gives the following account of what
evidently appears to be the same eclipse;
"The moon fell from the sky and plunged into the Lake Mutukura and darkness
covered the whole land and remained throughout noonday. Nyabugaro then brought
cows and sheep for sacrifice on the hillock Kyahi. When the sacrifice was over, the moon
lifted itself up and returned to its place in the sky."s
An earlier version of this incident was published by Sir Apolo Kagwa,
Katikiro of Buganda, in 1912 in his Basekabaka be Buganda . na be Nkole
pp.315-6. It was evidently obtained by him from some source in Ankole, but
differs as to certain details from that given above, which was published in 1955
by A. G. Katate and L. Kamugungunu in Book I of Abagabe b'Ankole. Sir
Apolo tells us that after the first successful onslaught of the Banyoro, Nya-
bugaro Ntare I (by him called Nabugala) carried out a successful counter-
attack. Eventually the fighting came to an end
"because it is said that the moon left the heavens and fell into the lake Mutukulu (sic)
and after it fell there was very great darkness in the land. When Nyabugaro saw this
serious thing happen it frightened him and he decided to go to the hill Biryai. He killed
white cows and white sheep and made a feast and ate them. When the feast was finished,
the moon returned into heaven. After this happened Nyabugaro lived for many years
and died an old man."6

Sir Apolo Kagwa gives the name of the invading Mukama of Bunyoro, as
Chwamali, as does H. K. Karubanga in Bukya Nibirwa p.15. But Professor
Roland Oliver is of the opinion that it was the much later Ntare III, who
suffered from an invasion of his country by Chwa Rumomamahanga, a Mukama
of Bunyoro who emulated his predecessor Olimi I. Oliver also believes that a
still later Ntare IV defeated an invading force from Bunyoro led by Mali, the son
of the Mukama Olimi III, who later succeeded his father on the throne as
Chwa* Duhaga IF. It is, however, to be noted that Sir Apolo Kagwa says that
the Mugabe whose land was invaded at the time of the eclipse was Nyabugaro
Ntare I.
Lake Mutukura is a very small lake in the swamp complex between Lakes
Nakivalli and Kachira, through which the Ruizi flows on its way eastwards to
drain into Lake Kijanebalola in what is now the county of Koki in Buganda.
It lies about twenty-five miles ESE of Mbarara and approximately the same
distance SE of Biharwe. Its approximate position is 00 41' 30" south and 300
58' 30" east8. It lies in a region where one would expect a fugitive Mugabe to
take refuge when his country was being overrun by a powerful invading force.
As already said, the incidents described in these traditions would appear
to refer to one and the same eclipse.
On 21 October 1492, there was an annular eclipse of the sun in these regions.9
Mr. Harold W. P. Richards of H.M. Nautical Almanac Office, Herstmonceux
Castle, has very kindly had the path of that eclipse calculated. He informs me
that "it appears in fact that at maximum about 93 % of the sun was obscured"
on that day at both Biharwe and Lake Mutukura.
I am also indebted to Mr. Richards for the information that the Plate
(No. 129) given by Oppolzer in his Canon der Finsternisse (at p.258) shows that
a total eclipse of the sun on 20 July 1506, was certainly visible at Biharwe,
"where the sun was likely to have been 90% obscured."
The very slight difference in the probable degree of obscuration of the sun
at Biharwe on these two dates does not for present purposes for call further con-
sideration. In either case the amount of obscuration would suffice to cause
alarm in the minds of primitive persons as portending no good to the beholders
and as calling therefore for propitiation of the powers in the spirit world which
had brought such a thing to pass.
In his L'dvolution du royaume rwanda des origins d 1900 p.54, Jan Vansina
states that 1506 is the most probable date at which Olimi of Bunyoro saw an
eclipse at Biharwe and bases his chronology of Rwanda on that date. He cites
as authority for this statement an article by J. Sykes entitled 'The Eclipseat
Biharwe', which appeared in the Uganda Journal 23 (1959), 44-50, and which
incidentally corrects certain errors appearing in an article by the present writer
on 'Kibuka' appearing in vol. 20 (1956) of that Journal.
Reference to Sykes' article, however, shows that the writer was by no means
so positive as to the probable date as Vansina appears to assume. Sykes suggests
more than one eclipse as being within the bounds of probability. on p.45 of his
article he concludes "that so far as Nyoro chronology is concerned the most
likely dates for Olimi's eclipse are 1492 or 1506." Two pages later, for reasons
there set out, he adds that "Olimi might have seen those of (17 April) 1520
*The name Chwa constantly recurs amongst the names of more than one Mukama of Bu-
nyoro. It was one of several names given to Olimi I's son, Nyabongo I Rulemu (Nyakatura
p. 90). According to Vansina (p. 54) this son invaded Rwanda. According to K.W. this son
"fought in many countries to which his father had gone." (U.J. 4 (1936-7), 79).

(total) at 40 south or (23 November) 1546 (annular) at 30 south. . I have
already stated that it is not possible to draw any firm conclusions from the
calculations set out above. All that can be said is that the date of the eclipse
Olimi I saw at Biharwe was between 1492 and 1546 (both dates inclusive)".
Calculations made from certain termini a quo would appear to confirm that
these eclipses occurred, as the traditions allege, during the reigns of Olimi I of
Bunyoro and Nyabugaro Ntare I of Ankole.
We know for a fact that Kamurasi died in 1869. According to K.W. and
John Nyakutura he was the twenty-second Mukama of the Bito dynasty of
Bunyoro, whereas Olimi I was the fifth. If Olimi was alive in 1492, 377 years
elapsed between that date and that of Kamurasi's death. If the date to be
considered is 1506 that period is reduced to 363 years. In other words the average
reign of the intervening Bakama was twenty-one to twenty-two years. Kamurasi
belonged to the twelfth generation of Olimi I's descendants.10 Therefore the
average length of each generation was thirty to thirty-one years, an estimate
which cannot be deemed to exceed the bounds of probability."
Aloysius Katate and Lazaro Kamugungunu, the historians of their native
land of Ankole, divide the rulers of that land into two classes, the Barubambansi
and the Ebyebumbe. This latter term may be anglicised as meaning pretenders,
that is to say, claimants to the throne, who during the interregnum following
upon the death of a Mugabe managed to hold out against all rivals for some pe-
riod of time, but were not recognized as Bagabe, because they eventually
failed to obtain possession of the royal drum Bagyendanwa and to go through
the ceremonies leading to their formal recognition as legitimate rulers of the
land. Nyabugaro Ntare I was the fourth recognized ruler of his dynasty. Be-
tween him and Ntare V, who died in 1895, there were twenty-two Barubambansi
and Ebyebumbe. Of these eight were Ebyebumbe, none of whom can have
reigned supreme for any great length of time. On the other hand some of the
Barubambansi are said to have had very long reigns. As already mentioned,
Nyabugaro Ntare I is said to have lived long after the eclipse and to have died
an old man. According to information given to Captain J. A. Meldon,
Kahaya I Nyamwanga reigned for forty years12 If one includes Ebyebumbe with
Barubambansi, the average length of each reign was approximately nineteen
years. If one excludes Ebyebumbe, the average length was approximately
twenty-eight to twenty-nine years.
At this point I venture to refer to a passage in Oliver's 'Ancient Capital
Sites of Ankole' (U.J.23 (1959), As he says, the Abagabe b'Ankole of Katate and
Kamugungunu is as reliable a survey of the oral traditions of Ankole as we are
likely to get and that the dates of the rulers of that land can be considered as
roughly calculable by reference to the genealogy of the Bagabe. He then sets out
his mode of calculation as follows:
"With regard to the dates, it should be realized that the average length of a dynastic
generation of this kind depends upon the system of succession. In Ankole this system
was not primogeniture. The heir was normally chosen from among the sons of the official
wives, therefore from among the sons who were born after their father's accession to the
throne. This would make for rather a long generation, I consider that 27 years is there-
fore a reasonable average. Figures calculated on this basis would be regarded as liable
to a margin of error of two years, plus or minus, for every generation back from the
present. The date of a ruler of 20 generations back would thus be liable to an error of
40 years, plus or minus. In addition, in estimating the outside dates of any particular
generation, it is necessary to make allowance for deviations from the average caused by
the proximity of exceptionally long or exceptionally short generations. For this I con-
sider it is necessary to increase the margin of error by 20 years right through the list.

Thus the total margin of error becomes 20 years, plus 2 years for every generation back
from the present."13
Making calculations on this basis and holding that fifteen generations
separate Nyabugaro Ntare I from Charles Godfrey Gasyonga II, who ascended
the throne of Ankole in 1933, the former would have ruled from 1528 to 1555,
if one excludes the margin of error and assumes that his reign lasted for 27
years and no more and no less. But the margin of error becomes 52 years either
way. Nyabugaro Ntare I may therefore have reigned at any time between 1476
and 1607. In other words, he may have been reigning at the time of both the
eclipse of 1492 and that of 1506.14
According to the information given to K. W. the contemporary ruler of
Olimi I Rwitamahanga in Buganda was Nakibinge. As Sykes has said, the
generations of the Babito Bakama and Basekabaka of Buganda get out of
step almost from the beginning.15 Without setting out my reasons in detail,
I am disposed to agree with him. By whatever mode of calculation which may
be employed I find it difficult to accept the view that Nakibinge and Olimi I
were necessarily contemporaries. But that does not necessarily impeach the
tradition that Olimi I was at Biharwe at the time of the eclipse of 1492 or that
of 1506. Olimi I was clearly given to understand by his soothsayers that he had
done something which had caused offence to the powers of darkness. That
cause of offence may very possibly not have been slaying of Nakibinge or any
other Kabaka of Buganda. From the version given to Sir Apolo Kagwa one
feels disposed to draw the inference that, as the eclipse followed immediately
upon Nyabugaro's successful counter attack, Olimi was given by the sooth-
sayers to understand that the cause of offence was his invasion of Ankole.
In fact the tradition given to K.W. confirms this when it declares that, what-
ever other causes of offence there may have been, the culminating one was the
invasion of that country. The fact remains that immediately after the eclipse
and consultation with the soothsayers Olimi decided to quit Ankole and return
to Bunyoro.
Indisputably there was an eclipse visible in Ankole on October 21 1492
and another in 20 July, 1506. Nyoro traditions allege that it took place during
the reign of their Mukama Olimi I. Ankole traditions say it took place during
the reign of their Mugabe Nyabugaro Ntare I. There can be no question of
collusion between the historians of the two countries. If there had been com-
plete unanimity as to the place at which this obscuration of the sun was seen,
one's suspicions might well have been aroused. But the fact that each of these
traditions assigns a different place leads one to believe that the historians of the
two kingdoms have each recorded an artless tale as told to them by one or
more informants imbued with a full knowledge of their tribal traditions and
that those tales bear the stamp of truth.
The evidence as to the probable date therefore amounts to this. On 21
October, 1492, there was an annular eclipse of the sun which had a maximum
obcuration of about 93% at Biharwe. On 20 July, 1506, there was a total eclipse
at that place which had at that place an obscuration of about 90%.
It is perhaps still an open question as to which of these two dates is the more
probable for the purposes of Nyoro and Ankole chronology, but the opinion
of the present writer as to the balance of probability is in favour of that of
1506. In the first place, the eclipse at that date was total, and not annular
like that of 1492, and therefore more likely to have impressed itself on the minds
and memories of local onlookers. Secondly, if one were to accept 1492 as the

more likely date, one is pushing reasonable methods of calculation almost
to their extremes, whereas 1506 is more within the bounds of probability.
Others may differ from this opinion and may be able to adduce further and
better evidence to support the view that 1492 and not 1506, was the actual
date of the eclipse of the tradition.

1. K.W. Uganda J. 4 (1936-7), 78-9; Nyakatura p. 90.
2. Gray, 'Kibuka' (Uganda J. 20 (1956), 69).
3. Gray, loc. cit.
4. I am indebted to Mr. R. G. Miller, formerly of the Uganda Land and Survey Depart-
ment for this information.
5. Katate, pp. 53-4.
6. Kagwa, p. 316.
7. Oliver, 'Ancient Capital Sites' (Uganda J. 23 (1929), 57, 59).
8. I am indebted to Mr. H. B. Thomas, late Director of Surveys, Uganda for this information.
It should be distinguished from Lake Mutukula, north of Mityana in Ssingo: see U.J.
8 (1940), 33.
9. Oppolzer, p. 258, Plate 129.
10. See Table in K.W. (Uganda J. 5 (1937-8), 69).
11. Katate, pp. 47-8.
12. Meldon, J. Afr. Soc. 1906-7, p. 242.
13. Oliver 'Ancient Capital Sites' (Uganda J. 23 (1959), 51-2).
14. Oliver, loc. cit.
15. Sykes, Uganda J. 23 (1959), 46).
Haddon E. B. ('Kibuka', Uganda J. 21 (1957), 114-7.
Kagwa, Sir Apolo, Basekabaka be Buganda ... na be Nkole (2nd Edition, 1912).
Karubanga, H. K. Bukya Nibirwa (Eagle Press, East Africa, 1949).
Katate, A. G. and L. Kamungungunu, Abagabe b'Ankole (Eagle Press, Dar es Salaam, 1955).
For an appreciation of this work see Roland Oliver, 'Ancient Capital Sites' (infra).
K. W. 'Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara' Uganda J. 3 (1935-6), 149-60; 4 (1936-7), 65-83;
5 (1937-8), 53-84.
For an appreciation of this work see Oliver, 'Traditional Histories' (infra).
Meldon, J. A. Notes on the Bahima of Ankole' (J. Afr. Soc. (1906-7)).
Morris, H. F. History of Ankole, (East Afr. Lit. Bureau, 1962).
Nyakatura, J. W. Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara, (St. Justin, P.Q. Canada, 1955).
For an appreciation of this work see Roland Oliver, 'Traditional Histories' (infra).
Oliver, Roland, 'Traditional Histories of Buganda, Bunyoro and Nkole' (J.R.A.I. (1955),
Ixxxv Parts I and II pp. 113 et seq.)
'Ancient Capital Sites of Ankole' (Uganda J. 23 (1959), 51-63).
Oppolzer, Ritter T. von, Canon der Finsternisse (Vienna, 1887).
Sykes, J. 'The Eclipse at Biharwe' (Uganda J. 23 (1959), 44-50).
Vansina, Jan, L'evolution du royaume rwanda des origins a 1900, (Brussels 1962).

Uganda Journal, 27, 2 (r963) pp. 223-226



Kabali (who was to become Omuwanika of Buganda, 1925-28) kept a lengthy
journal of his travels with the East African Transport Corps' and, at the end
of the war in East Africa, submitted a formal report to the Kabaka and his
three ministers. The British, he said, did their best to prevent the Belgians
from ill-treating the Baganda, in particular in regard to giving loads which
were too heavy. The Belgians were very strong and brave. But they were brutal
in their treatment of African soldiers, whom they beat; and they would rob the
tribes through whose country they passed. A Buganda army would not long
survive if left entirely in their charge. Kiyimba2, the Muganda leader whom
Kabali succeeded, was good and kind. He was an admirable organiser and urged
his troops to serve whole-heartedly. The seven other gombolola chiefs, who
served under him, were commended for their hard work and suitability for
command. Of the miruka chiefs, he wrote,
"Your Highness, these chiefs of yours were all hard-working and endured all hardships
for the sake of their Kabaka and country. If they had considered their own welfare they
would have run away from the unmerited hardships with which we met. They were very
brave throughout."
The other ranks were to be praised for their strength in carrying heavy
loads and for their endurance. Daily they had to climb steep hills and walk
long distances. The Belgians were most impressed that they never lost their
loads. "I therefore ask Your Highness to instruct the chiefs to remit their
normal duties for a time, in reward for their service to a foreign power".
The Banyankole served longer than the Baganda and deserve the same praise.
The Banyoro joined them only at Mwanza and, being very prone to sickness,
saw little active service. He could not recommend them as soldiers in sucn a war.
Finally he recommended that, in any future war, a saza chief chosen as
a commander should be recognized as an officer and allowed to wear a uniform
by which his rank could be distinguished.

The journal starts with a list of the European officers, together with H. A.
Brewer3 and Yoweri Nakumanyanga4, who were chaplains; this is followed by
the names of Kiyimba and his subordinate chiefs. It contains detailed des-
criptions of their march, a total of 1,565 miles from Kampala, westwards
into Rwanda and then southwards to the capture of Tabora, until finally they
returned by canoe from Mwanza. Kabali displays a considerable power of
geographical observation and description. Perhaps his most vivid impression
is that of the Belgians, whose "soldiers and carriers died one after another
because of the journey and the weights they were made to carry". Some of those
who died were said to have been eaten by the Bangala soldiers; and these ex-
periences not only caused the desertion of some Baganda carriers but discoura-
ged others from joining5. But he was impressed also by the Umwami Musinga

of Rwanda. Joswa Nkata (chief Gombolola Musale, Bulemezi) was the only
Muganda to visit the Umwami and found that he could speak Luganda. He
said that he could recognize Nkata as a Muganda because he had been told that
they dressed as Europeans. He himself was dressed in skins of lion, leopard
and hyena and was as tall as Sir Apolo Kagwa. When he appeared, the drums
beat louder than those of the Kabaka and could be compared with only the
special ceremony of Mujaguzo5. His subjects were estimated at four million
(twice those of the whole Protectorate of Uganda) and his army at two million.
His subjects were noted for their obedience. But the African soldiers of the
Belgians would steal everything, from women to cattle and poultry. Some were
cannibals; and some would eat monkeys, dogs and hyenas. It was a pity,
thought Kabali, that a country of such potential should have come under Belgian
rule. The Umwami sent his greetings to the Kabaka, whom he had known
as a young boy.
Kabali was commissioned by the Kabaka on 23 March, 1916, and, in com-
mand of three hundred carriers and in the company of other troops, set off to
join Kiyimba at Mbarara. Each man carried a bag, a debe7, a cooking pot,
sixty pounds of maize flour, a 10 lb sleeping bag and Rs. 1.50: and some of
them soon started to employ others to help with their loads. Axes and shovels
were, in any case, carried separately. When they reached the Pokino's well8,
"you could see men drinking water like cows"; and, by the time they reached
Mpigi on 25 March, some could hardly walk. The night of 26 March was spent
at Mitala Mariya; forty of Kabali's men spent the night drinking and were
rewarded next day with five strokes of the kiboko9. But they still could not
carry their loads and the local gombolola chief obligingly provided extra carriers
for the next stage of the journey. On this they were met by the Kabaka, returning
on a motor-cycle from a visit, and thought themselves luckier than their fellows,
who had taken another route, since he stopped to talk with them. By the time
they reached Masaka on 29 March, two men had developed smallpox. From
Kabula to Mbarara they were alternately unable to find water or soaked
with rain; but at Mbarara tents were provided for each group of four men and
badges for chiefs and headmen. But there was also discontent, since the gombo-
lola chiefs were informed that they would receive no pay in addition to their
official salaries. They pointed out that some of their salaries had to be used
to pay their deputies, that it was more expensive to live apart from their wives
and that chiefs previously employed by the army had received additional pay.
They received an unsatisfactory reply but decided, on the brink of fighting,
to say no more; and there is no further reference to this issue. On 14 April
they were visited both by the Kabaka and by torrential rain and had to leave thirty
men in hospital. Others were so weak that they had not the strength to pitch
a tent.
As they reached Mount Ruwenzori (sic. he refers to the Mufumbiro moun-
tains) the problem of cold became acute. Firewood had to be fetched a distance
of two-and-a-half miles by those few who still had strength. A promised three-
days' rest was cancelled and, but for Kabali's exertions, there would have been
mutiny. At Kamwezi the 6,661 Baganda were joined by 3,300 soldiers under
Belgian command and 3,300 from Ujiji. The total force was nearly 14,000 men.
On 22 April Kabali, with 800 men under his command, was sent on a special
expedition to fetch ammunition from Kabale. But here also "many men started
to die from various diseases caused by bad food, rain, mountain-climbing and
swarms of flies".

At Kakoma they found that the people had surrendered; and soldiers were
ordered neither to take property nor to damage fields. Violation of this order
was punishable by beating and loss of Rs. 5 in pay. Ten men were so punished.
On 2 May they crossed three rivers and suffered from intense cold. Kabali
complained to the Belgians about the 70 lb. loads which his men were expected
to carry. But on the following day he himself was rebuked for failing to stand
when addressed by a British sergeant major. On 6 May Capt. Anderson'o (in
command of the whole levy) had to remind the Baganda leaders about the neces-
sity for discipline; and Kabali was able to raise the questions of the weight of
loads, the length of daily marches and the inadequacy of firewood for cooking.
On 8 May they reached Kigali and on 11 May two British officers, two sergeants
and four chiefs including Kabali went with 2,200 men to Kakoma to fetch food.
A further expedition to Kasibo, on 21 May for the same purpose found the
food exhausted; and they had to continue to Kamwezi. On these journeys
men died of exhaustion and from the heavy rain. On 1 June the Belgian flag
was hoisted at Kigali and they moved to attack the Germans at the Kagera.
A Muganda died and had to be buried in a most untraditional way by hea-
ping stones over his body. On 20 June they crossed the Kagera in canoes, not
without further loss of life.
Thence they marched through Karagwe to Biharamulo and, at the end of
June, were delighted, after four months, to see Lake Victoria again at Nyamire-
mbe Bay. Thence they marched south again towards Tabora, and Kabali
was shocked by the administrative difficulties of large numbers of kingdoms
no larger than a saza in Buganda. In September there was an outbreak of cere-
bro-spinal meningitis" and on 3 September Kiyimba died. He was buried near
the Gulf of Mwanza and a house with a cross was built over his tomb. Kabali
assumed his command and wrote to the Kabaka, assuring him that, in spite
of their great loss, the Baganda would continue to give whole-hearted service
to the British.
From 13 to 19 September there was a battle, extending over a front of fifteen
miles, at Bujubi. But on 20 September they entered Tabora12 and, after a rest,
they reached Mwanza on 23 October, for the final stage of the journey home.
Out of the 6,661 who left Kamwezi, 4,675 returned to Buganda.
Against this account by a participant may be placed a note on H.R. Wallis,
Chief Secretary of Uganda:13
"he was confronted by the Military Authorities . with what were, in his view,
ill-considered demands on Uganda's limited man-power ...the call for native carriers
was insatiable. Wallis was perturbed by the fearful losses by sickness (too often attribu-
table to inadequate welfare arrangements) of primitive tribesmen who were being
sucked into the military maw."

1. This was the Congo Carrier Section of the East African Transport Corps (known as
'Carbel') raised in Uganda to sisst the Belgian campaign in the west. History of the Great War,
C. Hordern, Military Operations, East Africa PVol. I, H.M.S.O., 1941, pp. 402ff.,says that it
was a heavy drain on the resources of the Protectorate. The following communications to
the Governor of Uganda from the Commander-in-Chief of the Belgian Congo Eastern Forces
are relevant. The first is dated 'Biaramulo,13 July 1916' and the second 'Tabora, 7 October
1916' (Ug. Gazette, 1916, pp. 348, 584):
(i) On the completion of the first phase of my campaign I wish to thank Your Excellency
for the invaluable assistance rendered me by your Government. I am fully sensible of the
great strain which has been imposed upon the administration personnel, the native popu-
lation, and the material resources of your country by the admirable organization of trans-

port and supply which you have provided us and which has contributed so effectively
to the eviction of the common enemy upon our borders.
(ii) Now that the 'Carbel' porters are returning to Uganda, their task finished, I desire to
express to you my great appreciation of the great work done by them in helping me in
my advance from the Congo through Ruanda on to Tabora.
I am greatly indebted to you for having placed these porters at my disposal and I
would beg you to accept the sincere thanks, not only of myself but of the Belgian Govern-
ment, for thus facilitating my operations against our common enemy.
I am well aware of the heavy work which the raising of these porters has entailed and I
would ask you to be kind enough to convey the expression of my gratitude to all those
who were concerned with this task.
The officers and non-commissioned officers of 'Carbel' have always carried out their
duties with the greatest zeal, devotion and discretion.
The courtesy which Your Excellency has always shown me and the cordial relations
which have existed between us will always be for me a pleasant recollection.
I would beg Your Excellency to accept the expression of my highest consideration.
See also Uganda Volunteers and the War, Kampala, 1917, pp. 88, 90.
2. Saza Chief, Bugangadzi. His personal name was Aleni. Ug. Gazette, 1916, p. 588.
3. The Rev. Henry Alexander Brewer (1879-1930) joined the Uganda Mission in 1905.
In 1916 he was on secondment from King's College, Budo. Proc. C.M.S. 1915/16, p. xxxi.
Left Uganda end of 1929 and died in London 8 February 1930.
4. Ordained Deacon by Bishop Tucker in 1903. In 1906 on secondment from the Bukoba
Kyagwe Pastorate, ibid., p. xxxii. He died July 1933.
5. On 3 June Kabali was instrumental in the trial and reprimand of seven Belgians for the
ill-treatment of carriers.
6. Mujaguzo is described by A. J. Lush, Uganda J., 3 (1935-6), 9ff. In Mutesa I's reign the
battery numbered many hundreds of drums, beaten on royal occasions only. "The noise of
the whole battery at close quarters is deafening, and nothing but a confused medley of sound,
but at a distance the qualities of each drum may be distinguished, and to the native ear, at
any rate, it conveys music of delicate charm".
7. Empty 4-gallon kerosine oil tin.
8. I have been unable to locate 'the Pokino's well'. It may have been any well on the route
dug at the instance of the Pokino (Saza Chief, Buddu).
9. Whip of hippopotamus hide.
10. Robin Dunlop Anderson, D.S.O., O.B.E. (1878-1932): Uganda Administration 1903-16:
died 31 August 1932.
11. Hordern, op. cit., p. 445.
12. Tabora fell to a combined British-Belgian attack on 19 September 1916, Mwanza having
previously been taken by the British on 14 July. Hordern, op. cit., pp. 430, 454.
13. East Africa and Rhodesia, 14 March, 1946.

Ugande Journal, 27, 2, (1963) pp. 227-229

Dr. Robert Collins has sent the following notes on Mahdist leaders and Belgian officials in
the Congo who reached the Nile before 1898 as a supplement to the list of travellers in
Uganda and the Upper Nile recorded in Early Travellers in Uganda: 1860-1914, UgandaJ.
26, (1962) pp. 55 ta 71.
1. 'Arabi Dafa' Allah (d. 1916), was a Mahdist amir of the isha Baqqra related to the
Khahfa Abd Allah. One of the first to join the couse of Muhammad Ahmad al-Mahdi, he
was Dunqua during the earlier part of the Madya In August 1893 he was appointed adcr
of Equatoria with headquarters at Rajjal. He ably defended the southern approaches of
the Sudan, reorganized the Mahdist jorces in Equatoria, held down the African tribes, and
ambushed and killed Fadl al-Mula Bey. After invading the valleys fo the Dungu and the
Uele and causing serious harm to the Congolese in those areas, he was defeated at Bedden
and Rajjal by a Congolese force under the command of Captain L. N. Chaltin. Since the
way to the North was blocked by the advancing Anglo-Egyptian army, he and his followers
fled westward to Mandua in Dar Ta isha near the present borders of French Equatorial.
Africa, and from there conducted an abortive parley by letter with the Sudan Government
After an unsuccessful attack on French out posts in the region, he surrendered, in 1902, to
to Ali Dinar, the Sultan of Dar-Far. He then lived in al-Fashar but was continually under
suspicion by the Sultan, and in 1903 was imprisoned for alleged intrigue. He continued,
however, to take part in many of the Sultan's military expeditions. After the withdrawal,
of the Fur forces from the Jabal al-Filla in 1916, he was executed by the Sultan forattempting
to correspond with the Sudan Government. (Hill, R. L. A. Biographical, Dictionary of the
Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Oxford, p, 58).
2. Cajot, Jean, was born at Roclenge-sur-Geer on November 26, 1871. A sergeant in the
3rd Artillery, he joined the service of the Congo Free State and was ordered to the Uele on
February 6, 1896. He participated in the Chaltin expedition to the Nile and was wounded in
the Battle of Rajjaf. He died from these wounds at Rajjaf on July 4, 1897. (Biographie
Coloniale Beige, vol. I, cols. 22-24).
3. Chaltin, Louis-Napoleon, was born at Ixelles on April 27, 1857. A lieutenant in the 3rd
Infantry Regiment attached to the Institut Cartographique, he joined the service of the Congo
Free State in 1891 and was appointed District Commissioner for the Aruwimi, where he was
wounded. He returned to Europe in 1894, but in 1895 he was placed in command of the Uele.
He led the punitive expeditions against Bili and Ndoruma and then commanded the Nile
expedition to Rajjaf, where he defeated the Mahdists in February 1897. In 1899 he was
appointed State Inspector and organized the administration of the Uele and the Lado Enclave.
He left the service of the Free State in 1902 and rejoined the Belgian Army at the rank of
major. In 1905, a riding accident forced him to retire, but during the First Wold War he
commanded a volunteer unit during the siege of Namur. He was captured by the Germans
but later was exchanged. He died at Uccle on March 14, 1933. (Biographic Coloniale Beige
vol. I, cols. 229-32).
4. DeBacker, Henri, was born at Anvers on February 5, 1873. He joined the service of
the Congo Free State and was ordered to Dungu, which he reached on August 4, 1895. He
took part in the Battle of Rajjaf and later was appointed chef de poste at Niangara. He
returned to Europe in 1899 but served a second and third term at Kwango from 1910 to 1912.
(Lotar, R. P. L., La Grande Chronique de I'Uele, pp. 299.-300)
5. Delanghe, Florimond, was born at Bruges on July 25, 1861. A lieutenant in the en-
gineers, he joined the service of the Congo Free State and left for the Congo on April 6, 1892.
On January 31, 1893, he took over command of the Nile Expedition from Lt. Milz and led it
again to the Nile. On July 16, 1894, he relinquished command of the District of the Uele to
Francqui in order to assume the duties of Resident at the home of Zemio. He fell ill in the
spring of 1895 and embarked for Europe on May 1, 1895. On May 30, he died on board
ship off the coast of Sierra Leone. (Biogrrphie Coloniale Beige, vol. II, cols. 25-54).
6 Delbruyere, Louis, was born at Trazegnies on October 27, 1860. A lieutenant in the 2nd
Artillery, he joined the service of the Congo Free State in 1892 and took part in the Van Kerck-
hoven expedition of the same year. In 1893 he accompanied the Delanghe expedition to the

Nile and was later placed in command at Mundu on March 10, 1894. He died at Dungu on
August 24, 1894. (Biographie Coloniale Beige, vol. I, cols. 290-92).
7. Francqui, Lucien, was born at Brussels on June 25, 1863. He joined the service of the
Congo Free State in 1885, when a second lieutenant of the 2nd Infantry. He served a second
term of service in the Katanga from 1888 to 1893. In 1894 he was sent to Zemio's with the
intention of undertaking an expedition to Daym az-Zubayr, but events at Dungu demanded
his services in the Uele. He succeeded Delanghe and was ordered to lead a new expedition to
the Nile in December 1894, in place of the expedition to the Albert Lake projected by Baert.
He participated in the Battles of Akka and the Nageru against the Mahdists and returned to
Brussels in 1896. (Lotar, R. P. L., La Grande Chronique de I'Uele, p. 308).
8. Gehot, William, was born at Alost on July 17, 1869. A second lieutenant of the 6th
Infantry, he joined the service of the Congo Free State and was ordered to the Uele on No-
vember 10,1894. He was attached to Kabassidu Camp on March 1895 and took part in the
Chaltin expedition to the Nile. He returned to Europe in July 1897 but served a second term
in the Congo as chef de zone at Makua from 1898 to 1900, and a third term at Mongalla and at
Banalas from 1904 to 1908. He died at Blaru, France on July 17, 1932. (Biographie Colo-
niale Beige, vol. II, cols. 402-04.).
9. Goebel, Jules, was born at Liege on April 15, 1872. A sergeant in the 13th Infantry,
he joined the service of the Congo Free State and was ordered to accompany the Nile expedition.
He participated in the taking of Rajjaf and resided at Loka throughout 1898. He returned to
Europe in August 1898, but served a second and third term in the Uele from March 1899 to
June 1909, and a fourth term as a military inspector at Lake Leopold. He died at Oshwe on
August 9, 1910. (Biographie Coloniale Beige, vol. II, cols. 420-22.).

10. Gustin, Gustave, born at Luxemburg on April 7, 1867, was a second lieutenant of the
2nd Infantry Regiment when he enlisted in the service of the Congo Free State in 1891. Upon
arriving in the Congo, he joined the Van Kerckhoven expedition and accompanied it to
Ganda where he was left in charge of 125 Congolese troops. He returned later to the valley
of the Uele, but was sent again to the Nile on a reconnaissance expedition. He returned to
Europe in June 1894, but enlisted for a second, third, and fourth term of service at Bangalas
and Kasai respectively. He died at Pania Mutombo on April 28, 1911. (Biographie Colo-
niale Beige, vol. I, cols. 465-68).
11. Hoffman, William, was born at Bornberg, Germany, on October 10, 1867. The
former cook of H. M. Stanley, he joined the Van Kerckhoven expedition on December 10,
1891, and accompanied the expedition to the Nile. He remained at Ganda from which he
made several exploratory expeditions, taking part in the Battle of Mundu in 1894. He
returned to Europe in October 1894 but subsequently served a second term in the Congo as
chef de poste at Yambuya, and returned again to Europe on July 2, 1897. He served a third
term in the Congo in the Aruwimi District from July 11, 1898 to March 11, 1900. (Lotar,
R. P. L., La Grande Chronique de I'Uele, p. 311).

12. Kops, Joseph, was born at Bourg-Leopold on November 19, 1864. A second lieutenant
in the 5th Infantry, he joined the service of the Congo Free State and arrived at Dungu on
January 30, 1895. He participated in the campaigns against Bafuka and accompanied the
Chaltin expedition to the Nile. He returned to Europe in 1898 but served a second term in the
Uele and the Nile, where he died at Dufile on July 29, 1900. (Biographie Coloniale Beige
vol. II, cols.546-46.).

13. Laplume, Jules, was born at Salm-Chateau on November 16, 1866. He joined the
service of the Congo Free State and left Europe for the Congo on November 6, 1892. He
joined the Nile Expedition on June 1, 1893, and in April 1894 took part in the campaign
against Bili. He was made chefde poste of Gumbari on May 27, 1894. In 1895 he accom-
panied the expedition against Bafuka and was promoted to chef de poste of Niangara on
August 26, 1895. In September 1895 he participated in the expedition against the Arabs in
the territory of Mbelia. On December 14, 1896, he joined the Chaltin Nile expedition and
fought at the Battle of Rajjaf. After serving as chef de poste at Dungu, he embarked at Boma
for Europe on November 23, 1898. He served a second term in the Uele from 1899 to 1903
and a third term as chef deposte at Api from 1904 to 1907, during which time he took part in
the campaign against Djabir in 1905. He served a fourth term from 1908 to 1911 at the ele-

phant-training camp. Returning to Europe, a Spdid at ehe on June 1, 1929. (Biographie
Coloniale Beige, vol. I, cols. 584-87).
14. Muhammad abu Qarja, a Dunqulawi amir, was sent by the Mahdi after the fall of al-
Ubaiyad to lead the revolt in the Jazira and to besiege Khartoum. During the ensuing siege
he suffered a serious defeat at the hands of Gordon and was replaced by the amir, 'Abd ar-
Rahman wad an-Najumi. In 1885 he occupied Kasala, where he remained until ordered
by the Khalifa to assist the amir 'Uthman abu Bakr Diqna in the Red Sea Hills. He later
returned to Kasala to thwart the Italian encroachment from Musawwa. In the autumn of
1892, he was sent to Rajjaf and was later imprisoned by 'Arabi Dafa' Allah on the island of
Rajjaf. In 1897, he escaped from Bor and surrendered to the Congolese forces which had
captured Rajjaf.
15. Niclot, Jean-Baptiste, was born in 1864 and accompanied Delanghe to the Nile in 1893
and was at Labore until the Congolese withdrew from the station in September. In December
1893 he was made chef de poste at Niangara. While making his way toward Dungu in Ja-
nuary 1894, his escort mutinied and attacked him, He saved himself by plunging into the
bush and later came upon a column of regular soldiers coming from Dungu. In 1895 he
accompanied the Francqui expedition against Batuka and commanded the camp at Kaba-
ssidu before departing for Europe on November 17, 1895. He served a second and third
term in the Congo at Kirundu and Camp Lisala respectively and died at the latter place on
October 14, 1911. (Biographie Coloniale Beige, vol. II, cols. 743-36.).

16. Sarolea, Henri, was born at Hasselt on September 26, 1872. A second lieutenant of
artillery, he joined the service of the Congo Free State in 1896 and took part in the Chaltin
expedition to the Nile. He was killed in battle at Bedden on February 17, 1897. (Biographie
Coloniale Beige, vol. I, cols. 813-16.).
17. 'Umar Salib, was a Ja'li who had been reared at Shakka in southern Dar Fur. He was
sent by the Khalifa to Equatoria in 1888 with the intention of destroying the forces of Emin
Pasha. He sent an ultimatum to Emin which was intercepted by Egyptian mutineers, who
decided to fight. He then seized Rajjaf and killed Hamad Agha, the mutineers' governor,
but failed to capture Dufile. He was succeeded as the Mahdist amir of Equatoria by abu
Qarja and was killed in battle against the Congolese at Rajjaf in 1897.
18. Wtterwulghe, Georges, was born at Ghent on December 14, 1871. A second lieutenant
in the 3rd Infantry Regiment, he joined the Congo Free State in 1892, and was made chef de
poste at Mundu on December 1, 1893. Participating in the defence of the station, he later
took part in the Battles of Akka and the Nageru. He was chef de zone of the Dungu District
from July 1895 to April 1896, at which time he returned to Europe. He served a second term
as chefde zone of Makaraka from 1900 to 1902, and a third term at Yei during which he died
on May 8, 1914). (Biographie Coloniale Beige, vol. 1, cols. 1003-06.).

Uganda Journal, 27, 2, (z963) pp. 231-244


The World Land Use Survey, Occasional Papers No. 2. ed. L. Dudley Stamp.
Geographical Publications Ltd., 1962 (xi+ll1 pp) 27s. 6d.
In the tropical world, the extraction of mineral raw materials, and the pro-
duction of cash crops for the export market are so crucial to the money economy
of these areas, that it is seldom realized that food crop production is the foun-
dation upon which the export economy is based. While a considerable body of
information is available about cash crops, such information is often scanty
or unobtainable with regard to those crops grown mainly for domestic con-
sumption by the farmers themselves. The primary aim of this monograph,
as set out by the author in the introduction, is to map, describe and analyse
the contemporary pattern of African subsistence crop production in its physical
and human setting in Uganda. The author writes from a rich background of
first hand experience, having travelled widely and researched intensively in
Uganda when he was on the staff of the Department of Geography of Makerere
University College between 1952 and 1962.
This book based on crop statistics for the year 1958, not only offers a detailed
regional analysis of subsistence agriculture in Uganda, but also demonstrates
certain general methods of approach which may be applied to other areas.
Among those which teachers of geography and general readers alike will find
most useful is the use of transect diagrams to show the relationship between
physical features, soils, vegetation peasant agriculture and settlement patterns.
This technique succeeds in bringing out in simple diagrammatic form the fact that
man has planted his crops, built his villages in certain places and avoided others,
in response to the physical environment. In the Lake Victoria zone, for example
the flat hill tops, covered with a blanket of laterite can support only short
grass or acacia trees, and are therefore avoided for agriculture and settlement
although used as grazing grounds. The red earths of the hill slopes can support
termite savanna, intensive cultivation of coffee and bananas, and it is on them
that the disseminated homesteads of this zone are mostly found. The swamp
fringes, on the other hand are used mostly for sweet potatoes and other annuals,
while the swamp bottoms proper are normally avoided. Analyses of this kind
based on the local environment are rare for African countries, and in con-
sequence this book should be of particular value, especially to sixth-form
teachers and University students.
The book falls into four main parts. The first section discusses in adequate
detail the physical geography of the country. The environment is viewed not
as a static framework into which man passively fits, but as a dynamic compound
of geology, landforms, climate, soils, flora and fauna with man playing an im-
portant part in modifying some of these elements. An attempt is made to show
this reciprocal relationship in the text and in the generalized transect diagrams
which appear for the more populous and agriculturally important of the main

physiographic regions. The country is divided into ten major physiographic
regions and twenty-five sub-regions. An original map to show the location of
these regions was constructed, but some readers will miss a relief map of Uganda.
In the second section attention is drawn to the cultivators themselves and
to some of the historical and social traits which affect agriculture in the various
parts of Uganda. The cultivation of the perennial banana for example demands
a relatively even spread of labour throughout the year, and its perennial charac-
ter necessitates a certain security of tenure. Thus it is in the Bantu areas, and
especially Buganda, that the most individualistic peasant approach to agricul-
ture is found, while the cultivation of annuals seems to have been adopted in
those areas which seemed to lie in the paths of 'Hamitic' incursions. The reader
is left wondering whether the choice between bananas and annuals as staples
is not due more to climatic and other physical conditions rather than to social
and historical conditions. Social attitudes on the other hand have a great bearing
on agriculture. While cattle still play a detached role in the agriculture of the
Baganda, certain Nilo-Hamitic tribes have exhibited a remarkable conversion
to agriculture while still retaining their love for cattle. The reader cannot fail
to reach the conclusion as the author does in the third section on the agricultural
domain, that the development of agriculture is limited more by labour in it
wider sense of manpower, social attitudes and possession of relevant skills,
rather than by shortage of cultivable land.
The fourth and largest section of the book discusses and analyses the distri-
bution, ecology and cultivation methods of the food crops in two chapters,
in which the banana (Musa spp.), finger millet (Eleusine Coracana) and cassava
emerge in that order as the most important subsistence crops of Uganda. The
author draws from the findings of many scientists. This together with the detail-
ed information on the ecological conditions of each crop, is an example of how
heavily geography as a field of knowledge draws on other disciplines.
In the last two sections the main characteristics of African peasant agricul-
ture are summarised, and some problems bearing on nutrition are posed.
African peasant agriculture comes in for strong and candid criticism. It is static
and unprogressive, and leisure is greatly desired by the farmers. Many of them
would rather conform to custom, content themselves with the common lot of
their group, than risk envy or ridicule or forfeit the assurance of mutual help
by striking out an independent, progressive line. Some of the readers will find
these views a great challenge, but it may be argued that the so called conser-
vatism of the small farmer is in varying degrees a universal problem not restric-
ted to Africa. It is a pity that this publication does not include sample studies
of individual farms, which might have brought out more clearly the fact that
there are unprogressive and progressive farmers in Uganda. The final pages
of this chapter divide Uganda into four staple food crop zones with an inter-
mediate zone between the finger millet zone and the banana zone. It is interest-
ing to note that Karamoja emerges as a sorghum zone, and Ankole falls in
the matoke domain, while much of Toro, Bunyoro and West Nile is content
with cassava.
The book as a whole is scholarly and well edited, and the maps and diagrams
designed by Dr. McMaster himself and drawn by A. Serubiri exhibit the high
degree of accuracy and workmanship associated with the Department of Geo-
graphy at Makerere. The native speakers of Ugandan languages, however,
will be irritated by the use of the contracted forms: Ganda, Soga, Iru, etc. to
refer to Baganda, Basoga, Bairu etc. These stems are linguistic abstractions