Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Society notes
 A bibliography of Emin Pasha
 A history of Ibanda, Saza of Mitoma,...
 The earthworks at Kibengo, Mubende...
 Marriage and divorce in Uganda
 On chastity in Africa
 Ivory poaching in the Lado...
 The British and Bunyoro-Kitara,...
 Magimbi Kamanyiro
 East Coast Fever in Karamoja
 Notes on contributors
 Index to Volume 24 (1960)
 Back Cover

xml version 1.0 standalone yes
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The Uganda journal
External Link ( Journal issues, 1999-2002 )
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080855/00069
 Material Information
Title: The Uganda journal
Abbreviated Title: Uganda j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 22-24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Uganda Society
Publisher: Uganda Society etc.
Uganda Society etc.
Place of Publication: Kampala etc
Publication Date: 1960
Frequency: irregular[1976-<1995>]
semiannual[ former 1934-]
annual[ former <1948>-1973]
completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Periodicals -- Uganda   ( lcsh )
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Uganda
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- 1934-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended May 1942-Mar. 1946; replaced by the Society's Bulletin.
Numbering Peculiarities: One issue published every few years, v. 38 (1976)-<v. 42 (1995)>
Issuing Body: Vols. 11-13 published in London.
General Note: Journal of The Uganda Society (formerly The Uganda Literary and Scientific Society).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ABS8002
oclc - 01644239
alephbibnum - 000301510
issn - 0041-574X
lccn - 52026895
System ID: UF00080855:00069
 Related Items
Related Items: Uganda journal

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Society notes
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 136a
        Page 137
    A bibliography of Emin Pasha
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
    A history of Ibanda, Saza of Mitoma, Ankole
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
    The earthworks at Kibengo, Mubende District
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 186a
        Page 186b
        Page 186c
        Page 186d
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
    Marriage and divorce in Uganda
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
    On chastity in Africa
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
    Ivory poaching in the Lado Enclave
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
    The British and Bunyoro-Kitara, 1891 to 1899
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 230a
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
    Magimbi Kamanyiro
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
    East Coast Fever in Karamoja
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
        Page 265
        Page 266
        Page 267
        Page 268
        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 271
        Page 272
        Page 273
    Notes on contributors
        Page 274
    Index to Volume 24 (1960)
        Page 275
        Page 276
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

The Uganda Journal


VOLUME 24, No. 2




Early Treaties made by F. J. Jackson -

Rwot Isaya Ogwangguji -




Uganda in Black and White (by H. B. Cott) JOAN GREHAN 264
The Diaries of Lord Lugard (East Africa, 1889-1892) (ed. by Margery
Perham and Mary Bull) Sm JOHN GRAY 265
The Bantu Languages of Africa (by M. A. Bryan) H. F. MORIns 267
East African Citizen (by R. E. Wraith) W. SENTeZA KAIuBl 267
East African Chiefs (by Audrey Richards) R. W. GILL 269
Agriculture and Ecology in Africa (by John Phillips) D. G. THOMAS 271
Drawn in Colour (by Noni Jabavu) E. B. HADDON 272
Other Books Received 273


Index to Volume 24 of The Uganda Journal 275

!lr. lo 0

1 ^ I

Published by
Price Shs. 15 (15s.)


- 135

His Excellency Sir Frederick Crawford, K.C.M.G., O.B.E.

Mr. J. C. D. Lawrance
The President
The Vice-President
The Hon. Secretary
The Hon. Treasurer
The Hon. Editors
The Hon. Librarian
Mr. A. C. Badenoch
Mr. P. Bleackley, M.B.e.
Dr. C. Gertzel
Mr. W. S. Kajubi
Honl. Secretary:
Hon. Treasurer:
Hon. Editors:

Hon. Librarian:
Hon. Auditors
Messrs. Cooper Bros. & Co.
Corresponding Secretary at Masaka:
Corresponding Secretary at Mtbale:
Corresponding Secretary at Tororo


Mr. B. E. R. Kirwan, M.B.E.

Mr. P. Marsh
Mr. R. J. Mehta, o.B.E.
Mr. G. H. Moore
Mr. C. N. Mukuye
Dr. M. Posnansky
Professor A. W. Southall
Mr. D. G. Thomas
Mr. J. W. T)ler
Mr. J. N. Weatherby

Mr. D. K. Marphatia
Mrs. M. M. Wallis
Mr. J. C. D. Lawrance
Dr. H. F. Morris
Mr. A. H. Russell, M.B.E., D.S.C.
Miss P. Fiddes
Hon. Legal Adviser
Mr. C. L. Holcom
S Mr. M. J. Wright
Mr. E. Kironde
: Dr. W. H. R. Lumsden

Hon. Vice-Presidents:
H.H. Mutesa 11, Kabaka of Buganda Sir John Milner Gray
R. A. Sir Tito Winyi Gafabusa IV, Mr. E. B. Haddon
C.B.E., Omukama of Bunyoro Mr. H. B. Thomas, o.e.E.
Lord Twining of Tanganyika and Professor A. W. Williams
Godalming, G.C.M.G., M.B.E.
Part Presidents:




Sir A. R. Cook, C.M.G., O.B.E.
Mr. E. J. Wayland, C.B.e.
Dr. H. H. Hunter, C.B.E., LL.D.
Mr. H. Jowitt, C.M.O.
Sir H. R. Hone,
K.B.E., M.C., Q.C.
Mr. J. Sykes, O.B.E.
Mr. N. V. Brasnett
Captain C. R. S. Pitman,
C.B.E., D.S.O., M.C.
Mr. S. W. Kulubya, c.B.E.
Mr. E. A. Temple Perkins
Mr. R. A. Snoxall
Dr. K. A. Davies, C.M.O., O.B.E.
Mr. G. H. E. Hopkins, o..e.



Mrs. K. M. Trowell, Mi.B.e.
Dr. W. J. Eggeling
Dr. G. ap Griffith
Rev. Fr. F. B. Gaffney, w.F.
Professor A. W. Williams
Sir J. B. Hutchinson,
C.M.G., P.R.S.
Mr. J. D. Jameson, O.B.E.
Dr. Audrey I. Richards, c.B.E.
Dr. H. C. Trowell, o.B.E.
Mr. D. K. Marphatia
Mr. M. Barrington Ward
Dr. H. F. Morris
Professor A. W. Southall

Mr. S. W. Kulubva, C.B.E.

Mr. B. K. Mulyanti, o.B.E.

Mr. G. P. Saben

Secretary: Mrs. M. M. Wallis


Uganda Journal



No. 2


(assisted in England by H. B. THOMAS, O.B.E.)

Published by






Early Treaties made by F. J. Jackson H. B. THOMAS 260

Rwot Isaya Ogwangguji M. J. WRIGHT 263

Uganda in Black and White (by H. B. Cott) JOAN GREHAN 264
The Diaries of Lord Lugard (East Africa, 1889-1892) (ed. by Margery
Perham and Mary Bull) SIR JOHN GRAY 265
The Bantu Languages of Africa (by M. A. Bryan) H. F. MORRIS 267
East African Citizen (by R. E. Wraith) W. SENTEZA KAJUBI 267
East African Chiefs (by Audrey Richards) R. W. GILL 269
Agriculture and Ecology in Africa (by John Phillips) D. G. THOMAS 271
Drawn in Colour (by Noni Jabavu) E. B. HADDON 272
Other Books Received 273


Index to Volume 24 of The Uganda Journal -

The event of the year 1959-60 was the move from the premises in the old
Sikh Barracks in Nakasero Road, occupied by the Society since September
1933, to its new rooms in the National Cultural Centre.
These rooms were opened by the Patron of the Society, His Excellency the
Governor, Sir Frederick Crawford, K.C.M.G., O.B.E., on 16 March 1960, in
the presence of some 300 invited guests. The President, Dr. A. W. Southall,
welcomed His Excellency, who gave the speech printed below. The Vice-
President, Mr. J. C. D. Lawrance, then took the chair for the Presidential
Address by Dr. Southall which is printed on pages 207-16.
A vote of thanks was proposed by Mr. E. B. Haddon, one of the Society's
Vice-Presidents and a founder member, who happened to be on a visit to
Uganda at the time.
The new premises consist of a large room measuring 2,500 square feet,
which houses the library and serves as a lecture room, together with a small
office for the Secretary and storage space.
The following lectures were given during the year 1959:
7 January 'Gossip and Scandal' by Professor M. Gluckman.
21 January 'Pleistocene Environment and Early Man' by Dr. W. W. Bishop
and Dr. M. Posnansky. This talk was arranged in co-operation with
the Uganda Museum and held at the Museum as an opening to
the Darwin-Boucher de Perthes Centenary exhibition, planned as a
tribute to Mr. E. J. Wayland on the 40th anniversary of the commence-
ment of the pioneer studies on Pleistocene and Palaeolithic Deposits
of East Africa.
18 February 'Thoughts on Towns' by Mr. N. D. Oram.
22 April Presidential Address: 'Marriage and Divorce in Uganda' by Dr.
H. F. Morris.
20 May 'The Racial Problem and Public Education in the United States
of America' by Professor M. Dilley.
24 June 'Education of Africans in the Union of South Africa' by Mr. D. D.
6 July 'An American looks at Ghana' by Dr. L. Winston Cone.
22 July 'Development Planning in Uganda' by Professor David Walker.
5 August 'From Uganda to Barchester' by The Right Reverend C. E.
21 September 'Land and People in the Western Sahara' by Professor T.
23 September 'Trained Men in Economic Development' by Mr. R. Thomas.

14 October 'The Religion of a Masai Tribe' by Mr. Paul Spencer.
11 November A programme of three films exhibited by Mr. M. Crosfield:
(1) The Mpango ceremony of the Mukama of Bunyoro.
(2) Fish Farming in Uganda.
(3) Two Films made for the Karamojong.
25 November A programme of three films exhibited by Mr. M. Crosfield:
(1) The Enthronement of the Aga Khan.
(2) How to vote.
(3) Iron Smelting in Madi.
9 December 'United States Experience of Federalism' by Professor L.
Grant McConnell.

Mr. President,
My Lord Bishop,
Your Worship,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It gives me very great pleasure to come to declare open these new premises
of the Uganda Society. It is very fitting that the Society should have its home
in the National Cultural Centre of Uganda, for the Society has for many
years played a very important part in fostering an interest in all cultural
aspects of life in the territory.
It is nearly forty years since Judge Guthrie Smith, Mr. Alan Hogg and
Mr. E. J. Wayland in 1923 founded the Uganda Literary and Scientific Society.
The early years, however, were not as successful as had been hoped, and,
despite the efforts of Mr. Wayland who for a number of years was the
Honorary Secretary, the activities of the Society lapsed in 1928; and it was
not until 1933 that it was re-formed, this time in Kampala instead of Entebbe.
In the following year there appeared the first edition of the Society's Uganda
Journal. The early success of the reconstituted society, which in 1935 changed
its name to the Uganda Society, and of its Journal was in no small measure
due to the work of Mr. E. F. Twining now Lord Twining who was the first
Honorary Secretary/Treasurer and Editor. The Journal, the purpose of
which, it was stated in 1934, was to "collect and publish information which
may add to our knowledge of Uganda and to record that which in the course
of time might be lost", has since then maintained a consistently high
standard. Published twice yearly it has provided a wealth of information,
scholarly and yet readable, on almost all aspects of life in Uganda and has
earned for itself a very considerable reputation in academic circles in the
United Kingdom and elsewhere.
The objects of the Society which are defined as being "the encouragement
of interest in the history, literature, cultures and scientific knowledge of the
country and peoples of Uganda and neighboring territories" are achieved in



FIG. 1.
The Uganda Society's new premises in the National Cultural Centre, Kampala, opened 16 March, 1960.



.:,. .. --

three ways. First, by the publication of the Journal; secondly, by the series
of lectures held usually at monthly intervals in the Society's rooms; and
thirdly, by the collection of a comprehensive library on history, sociology,
natural history, travel and other kindred subjects concerning East Africa, a
library which is of its kind the best in Uganda.
The Society has been particularly fortunate in the active support which it
has had in the past from prominent members. Had it not been for the sub-
stantial gifts to the Society made by such distinguished members as Dr.
H. H. Hunter, Mr. E. B. Haddon-whom we are all delighted to see here
today-and Mr. G. C. Turner, it would have been impossible for the Society
to have produced the contribution of 1,500 which was needed to secure the
Society's position as a constituent member of the National Cultural Centre.
Without the untiring help over the years of Mr. H. B. Thomas the Journal
could hardly have attained the reputation for scholarship which it has; and
we owe him a considerable debt.
If, however, the Society is to continue to play such a vital part in the
cultural life of Uganda it must continue to have the same measure of support
from its members as it has had in the past. In particular, if the Society is to
survive in its present form it must have the support of African members. It
is unfortunate that at present the African membership of the Society amounts
to only five per cent. It would be a very sad thing for Uganda if the Society
were not in the future to attract the support that it has in the past, and if it
were to cease to function as an independent organization devoted to scholar-
ship in all matters concerning Uganda.
The outside world is quick to notice the progress of cultural organizations
such as this, and to mark the esteem in which they are held by the people of
the country to which they belong. I would like to appeal to our young people
-particularly those who are enjoying the benefits of higher education and
who are, and will be, in consequence in a position in time to make a real
contribution to the cultural life of the country through the medium of the
Uganda Society-to pledge themselves to maintain its high standards. Here
you have a tradition which is ready built for you, and it is up to you, the
educated younger people of the country, who will have such a large part to
play in the future, to see that it is kept going.
I now have great pleasure in declaring these rooms open for use by
members of the Uganda Society.


THIS bibliography of Emin Pasha (Eduard Carl Oscar Theodor Schnitzer), 1840-
1892, and of the Emin Pasha Relief Expeditions owes its origin to Mr. H. B.
Thomas, O.B.E., whose Royal Commonwealth Society Library Talk on Emin
in December 1959 gave the impetus that resulted in its compilation. It is my
hope that its publication may assist some future biographer to assess a life of
remarkable interest and achievement of which, at least in English, no adequate
account has been published.
The only other attempts at a bibliography of Emin are in Die Tagebiicher von
Dr. Emin Pascha; vol. i, pp. 61-9 contains "Verdffentlichungen von oder iiber
Emin Pascha" by Frau E. Hdrcher, and vol. vi, pp. 297-8, lists Emin's zoological
articles and accounts of his specimens; these overlap to some extent. These are
important, but almost inaccessible to the student owing to the scarcity of the work,
and they are very much stronger in German than in English material. While I have
found them most helpful, I have re-checked all the entries where the originals
have been accessible, and my arrangement is different. In addition I have drawn
extensively on the stocks of the Libraries of the Royal Commonwealth Society
and Royal Geographical Society. Valuable leads have also been obtained from
R. L. Hill's Bibliography of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, O.U.P., 1939; A. J. Wauters'
Bibliographie du Congo, 1880-1895, Brussels: Mouvement Gdographique, 1895;
T. Heyse's Centenary Bibliography of Publications concerning Henry Morton
Stanley (Journal of the Royal African Society, 44 (1943), 91-8, 194); and Cahiers
Belges et Congolaises, Brussels (including the supplement to the preceding item).
Where a reference to one of these sources, given as the name of the compiler
followed by page or item number, appears under an entry, it indicates that I
have been unable to trace a copy and the details are taken from that source.
The bibliography is arranged in eleven sections; the first four are concerned with
Emin's writings and scientific work-it may be remarked that despite the vast
literature he engendered Emin himself never wrote a book-and the remainder
with his life. The scope of each section is indicated by an introductory note; no
item appears more than once, so that a placing in a particular section does not
necessarily mean that it is not relevant to others. A good deal of the material on
the Relief Expeditions, especially that on Stanley's Rear Column, is not directly
concerned with Emin personally, but there appears to be no full bibliography of
the subject elsewhere. Each item is numbered within its section; variant forms,
translations, or linked articles, are given the same number but differentiated by a
letter; a, b, etc. Items by the same author in one section are normally arranged
alphabetically by title, but in a few cases a chronological listing has seemed more
appropriate. Cross-references are given by the author's name followed by the
number of section and item, e.g. Butler (IV: 1).
The titles of books are given in full. Spellings and accents follow the originals,
even where inconsistencies result. Entries in square brackets indicate a descriptive
heading for an item without a title, an extract from a longer article, or added
information, such as dates of letters. Authors are given initials only, but full names
appear in the index where known. The place of publication of books and periodicals
is London unless otherwise stated, but certain frequently quoted periodicals are
abbreviated, viz:

A.S.R. London: Anti-Slavery Reporter.
Aus. Stuttgart: Das Ausland.
D.K. Berlin: Deutsche Kolonialzeitung.
D.R. Leipzig: Deutsche Rundschau fiir Geographie und Statistik.
J.O. Berlin: Journal fiir Ornithologie.
K.P.K. Berlin: Kolonial-Politische Korrespondenz.
P.M. Gotha: Petermann's Mitteilungen.
P.Z.S. London: Proceedings of the Zoological Society.
O.M. Vienna: Oesterreichische Monatsschrift fiir den Orient.
R.G.S. Proc. London: Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society.
S.G.M. Edinburgh: Scottish Geographical Magazine.
U.J. Entebbe: Uganda Journal.
Other periodical titles have been slightly abbreviated where possible. In the notes,
E indicates Emin, HMS H. M. Stanley, EPRE the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition,
SR Eine Sammlung von Reisebriefen (I: 2a), and EPCA Emin Pasha in
Central Africa (I: 2b). Volume numbers of a periodical are in bold arabic, and
of a book in small roman numerals. References to the English edition of
Schweitzer's Emin Pasha (V: 28b) are given in the form 'Schweitzer' followed by
the volume and page number; the original German (V: 28a) is referred to as
'Schweitzer (G)' followed by the page number. Maps are indicated by m., portraits
by p., and illustrations by i.
No substantial reference has been made to British newspapers but they carried
numerous reports-not always accurate-and letters from Stanley. The Times
printed some of the letters received from Emin (see II) and much of the contro-
versial correspondence about the Rear Column was conducted in its pages.
Emin began his career in the Sudan as Emin Effendi and is so referred to by
Gordon. On appointment as Governor of Equatoria in 1878 he was promoted to
be Emin Bey. In recognition of his services he was advanced by the Khedive of
Egypt to the rank of Pasha towards the end of 1886-though many months
elapsed before he was aware of this. It was as Emin Pasha that he became world-
famous, and it is so that I refer to him throughout.
I should be grateful to receive corrections and additions at the Library of the
Royal Commonwealth Society, where there will be a copy of the bibliography
showing locations of the items included and embodying any amendments.

1. Die Tagebiicher von Dr. Emin Pascha. Herausgegeben mit Unterstitzung des Ham-
burgischen Staates und der Hamburgischen Wissenschaftlichen Stiftung von Dr. Franz
Stuhlmann. 5 vols. m. i. Brunswick: Westermann. 1916-27.
i Introductory Material: Diary 1875-78. [iv]+513 pp. m. i. 1916-7.
ii Diary 1878-83. ii+500 pp. m. i. 1919.
iii Diary 1883-88. viii+451 pp. i. 1922.
iv Diary 1888-89. [vi]+448 pp. 1927.
vi Zoologische Aufzeichnungen Emin's und seine Briefe an Dr. G. Hartlaub bearbeitet
von Prof. Dr. H. Schubotz. viii+301 pp. 1921.
The essential source on Emin's life. The diaries are edited with immense care,
and references are made to other first-hand information on the events covered,
e.g. Schweitzer (V: 28), Vita Hassan (VI: 11), Junker (VI: 14), Casati (VI: 3), and
SR (I: 2a). Unfortunately the material in iv was reduced for reasons of economy:
v, announced to cover 1890-92, never appeared, perhaps owing to the death of
Dr. Stuhlmann in 1928, and the diaries for those years were, according to recent
reports from Germany, destroyed by bombing during the war. But hope has not

been abandoned that copies were made by Stuhlmann for editorial purposes and
may yet come to light. No full English translation of i-iv has been published,
but Sir John Gray has translated the portions which relate to Uganda for
inclusion in forthcoming issues of the Uganda Journal. Volume vi contains the
material from three of Emin's note-books; pp. iii-viii have the Foreword,
pp. 1-40 zoological data, pp. 41-210 ornithological, and pp. 211-95 letters to
Dr. G. Hartlaub of Bremen, 1881-91. See also item V: 16.
2a. Eine Sammlung von Reisebriefen und Berichten Dr. Emin-Pascha's aus den
ehemals igyptischen Aequatorialprovinzen und deren Grenzldndern, Herausgegeben von
Dr. Georg Schweinfurth und Dr. Friedrich Ratzel mit Unterstiitzung von Dr. Robert W.
Felkin und Dr. Gustav Hartlaub. xxii+550 pp. p. Leipzig: Brockhaus. 1888.
An important collection of the major articles contributed by E to European
periodicals, with a few unpublished items. The preliminaries are: Einleitung
(Dr. Schweinfurth) pp. v-xiii; Ueber Emin-Pascha's Verwaltung und seine
Erfolge. (Letter from R. W. Felkin, Edinburgh Dec. 1887) pp. xiv-xvii; Ueber
Emin-Pascha's Verdienste um die Erforschung Afrikas. (Letter from Dr. G.
Hartlaub, Bremen, 13 Nov. 1887) pp. xviii-xix.
2b. Emin Pasha in Central Africa being a collection of his letters and journals. Trans.
Mrs. R. W. Felkin. xxviii+547 pp. m.p. Geo. Philip. 1888.
This lacks the preliminaries of the German version, but extracts are included
in a new Introduction by R. W. Felkin (pp. ix-xxviii). Other differences between
the editions are:
In German but not English: pp. 505-8, Schlukwort.
In English but not German: pp. 503-11, Letters to Dr. Felkin. Also pp. 512-4,
Map of the Equatorial Province. (Description, embodying 'Die zehn Districte
der Aequatorialprovinz' from pp. 431-2 of original.)
In the English edition the biographical and other details on pp. 514-22 are
differently arranged, and the Index is also a Glossary, with explanations, degrees
of latitude and longitude, etc.

Emin wrote articles when he was a student, and while in Turkish service acted
as a correspondent for various papers (Schweitzer, i, 4, 17) but no attempt has
been made to trace this material. The following list relates only to his years in
Africa. His writings reached Europe in the form of articles for journals, or letters
to editors and friends. Martin Hansal, Austrian Consul at Khartoum, forwarded
some of his material; he made the acquaintance of Georg Schweinfurth by corre-
spondence; and his other contacts included Dr. Felkin in Scotland and the Italian
Manfredo Camperio (Schweitzer, i, 78, 80) so that some of his articles, though
written in German, were first published in translation. Many of the articles pub-
lished in German were translated or summarized in other languages, and an
attempt has been made to show how these are linked. This section contains the
more general articles and letters, including accounts of journeys; the order is
chronological by date of writing where known. Page references to Eine Sammlung
von Reisebriefen (I: 2a) and Emin Pasha in Central Africa (I: 2b) are given,
preceded by SR and EPCA respectively. Letters appearing in books are not
included; there are many of these, notably in Schweitzer (V: 28), Buchta (VI: 2)
and Junker (VI: 14). Letters to Petermann's Mitteilungen summarized in the
Monatsbericht are noted in VI: 34.
1. [Letter to Hansal, Khartoum, 3 Dec. 1876.] Vienna: Mitt. der K. K. Geog. Gesell-
schaft, 20 (1887), 130-1.


2. Reisen in Aquatorial-Afrika. ... [5 July-Aug. 1877.] (1) Von Ladb den Nil hinauf
nach Dufil6. [Dufil6 16 July, 1877.] (2) Von Dufil6 den Nil hinauf bis Magungo am
Mwutan, un weiter fiber Kirota und Masindi bis Mruli [Mruli 20 Aug. 1877.] P.M. 24
(1878), 217-28.
SR 1-26; EPCA 1-27.
3. Journal einer Reise von Mrdli nach der Hauptstadt Uny6ro's mit Bemerkungen
fiber Land und Leute. [Sep.-Oct. 1877.] P.M. 25 (1879), 179-87, 220-4, 388-97.
SR 47-95: EPCA 50-97. The material is considerably rearranged.
4. Reisen in Aquatorial-Afrika Von Mrdli nach Rubdhga, 29 November-18
December 1877. P.M. 24 (1878), 368-77. m.
SR 26-47: EPCA 28-49.
5. Ueber Handel und Verkehr bei den Wagenda und Wanyoro. Aus. 57 (1884), 1-6.
SR 109-22: EPCA 111-23.
6. Reisen zwischen dem Victoria- und Albert- Nyanza, 1878. (1) Von Rubahga zum
Ukerewe, 13 Februar 1878. (2) Von Rubahga nach Mrtli, 22 Marz bis 8 April 1878.
(3) Von Mnili fiber Fauvera nach Magungo, 13 bis 28 April 1878. P.M. 26 (1880), 21-8.
SR 123-39: EPCA 124-40. Ukerewe in (1) is Ukerewe See, i.e., Lake Victoria.
7. Note sulle Provincie Equatoriali Egiziane. [Lado 7 Sep. 1878.] Milan: Esploratore 2
(1879), 340-3.
8. Die Strombarren des Bahr el Djebel. [Nov.-Dec. 1878.] P.M. 25 (1879), 273-4. m.
9. Von Dufild nach Fatiko, 27 December 1878 bis 8 Januar 1879. P.M. 26 (1880), 210-6.
SR 95-109: EPCA 98-111. See also IV: 29.
10. [Letters to Hansal 24 May, 7 and 16 July, 1879] O.M. 6 (1880), 14-15.
11. Dr. Emin-Bey's Reise nach der Westseite des Albert-See's. [Dufil6 25 Dec. 1879.]
P.M. 26 (1880), 263.
12. Ein Ausflug nach Lur am westlichen Ufer des Mwutan-Nzige. [Nov. 1879-Jan. 1880.]
P.M. 27 (1881), 1-10.
SR 139-161: EPCA 140-62.
13. [Letter, Lad6 19 Aug. 1880.] P.M. 26 (1880), 472.
14. HANSAL, M. L. Aus dem Sudan. [Letter 12 Nov. 1880, including one from Emin,
Lad6 28 Aug. 1880, regarding Uganda.] Vienna: Mitt. der K.K. Geog. Ges. 24 (1881),
87-91: O.M. 7 (1881), 5.
15. Reise im oberen Nilgebiet von Labor6 fiber Fadib6k nach Fatiko und von Fatiko
nach Fauv6ra und zuriick. [With covering note, 28 Nov. 1880 to Hansal.] Vienna: Mitt.
der K.K. Geog. Ges. 24 (1881), 149-67, 263-75.
SR 258-89: EPCA 258-88. See also IV: 32.
16. Reisen im Osten des Bahr-el-Djebel, Marz bis Mai 1881. (1) Von Gond6koro fiber
Tarrangole nach Agaru. (2) Von Agaru fiber Fadibek nach Fadjdilli und zurfick nach
Fadibek. (3) Von Fadibek fiber Obbo nach Labore. P.M. 28 (1882), 259-72, 321-7. m.
SR 212-58: EPCA 214-58.
17a. Schreiben von Dr. Emin Bey fiber seine Reise von Gondokoro nach Obbo. [Obbo,
23 May 1881, via Hansal.] Vienna: Mitt. der K.K. Geog. Ges. 25 (1882), 181-90.
SR 289-98: EPCA 289-98.
17b. Dr. Emin Beys Reise in das Gebirgsland Lattuka. Aus. 55 (1882), 376-7.
Summary of a.
18. [Letter to Hansal 19 July, 1881] O.M. 7 (1881), 159-60.
19. Rundreise durch die MudiriW Rhol [Sep.-Dec. 1881.] (1) Von Ladb am Weissen
Nil durch Njambara nach Kediba im Kederd-Lande. (2) Von Kediba nach Biti;
ZustAnde im Bezirke Amadi. (3) Von Biti bis Bufi: der Lau-Fluss. (4) Von Bufi bis
Rumbehk. (5) Rumbehk: die Agahr und andre Dinka-Stamme. (6) Durch das Gebiet
der Gohk zum Roah-Fluss und zuriick an den Jalo. (7) Das Lori-Land und der obere
Jalo bis Sajadihn. (8) Rfickmarsch nach Ladb. P.M. 29 (1883), 260-8, 323-40.
SR 299-357: EPCA 299-357. See also IV: 28.
20. Emin Bey iiber den Zustand der Seriben Wirtschaft in der Rohlprovinz (Obere
Nilregion [via Schweinfurth]. Aus. 55 (1882), 568-71.
SR 406-13: EPCA 408-14.
21. Dr. Emin Bey fiber Akklimatisation verschiedener Haustiere im iquatorialen
Nilgebiete. [Letter to Schweinfurth, Lado 25 Dec. 1881.] Aus. 55 (1882), 717-8.
SR 389-90: EPCA 390-1.
22. [Letter from Lado 18 July 1882.] P.M. 28 (1882), 422-3.
23. [Letter to Hansal. Lado 22 July 1882.] O.M. 8 (1882), 163-4.

24. Sudan und Aequatorialprovinz im Sommer 1882. [Lado 25 July 1882.] Aus. 55
(1882), 844-6.
SR 432-8: EPCA 432-8.
25. Reise im Westen des Bahr-el-Djebel, Oktober-Dezember 1882. (1) Von Bedden am
Weissen Nil durch Fadjeld nach Kakudk. (2) Das Kakuak- und Fadjeld-Land. (3) Kaba-
jdndi und die Makraka. (4) Durch das Land der Abaka nach G6sa. (5) Von G6sa iiber
Abukdja und Makraki-Ssugire nach Windi. P.M. 29 (1883), 415-28. m.
SR 357-88: E.P.C.A. 358-89. See IV: 30.
26. [Letter to Hansal, Lado 31 Mar. 1883.] O.M. 9 (1883), 121-2.
27. I prodotti delle Provincie Equatoriali Egiziane. [31 Mar. 1883.] Trans. G. A. Krause.
Milan: Esploratore 7 (1883), 254-60.
English translation in Schweitzer, i, pp. 81-9.
28a. Meine letzte Reise von Lado nach Monbuttu und zuriick. [May-Oct. 1883.] Vienna:
Mitt. der K.K. Geog. Ges. 30 (1887), 257-76, 374-84, 449-65, m.
28b. Emin Pasha in Monbuttu country. S.G.M. 3 (1887), 593-6, 641-2.
Summary of a.
28c. Le voyage d'Pmin-Pacha, de Lado au pays des Monbouttous. Brussels: Bull. Soc.
Roy. Beige de Geog. 11 (1887), 520-43.
Translation of a.
29. Aus dem Monbuttulande. [16 June-18 July 1883; Letter to Prof. Ratzel from Lado,
Nov. 1883.] Leipzig: Mitt. des Vereins fur Erdkunde (1886), 33-46.
SR 184-200: EPCA 186-202.
30a. Notizie sui Monbuttu. [Wadelai, 6 May 1886 trans. Pastore P. Longo.] Milan: Esp.
Comm. 2 (1887), 161-8.
SR 200-11 (Original German text): EPCA 202-13.
30b. The Monbuttu and their country. S.G.M. 3 (1887), 407-8.
Summary by J. T. Bealby of a.
30c. Les Monbouttous. Brussels: Bull. Soc. Roy. Beige de Geog. 11 (1887), 599.
Summary of a.
30d. Les Monbouttous. Lille: Bull. de la Soc. Geog. 9 (1888), 102-23.
Translation of a. Hbrcher 65.
30e. Geographische Nenigkeiten. (Emin Pascha in Monbuttu-Lande.) Aus. 61 (1888).
98-100, 137-9.
Summary from version of a in SR.
31. [Letter to Felkin, Wadelai, 31 Dec. 1885.] S.G.M. 2 (1886), 686-7: A.S.R. Series 4, 6
(1886), 107-8: The Times, 6 Nov. 1886.
32. [Letter to C. H. Allen, Wadelai, 31 Dec. 1885.] A.S.R. Series 4, 6 (1886), 105-7:
The Times, 29 Oct. 1886.
33. Nachrichten von Dr. Emin-Bei. [Wadelai 1 Jan. 1886.] P.M. 32 (1886), 341-3.
34. Drei neue Briefe Emin Pascha's an Dr. Georg Schweinfurth. [(1) Belima (Monbuttu)
21 June; Tingasi 8 July; Bongereh's Dorf nahe dem Dongu 22 July; Tomaji 10 Aug.:
Lad6 19 Oct., 29 Nov., 11, 18 Dec. 1883; 1, 8, 23 Jan., 27 May 1884. (2) Lad6 14, 20,
31 Aug., 22 Oct., 26 Nov., 1884: 2, 6, 12 Jan. 1885. (3) Wadelai 1, 3 Dec. 1885; 2 Jan..
20 Feb., 3 Mar., 5, 20 Apl., 15 May 1886.] Leipzig: Mitt. des Vereins fir Erdkunde.
(1886), 51-109, 128-30.
Dated 1886 but published 1887. SR 439-504: EPCA 438-503.
35. [Letter to Junker 6 July 1886.] K.P.K. 3 (1887), 38.
36. [Letter to Felkin 7 July 1886.] The Times, 9 Dec. 1886.
37. [Letter to A. M. Mackay 1 Oct. 1886.] A.S.R. Series 4, 7 (1887), 90-1: The Times.
23 June 1887.
38a. An exploring trip to Lake Albert. [Trans. J. T. Bealby from ms. received by
Felkin: covering letter Wadelai 26 Oct. 1886.] S.G.M. 3 (1887). 273-90, 320. Covering
letter only: The Times, 10 May 1887.
38b. Un voyage d'exploration au lac Albert. Brussels: Bull. Soc. Roy. Beige de Geog. 11
(1887), 390-408.
38c. Reise auf dem Albert Nyanza. Leipzig: Mitt. des Vereins fiir Erdkunde (1886),
This account, written in German but sent to Felkin, was first published in the
English translation a, of which b is a retranslation. The original German version
was first published in Leipzig in 1887 (c-the date is misleading) and republished

in SR 161-83; the version in EPCA 162-85 is a new translation from this, and
not identical with a.
39. Nachrichten von Dr. Emin-Pascha. [10 Aug. 1883-26 Oct. 1886.] P.M. 33 (1887),
Letters to various correspondents including Behm, Hassenstein and Felkin.
40. FLOWER, Sir w. H. [Letter regarding one from Emin, 8 Nov. 1886.] The Times,
11 May 1887, 9.
41. [Letter to C. H. Allen, 10 Feb. 1887.] A.S.R. Series 4: 7 (1887), 117-9: The Times,
3 Aug. 1887.
42. [Letter to Felkin, 17 Apr. 1887.] A.S.R. Series 4: 7 (1887), 153-4: The Times,
27 Sep. 1887.
43. [Letter to Allen, 16 Aug. 1887.] A.S.R. Series 4: 8 (1888), 39-40.
44. [Letter to Felkin, 15 Aug. 1887.] A.S.R. Series 4: 8 (1888), 40-5.
45. [Letter 25 Oct. 1887.] D.R. 10 (1887-8), 375.
46. Briefe von Dr. Emin Pascha. [Wadelai 22 Dec. 1887, Tunguru 24 & 25 Mar. 1888.]
P.M. 36 (1890), 105-7.
47. Ein Brief von Emin Pascha [26 Nov. 1889.] D.K. 3 (1890), 2.
48. [Letter from Emin to Malcolm Lupton, Bagamoio 28 Mar. 1890, regarding fate of
Frank Lupton.] R.G.S. Proc. 12 (1890), 289-90.
49. GRAY, Sir J. M. Another letter of Emin Pasha. U.J. 14 (1950), 219-20.
Letter to German Consul at Zanzibar from Bagamoio 31 Mar. 1890.
50. Zwei bisher ungedrukte Briefe Emin Paschas. Mitgeteilt von Adolf Kettner in
Freiwaldau. [To Anton Heckel, Bohmischdorf. (1) c. Dec. 1856. (2) Mpwapwa 5 June
1890.] D.R. 26 (1903-4), 13-7.
51. [Letter from Tabora 18 Aug. 1890.] D.K. 3 (1890), 302-3.
52. THOMAS, H. B. An autograph letter of Emin Pasha. U.J. 13 (1949), 235-6. Facsim.
Letter of protection to Chief of Buingo, 22 Oct. 1890.
53. Ein Schreiben Emin Pascha's. Mitgetheilt von Adolf Kettner in Freiwaldau. [To
Anton Heckel from Bukoba 12 Jan. 1891.] D.R. 16 (1893-4), 241-6. m.
54. [Letter from Bukoba 1 Feb. 1891.] P.M. 37 (1891), 160.
55. Emin Pascha in Wadelai. [Letter to Dr. F. Finsch, Mswa, Aug. 1891.] D.R. 14
(1891-2), 279.
56. Emin Paschas letzte Tagebiicher in Briefen an seine Schwester. Brunswick: Wester-
mann's Monatshefte 73 (1892-3), 1-16, 169-85, 310-25, 455-71, 597-612, 743-57. m.p.i.
Letters to his sister Melanie from 22 Mar. to 12 Dec. 1891; a most important
source for the last journey, reproduced by Schweitzer (V: 28a) but abridged
slightly in translation (V: 28b).
Introduction by Schweinfurth pp. 1-2.
57. [Extracts from Emin's last diaries.] 8 Mar-12 Oct. 1892. P.M. 40 (1894), 23.
58. Les derniers dcrits d'Emin Pacha. Brussels: La Belgique Coloniale (1902), 89.
Horcher 63.

This section contains Emin's scientific articles, chiefly on zoological, ornithological,
and ethnographical subjects. The order is chronological.
1. Der Thiermarkt Khartum's. [Khartum 4 Mar. 1876.] Frankfurt: Der Zoologische
Garten. 17 (1876), 113-6.
2. W6rtersammlung des Kigdnda und Kiny6ro. [Lado 13 July 1878 to Behm.] Berlin:
Zeit. fiir Ethnol. 11 (1879), 259-80.
3. Worterverzeichnisse afrikanischer Sprachen. [Kiri 17 Mar. 1880.] Berlin: Zeit fiur
Ethnol. 14 (1882), 156-78.
Contents: Sammlung von Worten der Ldr-Sprache, pp. 159-63.
Verzeichniss von Worten der Schuli-Sprache (Fatiko) pp. 163-9.
Sammlung von Worten der Madi-Sprache (Dufild) pp. 169-74.
Sammlung von Worten der Lattuka-Sprache (Tarrangole) pp. 174-8.
4. Sur les Akkas et les Baris. [Lado 1882.] Berlin: Zeit. fiir Ethnol. 18 (1886), 145-66.
Sent through Schweinfurth. Chiefly anthropological notes and measurements.
5. Zoo-geographische Notizen. [Lado Dec. 1884.] Leipzig: Mitt. des Vereins fiir Erd-
kunde. (1887), 19-32. m.
SR 390-406: EPCA 391-407.


6. [Letter containing remarks upon the presence of an Anthropoid Ape in Eastern
Equatorial Africa. Wadelai 1 Jan. 1886.] P.Z.S. (1886), 418.
7. Aus den ornithologischen Tagebiichern Dr. Emin Pasha's. Mitgetheilt von Dr. G.
Hartlaub. J.O. 35 (1887), 310-1, 36 (1888), 1-4, 37 (1889), 46-50.
8. Negerfabeln. [Mwapwa (sic) 6 June 1890.] Aus. 63 (1890), 681-4.
9. Zur biologie des afrikanischen Krokodils. [Mpwapwa 11 June 1890.] Berlin:
Zoologische Jahrbuch, 5 S (1891), 546-8.
Written jointly with Stuhlmann.
10. Brieflicher Bericht fiber das Vogelleben von Ugogo. [Tabora 9 Aug. 1890.] J.O. 39
(1891), 51-61; Berlin: Mitt deutsch. Schutz. 4 (1891), 92-6.
11. Briefliche Reiseberichte von Dr. Emin an Dr. Reichenow. [Bukaba (sic) 21 Nov.
1890.] 3.0. 39 (1891), 337-46.
12. Zur Ethnologie des Albert-Sees and Zur Ethnologie der Gebiete um den Albert-
See II. [Bukoba 10 Dec. 1890.] Aus. 63 (1890), 263, 64 (1891), 351-5.
13. Europaische Vogel in Afrika (Aequatorial-Provinz). [Bukoba 5 Feb. 1891.] Berlin:
Zoologische Jahrbuch 6 S (1892), 145-51.
14a. REICHENOW, A. Bruchstiicke aus Emin Paschas letztem Tagebuch. 1.0. 42 (1894),
Translation of ornithological diary, Jan.-May 1892.
14b. Die letzten Tagebuchblatter Emin Paschas. D.R. 16 (1893-4), 237-8.
Summary of a.
15. FLOWER, Sir w. H. [Letter and Journal from Emin.] P.Z.S. (1894), 596-606.
Ornithological diary, 29 May-12 Oct. 1892, continuing 14, with undated covering
letter (pp. 596-7), sent by Dhanis after the recovery of E.'s papers. He was
carefully recording ornithological data almost to the day of his murder.

This section contains the comments of European scholars on Emin's work. His
observations of altitude were extracted, tabulated, and discussed by K. Z6ppritz;
others considered his meteorological observations. Zoological specimens were
described by English and German scholars-especially the ornithologist G.
Hartlaub, of whom Emin wrote in 1883: "Friend Hartlaub, the famous ornithologist
at Bremen, has hitherto kindly undertaken to study any new species I have dis-
covered." (Schweitzer i, 154.) Many of the articles contain extracts from Emin's
letters and notes.
1. BUTLER, A. o. On the Lepidoptera received from Dr. Emin Pasha. P.Z.S. (1888), 56-85.
2. GONTHER, A. Report on a Collection of Reptiles and Batrachians sent by Emin Pasha
from Monbuttu, Upper Congo. P.Z.S. (1888), 50-51.
3. HANN, J. Einige Resultate neuerer meteorologischer und hypsometrischer Beo-
bachtungen im aquatorialen Ost-Afrika. P.M. 26 (1880), 373-7.
4. HARTLAUB, G. Beitrag zur Ornithologie der ostlich-aquatorialen Gebiete Africas.
I. Bremen: Abh. naturwissenschaftlichen Vereine, 7 (1882), 83-128. m; II. Ibid 8 (1884),
183-232: III. Berlin: Zoologische Jahrbuch, 2 (1888), 303-48. i; IV. Bremen: Abh.
naturwissenschaftlichen Vereine, 12 (1893), 1-46.
5. HARTLAUB, G. Diagnosen einiger neuer VBgel aus dem 6stlich-aquatorialen Africa.
1.0. 31 (1883), 425-6.
6. HARTLAUB, G. Diagnosen neuer Arten aus Centralafrika, gesammelt von Dr. Emin Bey.
Berlin: Ornithologisches Centralblatt. (1882), 91-2.
7. HARTLAUB, G. On a new Species of Salpornis from Eastern Equatorial Africa. P.Z.S.
(1884), 415-7. i.
8. HARTLAUB, G. On a new Species of Wryneck, discovered in Eastern Equatorial Africa
by Dr. Emin Bey. Ibis, 5th Series. 2 (1884), 28-30. i.
9. HARTLAUB, G. On some new Birds discovered and collected by Dr. Emin Bey in
Central Africa, between 5" and 2* N. lat., and 31" and 32* E. long. P.Z.S. (1880),
624-7. i.
10. HARTLAUB, G. Symplectes mentalis, n. sp. (Gesammelt von Emin Pascha.) J.O. 39
(1891), 314.
11. HARTLAUB, O. Ueber einige neue Vogel aus dem oberen Nilgebiete. J.O. 30 (1882),
321-9. i.


12. HARTLAUB, O. Ueber einige neue von Dr. Emin Bey, Gouverneur der Aequatorial-
provinzen Aegyptens, um Lado, Central-Afrika, entdeckte Vogel. 1.0. 28 (1880), 210-4.
13. HARTLAUB, G. Ueber einige neue von Dr. Emin Pascha im inneren Ostafrika ent-
deckte Arten. J.O. 38 (1890), 150-4.
14. LECHE, w. Ueber einige von Emin Pascha gesammelte afrikanische Saugethiere.
Berlin: Zoologische Jahrbuch, 3 S (1887), 115-26.
15. MOBIUS, K. Die Thierwelt Ost-Afrikas und der Nachbargebiete. (Deutsch-Ost-Afrika
v. 3 & 4). 2v. Berlin: Reimer. 1895-98.
16. NOACK, T. Neue Beitrige zur Kenntniss der Siiugethier-Fauna von Ostafrika.
Berlin: Zoologische Jahrbuch 7 S (1894), 523-94. i.
17. PELZELN, A.V. Ueber eine Sendung von V6geln aus Central-Afrika. Vienna: Verh.
Zoolog. Bot. Ges. 31 (1881), 141-56.
18. PELZELN, A.V. Ueber Dr. Emin Bey's zweite Sendung. Vienna: Verh. Zoolog. Bot.
Ges. 31 (1881), 605-18
19. PELZELN, A.V. Ueber Dr. Emin Bey's dritte Sendung. Vienna: Verh. Zoolog. Bot.
Ges. 32 (1882), 499-512.
20. REICHENOW, A. Uebersicht der von Dr. Emin Pascha auf seiner Reise von Bagamojo
bis Tabora gesammelten V6gel. J.O. 39 (1891), 139-64.
21. REICHENOW, A. Zur Vogelfauna des Victoria Njansa. Sammlungen Dr. Emin's und
Dr. Stuhlmann's 1890/91. J.O. 40 (1892), 1-60.
22. SHELLEY, G. E. On a Collection of Birds made by Emin Pasha in Equatorial Africa.
P.Z.S. (1888), 17-50. i.
23. SMITH, E. A. On the Shells of the Albert Nyanza, Central Africa, obtained by Dr.
Emin Pasha. P.Z.S. (1888), 52-6. Fig.
24. SUPAN, A. Emin Paschas meteorologisches Tagebuch. (1881-90), P.M. 36 (1890), 129.
25. TAUBERT, P. Eminia, genus novum Papilionacearum. Berlin: Berichte der deutschen-
botanischen Gesellschaft, 9 (1891), 28-32. i.
26. THOMAS, o. On a Collection of Mammals obtained by Emin Pasha in Equatorial
Africa, and presented by him to the Natural History Museum. P.Z.S. (1888), 3-17. i.
27. WATERHOUSE, c. o. On some Coleoptera from Eastern Equatorial Africa received
from Emin Pasha. P.Z.S. (1888), 86-7.
28. ZOPPRITZ, K. Bemerkungen zu den H6henmessungen Dr. Emin-Beys. P.M. 29 (1883),
29. ZOPPRITZ, K. Berechnung von Hohenbestimmungen Dr. Emin-Bey's und Dr. Felkin's.
P.M. 26 (1880), 216-7.
Relates to II: 9.
30. ZOPPRITZ, K. Dr. Emin-Bey's Hdhenmessungen und der Luftdruck zu Ladb. P.M. 29
(1883) 428-30.
Relates to II: 25.
31. z6PPRrTZ, K. Hohenbestimmungen des Dr. Emin-Bey zwischen Ladb und Makraka-
Ssugaire. P.M. 27 (1881), 347-8.
32. z6PPRITZ, K. Ober Dr. Emin-Bey's Hbhenbestimmungen. P.M. 28 (1882), 327-9.
33. Resultate der meteorologischen Beobachtungen von Dr. Junker und Dr. Emin-
Pascha im Innern des aequatorialen Ost-Afrika. Berlin: Meteorol. Zeit. (1890), 105-9.

The following material includes character studies, biographies, and general assess-
ments of Emin. Inevitably, most of these are concerned almost entirely with his
period in Equatoria; few of these have much permanent value, being based on
Emin Pasha in Central Africa and references in the press and geographical journals.
1. B***, A. Enthillungen iiber Emin Paschas Privatleben nach authentischen Quellen.
34 pp. p. Leipzig: Winde. 1896.
Account of E's alleged wife Emilia, whose portrait is on cover, and daughter
Pauline, born 1874. Preface written at Constantinople.
2. CAMBIER, R. Edouard Schnitzer. (Biographie Coloniale Beige, 1948, i, 826-35.)
3. CAMBIER, R. Stanley et Emin Pacha. Brussels: Zaire, 3 (1949), 533-48.
4. CASATI, G. La morte di Emin Pascia. Milan: Esp. Comm. 9 (1894), 161-5.
Partially published Neue Freie Presse 4 Jan. 1894. Includes letter from E,
Bagamoio 19 Jan. 1890.

5. CHAILL.-LONG, C. My life in four continents. 2v. m. p. i. Hutchinson. 1912.
Scurrilous attack on E, ii pp. 400-12.
6. FALKENHORST, c. Bibliothek denkwiirdiger Forchungsreisen. (1) Emin-Paschas
Vorlaufer im Sudan. (2) Emin-Pascha, Gouverneur von Hatt-el-Estiwa. (3) Henry M.
Stanleys Forschungen am Kongo und Nil. 3v. iv+188 pp.; iv+188 pp.; iv+187 pp. i.
Stuttgart: Un. Deutsche. 1890.
7. FELKIN, R. w. Dr. Felkien (sic) fiber Emin Bey (Dr. Schnitzler). Aus 55 (1882), 11-3.
8. FELKIN, R. w. Eduard Schnitzer. (In Chambers's Encyclopaedia, new ed. ix, 1908,
pp. 214-5.)
9. FELKIN, R. w. The position of Dr. Emin Bey. S.G.M. 2 (1886), 705-19. m.
10a. FELKIN, R. w. The Relief of Emin-Bey. The Times, 9 Dec. 1886. [includes letter
II: 36].
10b. The position of Emin Bey. Pictorial World, 9 (1886), 619.
b summarizes a.
11. FINKE, K. Emin Pascha. Alte und neue Welt, 27 (1892-3), 699.
Horcher 67.
12. FREISSLER, E. W. Emin Pascha. 238 pp. m. p. Munich: Beck. 1925.
13. LETCHER, o. African Mysteries [v] +62 pp. p. i. Johannesburg: Pan African Publi-
cations. 1935.
Journalistic articles, including 'The Tragedy of Stanley's Rear Column' (pp. 7-24)
and 'Emin the Enigma' (pp. 25-36).
14. LITTLE, H. w. One man's power. The Life and Work of Emin Pasha in Equatorial
Africa. viii+112 pp. m. p. Virtue. 1889.
Laudatory, based on E's letters to Allen & others.
15. MULLER, F. F. Deutschland-Zanzibar-Ostafrika. Geschichte einer deutschen
Kolonialeroberung 1884-1890. 583 pp. m. p. i. Berlin: Rfitten & Loening. 1959.
References to E derived from German State Archives, especially on pp. 458-87.
16. PASSARGE, G. Der wissenschaftliche Nachlass Emin Paschas. D.K. 29 (1912), 291-3,
314-6, 330-2.
Account of E's diaries and other documents which, after being sold and taken
to America, were returned to Germany and in 1912, through the instrumentality
of Dr. Stuhlmann, purchased from Georg Schweitzer by the Colonial Institute
of Hamburg. See also D.K. 29 (1912), 240; Brussels: La Revue Congolaise, 3
(1912), 135 (referring also to an article by Schweinfurth in Afrika Post); New
York: Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, 44 (1912), 688; Brussels:
Mouvement Gdographique, 29 (1912), 296; and other geographical periodicals of
that year.
17a. PETERS, C. F. H. Emin Pascha. (In his Afrikanische K6pfe, 1915, pp. 155-217), m.
17b. PETERS, C. F. H. Emin Pascha. (In his Gesammelte Schriften, ii, 1943, pp. 483-514.)
18. PIMBLETT, w. M. Emin Pasha: his life and work. With an account of Stanley's Relief
March. viii+160 pp. m.p. Methuen. 1890.
19. RATZEL, F. Emin Pascha. (In Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, xlviii, 1904,
pp. 346-53.)
20. RAVENSTEIN, E. O. Obituary: Emin Pasha (Dr. E. Schnitzer). Geog. Jour. 2 (1893),
21. REICHARD, P. Dr. Emin Pascha, ein Vorkimpfer der Kultur im Innern Afrikas.
viii+313 pp. p. i. Leipzig: Spamer. 1891.
Imaginative illustrations by R. Hellgrewe.
22. RUHLE, F. Deutsche Afrikareisende der Gegenwort: 3. Emin Pascha. 206 pp.
Munster. 1892.
23. SCHAADE, A. Emin Pasha. (In Encyclopedia of Islam, ii, 1927, pp. 25-6).
24. SCHMIDT, R. Dr. Emin Pascha (Eduard Schnitzer). (In his Deutschlands koloniale
Helden und Pioniere der Kultur im schwarzen Kontinent, ii, 1896, pp. 115-237.) p.
25. SCHWEINFURTH, G. Deutschlands Verpflichtung gegen Emin Pascha, D.K. n.s. 2
(1889), 265-7.
26. SCHWEINFURTH, G. Emin Pascha. D.K. n.s. 1 (1888), 273-4. p.
27. SCHWEINFURTH, G. Dr. Schweinfurth fiber Emin Pascha. D.R. 15 (1892-3) 523.
From Neue Freie Presse, 1 Jul. 1893.

28a. SCHWEITZER, G. Emin Pascha. Ein Darstellung seines Lebens und Wirkens mit
Benutzung seiner Tagebiicher, Briefe und Wissenschaftlichen. xiv+808 pp. m. p. i.
Berlin: Walther. 1898.
28b. SCHWEITZER, G. Emin Pasha his Life and Work. 2v. xliv+330 pp. vii+339 pp.
m. p. Constable. 1898.
Uncritical life by a cousin, essential for its quotations from original sources. The
anonymous English translation omits a good deal of the earlier material, covering
the years to 1875 in 24, as opposed to 96 (larger) pages, but gives the only
account in English of the last journey, 1890-92, on pp. 1-312 of vol. ii
(pp. 463-766 of original). The long introduction, pp. xvii-xliv, by Dr. Felkin
describes his correspondence with E regarding the political future of Equatoria
and rebuts some of the anti-British allegations of the German original. The
German version has important portraits not found in the English edition.
28c. FORSTER, B. Die authentische Darstellung von Emin Paschas Leben. Brunswick:
Globus, 73 (1898), 78-80.
Review of a.
29. SCHWEITZER, G. Von Khartum zun Kongo. Emin Paschas Leben und Sterben.
(Deutschlands Kolonialhelden I.) 207 pp. m. p. i. Berlin: Stollberg. 1932.
Short life of E, well illustrated.
30. STABY, L. Emin Pascha, ein deutscher Forscher und Kiimpfer im Innern Afrikas.
149 pp. m. p. i. Stuttgart: Siiddeutsches Verlags-Institut. 1890.
6 parts in 5 (3-4 issued together).
31. STUHLMANN, F. Zu Emin Pascha's Gedichtnis. Leipzig: Gaea: Natur und Leben, 30
(1894), 170-6.
32a. SYMONS, A. J. A. Emin: The Governor of Equatoria. [viii]+47 pp. The Fleuron.
1928. (Limited to 300 copies.)
32b. SYMONS, A. J. A. Emin Governor of Equatoria. 60 pp. Falcon Press. 1950.
Sympathetic essay. The only separate account in English in this century.
33. THOMAS, H. B. The Literature of Emin Pasha. 8 pp. Royal Commonwealth Society
Library Talks (typescript). 1959.
34. TREUTLEIN, V. Dr. Ed. Schnitzer (Emin Pascha), der iigyptische Generalgouverneur
des Sudan. (Sammlung gemeinverstandlicher wissenschaftlicher Vortrage. Neue Folge
Heft 29.) 52 pp. m. Hamburg: Richter. 1887.
35. UDE, H. C. Emin Pascha und Deutsch-Ostafrika. (In Pioniere im Osten, 1923,
pp. 13-149.) i.
36. UHL, G. Emin Pascha und die deutschen Besitzungen in Ostafrika. 39 pp. Leipzig:
Uhl. 1894.
37. VAJDA, L. Emin Pascha. (Neue Deutsche Biographie, 1957, iv, 479-82.)
38. WELK, E. Die schwarze Sonne. Leben, Schaffen und Sterben deutscher Kolonial-
helden. 257 pp. m. i. Berlin: Ullstein. 1933.
39. WHITEHEAD, G. o. Some authors of the Southern Sudan. Khartoum: Sudan Notes and
Records, 11 (1928), 83-101.
pp. 94-101 relate to E.
40a. WILLS, J. T. Emin Bey: Gordon's Lieutenant. Fortnightly, n.s. 40 (1886), 776-87. m.
40b. WILLS, J. T. Emin Bey: Gordon's Lieutenant in Central Africa. 12 pp. m. Stanford
Reprint of a with map and text corrected to 15 Dec. 1886.
40c. Emin Bey: Gordon's Lieutenant. Pictorial World, 9, 571, 574. 9 Dec. 1886. m.
Extracts from a.
41. WOLKENHAUER, W. Emin Pascha. D.R. 9 (1886-7), 327-32. m. p.
Also in Bremen: Deutsche Geog. Bitter, 10 (1887), 63-6.
42. Anti-Slavery Reporter. Series 4. 6 (1886)-12 (1892).
E was receiving this periodical in 1883 (Schweitzer i, 154). From the receipt of
his letter of 31 Dec. 1885 by the Secretary, C. H. Allen, the Society took a great
interest in E and elected him a corresponding member. There are nearly 100
relevant pages in these volumes-letters (see II), press extracts, etc. For obituary
notice see 13 (1893), 207-8.
43. Character Sketch. Dr. Eduard Schnitzer alias Emin Pasha. Rev. of Rev. 1 (1890),
385-92. m.


44. Emin Pasja (Dr. Eduard Schnitzer)t 1893. Amsterdam: Tid. van het Kon. Ned.
Aard. Gen. I1 10 (1893), 1115-8. Bib.
45. Mort d'Emin-Pacha. Brussels: Soc. Roy Belge de Gdog. 17 (1893), 288-9.
46a. Obituary [of Emin.] S.G.M. 9 (1893), 590-3. p.
46b. Ndcrologie: Emin-Pacha. Brussels: Soc. Roy. Belge de Gdog. 17 (1893), 598-602.
Translation of a.
47. [Miscellaneous references to Emin in D.K.] 4 (1887), 505; New Series 1 (1888), 160,
247, 357; 2 (1889), 79, 358; 3 (1890), 16, 26, 51, 62, 66-7, 89, 98, 99, 101-2, 111, 126,
133, 142, 290; 4 (1891), 21, 23, 28, 35, 55-6, 64, 95, 114-5, 151, 164, 181; 5 (1892), 2,
41, 99, 103, 107-8, 135, 146; 6 (1893), 117, 131-2.
48. [Miscellaneous references to Emin in D.R.] 7 (1884-5), 519, 568; 8 (1885-6), 329;
9 (1886-7), 137, 183-4, 571-2; 10 (1887-8), 136-7, 375; 11 (1888-9), 88, 181-2, 230;
12 (1889-90), 328, 374, 569; 13 (1890-1), 184; 14 (1891-2), 40, 279, 421, 471; 15 (1892-3),
188, 285, 331, 381, 475, 575-6; 16 (1893-4), 44-5, 90-1, 140, 381; 17 (1894-5), 92-3, 283;
20 (1897-8), 188.

The items in Section V are largely concerned with Emin's period in Equatoria.
The following entries, therefore, are for material by or about his colleagues there;
studies of special episodes, notably Sir John Gray's articles; and general accounts,
particularly those containing original source material, with a reasonable amount
on Emin. Reference should also be made to Sections I and II for the events of
this period. General books on Uganda and the Sudan, useful for background but
with little or no direct reference to Emin have been excluded; the Bibliography
in H. B. Thomas and R. Scott's Uganda, O.U.P., 1935, pp. 485-502, and R. L.
Hill's A Bibliography of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, O.U.P., 1939, should be con-
sulted for this material.
la. BUCHTA, R. Der Aufstand im Sudan. Aus. 57 (1884), 181-6, 212-6, 226-30, 249-54,
301-8. m. i.
lb. BUCHTA, R. Der Sudan und der Mahdi. Das Land, die Bewohner und der Aufstand
des falschen Propheten. 86 pp. m. i. Stuttgart: Cotta. 1884.
Ic. BUCHTA, R. The true story of the rebellion in the Soudan, by one who knows the
Mahdi personally. Trans. Mrs. R. W. Felkin. 1885.
Hill 138. b is a reprint, and c a translation of a.
2. BUCHTA, R. Der Sudan unter igyptischer Herrschaft. Riickblicke auf die letzten
sechzig Jahre .. ix+228 pp. m. p. Leipzig: Brockhaus. 1888.
Letters from E to Junker, 1883-85, on pp. 165-220.
3a. CASATI, G. Dieci Anni in Equatoria e Ritorno con Emin Pascia. 2v. xiii+323 pp.:
v+348 pp. m. p. i. Milan: Dumolard. 1891.
3b. CASATI, G. Ten years in Equatoria and the return with Emin Pasha. Trans. Mrs. J. R.
Clay and I. W. Savage Landor. 2v. xxii+376 pp.: xvi+347 pp. m. p. i. Warne. 1891.
3c. CASATI, G. Zehn Jahre in Aquatoria und die Riickkehr mit Emin Pascha. 2v. 340 pp.:
365 pp. m. p. i. Bamberg: Buchner. 1891.
3d. CASATI, G. Dix annies en Equatoria et le retour d'Emin Pacha. Trans. Louis de
Hessan. xi+498 pp. m. p. i. Paris: Didot. 1892.
Casati, the Italian explorer, was cut off by the Mahdist rising and assisted Emin
in administration. Numerous illustrations.
3(A).DUNBAR, A. R. European Travellers in Bunyoro-Kitara, 1862 to 1877 (and) Emin
Pasha and Bunvoro-Kitara, 1877 to 1889. U.J. 23 (1959), 101-117 (and) 24 (1960), 71-83.
4a. GESSI, R. Sette anni nel Sudan egiziano. Esplorazioni caccie e guerra control i
Negrieri. Memorie di Romolo Gessi Pascia riunite e pubblicate da suo figlio Felice
Gessi coordinate dal Cap. Manfredo Camperio. xvi+489 pp. p. m. i. Milan: Galli. 1891.
4b. GESSI, R. Sette anni nel Sudan egiziano Ed. A. A. Michieli. 379 pp.
m. p. i. Milan: Alpes, 1930.
Much abridged. 80 pp. introduction by A.A.M.
4c. GESSI, R. Seven years in the Soudan being a record of explorations, adventures, and
campaigns against the Arab slave hunters. Ed. F. Gessi. xxiv+467 pp. m. p. i.
Low. 1892.


Gessi was governor of Bahr el Ghazal; there are numerous references to E in
the latter part. R. L. Hill thinks poorly of the English translation.
5. GRAY, Sir J. M. Acholi History, 1860-1901-1. U.J. 15 (1951), 121-43.
pp. 131-9 relate to E.
6. GRAY, Sir J. M. Ahmed bin Ibrahim-the first Arab to reach Buganda. U.J. 11
(1947), 80-97.
pp. 89-90, 94-5 relate to E in 1876-7.
7. GRAY, Sir J. M. The Lango Wars with Egyptian Troops, 1877-8. U.J. 21 (1957), 111-4.
Contains extracts from E's Tagebiicher 1876-7.
8. GRAY, Sir J. M. Mutesa of Buganda. U.J. 1 (1934), 22-50.
9. GRAY, Sir J. M. Rwot Ochama of Payera. U.J. 12 (1948). 121-8.
pp. 122-7 deal with E 1878-87.
10a. [HARRISON, J. w.] A. M. Mackay: Pioneer Missionary of the Church Missionary
Society to Uganda. viii--488 pp. m. p. Hodder and Stoughton. 1890.
10b. [HARRISON, J. w.] The Story of the Life of Mackay of Uganda told for boys.
vii+338 pp. p. i. Hodder and Stoughton. 1891.
Mackay helped to keep communications open with E and there are numerous
references to him.
11a. HASSAN, VITA. Die Wahrheit iiber Emin Pascha, die igyptische Aequatorialprovinz
und den Ssudan unter der Mitarbeit von Elie M. Baruck. [Trans. from French by
B. Moritz]. 2v. in 1. xv+223 pp.; vii+246+xiii pp. m. p. Berlin: Reimer. 1893.
Hassan, a Tunisian Jew, arrived at Lado as an apothecary on 14 January 1881
and served Emin until the evacuation of Equatoria.
lib. FOERSTER, P. Vita Hassan iiber Emin Pascha. Munich: Beilage zur Allgemeinen
Zeitung. (1893), 266-7.
Review of a. H6rcher 67.
12. HILL, G. BIRKBECK. Colonel Gordon in Central Africa 1874-1879. 4th ed. xliii + 456 pp.
m. p. facsim. De La Rue. 1885.
Unindexed references to E pp. 185, 187-9. An extensive bibliography of Gordon
appears in R. L. Hill op. cit., pp. 116-23.
13. JUNKER, W. Explorations in Central Africa. R.G.S. Proc. 9 (1887), 399-420. m.
(p. 466.)
14a. JUNKER, W. Reisen in Afrika 1875-1886. 3v. i 1875-8. xvi+586 pp. 1889. ii 1879-82.
xvi+560 pp. 1890. iii 1882-6. xvi+740 pp. 1891. m. p. i. Vienna: Hl6zel. 1889-91.
14b. JUNKER, W. Travels in Africa. Trans. A. H. Keane. 3v. i 1875-8. viii+582 pp. 1890.
ii 1879-83. viii+477 pp. 1891. iii 1882-86. viii+573 pp. 1892. m. p. i. Chapman & Hall.
Junker met E on several occasions between 1876 and 1886, especially during his
stay at Lado Jan.-Jun. 1884. These volumes also contain letters from E pub-
lished in full by Buchta.
15. JUNKER, W. Sept ans de voyage dans l'Afrique Centrale. Cairo: Bull. de la Soc.
Khidiviale de Gdog. Series II. 12 (1887), 629-58.
16a. LOTAR, L. Souvenirs de 1'U616: Emin Pacha. Brussels: Congo 1 of 1933, 333-50.
16b. LOTAR, L. Souvenirs de l'Ul66: Le Gouvernement egyptien. Brussels: Congo 1 of
1938, 361-404, 2 of 1938, 7-58.
17. LUGARD, F. J. D. The Story of the Uganda Protectorate. [v]+175 pp. m. Marshall.
References to E especially for his accounts of Uganda.
18. MACRO, E. Frank Miller Lupton. Khartoum: Sudan Notes and Records, 28 (1947),
50-61. i.
Lupton was governor of Bahr el Ghazal, after Gessi.
19. MESSEDAGLIA, L. Uomini d'Africa. Messedaglia Bey e gli altri collaborator Italiani
di Gordon Pascia. xi+345 pp. m. p. i. Bologna: Cappelli. 1935.
20. SHUKRY, M. F. Equatoria under Egyptian Rule. The Unpublished Correspondence of
Col. (afterwards Major-Gen.) C. G. Gordon with Ismail Khedive of Egypt and the
Sudan during the years 1874-1876. xvii+478 pp. m. Cairo University Press. 1953.
21. STIGAND, C. H. Equatoria: The Lado Enclave. Iv+253 pp. m. p. i. Constable. 1923.
Many references to E especially pp. 163-93.
22. THOMAS, H. B. Richard Buchta and Early Photography in Uganda. U.J. 24 (1960),


23. THOMAS, H. B. Mohammed Biri. U.J. 24 (1960), 123-6.
Biri was caravan leader between Buganda and E, 1885-88.
24a. WILSON, Rev. c. T. and FELKIN, R. w. Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan. 2v. m. p. i.
Low. 1882.
Cordial references to E in 1877-9.
24b. WILSON, Rev. c. T. and FELKIN, R. w. Uganda und der igyptische Sudan. 2v.
Stuttgart: Cotta. 1883.
Horcher 65.
25. WINGATE, F. R. Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan. xxviii+617 pp. m. Macmillan.
References to position of E in Equatoria.
26. ZAGHI, C. Vita di Romolo Gessi. 383 pp. m. p. i. Rome: Ist. per gli Studi di Politica
Internazionale. 1939.
27. ZUCCHINETTI, V. Souvenirs de mon sdjour chez Emin Pacha el Soudani. 17 pp.
Cairo: the Author. 1890.
Rambling account of journey to Equatoria in 1878. Z was a veterinary surgeon.
28. Die Befreiung Emin Pascha's K.P.K. 2 (1886), 387-8.
29. Die Lage Emin Beys. K.P.K. 2 (1886), 349-50.
Two letters from G. Schweinfurth to Dr. Carl Peters.
30. Die Lage von Dr. Emin-Bei und Dr. Wilh. Junker in Ladb. P.M. 31 (1885), 305-7.
31. Emin Pacha chez les Mangbetu and Emin Pacha dans l'Ounyoro. Congo Beige. 5
(1900), 53-4, 68-9.
Horcher 63, 65.
32. [News of Emin received at Zanzibar.] K.P.K. 3 (1887), 238-9.
33. [Report of meeting of 26 Nov. 1886, including communication from F. Bonola BeN
and biographical note on Emin.] Cairo: Bull. de la Soc. Khdd. de Gdog. Series II Supp.
to 12 (1888), 712-8.
34. [Miscellaneous short references to Emin's activities in Equatoria in P.M.] 23 (1877),
39, 79, 159, 361; 24 (1878), 162, 277, 441-2; 26 (1880), 196; 27 (1881), 231, 472:
28 (1882), 191; 29 (1883), 311; 33 (1887), 219.

There is a vast Stanley literature, and in a sense all of it is relevant to the Emin
Pasha Relief Expedition, for the character of Stanley, which is illuminated by his
earlier career, is as significant in assessing the controversial history of the expedi-
tion as the actual events of it. However, to preserve a balance, the entries in this
bibliography are limited to the major lives and to a few more recent studies; a
selection of material published at the time of the Expedition and representative of
varying attitudes to it; and one or two items of special interest. Material on
Stanley's earlier explorations, articles, translations, and a vast number of second-
ary lives in many languages (not all, apparently, available in England) are
listed in such sources as the author catalogue of the British Museum; the Biography
Catalogue of the Royal Commonwealth Society; T. Heyse's 'Centenary
Bibliography of Publications concerning Henry Morton Stanley' journall of the
Royal African Society, 44 (1943), 91-8, 194) continued in 'Bibliographie de
Stanley (Complements)' in Cahiers Belges et Congolaises No. 12, Brussels, 1950,
pp. 60-3; and, for American material, the Bibliography of Farwell (VII: 6).
1. AIMOT, J. M. Stanley: le dernier conquistador. 283 pp. m. Paris: Sfelt. 1951.
pp. 239-60 on EPRE.
2. BETHUNE, L., Baron. La vie d'un hdros: Henry Stanley. 16 pp. p. Brussels: Mouvement
Antiesclavagiste. 1890.
Reprinted from the March issue. pp. 9-16 on EPRE. 16 pp. of adverts. include
press extracts, etc., regarding HMS.
3. DAYE, P. Stanley. 273 pp. m. Paris: Grasset. 1936.
pp. 197-226 on EPRE.


4. DEPAGE, H. Note au sujet de documents in6dits relatifs h deux expeditions de H. M.
Stanley en Afrique central (1874-1877 et 1887-1888). Brussels: Inst. Roy. Col. Beige
Bull. 25 (1954), 129-52. fac.
pp. 143-52 relate to Emin, Stanley and Felkin.
5. ELLIS, J. J. Henry Morton Stanley (Men with a Mission). xi+112 pp. Nisbet 1890.
Pious tribute, pp. 68-112 on EPRE.
6. FARWELL, B. The man who presumed. A Biography of Henry M. Stanley. xvi + 334 pp.
m. p. i. Longmans. 1958.
Straightforward narrative. Useful but sometimes inaccurate bibliography.
pp. 190-301 on EPRE.
7. GOCHET, J. B. (Pseud. ALEXIS-M. G) Stanley l'Africain, sa jeunesse, ses quatre grandes
expeditions dans le continent noir. 3rd ed. 312 pp. m. p. i. Liege: Dessain. 1891.
pp. 211-308 on EPRE, checked for this edition with In Darkest Africa.
8. HIRD, F. H. M. Stanley: the authorized life. 320 pp. m. p. i. Paul. 1935.
Written from HMS's letters and diaries. Account of EPRE pp. 215-90 very
hostile to E. See especially reference to E from HMS's diary on p. 269.
9. KELTIE, J. S. What Stanley has done for the map of Africa. Cont. Rev. 57 (1890),
126-40. m.
Chiefly on EPRE. Also published in New York: Science, 15 (1890) 50-55. m.
10. LITTLE, Rev. H. W. Henry M. Stanley, his Life, Travels and Explorations.
xvi+456 pp. Chapman. 1890.
pp. 385-456 on EPRE.
11. LUWEL, M. Catalogue des manuscripts exposes lors de la commemoration H. M.
Stanley. (Tervuren, 10 mai-30 juin 1954.) Brussels: Inst. Roy. Col. Beige. Bull. 25 (1954),
12. LUWEL, M. H. M. Stanley et son Editeur Marston. Brussels: Revue Coloniale Beige.
10 (1955), 219-21, 289-91. p. i.
13. LUWEL, M. Stanley. 103 pp. p. i. Brussels: Elsevier. 1959.
14. MARSTON, E. After work. Fragments from the workshop of an old publisher.
xiii+ 344 pp. p. i. Heinemann. 1904.
pp. 199-251 relate to HMS, with material on EPRE additional to VIII: 15.
15a. MARSTON, E. How Stanley wrote his book. New York: Scribner's, 8 (1890), 210-22,
m. p. i.
15b. MARSTON, E. How Stanley wrote 'In Darkest Africa. A trip to Cairo and back.
xii+80 pp. Low. m. p. i. 1890.
Marston, HMS's publisher, visited him in Cairo while he was writing In Darkest
Africa; a, describing this, was reissued with "alterations and considerable
additions" as b.
16. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON, A. J. Henry Morton Stanley. (In Our Celebrities, 2 (1890),
4 pp. p.)
Article accompanying portrait (actual photographic print, with fascimile signa-
ture and date 6 May 1890) in series of folio volumes issued by Sampson Low,
17. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON. A. J. Reminiscences of Sir Henry Stanley. New York:
Scribner's, 36 (1904), 285-9. p.
18. NICOLL, D. J. Stanley's exploits; or, civilizing Africa. 2nd ed. 30 pp. cartoon.
Aberdeen: Leatham. 1891.
Penny Socialist pamphlet violently attacking HMS.
19. REDDALL. H. F. Henry M. Stanley 411 pp. m. p. New York: Bonner. [1890.]
Typical contemporary pot-boiler, pp. 298-411 on EPRE based on press reports.
20. REICHARD, P. Stanley. vii+214 pp. p. Berlin: Hofmann. 1897.
pp. 162-194 on EPRE. Based on wide variety of sources.
21a. STANLEY, Lady D. ed. The autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley, G.C.B.
xvii+551 pp. m. p. i. Low. 1909.
Earlier portions by HMS; latter compiled from diaries and notebooks by D.S.
pp. 353-91 relate to EPRE. For French version see Heyse 102.
21b. SCHMIDT, R. Henry Morton Stanleys literarischer Nachlass und sein Urteil iber
Emin Pascha im Hinblick auf die Vorglnge in Deutsch-Ostafrika. D.K. 28 (1911),
750-2. 771-2. 804-5. 822-5. m.


22. SYMONS, A. J. A. H. M. Stanley (Great Lives). 128 pp. Duckworth. 1933.
pp. 78-117 deal with the characters of HMS and E (sympathetically in the case
of the latter), rather than the events of EPRE.
23. WARD, H. Stanley. (In A Voice from the Congo Heinemann, 1910, pp. 157-70.)
24a. WASSERMANN, J. Bula Matari: Das Leben Stanleys. 275 pp. m. p. Berlin: Fischer.
24b. WASSERMANN, J. H. M. Stanley-Explorer. Trans. E. and C. Paul. vii+271 pp.
m. p. i. Cassell. 1932.
pp. 153-261 (German) and 141-250 (English) relate to EPRE. Hostile to E. Blames
deterioration of the rear-guard on deliberate plotting by Tippoo Tib. English
edition has inferior illustrations.
25. Character Sketch: Mr. H. M. Stanley. Review of Reviews, 1 (1890), 20-7.
See also 2 (1890), 47, 538-9, 541-2.
26. Mr. Stanley. Nature, 41 (1889), 73-4.
27. Studies in Character-No. III. Henry M. Stanley. New Review, 2 (1890), 385-98.

The vast literature of Stanley's Emin Pasha Relief Expedition has been divided
into two parts, the first being restricted to the writings of those who were con-
cerned in it or saw it in Africa. There are books or articles by Stanley (arranged
under seven headings, 19-25), Mounteney-Jephson, Parke, Ward, Hoffmann, Troup,
Stairs and, posthumously, Barttelot and Jameson. Marston (VII: 14, p. 250) com-
mented "I believe the whole of the five lieutenants produced manuscripts
which they imagined some publisher would be eager to publish" but there is noth-
ing extant by Nelson, and only a speech by Bonny (21h). From the Congo end J. R.
Werner and Tippoo Tib, and from the East African Rochus Schmidt, Pere Schynse,
Langheld, Vizetelly and Stevens add to the picture.
la. BARTTELOT, Sir w. G. The life of Edmund Musgrave Barttelot from his letters
and diary, xv+413 pp. m. p. i. Bentley. 1890.
lb. BARTTELOT, Sir w. G. Stanleys Nachhut in Yambuya. Trans. E. Oppert. 363 pp.
m. p. Hamburg. 1891.
Ic. BARTTELOT, Sir w. G. Journal et correspondence du major Edmund Musgrave
Barttelot commandant I'arribre-colonne dans l'expedition Stanley a la recherche et au
secours d'Emin Pacha.
Half-title: "Rdponse au livre de M. H. M. Stanley Dans les Td6nbres de
l'Afrique." [vi]+361 pp. m. Paris: Plon. 1891.
2a. BRODE, H. Tippu Tip. Lebensbild eines zentralafrikanischen Despoten. Nach seinen
eigenen Ungaben. [iv]+165 pp. p. Berlin: Baensch. 1905.
2b. BRODE, H. Tippo-Tib: the story of his career in Central Africa. Trans. H. Havelock.
xx+254 pp. m. p. Arnold. 1907.
pp. 127-37 of a, 191-211 of b relate to EPRE.
3. HOFFMANN, w. With Stanley in Africa. vii+284 pp. m. p. i. Cassell. 1938.
pp. 28-164 on EPRE, on which H was HMS's manservant. Of E: "He was not
worthy to be rescued." pp. 232-6 relate to the execution of E's murderers but
dates and facts are unreliable.
4a. JAMESON, J. S. Story of the rear column of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition; by
the late J.s.J., edited by Mrs. J.s.J. xxxii+455 pp. m. p. i. Porter. 1890
4b. JAMESON, J. s. Forschungen und Erlebnisse im "Dunkelsten Afrika". Geschichte
der Nachhut der Emin-Pascha-Entsach-Expedition. 432 pp. m. p. i. Hamburg. 1891.
Based on diaries and letters.
5. LANGHELD, W. Zwanzig Jahre in deutschen Kolonien. xii+431 pp. m. p. i. Berlin:
Weicher. 1909.
Langheld met the EPRE at Msura 29 Nov. 1889. See pp. 8-10, 21-101.
6. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON. A. J. Our march with a starving column: and The Relief of
Captain Nelson. New York: Scribners 9 (1891). 267-81, 500-14. i.
Events of Oct.-17 Nov. 1887.



7a. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON, A. J. In Camp with Stanley. New York: Cosmopolitan, 12
(1892), 287-95. m. p. i.
Life at Fort Bodo, Jan. 1888.
7b. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON, A. J. Stories told in an African forest by grown-up children
of Africa. xi+168 pp. i. Low. 1893.
Children's stories from African legends. Introductory chapter and other parts
deal with life at Fort Bodo, Jan.-Apr. 1888, including material and pictures
used in a.
8a. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON, A. J. Emin Pasha and the rebellion at the Equator. A story
of nine months' experiences in the last of the Soudan provinces. xxiv+490 pp. m. p. i.
Low. 1890.
Deals chiefly with Apr. 1888-Jan. 1889. Preface by HMS.
8b. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON, A. J. Emin Pacha et la rebellion a l'Equateur. Neuf mois
d'aventures dans la plus reculde des provinces Soudanaises. 352 pp. m. p. i. Paris:
Hachette. 1891.
8c. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON, A. J. Emin Pascha und die Meuterei in Aequatoria. Neun-
monatlicher Aufenthalt und Gesangenschaft in der letzten der Sudan-Provinzen. Trans.
H. von Wobeser. xxiii+462 pp. m. p. i. Leipzig: Brockhaus. 1890.
8d. WHITE, A. S. The relief of Emin Pacha. S.G.M. 6 (1890), 638-50.
Extensive review, favourable to E, of a.
9. MOUNTENEY-JEPHSON, A. J. The Truth about Stanley and Emin Pasha. Fort. Rev.
n.s. 49 (1891), 14-20.
Reply to Carl Peters (IX: 27).
10a. PARKE, T. H. My personal experiences in Equatorial Africa as medical officer of
the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. xxvii+526 pp. m. p. i. Low. 1891.
Chiefly from journal 20 Jan. 1887-31 Aug. 1889.
10b. HANNIGAN, D. F. Surgeon Parke's African experiences. West. Rev. 137 (1892), 28-35.
Review of a, summarizing rather than criticizing.
11. PARKE, T. H. Reminiscences of Africa. United Service Mag. N.S. 6 (1892-3), 324-33,
344-56, 446-56.
Chiefly on native peoples.
12. PARKE, T. H. Visit of Surgeon T. H. Parke, A.M.D. to Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
Newcastle: Tyneside Geog. Soc. Jour. (1889-90), 1-7: Manchester Geog. Soc. Jour. 6
(1890), 147-53.
13. PULESTON, F. African Drums. 352 pp. i. Gollancz. 1930.
Sensational reminiscences by trader in Africa 1882-96; pp. 111-2, 263-78 relate
to his meeting the EPRE in 1887 and include hostile comments on E.
14. SCHMIDT, R. Deutschlands Kolonien: ihre Gestaltung, Entwickelung und Hilfsquellen.
v. I Ost Afrika. xxi+296 pp. m. p. i. Berlin: Schall and Grund. 1894.
pp. 197-218 relate to EPRE and other events of E's life.
15. SCHMIDT, R. Geschichte des Araberaufstandes in Ost-Afrika [vi]+360 pp. m.
Frankfurt: Trowitsch. 1892.
S met E at Mpwapwa 10 Nov. 1890 and accompanied him to the coast. See pp.
121-40, 335-48.
16. SCHMIDT, R. Kolonialpioniere. 302 pp. Berlin: Boldt. 1938.
pp. 143-86 relate to E.
17a. SCHYNSE, A. Mit Stanley und Emin Pascha durch Deutsch Ost-Afrika. Reise-
Tagebuch. Herausgegeben von Karl Hespers. xxviii+88 pp. Koln: Bachem. 1890.
17b. SCHYNSE, A. A travers l'Afrique avec Stanley et Emin-Pacha. xi+299 pp. Paris:
Hinrichsen. 1890.
Pere Schynse joined E and HMS at Ikungu 18 Oct. 1889.
18a. STAIRS, W. G. Shut up in the African Forest. 19th Cent. 29 (1891), 45-62.
Apr.-Dec. 1888, at Fort Bodo. Chiefly journal extracts.
18b. STAIRS, w. G. From the Albert Nyanza to the Indian Ocean. 19th Cent. 29 (1891),
1st Apr.-Sth Dec. 1889. Favourable picture of E.
19. STANLEY, H. M. [Letters from Africa.]
19a. Letter from Mr. H. M. Stanley, on his Journey from Yambuya Camp to the
Albert Nyanza [1 Sep. 1888] R.G.S. Proc. 11 (1889), 261-73. m.



19b. Letter from Mr. H. M. Stanley, on his Journey from the Albert Nyanza to the
southern side of Victoria Nyanza. [17 Aug. 1889. Includes Lt. Stairs's account of his
ascent of Ruwenzori, dated 8 Jun. 1889.] R.G.S. Proc. 11 (1889) 720-30: S.G.M. 6
(1890), 16-25.
19c. Stanley's explorations. New York: Science 15 (1890), 2-5.
Reprint of b.
20. STANLEY, H. M. [Letters edited by J. Scott Keltie.]
20a. The Story of Emin's Rescue as told in H. M. Stanley's letters. 190 pp. m. Low. 1890.
Completed Dec. 1889: a cheap account compiled with H.M.S's permission, chiefly
from published letters. The American edition, The story of Emin's Rescue as told
in Stanley's letters, 176 pp. m. p. New York: Harper. 1890, contains 'Africa's
Cortez' by David Ker, pp. 171-6.
20b. Stanley's Briefe iiber Emin Pascha's Befreiung. Trans. H. von Wobeser. 6th ed.
xii+ 137 pp. m. Leipzig: Brockhaus. 1890.
pp. 131-7 contain letter to Alexander Bruce 15 Oct. 1889.
20c. La ddlivrance d'Emin Pascha, d'apres les lettres de H. M. Stanley. 200 pp. Paris:
Hachette. 1890.
21. STANLEY, H. M. [Interviews, Speeches and Receptions.]
21a. Stanley au Caire. Cairo: Bull. de la Soc. Khddiviale de Gdog. Series III. 5 (1890),
21b. DU FIEF, J. H. M. Stanley a la Socidt6 Royale Beige de G6ographie de Bruxelles
(24 Apr. 1890). Brussels: Soc. Roy. Beige de Gdog. 14 (1890), 187-217.
21c. Le Retour Triomphal de Stanley. [25 Apr. 1890.] Antwerp: Bull. de la Soc. Roy.
de Gdog. 14 (1889-90), 197-261.
21d. HARRY, G. Conversations avec Stanley. [From L'Inddpendance.] Antwerp: Bull. de
la Soc. Roy. de Geog. 14 (1889-90), 262-99.
21e. Geographical results of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. [Speech at Albert Hall
5 May 1890.] R.G.S. Proc. 12 (1890), 313-31. m.
21f. Souvenir of Dinner to Sir H. M. Stanley, G.C.B. [30 May 1890.] 12 pp. 1890.
Contains signed photos of HMS, Stairs, Parke, Nelson and Mounteney-
Jephson. HMS did not in fact receive the G.C.B. until 1899.
21g. The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. S.G.M. 6 (1890), 337-53.
Lecture delivered in four Scottish cities in June 1890.
21h. Addresses delivered in connection with the visit of Mr. H. M. Stanley and Mr. W.
Bonny to Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 19 Jun. 1890. Newcastle: Tyneside Geog. Soc. Jour.
(1889-90). Special Supplement 1-16. m. [From Newcastle Daily Chronicle 20 Jun. 1890.]
21i. The Stanley Reception [includes address by HMS in Free Trade Hall 20 Jun. 1890,
meeting of City Council 22 Jun. 1890 and Luncheon in the Town Hall]. Manchester
Geog. Soc. Jour. 6 (1890), 113-47. m. p.
21j. The Geographical Dinner to Mr. H. M. Stanley. 3 Jul. 1890. R.G.S. Proc. 12
(1890), 488-501.
These are only a fraction of the gatherings in honour of HMS. On his American
tour he addressed over 100 meetings-see Heyse: Centenary Bibliography item
22. STANLEY, H. M. [Texts of lectures.]
22a. Across Africa, and the Rescue and Retreat of Emin Pasha. 35 pp. Clowes. 1890.
22b. The Great Forest of Central Africa; its Cannibals and Pigmies. 40 pp. Clowes. 1890.
22c. The Rescue of Emin Pasha and our march athwart Darkest Africa. 41 pp.
Clowes. 1890.
Printed in large type in folio size, 'for the author', these are presumably for use
in his lecture tours. Each covers most of the journey, but with varying emphases;
b is anti-German and c is most hostile to E.
23. STANLEY, H. M. [Articles.]
23a. The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. New York: Scribners. 7 (1890), 663-92. m. p. i.
Excerpts from the forthcoming In Darkest Africa.
23b. The Pigmies of the Great African Forest. New York: Scribners. 9 (1891), 3-17. i.
24. STANLEY, H. M. In Darkest Africa.
24a. In Darkest Africa or the quest rescue and retreat of Emin Governor of
Equatoria. 2v.: xv+529 pp.; xv+472 pp. m. p. i. Low. 1890.
Brown cloth binding, pictorial design. 150 woodblock illusts. from HMS's



photographs, notes and sketches; 3 maps. These illusts. are in b to e also, with
some variations in frontispiece portraits. Volumes separately indexed.
24b. In Darkest Africa or the quest, rescue, and retreat of Emin Governor of
Equatoria. 2v.: xv+529 pp.; xv+472 pp. m. p. i. Low. 1890. (Demy 4to edition de
luxe of 250 signed copies.)
Leather and vellum binding, gold lettering. Textually identical with a, but illusts.
better reproduced and 6 additional etchings by M. G. Montbard.
24c. In Darkest Africa or the quest, rescue, and retreat of Emin Governor of
Equatoria. 2v.: xiv+547 pp.; xvi+540 pp. m. p. i. New York: Scribners. 1891.
Green cloth binding, pictorial design, different from a. Higher pagination due to
numbering of plates, and single index in v. ii.
24d. Dans les Tenebres de l'Afrique. Recherche, ddlivrance et retraite d'Emin Pacha.
2v. 518 pp.; 484 pp. m. p. i. Paris: Hachette. 1890.
24e. Im dunkelsten Afrika, Aufsuchnung, Rettung und Riickzug Emin Pascha's Trans.
H. Von Wobeser. 2v. xii+515 pp., viii+480 pp. m. p. i. Leipsig: Brockhaus. 1890.
Pictorial paper covers. Includes facsim. and trans. of important letter from
HMS to Brockhaus, 27 May 1890, discussing E and German policy in Africa.
Portions appear in Jephson (VIII: 8a, p. viii).
24f. Dans les Tenebres de l'Afrique. Int. & Notes by Leo Lejeune. v. I. La recherche
d'Emin Pacha. 260 pp. v. II. La delivrance d'Emin Pacha. 304 pp. v. III. La retraite
d'Emin Pacha. 271 pp. m. p. i. Namur: Grands Lacs (Digests Congolaises 6-7). 1956-7.
24g. I det m6rkeste Afrika. 2 v. Christiana, 1890.
24h. I det m6rkaste Afrika. 2 v. Stockholm. 1890.
24i. Nell' Africa tenebrosa. 2 v. Milan. 1890.
24j. Stanley in Afrika's donkere wildernissen. 2 v. Arnhem & Nijmegen. 1890-1.
24k. V nejtemnejf Africe. 3 v. Prague, 1890-1.
241. A legsbittebb Afrikdban. 2 v. Budapest, 1891.
24m. En el Africa tenebrosa. xx+840 pp. folio. Barcelona, 1891.
24n. W CzeluSciach Afryki. 712 pp. (abridged) Warsaw. 1891.
Items g to n are given in shortened form from the Brit. Museum Catalogue
(which also has a Greek edition and a school edition of 1925?-Grant, 130 pp.)
to indicate the widespread publication of HMS's version of events. See also
Marston (VII: 14, pp. 237-8).
25. STANLEY, H. M. [Reviews of In Darkest Africa.]
25a. Anti-Slavery Reporter. Series 4. 10 (1890), 188-90.
25b. Athenaeum. No. 3271 5 July 1890, 30-1.
25c. The New-Found World and its hero. Blackwood. 148 (1890), 233-50.
25d. NORTON, M. B. Stanley and His Work in Africa. Chicago: Dial 11 (1890), 234-7.
Includes reviews of other books.
25e. Stanley's neuestes Reisewerk. D.R. 12 (1889-90), 548-51.
25f. Im dunkelsten Afrika. D.K. 3 (1890), 182-4.
25g. In Darkest Africa. Edin. Rev. 172 (1890), 372-88.
25h. KELTIE, J. S. Mr. Stanley's expedition: its conduct and results. Fort. Rev. N.S. 48
(1890), 66-81.
25i. The Relief of Emin Pacha. Lond. Quart. Rev. 75 (1890), 25-48.
25k. R.G.S. Proc. 12 (1890), 502-5. [By H. H. Johnston.]
251. Mr. Stanley's Book. Spectator, 65 (1890), 52-4.
25m. Mr. Stanley's New Book. West Rev. 134 (1890), 117-27.
26. STEVENS, T. Scouting for Stanley in East Africa. vii+288 pp. p. i. Cassell. 1890.
Misleadingly titled account by rep. of N.Y. World sent to Africa Jan. 1889. pp.
235-88 relate to meeting EPRE at Msura Nov. 1889 and thence to coast.
27. TRoUP, J. R. Mr. Stanley's rear-guard. Fort. Rev. N.S. 48 (1890), 817-29.
Vigorous reply to HMS's strictures on the rear-guard officers.
28. TROUP, J. R. With Stanley's rear column, xii+361 pp. m. p. i. Chapman & Hall. 1890.
Extracts from diaries and letters included, also C. 5601 (38a below).



29. TROUP, J. R. A word about the rear-guard. New York: North American Rev. 152
(1891), 319-31.
30. VIZETELLY, E. H. From Cyprus to Zanzibar by the Egyptian Delta xx+480 pp.
p. i. Pearson. 1901.
Reporter of New York Herald. pp. 428-53 deal with meeting EPRE at Msura
and thence to coast. Superficial. See Schweitzer i, 329.
31. WARD, H. Five years with the Congo Cannibals. xv+308 pp. m. p. i. Chatto. 1890.
pp. 4-17, 215-306 deal with EPRE. For French and German versions see Heyse
32. WARD, H. Martyrs to a new crusade. English III. Mag. (1893), 105-9. p.
Non-controversial tribute to Parke, Barttelot, Jameson, Stairs, Nelson and the
Zanzibari porters of EPRE.
33. WARD, H. My life with Stanley's Rear Guard. viii+163 pp. m. Chatto. 1891.
Narrative includes diary extracts; pp. 148-63 contain 'My reply to Mr. Stanley'
provoked by statements of 3 Dec. 1890 reported in the New York Tribune. See
also A.S.R. Series 4, 11 (1891), 23-4.
34. WERNER, J. R. The Congo, and the Ngala and Aruwimi tributaries. R.G.S. Proc. 11
(1889), 342-51.
Includes account of his visit to the rear-guard.
35. WERNER, J. R. The Herald of the Dawn. Strand Mag. 3 (1892), 33-41. p. i.
Account of an episode behind the rear-guard.
36a. WERNER, J. R. A visit to Stanley's Rear-Guard at Major Barttelot's camp on the
Aruhwimi with an account of river-life on the Congo. xvii+337 pp. m. p. i. Black-
wood. 1889.
pp. 172-286 deal with the visit and events connected with EPRE.
36b. WERNER, J. R. Major Barttelot's camp on the Aruhwimi. Blackwood, 145 (1889),
153-79. m.
Verbatim extracts of pp. 213-99, 314-5 of a.
37. WERNER, J. R. The Mistakes of Mr. Stanley. Paternoster Rev. (1891).
Noted in Review of Reviews, 3 (1891), 202.
38a. Correspondence respecting the expedition for the Relief of Emin Pasha 1886-87.
Africa. No. 8 (1888). C.5601. iii+25 pp. H.M.S.O. 1888.
38b. Paper respecting the reported capture of Emin Pasha and Mr. Stanley. Africa.
No. 9 (1888). C.5602. 1 p. H.M.S.O. 1888.
38c. Correspondence respecting Mr. Stanley's expedition for the relief of Emin Pasha.
Africa. No. 4 (1890). C.5906. 17 pp. H.M.S.O. 1890,
a concerns planning, b is a telegram from Baring at Cairo 15 Aug. 1888, c is
chiefly a report by HMS 19 Dec. 1889.

The items in this section include accounts of the expedition, both separately and in
other books, by writers who did not take part in it, as well as some of the contro-
versial writing that it provoked. The public interest in the subject can be seen in
the pages of the British Museum catalogue where, in addition to numerous
'scissors-and-paste' lives of Stanley (see VII), including one in Welsh, and items
listed below, there are publications such as Aurora Borealis; or, welcome song to
the Great African Explorer H. M. Stanley from Iceland, Reykjavik, 1890; Stanley
in Africa, 16 pages of vivid coloured pictures published as no. 14 of Dean's Gold
Medal Series, 1890; and New instructive and amusing game. Stanley's march across
the Dark Continent for the relief of Emin Pasha. London, 1890. (This alas! no
longer appears.)
1. "AFRICANUS". New Light on the Emin Relief Expedition. Imperial and Asiatic Quart.
Rev. 2nd series. 1 (1891), 337-56.
Suggesting arbitration on problems of EPRE.


2. BECKER, A. and others. Hermann von Wissmann: Deutschlands gr6sster Afrikaner ...
2nd ed. xii+581 pp. m. p. i. Berlin: Schall. 1907.
'Die Mpapua-Expedition' by Rochus Schmidt, pp. 252-91 and other references.
3. BLINK, H. Lotgevallen van Stanley in Afrika's donkere wildernissen bij de opsporing
van Emin Pacha. 176 pp. Antwerp: Opdebeeck. 1930.
Heyse. Cahiers Belges et Congolaises, 12, item 146.
4. BOURNE, H. R. F. The other side of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. x+202 pp.
Chatto. 1891.
Attack on HMS for not giving E supplies, for enhancing Tippoo Tib's status,
and for ill-treating natives.
5. BROWN, R. The Story of Africa and its explorers. 4v. Cassell. 1894. m. p. i.
iii pp. 25-75 relate to EPRE. Useful illustrations.
6. BUEL, J. w. Heroes of the Dark Continent and how Stanley found Emin Pasha.
Boston: Desmond. 1889.
Unauthorized American account from second-hand sources. Farwell 322.
7. BURNAND, F. C. A New Light Thrown Across (The-keep-it-quite) Darkest Africa, A
Satirical and Humorous Sketch. 176 pp. i. Trischler. 1891.
This satire by the editor of Punch sold at least 38,000 copies.
8. CEULEMANS, PERE P. La question arabe et le Congo (1883-1892). 396 pp. m. Brussels:
Acad. Roy. des. Sciences Coloniales. 1959.
Numerous references to E especially pp. 86-121, 'Au secours d'Emin Pacha et
la reconciliation avec Tippo Tip'.
9. DE WINTON, Sir F. The Congo: its past and present. S.G.M. 3 (1887), 113-27.
pp. 124-6 deal with EPRE.
10. DU FIEF, J. Stanley au secours d'emin-Pacha. Brussels: Soc. Roy. Beige de Gdog. 13
(1889), 633-79.
Numerous other refs. in this vol. e.g., pp. 132-5, 276-89, 371-2, 492-3, 720.
II. EGLI, H. Ueber Emin Pascha und die Stanley Expedition. 39 pp. Berne. 1888.
Two lectures of Mar. and Nov. 1888.
12. FELKIN, R. w. Stanley's Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. Newbery House Magazine. 2
(1890), 612-9.
Non-committal survey.
13. GILBERT, P. La dl6ivrance d'Emin Pacha. Brussels: Revue Gindrale. (1890). 162-94.
Cahiers Belges et Congolaises, 29, item 2453.
14. GODKIN, E. L. Was the Emin Pasha Expedition piratical? Forum. (1891).
Farwell 324.
15. GRAY, Sir J. M. Stanley versus Tippoo Tib. Dar-es-Salaam: Tanganyika Notes and
Records. No. 18 (1944), 11-27. facsims.
HMS's lawsuit against Tippoo Tib after EPRE. Critical of HMS.
16. H*** Stanley und Emin Pascha in Inner-Afrika (Begleitworte zur Karte 'Stanley's
und Emin's Reisegebiete in Inner-Afrika'). D.R. 12 (1889-90), 145-6. m.
17. Illustrated London News. Stanley and Emin (cover title). The Emin Pasha Relief
Expedition (inside title). 32 pp. m. p. i. Illustrated London News. 1890.
Twenty-four illustrations based on sketches, and narrative from accounts, of
members of EPRE. Large folding portrait of Stanley.
18. JAGER, H. Die Stanleysche Emin Expedition und ihre Auftraggeber. 134 pp. Hanover:
Linden. 1891.
H6rcher 69.
19. JOHNSTON, Sir H. H. Where is Stanley? Fort Rev. n.s. 44 (1888), 593-602.
20. KINGSTON, W. H. G. and LOW, C. R. Great African travellers from Bruce and Mungo
Park to Livingstone and Stanley. xvi+509 pp. m. p. i. Routledge. 1890.
EPRE pp. 446-509 from HMS's published letters and lectures. 10 ill. from 17.
21. KIRCHHOFF, A. Stanley und Emin nach Stanleys eieenem Werke. 42 pp. p. Halle:
Otto Hendel. 1890.
22. LUWEL, M. Henry Morton Stanley et Rochus Schmidt. Brussels: Revue Coloniale
Belge, 6 (1951), 389-92. p. i. facsims.
23. MANNING, o. The remarkable expedition: the story of Stanley's Rescue of Emin
Pasha from Equatorial Africa. 273 pp. m. Heinemann. 1947.

24. MARC, E. Emin-Pacha et 1'exp6dition Stanley. Bordeaux: Bull. de la Soc. de Geog.
Commercial, 10 (1887), 225-33, 257-71.
25. PEABODY, S. H. With Emin in Equatoria, and the Rear Column Story. Chicago:
Dial, 12 (1891), 41-5.
Review article on Casati (VI: 3) and Troup (VIII: 28).
26. PRRIER, G-D. Un artiste dans l'arribre-garde de Stanley: Herbert Ward. Brussels:
La Revue Beige, 11 (1934), 125-34.
27. PETERS, CARL F. H. Stanley and Emin Pasha. Cont. Rev. 58 (1890), 634-8.
Criticisms of HMS's conflicting offers made to, and general attitude towards, E,
based on conversations with E at Mpwapwa.
28. QUILTER H. Mr. H. M. Stanley: as Leader and Comrade and An African Bubble!
and How it was Blown. Universal Review 8 (1890), 313-65, 469-98.
Consecutive articles violently attacking HMS, especially over rear-guard.
29. RATZEL, F. Versuch einer Zusammenfassung der wissenschaftlichen Ergebnisse der
Stanleyschen Durchquerung. P.M. 36 (1890), 257-62, 281-96.
30. REINHARDT, F. Die englische Emin-Entsatz-Expedition 1890. (Sammlung gemeinver
standlicher wissenschaftlicher Vortrage .Neue Folge Heft 107.) 46 pp. m.
Hamburg: Richter. 1890.
31. RUMBAUR, o. Stanley's siimtliche Reisen in Afrika und Emin Paschas Wissmanns
Dr. Peters Erlebnisse im dunkeln Erdteil. 2v. i. Berlin: (?1891).
32. SCHIFFERS, H. The quest for Africa: Two Thousand Years of Exploration. Trans.
Diana Pyke. 352 pp. m. i. Odhams. [1957.]
EPRE pp. 222-63. Scrappy and inaccurate.
33a. scorer, E. P. Stanley; and his heroic relief of Emin Pasha. 246 pp. m. p. i.
Dean. 1890.
33b. scoTT, E. P. Stanley und Emin Pascha. Die Geschichte der Befreiung Emin Paschas.
Trans. H. Heinrich. 232 pp. m. p. i. Stuttgart: Krais. 1890.
English ed. has Introduction pp. v-xi lacking in the German: the German, which
was issued in five parts, has a final chapter, pp. 229-32, not in the English.
34. SEILER, F. Der schwarze Erdteil v+601 pp. m. p. i. Beilefeld: Velhagen and
Klasing. 1891.
'Emin Pascha und Stanley', pp. 371-421.
35. SLADE, R. M. English-Speaking Missions in the Congo Independent State (1878-1908.)
432 pp. m. Brussels: Academie Royale des Sciences Coloniales. 1959.
References to use of mission steamers for EPRE.
36. SMITH, R. Stanley in Tropical Africa. His travels, heroism and discoveries and gallant
relief of Emin Pasha. 4th ed. viii+ 196 pp. m. p. i. Ward, Lock. 1890.
pp. 33-196 on EPRE. Numerous illustrations. Typical pot-boiler.
37. SMITH, R. BOSWORTH. Englishmen in Africa. Cont. Rev. 59 (1891), 69-76.
Chiefly on rear-guard and responsibility of Europeans to Africans in develop-
ment of Africa.
38. THOMSON, Rev. J. B. Joseph Thomson: African Explorer. xv+358 pp. m. p. i.
Low. 1896.
JT was considered as leader of an EPRE via Masailand. See pp. 181-5, 228-30,
39. VOLZ, B. Emin Paschas Entsatz und Stanleys Zug durch das 'dunkelste Afrika' nach
Stanleys Berichten und Emins Briefen fiir weitere Kreise dargestellt von B.V.
xii+324 pp. m. i. Leipzig: Brockhaus. 1891.
40. WARD, S. A Valiant Gentleman being the biography of Herbert Ward artist and
man of action. xv+276 pp. p. i. Chapman & Hall. 1928.
pp. 61-117, 131-5 on EPRE, including extracts from letters.
41a. WAUTERS, A. J. Stanley au secours d'Emin Pacha. iv+424 pp. m. i. Brussels: Inst.
Nat. de Gdog. 1890. Also Paris: Quantin.
41b. WAUTERS, A. J. Stanley's Emin Pasha expedition, xvii + 378 pp. m. p. i. Nimmo. 1890.
42. WOLSELEY, Gen. Viscount, DALY, C. P., HUBBARD, J. M. and BOAS. F. "Is Stanley
Dead?" (Symposium.) North American Rev. 147 (1888), 601-15.
43. The Central African Question. Blackwood, 143 (1888), 547-56.
Urging the strengthening of E in Equatoria as an outpost of civilization.
44. The critical position of Europeans in Central Africa. Blackwood, 146 (1889), 144-56.
General survey; denounces Tippoo Tib for death of Barttelot and slave trade.


45. The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. Manchester: Geog. Soc. Jour. 3 (1887-8),
253-5. m. [From the Graphic 21 Jan. 1888.]
46. The Emin Relief Expedition. Aborigines Friend, n.s. 4 (1890), 89-100.
Attack on HMS.
47. Livingstone and Stanley: the Story of the opening up of the dark continent. 151 pp.
i. Chambers. 1895.
pp. 130-47 on EPRE.
48. Mr. Stanley and his rearguard. Saturday Rev. 70 (1890), 495-6.
Hostile to HMS. See also 65 (1888), 750-1, 68 (1889), 603.
49. Mr. Stanley and the rear column: what should the verdict be? Cont. Rev. 58 (1890),
Temperate survey, considering blame for the route and the selection of the
temperamentally unsuitable Barttelot.
50. Neue Expedition zum Entsatze Emin Paschas [Montague Kerr]. D.R. 10 (1887-8), 184.
Kerr died 1888, following abandonment of expedition at Zanzibar on account
of illness.
51a. The Stanley Medal of the Royal Geographical Society. R.G.S. Proc. 12 (1890),
287. i. (facing p. 257).
51b. The Stanley Medal. New York: Science 15 (1890), 309. i.
52. Stanley's Expedition: a retrospect. Fort. Rev. n.s. 47 (1890), 80-96.
53. Stanley's Zug zu Emin Pascha. D.R. 11 (1888-9), 361-7.
54. [References to EPRE in D.K.] 4 (1887), 73, 107. 134, 329, 601-2, 657, 719-20;
n. s. 1 (1888), 202, 308, 323, 411, 422; 2 (1889), 16, 31, 118-9, 133, 319, 333, 350,
358-9, 369; 3 (1890), 17-8, 39, 51, 101-2, 281-2.
55. [References to EPRE in D.R.] 9 (1886-7), 281, 326, 424, 472, 519, 570-1; 10 (1887-8),
41, 136, 184, 231, 281-2, 326-7, 375, 422-3, 471-2, 522, 572; 11 (1888-9), 41, 134, 230-1,
328-9, 471, 519; 12 (1889-90), 39, 88, 232.
56. [References to EPRE in P.M.] 33 (1887), 30-1, 57, 123, 218, 250-1, 287, 319:
34 (1888), 29-30, 122-3, 223-4, 285, 316-7, 347-8, 371; 35 (1889), 29-30, 54, 183, 278-9,
294-6, 36 (1890), 30, 135, 159.
57. [References to EPRE in the Spectator.] 62 (1889), 471-3; 63 (1889), 629-30, 747-8:
64 (1890), 115-6, 614.

This section includes accounts of the Carl Peters Expedition, which met Emin
only after he had begun his return to the interior in 1890, and some material on
the events and discussions leading to the Expedition's despatch. A survey of the
attitude of the German press to Emin will be found in Schweitzer, i pp. 255-65
and 321-7.
1. F***. Emin Pascha und die deutschen Interessen. D.K 4 (1887), 125-6.
2. H***. Peters deutsche Emin Pascha-Expedition. D.R. 13 (1890-1), 343-51. i.
3a. PETERS, C. F. H. Die deutsche Emin-Pascha-Expedition. vii+560 pp. m. p. i. Munich
and Leipzig: Oldenbourg. 1891.
3b. PETERS, C. F. H. Die Deutsche Emin-Pascha-Expedition. (In his Gesammelte
Schriften, ii, 1943, pp. 1-481: notes, etc. pp. 531-58.)
3c. PETERS, C. F. H. New light on Dark Africa: being the narrative of the German
Emin Pasha Expedition. Trans. H. W. Dulcken. xviii+597 pp. m. p. i. Ward, Lock. 1891.
pp. 511-24 of a, 536-51 of c, relate to meeting E. See also IX: 27.
3d. Reviews of a in D.K. 4 (1891), 61-2; of c in A.S.R. Series 4. 11 (1891), 126-32.
4. PETERS, C. F. H. and TIEDEMANN, A. VON. Die Deutsche Emin Pascha-Expedition [and
similar titles]. D.K. n.s. 2 (1889), 235-40, m., 294-6, 315-6, 328-31, 3 (1890), 2-9, 127-8.
Letters received from the Expedition.
5. RUST, Brevet-Capt. Die deutsche Emin Pascha-Expedition. 191 pp. in. Berlin: Luck-
hardt. 1890.
By a member of the Expedition in its early stages.
6. SACHSE. Emin-Pascha-Expedition. Berlin. 1888.
H6rcher 69. S was administrative Vice-President of the Kolonialgesellschaft.



7. TIEDEMANN, A. VON. Tana-Baringo-Nil. Mit Karl Peters zu Emin Pascha. [vii] + 332 pp.
m. p. i. Berlin: Walther. 1892.
pp. 303-8 relate to meeting E.
8. TIEDEMANN, A. VON. Uber die deutsche Emin Pascha-Expedition. Griefswald:
Jahresberichte G. Ges. 5 (1890-1).
Hill 146.
9. WICHTERICH, R. Dr. Carl Peters. Der Weg eines Patrioten. 197 pp. m. p. i. Berlin:
Keil. 1934.
Of numerous lives of Peters-see, e.g., Muller (V: 15) pp. 24-5-this is notable
for its illustrations (see Appendix). pp. 108-25 relate to the Expedition.
10. WISSMANN, H. Die Bedeutung der deutschen Emin Pascha-Expedition fuir die
Erschliekung von Afrika. D.K. n.s. 1 (1888), 309-10.
11. WOLDT, U. Unser Landsmann Emin Bei. D.K. 4 (1887), 7-11.
12. Vorlegt dem Reichstage in der 5 Session der 7 Legisl.-Periode Teil 8 u 10. Berlin:
Heymann. 1890, 1891.
Horcher 66.
13. [References to the Expedition in D.K.] n.s. 1 (1888), 122, 255, 271, 281, 299, 300,
301-2, 308, 312-6, 322-3, 325-6, 331, 347, 352, 361-3, 374, 384, 385, 402, 410, 411, 430-1,
436: 2 (1889), 31, 64, 80, 133, 136, 144, 160, 186, 221-2, 226-7, 264, 267, 333, 334, 335-6,
350-1, 361-2; 3 (1890), 39, 53-4+1-2, 75, 77, 90, 165-6, 319-20, 326, 327; 4 (1891), 38.
14. [References to the Expedition in D.R.] 10 (1887-8), 572; 11 (1888-9), 42; 12 (1889-90),
134, 182, 231, 374-5, 423, 471, 519.
15. [References to the Expedition in P.M.] 35 (1889), 206-7, 230-1, 279, 296; 36 (1890).
30-1, 84, 110, 135, 159, 183, 208; 37 (1891), 30, 128.

XI THE LAST PHASE, 1890-1892

Material on the final portion of Emin's life, between his entry into German service
and his murder, is scattered. In addition to the following items, reference should
be made to Schweitzer (V: 28) and the later items in II.
1. HINDE, S. L. The Fall of the Congo Arabs. viii+308 pp. m. p. Methuen. 1897.
Touches on E's last journey and the capture of his murderers.
2. KOBELT, w. Emin Pascha's letzte Reise. Vom Fels zum Meer, 13 (1893-4), pt. 2, 80.
Hbrcher 67.
3. LEBLOND, G. Le Pare Auguste Achte des Missionaires d'Afrique (Peres Blancs).
xiv+444 pp. m. p. i. Algiers: Maison-Carrie. 1912.
Achte travelled to the interior with E, Apr.-Aug. 1890 and met him again in
Oct. pp. 90-117 relate.
4. LUGARD, F. D. The Rise of our East African Empire ... 2 v. m. p. i. Blackwood. 1893.
Lugard never met E but they exchanged letters and Lugard crossed the track of
E's last journey on several occasions. See particularly vol. ii.
5. MOHUN, R. D. The death of Emin Pasha. New York: Century Magazine, 49 (1895).
591-8. m. p. i.
Account by U.S. Agent in Congo Free State of arrest of Mamba and Ismailia,
E's murderers in Apr. 1894.
6. PERHAM, M. Lugard. The years of Adventure, 1858-1898. xv+750 pp. m. p. i.
Collins. 1956.
7. PERHAM, M. and BULL, M. eds. The Diaries of Lord Lugard: East Africa 1889-1892.
3 v. Faber. 1959.
See note to 4. Numerous refs. to E-about 70 in vol. ii, Dec. 1890-Dec. 1891.
8a. STUHLMANN, F. Dr. Emin Paschas letzte Expedition, 1891. P.M. 38 (1892), 142-8.
8b. Emin Pasha's Expedition to Lake Albert Edward and Lake Albert. R.G.S. Proc. 14
(1892), 540-6. m.
Derived chiefly from a.
9. STUHLMANN, F. Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika. Ein Reisebericht mit Beitrigen
von Dr. Emin Pascha, in seinem Auftrage geschildert. xxii+901 pp. m. p. i. Berlin:
Reimer. 1894.
Magnificently produced, immensely detailed and fully illustrated. Study of E's


character pp. 608-15. Bibliography of the scientific results of the expedition pp.
10. STUHLMANN, F. Ober seine Reise mit Dr. Emin Pascha. (5 Nov. 1892.) Berlin: Verh.
d. Gesell. fiir Erdkunde, 19 (1892), 487-92. m. (facing 564).
11. SUPAN, A. Note on map of Emin Pasha's Journey. P.M. 38 (1892), 214 (map facing
this page).
12. THOMAS, H. 8. Emin Pasha-a last portrait. U.J. 16 (1952), 175-6. p. i.
Gedge's meeting with E, Dec. 1890 at Bukoba.
13. TUCKER, Rt. Rev. A. R. Eighteen Years in Uganda and East Africa. 2 v. m. p. i.
Arnold. 1908.
Meeting with E, Bukoba, Dec. 1890 and Feb. 1891; i 79, 131-2.
14. WILLIAMS, F. L. Early explorers in Ankole. U.J. 2 (1935), 196-208. m. i.
pp. 201-5 relate to E, 1890-1.
15. Emin Pascha und die deutsche Kolonialpolitik. Leipzig: Grenzboten, 51, part 3
(1892), 241-50.
16. Emin und Wissmann: Emin Pascha und Wissmann. D.K. 3 (1890), 320-2; 4 (1891),
17. Nachrichten tiber Emin Pascha und Dr. Stuhlmann. D.R. 14 (1891-2), 183-4.
18. [Miscellaneous references to Emin's last journey in P.M.] 37 (1891), 30-1, 128, 256;
38 (1892), 23-4, 48, 126, 174-5, 246; 39 (1893), 71, 128, 223.
19. [Miscellaneous reports and scientific notes relating to Emin's last journey in
Mitt. Deut. Schutz.] 4 (1891), 48-58, 96-9, 213-28 (includes Karte der Reise von Emin
Pascha und Dr. Stuhlmann von Bukoba nach Karagawe 1891); 5 (1892), 75-6, 101-34,
185-90, 248-54 (maps facing 140 and 188); 6 (1893), 87-92.
Full details of these reports are given in Stuhlmann (XI : 9) pp. 869-71; many of
them relate only to Stuhlmann's movements and scientific work, as do other
items on these pages not listed in this bibliography.

When Emin became famous, portraits were widely published, and versions
are to be found in many books and journals. Imaginative scenes from his life,
especially his meeting with Stanley, are to be found in such books as Casati (VI: 3),
Mounteney-Jephson (VIII: 8), Stanley's In Darkest Africa (VIII: 24), Reichard
(V: 21), Peters's New Light on Dark Africa (X: 3)-the meeting of Emin and
Peters, Schweitzer (V: 29), and the Illustrated London News Stanley and Emin
(IX: 17), which has an advertisement showing Emin and Stanley fraternizing
over a cup of United Kingdom Tea. The following list is confined to authentic
portraits, chiefly photographic: unless otherwise indicated, the reproduction of the
latter is by half-tone block.
A 1847 Photograph with his mother and sister Melanie. Schweitzer (G) facing 2.
B 1858 Photograph in the uniform of the 'Armenia' at Breslau-pill-box hat
with a moustache. Schweitzer (G) facing 8, Schweitzer (V: 29), 13.
C & D c. 1865 Two photographs, presumably taken on the same occasion at
Antivari, one with and one without a fez. Schweitzer (G) facing 80. In a
letter of that year Emin wrote "White linen trousers a white shirt, a
linen coat, a fez with a long tassel, a large moustache; there you have my
picture for the present, until the photographer comes round this way. As
soon as he arrives I will send you a faithful counterfeit of myself ."
(Schweitzer, i, 11).
E 1875 Photograph, head and shoulders, wearing fez and European clothes,
and with heavy moustache. Schweitzer (G) facing 80; EPCA facing ix;
Illustrated London News, 92 (1888), 142; 103 (1893), 310. (The last two are
woodblock engravings.) Apparently taken during his short stay in Germany
in summer 1875, before he left for Africa (EPCA viii, xxvii).

F 1878-9 Drawing by R. W. Felkin, head and shoulders, three-quarter face.
Staby (V: 30), front; Little (V: 14), front; Wassermann's Stanley (VII: 24b)
facing 188; Scott (IX: 33b) 25.
.G 1878-9 Drawing by Richard Buchta, head and shoulders, full face, front, to
his Der Sudan unter igyptischer Herrschaft (VI: 2). F and G relate to
approximately the same period, since both Felkin and Buchta met Emin at
intervals between October 1878 and September 1879. Both show Emin
bearded, with dark uniform and fez, but Buchta depicts him wearing a cross
on a ribbon, a decoration not found in other portraits and so far uniden-
tified. The first appearance of reproductions of Felkin's drawing seems to
be early in 1887, and it may well be that he (not an outstanding artist, to
judge from the engravings based on his work in Uganda and the Egyptian
Soudan, VI: 24) drew a somewhat idealized portrait of his friend from
memory when public interest in him was aroused. Buchta may have drawn
his portrait from a photograph, but if so it does not appear to have been
H 1882, Mar. Photograph, head and shoulders, bearded and wearing civilian
clothes with a fez, taken in Khartoum by M. Louis P. Vossion, the French
Consul. (EPCA viii, xxvii.) Excellent photogravure as front, to EPCA-
not in SR. Poor wood-block engravings in the Illustrated London News, 90
(1887), 146 and D.R. 9 (1887), 329, are full length, and an imaginative full-
page picture 'Emin Pasha in Camp' in the Illustrated London News, 95 (1889),
677, is 'founded' on this version.
1 1889, Aug.-Sep. Engraving by J. D. Cooper from a photograph: hatless, head
and shoulders. Mounteney-Jephson (VIII: 8), facing 24; In Darkest
Africa (VIII: 24), i, 18. Apparently the same as in the rather poor group
taken at Usambiro, also engraved by Cooper from a photograph (In Darkest
Africa, ii, facing 388.) A captioned version of the latter, drawn by Frank
Fowler, appears in Scribner's Magazine, 7 (1890), 665. Marston (VII: 15b), 27
commented that some of the Expedition's photos "at best could only serve
to suggest valuable hints to our artist".
J 1889, 30 Nov. Group with Stanley, Langheld, Parke, Gravenreuth, Schmidt,
Casati, Schynse and others at Msura. Emin wears fez and white coat.
Wichterich (X: 9), 123. A poorly redrawn version, but identifying all in the
group, is in Schmidt (VIII: 14), 209.
K 1890, Mar. Three-quarter length seated photograph in fez and white uniform
taken in Zanzibar by Baron Walther Von St. Paul (Von Tiedemann, X: 7,
facing 304) whom Emin mentions as a fellow Silesian (Schweitzer, ii, 44). Emin
visited Zanzibar early in March and was photographed on at least one
occasion (Schweitzer, ii, 9, 30, 37). A reproduction in Scott (IX: 33b), 153, is
dated March 30, and the first publication in England was in Review of
'Reviews, 1 (1890), 392, from a copy received by Felkin late in April. See
also S.G.M. 9 (1893) facing 561, with wrong date of 1891. Many other repro-
ductions exist.
L 1890, Mar. Almost identical photograph of Emin, with Casati standing be-
side him. Schweitzer (G) facing 438: Wassermann Bula Matari (VII: 24a),
facing 160 but not apparently in any English publication.
NM 1890, Mar. Woodblock engraving initialled 'W'; head and shoulders in
civilian clothes with fez, looking slightly to left. Front. to Schweitzer, i, and,
according to ii, 37, from a photograph, taken at Zanzibar in 1890. (But see
note Q below.


N 1890, Mar. Photograph, head and shoulders, facing the camera. Clothes
identical with M, which may be a rather free version of it. Schweitzer: Von
Khartoum zum Kongo, 83, captioned 'Emin als Pascha'. No date given.
O 1890, 21 Jun. Group at Mpwapwa with E, Carl Peters, Langheld, Von Bulow,
Stuhlmann, Janke (who took the photo, presumably with a string) and Von
Tiedemann. E wears the 'simple blue uniform and helmet' described by Carl
Peters on the occasion of their meeting on 17 June (New Light on Dark
Africa, 536). See 550 for account of the photographing. Reproduced in Peters:
Gesammelte Schriften, ii, facing 32: Wichterich (X: 9), 105.
P 1890, 21 Jun. Emin Pasha and Carl Peters. Welk (V: 38), facing 224 ... "then
Emin Pasha and myself separately". New Light 550.
Q 1890, 21 Jun. (?). Three-quarter length, seated. Langheld (VIII: 5), 24; front.
to Schweitzer (G); front, to Junker (VI: 14), iii. Schweitzer (G), 494, attri-
butes this to Zanzibar, March 1890, but the uniform is identical with O-P
and quite unlike K-N. Moreover, in the English translation the same passage
refers to M, suggesting that a mistake in the original has thus been corrected.
R 1890, 17 Aug. Emin on a rope bridge crossing the Duki River. Taken by
Stuhlmann (XI: 9), facing 824; Schweitzer, Von Khartoum zum Kongo, 181
(picture reversed); Welk (V: 38), facing 225.
S 1890, 9 Dec. Photograph by Ernest Gedge, head and shoulders, looking down.
U.J. 16 (1952), facing 176. Emin wrote to Melanie, 18 Dec. 1890 "He has
promised me some photographs". (Schweitzer, ii, 134.) This final photograph
suggests the benevolence that was a marked feature of his character, where-
as others, e.g., K, L, Q, are rather fierce. On this point, Junker comments
(VI: 14b, i, 495) "The shortness of his sight compels him to strain his eyes
and concentrate them on the person before him and this imparts a hard and
at times almost furtive expression to his gaze".
N.B. A portrait of Emin's daughter Ferida is facing 536 of Schweitzer (G).

This index includes translators and writers of introductions, as well as authors; substantial
cross-references in footnotes are also included. The names of Emin and Stanley, however,
appear so frequently that a list of references would be meaningless, and only their actual
writings are indexed. The Appendix is not indexed.

Africanus, IX: 1.
Aimot, J. M., VII: 1.
Allen, Charles Harris, II: 32, 40, 43;
V: 14, 42.
B***, A., V: 1.
Barttelot, Edmund Musgrave (1859-88),
VIII: 1, 32.
Barttelot, Sir Walter George (1855-1900),
VIII: 1.
Baruck, Elie M., VI: lla.
Bealby, John Thomas, trans. II: 30b, 38a.
Becker, A., IX: 2.
Behm, Ernst, II: 39: III: 2.
Bethune, Leon Baron, VII: 2.
Blink, H., IX: 3.
Boas, Franz. IX: 42.
Bonny, William, VIII: 21h.
Bonola Bev, Federico, VI: 33.
Bourne, Henry Richard Fox (1837-1909),
IX: 4.
Brode, Heinrich, VIII: 2.

Brown, Robert, IX: 5.
Bruce, Alexander, VIII: 20b.
Buchta, Richard (1845-94), VI: 1, 2, 14, 22.
Buel, James William (1849-?), IX: 6.
Bull, Mary R., XI: 7.
Burnand, Sir Francis Cowley (1836-1917).
IX: 7.
Butler, Arthur Gardiner (1844-1925). IV: 1.

Cambier, Rene, V: 2-3.
Camperio, Manfredo, VI: 4.
Casati, Gaetano (1838-1902), V: 4; VI: 3;
IX: 25.
Ceulemans, Pere P., IX: 8.
Chaill6-Long, Charles (1842-1917), V: 5.
Clay, Hon. Geraldine (Mrs. John Randolph),
trans. VI: 3b.

Daly, Charles Patrick (1815-99), IX: 42.
Daye, Pierre, VII: 3.
Depage, H., VII: 4.


De Winton, Sir Francis Walter (1835-1901),
IX: 9.
Du Fief, Jean Baptiste Antoine Joseph,
VIII: 21b; IX:10.
Dulcken, Henry William, trans. X: 3c.
Dunbar, A. R., VI: 3(A).
Egli, Hermann, IX: 11.
Ellis, James Joseph, VII: 5.
Emin Pasha, I-III; V: 28; VI: 2, 14.
Falkenhorst, C., V: 6.
Farwell, Byron, VII: 6.
Felkin, Robert William (1853-1926), 1: 2;
II: 31, 36, 38a, 39, 42, 44; IV: 29;
V: 7-10, 28b; VI: 24; VII: 4; IX: 12.
Felkin, Mrs. R. W., trans. I: 2b; VI: Ic.
Finke, K., V: 11.
Finsch, F., II: 55.
Flower, Sir William Henry (1831-99), II:
40; III: 15.
Firster, Brix, V: 28c; VI: Ilb (?).
Freissler, Ernst Wolfgang, V: 12.
G***, Alexis-M. pseud. (i.e., J. B. Gochet),
VII: 7.
Gessi, Felice, VI: 4.
Gessi Pasha, Romolo (1831-81), VI: 4, 26.
Gilbert, Ph., IX: 13.
Gochet, Jean Baptiste, VII: 7.
Godkin, Edwin Lawrence (d. 1902), IX: 14.
Gordon, Maj.-Gen. Charles George (1833-
85), VI: 12, 20.
Gray, Sir John Milner (b. 1889), I: 1; II:
49; VI: 5-9; IX: 15.
Gunther, Albert Charles Lewis Gotthilf
(1830-1914), IV: 2.
Hann. Julius: IV: 3.
Hannigan, D. F., VIII: 10b.
Hansal, Martin Ludwig (1823-85), II: 1, 10,
14, 15, 18, 23. 26.
Harrison (nde Mackay), Jessie White, VI:
Harry, Gerard, VIII: 21d.
Hartlaub, Gustav, I: 1, 2; III: 7; IV: 4-
Hassan, Vita (1858-93), VI: 11.
Hassenstein, Bruno, II: 39.
Havelock, H., trans. VIII: 2b.
Heckel, Anton, II: 50, 53.
Heinrich, Heinz, trans. IX: 33b.
Hellgrewe. R., V: 21.
Hespers, Karl, VIII: 17.
Hessan, Louis De, trans. VI: 3d.
Hill, George Birkbeck (1835-1903), VI: 12.
Hill, Richard Leslie. VI: 4c. 12.
Hinde. Sydney Langford (1863-1930), XI: 1.
Hird, Frank. VII: 8.
Hoffmann, William (c. 1864-?), VIII: 3.
Hubbard, James M., IX: 42.
Jager, H., IX: 18.
Jameson, Ethel, VIII: 4.
Jameson, James Sligo (1856-88), VIII: 4. 32.
Johnston. Sir Harry Hamilton (1858-1927),
VIII: 25k; IX: 19.
Junker, Wilhelm (1840-92), II: 35; IV: 33;
VI: 2, 13-15, 30.
Keane, Augustus Henry (1833-1912), trans.
VI: 14b.
Keltie, Sir John Scott (1840-1927), VII: 9:
VIII: 20, 25h.

Ker, David (1842-1914), VIII: 20a.
Kettner, Adolf, II: 50, 53.
Kingston, William Henry Giles (1814-80),
IX: 20.
Kirchhoff, Alfred, IX: 21.
Kobelt, Wilhelm, XI: 2.
Krause, Gottlob Adolf, trans. II: 27.

Landor, I. W., Savage trans. VI: 3b.
Langheld, Wilhelm (1867-1917), VIII: 5.
Le Blond, G., XI: 3.
Leche, Wilhelm, IV: 14.
Lejeune, Leo, VIII: 24f.
Letcher, Owen, V: 13.
Little, Rev. Henry William, VI: 14; VII:
Longo, Pastore P. trans. II: 30a.
Lotar, Pere Leon, VI: 16.
Low, Charles Rathbone (1838-1918), IX: 20.
Lugard, Frederick John Dealtry, 1st Baron
(1858-1945), VI: 17; XI: 4, 6, 7.
Lupton, Malcolm P., (d. 1936), II: 48.
Luwel, Marcel, VII: 11-13; IX: 22.

Mackay, Alexander Murdoch (1849-90), 11:
37; VI: 10.
Macro, Eric, VI: 18.
Manning, Olivia, IX: 23.
Marc, E., IX: 24.
Marston, Edward (1825-1914), VII: 12, 14-
Messedaglia, Luigi, VI: 19.
Michieli, Adriano Augusto, VI: 4b.
Mobius, Karl, IV: 15.
Mohun, R. Dorsey, XI: 5.
Moritz, Bernhard, trans. VI: lla.
Mounteney-Jepson, Arthur Jermv (1858-
1908), VII: 16-17; VIII: 6-9, 21f, 24e.
Miller, Fritz Ferdinand, V: 15.
Nicoll, David J., VII: 18.
Noack, Th., IV: 16.
Norton, Minerva B., VIII: 25d.

Oppert, Ernest, trans. VIII: lb.

Parke, Thomas Heazle (1857-93), VIII: 10-
12, 21f, 32.
Passarge, G., V: 16.
Paul, Eden and Cedar, trans. VII: 24b.
Peabody, Selim H., IX: 25.
Pelzeln, August von, IV: 17-19.
Perham, Margery Freda (b. 1896), XI: 6-7.
Perier, Gaston-Denys, IX: 26.
Peters, Carl Friedrich Hubert (1856-1918),
V: 17; VI: 29; VIII: 9; IX: 27; X:
3, 4, 9.
Pimblett, W. Melville, V: 18.
Puleston, Frank (c. 1859-?), VIII: 13.
Pyke, Diana, trans. IX: 32.

Quilter, Harry, IX: 28.

Ratzel, Friedrich, I: 2; II: 29; V: 19;
IX: 29.
Ravenstein, Ernest Georg (1834-1913), V: 20.
Reddall, Henry Frederic. VII: 19.
Reichard, Paul, V: 21: VII: 20.
Reichenow, Anton. III: 11, 14a; IV: 20-21.
Reinhardt. Fr., IX: 30.
Rule, Friedrich. V: 22.
Rumbaur, O.. IX: 31.
Rust, Capt., X: 5.


Sachse, Ministerial Director, X: 6.
Schaade, Arthur, V: 23.
Schiffers, Heinrich (b. 1901), IX: 32.
Schmidt, [August] Rochus (1860-1938), V:
24; VII: 21b; VIII: 14-16; IX: 2, 22.
Schubotz, Prof. H., I: 1.
Schweinfurth, Georg August (1836-1925),
I: 2; II: 20, 21, 34, 56; III: 4; V: 16,
25-27; VI: 29.
Schweitzer, Georg, II: 27, 56; V: 16, 28-9.
Schynse, PNre August Wilhelm (1857-91),
VIII: 17.
Scott, E. P., IX: 33.
Seiler, Friedrich, IX: 34.
Shelley, George Ernest, IV: 22.
Shukry, Muhammad Fuad, VI: 20.
Slade, Ruth M., IX: 35.
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Smith, Ronald, IX: 36.
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Wauters, Alphonse Jules (1845-1916), IX:
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Zucchinetti, Vigilio, VI: 27.



T HE notes on the history of Ibanda which appear on page 179, were given
by Nuwa Mbaguta, "as far as he can remember", to F. A. Knowles, then
Collector at Mbarara, in June 1905. They are set out here as transcribed by
Knowles, the only alterations being the adoption of modern orthography for
certain proper and place names. Their value lies in that they would appear
to be the earliest written record of what may be described as a petty theocracy,
which existed on the boundary of the kingdoms of Ankole and Toro at the
time when those kingdoms first came under effective British administration.
An obituary of Nuwa Mbaguta appeared under the pen of F. Lukyn
Williams, a former District Commissioner of Ankole, in U.J., 10 (1946), 124-35.
Here, only a very brief account of his career can be given. Mbaguta was born
about 1867. At the age of about eleven he entered the service of Ntare V, then
Mugabe of Ankole. In about June 1895, he had risen to the post of Nganzi, or
Prime Minister, a post which he held until his retirement in 1937.' During his
years of office he had been an outstanding personality in his country and one
of the principal makers of the modern kingdom of Ankole. In the words of
Lukyn Williams, "with his death on 11 August 1944, the people of Ankole
lost a wise counsellor, the Government a loyal servant, and all who knew him
well, a friend".
Frederick Arthur Knowles, the translator of Mbaguta's history, was born
in 1872 and joined the Uganda administrative service as an Assistant Collector
in 1898. Soon after his arrival he saw active service during the Sudanese
Mutiny and was awarded the Mutiny medal. He was Collector at Mbarara
from 1904 to 1905. He became a Sub-Commissioner (a rank corresponding to
Provincial Commissioner) in 1906 and retired ten years later, having been
awarded the C.M.G. in 1914. He died on 22 September 1922.
The reason for the compilation of Mbaguta's historiola was the tragedy
occurring at Ibanda on 19 May 1905, the subsequent investigations into which
have recently been examined at length by H. F. Morris in an article, 'The
Murder of H. St. G. Gait', in The Uganda Journal.Ia On that day Henry St.
George Gait, the Sub-Commissioner of the Western Province, had camped for
the night at the foot of Ibanda Hill on his way between Fort Portal and
Mbarara. His servants had left him by himself after his evening meal, when he
suddenly appeared in the kitchen grasping his side and exclaiming that he had
been speared. His servants placed him on his bed and then, in the words of
one of them, "he drew two long breaths and died".
There were no eye-witnesses to the crime, and immediately after the murder
I Mbaguta said he became Nganzi about one month before the death of Ntare V
(Mbaguta, Munno (1930, p. 16). On 31 December 1895, George Wilson reported to the
Commissioner of the Uganda Protectorate that "on 31 July Kampala messengers re-
turned with the definite news of the death of Ntare about the middle of that month".
(Entebbe Archives.) la Vol. 24 (1960), 1-15.

neither the offender nor any motive for the murder was discoverable. Inquiries
were at once set on foot in order to ascertain whether there could be any
political or personal motive for the crime. For this purpose Knowles invoked
Mbaguta's aid to ascertain the recent history of the chiefs and people of Ibanda
and its vicinity. As a result Knowles was furnished by Mbaguta with brief
histories not only of Ibanda, but also of the adjacent sazas of Buhweju and
Buzimba (in Ankole) and Kitakwenda (in Toro).
As Mbaguta told Knowles, Juliya Kibubura, then chieftainess of Ibanda,
traced her ancestry back to a woman known to local tradition as Murogo,
which in both Runyankore and Runyoro literally means 'witch' or 'wizard'.
If that lady possessed any other name, tradition has forgotten what it was. She
hailed from Mwenge, which at the present time is a Saza of Toro, but in her
days formed part of the kingdom of Bunyoro. Tradition says she passed out
of the service of the Mukama of Bunyoro into that of the Mugabe of Ankole
in exchange for a large number of cattle. The fact that she is only known to
fame as Murogo, 'the witch par excellence', suggests her reputation as a
diviner entitled the Mukama to demand a very considerable transfer fee.2
Mbaguta told Knowles that "as far as he can remember", Murogo's arrival
at Ibanda took place during the reign of the Mugabe Kahaya I. On the other
hand, H. F. Morris and Kesi K. Nganwa say she arrived during the reign of
Kahaya's son, Rwebishengye. At the same time it is interesting to note that
Kahaya I would appear to be the first Mugabe to extend his rule as far north
as Ibanda. Tradition says that he was the first of his line to perform the ritual
ceremony of bathing in the pool of Kijongo, about five miles to the east of
Murogo and her successors in office had their Kigabiro, or place of sacrifice,
on the top of Ibanda Hill. Her principal duty was to supply information to the
Mugabe regarding the movements of his enemies. The people of Ankole were
not a warlike race and suffered considerably from attacks from their neigh-
bours who coveted their cattle and took advantage of their peaceful disposition.
Up to the end of the eighteenth century the principal source of danger had
come from Bunyoro, though there had also been raiders from dwellers on
other borders of the country. After Buddu had been wrested by the Baganda
from the Banyoro towards the end of the eighteenth century, the danger to
the peace of Ankole began to shift to that quarter. In either case Ibanda was
a good outpost whence the Mugabe could receive warning of threats of impend-
ing hostility from his neighbours. Despite their reputation of being unwarlike,
the Banyankole were upon occasion roused. When the enemy carried off their
cattle, they would follow the raiders and try to recover them or else indulge in
reprisals. At other times, when they heard that there were ill-protected herds,
they would raid a neighboring country and carry off the cattle. Whether his
people were the aggressors or acting on the defensive, the Mugabe obviously
required a good intelligence service. Murogo and her successors in office at
2 Nganwa, Abakozire, chapter VII.
3 Nganwa, loc. cit.; Morris, 'Making of Ankole', p. 3. The kraal at which the
initiation ceremonies at Kijongo took place was called Bwakahaya (Roscoe, Banyankole,
p. 57, and Lukyn Williams, 'Inauguration of the Omugabe', p. 309). Katate, vol i, p. 100,
says the boundary of Ankole kingdom first reached Ibanda in the reign of Rwebishengye.

Ibanda were expected to supply him with their advice and even to take
counter measures in the case of threatened hostilities. They were also expected
to advise as to the possible success of a cattle raid into neighboring territory
as well as to provide fetishes to act as a sort of magical smoke screen to ensure
the success of such an operation.
Tradition declares that Murogo and her successors had the power to trans-
form themselves into cattle and mix with the herds of the enemy and thus pick
up the enemy's secrets.4 In all probability none of them ever entered enemy
territory even in human guise. Their success would appear to be attributable
to a remarkable system of espionage carried out by their agents. According
to Roscoe (The Banyankole, p. 157) men were sent into the enemy country
under the guise of traders. As a rule they carried nothing with them but a bag
of tobacco and a pipe; concealed beneath the tobacco were a number of
fetishes, which they could bury on the roads or stick in the roofs of the huts
which they visited and thus prevent the occupants from realizing that an
expedition was being planned against them and making counter preparations.
After wandering about the country these spies would bring back information
as to the enemy's strength, the size of his herds, his methods of herding them,
and the protection which was given to the animals at night time. All this
information would be passed on by Murogo and her successors to the Mugabe,
but the fact that it was the result of information supplied by their spies would
be suppressed. Their professional reputations required that the credit for it
should be attributed to their skill in divination.
From time to time Murogo, or her successor in office, would be summoned
to the Mugabe's kraal and would spend some time there. In all probability
the reasons for such summonses were for the purpose of consultation as to
the possible success of some projected expedition, and as to the person who
should lead it. At other times Murogo and her successors would send to the
Mugabe sacred sticks from the pool at Kijongo or from the forest of
Kyaruhanga, or in other words, the forest of the creator Ruhanga, in which
Ibanda Hill was situated.5
The event which brought Murogo and her successors most before the public
eye was the part played by them in the Mugabe's purification ceremony at the
pool of Kijongo, five miles to the east of Ibanda Hill. The death of a Mugabe
was always followed by a fight between rival claimaints to the throne. When
the successful candidate had finally vanquished his rivals, he set out for
Kijongo. A kraal, called Bwakahaya (Kahaya's kraal), had already been built
there for the occasion on a site specially chosen. There Murogo or her
successor in office would first of all sacrifice and worship (okubandwa). A
white cow, sheep and chicken were killed for this purpose. Murogo or her
successor would then present the Mugabe with a fetish called Omuhambo,
which was decorated with beads, cowrie shells and wild plantain seeds and
covered with a strip of bark-cloth which was twisted round it. At the same
time a string of white berries called amabona was strung round his forehead.
He was then smeared with white clay as was the officiating priestess, who
4 Nganwa, loc cit; Morris, 'Making of Ankole', p. 31.
5 Lukyn Williams, loc. cit.

was dressed in a bark-cloth. The Mugabe then entered the Kijongo pool. It
is said that he was accompanied into the water by a man belonging to the
Abairuntu clan, which was a non-pastoral clan hailing, like Murogo herself,
from the kingdom of Bunyoro. What actually happened in the pool is not
known, as the place was surrounded by a large fence. When the Mugabe
emerged from the pool, he was given a staff made from the sacred tree
Murinzi (?Erythrina tomentosa) and dressed in the conventional dress of the
typical Muhima herdsman. After that he entered the kraal Bwakahaya, where
there were two white cows in milk, a white barren cow and a white sheep.
He milked the two milch cows, which afterwards returned with him to his
capital. The other two animals were killed and the meat eaten by the guardians
of the kraal.
After this the Mugabe was taken to a stone called Kitura on Ibanda Hill,
where the diviner killed a cow and took the augury to ascertain where the
new capital should be built. Messengers were at once sent to prepare a
temporary dwelling on the site which had been indicated until such time as
a permanent kraal could be made ready. All these ceremonies are said to
have occupied four days. At the end of that time the Mugabe proceeded to the
site of his new capital.6
Murogo is said to have lived at Ibanda for thirty years and to have died
during the reign of Gasyonga. Even the approximate dates of her arrival
and death must be very conjectural, but it may be a fairly safe guess to say
that she was chieftainess at Ibanda during the first three decades of the nine-
teenth century.7 Her successor in office was Nyabuzana, whom Mbaguta calls
Murogo's daughter. Nyabuzana would appear to have been chieftainess of
Ibanda for rather more than forty years. She outlived Gasyonga and his
successor Mutambuka and was the mistress of the ceremonies at the time
when the latter went through the act of purification at Kijongo at the time
of his succession.8
In about 1856, or possibly a few years earlier, Nyabuzana made a special
name for herself by the measures which she took to bewitch Isansa Lwampanja,
Mukama of Koki. Isansa had been so unwise as to send emissaries to
Mutambuka with two uncomplimentary messages about his personal appear-
ance and to follow these insults up by raiding Ankole and carrying off a
number of cattle. Obviously such acts called for condign punishment.
Nyabuzana's assistance was invoked. The necessary webs and spells were
6 The ceremony is described in detail by Roscoe, Banyankole, pp. 57-8, and Lukyn
Williams, loc. cit. The two accounts agree as to the details of the ceremonies, but not
as to their sequence. I have set out the details in what appears to be their proper
sequence. It seems that Mutambuka was the last Mugabe to perform the ceremony.
Murogo's successor, Nyabuzana, was killed during the civil war following Mutambuka's
death. Ntare V was consequently unable to undergo the ceremony immediately after
he had defeated his rival Mukwenda.
Kahaya II may have been meditating performing the ceremony in 1898. He did
not do so and did not go through the more important ceremony of taking possession of
the royal drum Bagyendanwa until 1911, because he never gave his father ceremonial
burial until that date. (Uganda Notes, June 1911, pp. 94-5; U.J., 13 (1947), 222-23.) By
that date both he and the chieftainess of Ibanda had renounced paganism.
7 Nganwa. loc. cit.
S Roscoe. Banyankole, p. 57.

weaved and Nyabuzana's agents were despatched to spy out the land of Koki.
Eventually Mutambuka sent his son Bacwa with a large army to invade Koki
and Isansa was defeated and slain in a pitched battle.9
Mutambuka was still alive in 1873, when Mutesa of Buganda sent an expedi-
tion against him.10 He died a few years later and his death was followed by
the usual war of succession between rival claimants to his throne. The two
protagonists on this occasion were his sons Mukwenda and Ntare. At first
Mukwenda had the upper hand, but eventually Ntare prevailed. During the
civil war Nyabuzana gave her professional support to Ntare and paid for it
with her life when she fell into Mukwenda's hands. Retribution, however,
soon followed Mukwenda, who was shortly afterwards overtaken and slain by
Ntare at Mugoye about thirteen miles north-east of Ibanda."
After Nyabuzana's death Ntare caused Kishokye and Kibubura, two grand-
daughters of Murogo, to be brought from Mwenge in Toro.12 Kishokye, the
elder of the two girls, presided at Ibanda until her death in 1903.
After her accession to office Kishokye lived up to the traditions of her
predecessor. Part of her duties was that of counteracting spells which the
Mugabe's enemies sought to cast over him. According to tradition she was
entirely successful in so doing. On one occasion a chief in the neighboring
country of Mpororo sought the aid of a priestess of the Nyabingi cult to
bewitch the Mugabe, but Kishokye anticipated these designs by advising the
Mugabe to invade Mpororo with the result that Bwesharire, the chief in
question, and his diviner were killed. Kishokye also advised the Mugabe to
make raids into Buhweju and Igara, which had not at that date been incor-
porated into the kingdom of Ankole, as well as into Busongora and Bunyan-
gabo, which now form part of the kingdom of Toro, and Karagwe in what is
now Tanganyika. Most of these raids were in all probability directed against
ill-protected herds of cattle and conducted in accordance with the smash and
grab tactics of the modern car bandit. Tradition alleges that they met with
invariable success. If such tradition is true, there can be little doubt that
Kishokye received her share of the spoil.13
Nevertheless at the end of the century there were signs that the old order
was beginning to change. In 1891 Lugard set out from Buganda to make
contact with the remnants of Emin Pasha's forces at the southern end of Lake
Albert. On his way thither Lugard passed by Ibanda on 14 July but does not
appear to have had any communication with Kishokye. On his way back
Lugard decided to erect a chain of forts to protect Toro from inroads by
Kabarega, Mukama of Bunyoro, and to garrison them with the Sudanese
9 Katate, vol i, pp. 112-13; Y.M.K. Bupere, pp. 99-100. The last named says he
obtained his information from a native of Koki who took part in the fighting. He also
says Suna, Kabaka of Buganda, fined his Katikiro for not going to the assistance of
Isansa. According to information given to Emin Pasha, when in Buganda in 1876, Suna
died in October 1856 (U.J., 16 (1952), 143).
10 When at Bwiru on Lake Victoria on 13 August 1875, Stanley saw traces of "a
wide road constructed by Mtesa about two years before to invade Ankole and punish
Mutambuka, the king of that shepherd state". (Through the Dark Continent, vol. i,
11 Morris, 'Historic Sites', p. 11.
12 Nganwa, Abakozire, chapter VIII.
13 Nganwa, Abakozire, chapter VIII.

troops whom he had enlisted into the service of the I.B.E.A. Company. The
southernmost of these forts was constructed at Kiarutanga distant about seven
miles to the north-west of Ibanda. Construction was begun on 1 December
1891, and the work was completed nine days later. Lugard named the fort
Fort Grant after his trusted assistant, William Grant. Leaving there a
garrison of Sudanese soldiers, he then set out on his return march to
Buganda.14 The fort appears to have been very soon abandoned. When in
May 1893, Major Roddy Owen, was engaged in withdrawing the Sudanese
garrisons from Toro, he noted that the site was overgrown and that no traces
of the fort could be found.5 Possibly, therefore, the people of Ibanda did not
suffer to the same extent from the depredations of ill-disciplined troops as
did less fortunate inhabitants of other parts of Toro. Possibly also the sacro-
sanct character of the chieftainess living on Ibanda Hill and fear of the
consequences of incurring her malignity conferred upon her and her people
special immunity from such depredations. Nevertheless the presence of this
garrison of alien troops under the remote control of a European officer must
have made Kishokye realize that they might be the vanguard of a party of
newcomers, who, like the mysterious Bachwezi of the distant past, would bring
about great changes in the land.
In the middle of July 1895, the Mugabe Ntare V died.16 There was the
usual dispute regarding his successor, but on this occasion it did not give rise
to bloodshed. Kahitsi and Igumira, the two leading members of the royal
family in Ankole, referred the dispute to the Government of the Uganda
Protectorate and the Kabaka of Buganda, at the same time urging the claims
of Kahaya, the son of the deceased Mugabe. Their recommendation was
adopted and, as the rival candidate's claim met with very little support,
Kahaya was generally recognized as the rightful heir to the throne, but the
early years of his reign were to prove troubled ones.17
In July 1897, Mwanga, Kabaka of Buganda, fled secretly from Mengo and
raised the standard of revolt against the Protectorate Government in Buddu.
The rebels were, with the aid of a force of loyal Baganda, successfully defeated
at Kabuwoko and Nyendo near Masaka. Thereafter Mwanga fled into German
territory, but his principal general, Gabulieri Kintu, took refuge in Kabula
which then formed part of Ankole. Operating thence he continued to be
a source of trouble for some two years more, raiding Buddu and the neigh-
bouring country.18 The leading Ankole chiefs either sympathized with the
rebels or were powerless to prevent them from using the country as a base
for their operations. Kahaya was at this date not more than eighteen years
of age and was largely in the hands of the elder members of his family. On
16 April 1898, J. S. Macpherson, Political Officer, reported to the Com-
missioner of the Protectorate that he feared that the young Mugabe was "not
playing the game. It is reported that he has gone to Kitakwenda, somewhere
14 Lugard, vol. ii, 265-68.
15 Bovill, p. 67.
16 George Wilson to Commissioner of Uganda Protectorate, 31 December 1895.
Entebbe Archives.
17 Kagwa, Basekabaka, pp. 333-34.
18 Ingham, pp. 70-1; Morris, 'Making of Ankole', p. 11.

in the neighbourhood of Ibanda, built himself a Boma and waits to see how
the present campaign ends before committing himself. After consultation with
the Katikiro (sc. of Buganda) I have given him a timely warning that the
Government expect him to give proof of his loyalty to the Government by
communicating with us and co-operating against Mwanga and his party."
Doubtless this move of the Mugabe from the heart of his kingdom to an
outlying district in close proximity to the rebel base in Kabula afforded the
Political Agent good grounds for believing that Kahaya was playing a waiting
game, but it is just possible that the kraal which Kahaya was building was
that called Bwakahaya and that he contemplated undergoing the ceremony
of bathing in the pool at Kijongo. If such was his original intention, he never
carried it out. He sent a message to Macpherson asking that troops might be
sent to his country to protect him and his people from the depredations of
Mwanga and the rebels.19
In December 1898, R. J. D. Macallister arrived in the country and set up
a civil station at Mbarara. At the same time a military force comprising one
company was also stationed in Ankole.20
The bringing of Ankole and of the neighboring kingdom of Toro under
effective British administration at once led to a number of radical changes.
Neither the Mugabe nor his vis a vis, the Mukama of Toro had hitherto been
anything more than a primus inter pares amongst a number of small princi-
palities. It was considered desirable in each case by the Protectorate Govern-
ment to group all these small units together under one paramount ruler. In
1900 Sir Harry Johnston had for this purpose concluded an agreement with
the Mukama and leading chiefs in the Toro District. This was followed in
1901 by an agreement concluded with the Mugabe and leading chiefs in the
Ankole District. The Toro Agreement had proceeded to delimit the southern
boundary between Toro and Ankole. For this purpose the boundary of the
administrative division of Kitakwenda in Toro was set out as being the Katonga
River "westward to the vicinity of Fort Grant (about seven miles north-west
of Ibanda). From this point the boundary shall be drawn west-south-west and
then westwards to the south coast of Lake Kafuru (Lake George)."21 In 1901
this boundary was more accurately delimited so as to conform to the natural
features of the land, whilst at the same time observing the spirit and the
intention of the agreement, but the result was to create a Kitakwenda salient
which cut off Ibanda from Lake George.22
Earlier in 1900 the Uganda Agreement had declared that the sazas of
Mawogola and Kabula formed part of the kingdom of Buganda. Until 1888
these two districts had formed part of the kingdom of Ankole. In that year
a number of Christian refugees from Buganda had settled there during the
fighting between the Christians and Muslims. When Mwanga rebelled in
1897, a garrison of Baganda had occupied Kabula in order to keep a check
19 Macpherson to Commissioner of U.P., 16 April 1898. Entebbe Archives.
20 Morris, 'Making of Ankole', p. 11.
21 For the Ankole and Toro Agreements see Laws of Uganda (Revised Edition, 1935),
pp. 1365-72, 1419-25.
22 Sub-Commissioner, Western Province, to Commissioner U.P.. 31 July 1901.
Entebbe Archives.

on raids by the rebel forces into Buganda.23 Prior to this the two districts
had been sparsely populated-mainly by semi-nomadic Hima cattle owners-
and had been regarded as forming part of the Ankole district of Mitoma under
the government of Bucunku, a member of the royal clan of Bahinda, who in
1889 had made blood brotherhood with Stanley and who was one of the
signatories of the Ankole Agreement in 1901.24
In order to compensate Bucunku for his loss of territory, it was decided
to include Ibanda and its environs in Mitoma Country. As Mbaguta tells us,
Kishokye strongly resented the change. Hitherto she had been reckoned to
rank as one of the wives of the Mugabe and answerable directly to him.
According to information given to Mbaguta, she protested to Galt, who was
acting as Sub-Commissioner, Western Province. It is even said that she
asserted that Bucunku ought to be made subordinate to her and not she to
him. She was, however, given to understand that the arrangement had been
made by Kahaya's order and must be obeyed.
Yet another event led to further disturbance of Kishokye's peace of mind.
In 1899 Bishop Tucker and Doctor (afterwards Sir) Albert Cook arrived at
Mbarara. After much discussion Kahaya and Mbaguta agreed to allow the
Bishop to leave behind two Baganda evangelists to teach and preach
Christianity to those who were ready to hear and they were given a piece of
land on which to build a church. The Bishop and Dr. Cook then proceeded on
their way to Fort Portal. On their way a woman, who had been kidnapped
and enslaved in Busoga, overtook them and appealed for help. Her master
arrived on the scene and demanded that she should be handed back to him.
They were persuaded to accompany the two Europeans to Ibanda. At Ibanda
Kishokye came to greet the Europeans.
"We told her," wrote the Bishop, "of our errand to Ankole, and expressed
the hope that she and her people, like Kahaya, and his people, would consent
to be taught. She replied very cautiously, that she would wait to hear what
happened to Rurembo, the capital, and that if Kahaya gave heed to the instruc-
tion of our evangelists, so would she."
The Bishop then raised the question of the slave woman, who had sought
his protection. Kishokye showed the greatest possible hesitation to intervene
in the matter. She replied that "the parties did not belong to her chieftainship,
and she would have nothing to do with the matter". Eventually, however,
she with some reluctance agreed to send the parties to the European Collector
at Mbarara, where the woman was eventually set free.25
In the course of time news reached both the Bishop and Kishokye telling
how one person after another had placed himself under the instruction of the
Baganda evangelists. Later still came the news that the Mugabe Kahaya him-

23 Morris, 'Making of Ankole', pp. 11-12. See also Uganda Agreement, 1900, Arts. I
and IX in Laws of Uganda (Revised Edition, 1935), pp. 1373-74, 1376.
24 See Stanley, In Darkest Africa, vol. ii, 348-50; and Gray, Early Treaties in Uganda
(U.J., 12 (1948). 28, 31-2). Bucunku was not a son of Ntare as Stanley alleges, but was
a member of the royal clan of Bahinda (Lukyn Williams, 'Early Explorers', p. 200).
He was put forward as a claimant to the throne of Ankole after Ntare's death, but
does not appear ever to have had strong backing (Kagwa, Basekabaka, p. 333).
25 Tucker, pp. 275-81; Cook, pp. 118-21.

self had joined the number of those under instruction. When this last news
reached Ibanda, Kishokye was quick to realize that it was a case of Othello's
occupation's gone. She could no longer rely upon her past means of holding
an influence over the Mugabe. She accordingly decided to follow Kahaya's
In 1901 the Rev. and Mrs. H. E. Maddox proceeded from Fort Portal to
Mbarara to see how the work of evangelization was progressing. On their way
back to Fort Portal they visited Ibanda and met Kishokye, of whom Mrs.
Maddox had this to say-
"At Ibanda, the chieftainess is a very bigoted heathen at heart. She is
a very independent character, for when all the other wives of the late King
Ntare committed suicide, she alone refused and being of another tribe
(Munyamwenge) she was not obliged to, and so was given a chieftainship
instead. She pretends to read and was most diligent in attending services whilst
we were there, but we heard that she unmercifully beat two of her girls who
showed a desire to read."27
With regard to this last statement it has to be remembered that Dame
Rumour is sometimes a lying jade. It should also be remembered that it was
once said that it was easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than
it was for some people to enter the Christian fold.
A year later another member of the C.M.S., the Rev. T. B. Johnson, passed
by Ibanda on his way from Fort Portal to Mbarara. He gives a very different
picture of Kishokye.
"The chief of the village where we camped was a woman-a woman of
enormous proportions, but one who did not allow her sex or even her immense
size to interfere with her work of looking after her people. They had built a
church, and were reading quite industriously, though their teachers had just
left to go to Mbarara What made me mention her assiduity in looking
after her people was the recollection of the odd sight of her, on my return,
sitting by the roadside. She had herself turned out to direct some scores of
her folk in making a causeway through a swamp and was showing herself
evidently to be a master spirit."28
Kishokye died at about the beginning of 1903 very shortly after this visit,
and was succeeded as chieftainess at Ibanda by her sister Kibubura.
After her sister's death Kibubura was recognized by the Uganda Administra-
tion as a gombolola chief in the saza of Mitoma with the title of Mutuba Muto,
being the only woman to hold that rank.29 On 29 September 1904, she received
Christian baptism, taking the name of Juliya. At the same time she handed
over all her implements of witchcraft to the Mugabe. From then onwards
to the day of death she made the little church at Ibanda the object of her
special care and devotion.30
On 13 June 1904, Bucunku, the Owesaza of Mitoma, died of smallpox and
26 Tucker, pp. 282-5; Nganwa, Abakozire, chapter VIII.
27 Maddox, p. 73.
28 Johnson, T. B., p. 193.
29 System of Chieftainships of Ankole, 1907. Entebbe Archives.
30 Nganwa, Abakozire, chapter VIII.

was succeeded in his post by his brother, Gabrieli Rwakakaiga.31 According
to Mbaguta, Juliya Kibubura complained that she was not properly treated
by the new Owesaza and asked to be allowed to move from Ibanda to some
other place. She was, however, advised to remain where she was.32
As already mentioned, on 19 May 1905, Sub-Commissioner Galt was mur-
dered at the foot of Ibanda Hill. As might only be expected, Juliya Kibubura
retained a very clear memory of this tragedy to the end of her days. As soon
as the news of the murder reached her she sent out her retainers to search for
the offender. According to one account, when on the following day a party
arrived from Mbarara to recover the body, Juliya Kibubura was found,
covered with blood, clasping the body in her arms, hoping against hope that
she could nurse the dead man back to life.33
Investigation of the offence was confronted by a conspiracy of silence.
Eventually the actual deed was traced to a man named Rutaraka, who had
been behaving in a very queer manner prior to the offence and was eventually
found dead some days later in circumstances suggesting that it was a case of
suicide.34 There was evidence that he was mentally unbalanced at the time
of committing the offence. The conspiracy of silence and the apparent un-
willingness of certain chiefs to assist in the investigation of the offence led
to the belief that Rutaraka had been instigated to commit the offence by
some person in authority. Juliya Kibubura was quickly exonerated from all
suspicion of being concerned in the offence, but strong suspicion fell upon
her Owesaza, Gabrieli Rwakakaiga. He and one of his subordinates, Isaka
Nyakyaga, were eventually tried in the High Court at Entebbe and con-
victed of abetment of the murder, but that conviction was set aside by the
Court of Appeal for Eastern Africa on the ground that the evidence relied
upon in support of the conviction was so tainted in character as to make it
impossible for the court to uphold the conviction. As the appellate court said,
suspicion against Gabrieli and his co-accused was very strong indeed. Both
of them had shown the greatest reluctance in assisting in the investigation
of the case. In the circumstances it was decided that both of them must be
deported. Gabrieli Rwakakaiga was replaced as Owesaza of Mitoma by a
Muganda chief, Abdul Aziz Bulwada.35
After this tragedy Juliya Kububura's life was comparatively uneventful.
In 1921 her services as the only woman chief in the Uganda Protectorate were
rewarded by the grant of a life estate of a square mile of land.36

31 Rwakakaiga was not in fact Bucunku's brother but a Muhinda cousin, their
common ancestor being the Omugabe Rwebishengye. [EDS.]
32 Annual Report for Ankole for the year ending 31 March 1905. Entebbe Archives.
33 Evidence of trial of Gabrieli Rwakakaiga and Isaka Nyakayaga in Miscellaneous
File. vol. VIII, August 1905 to May 1906, Entebbe Archives. See also Uganda Herald.
13 January 1951.
34 The mystery of Galt's murder is discussed in an article by H. F. Morris (U.J., 24
(1960), 1) in which it is maintained that Rutaraka did not commit suicide but was
murdered. That Rutaraka did in fact kill Gait is, moreover, by no means certain. [EDS.]
35 The evidence and proceedings at the hearing of the preliminary inquiry, trial and
appeal of Gabrieli and Isaka is to be found in files Miscellaneous, August 1905-May
1906, vol. VIII and Correspondence relating to prisoners Isaka and Gabrieli in Entebbe
36 Katate, vol. ii, p. 76.

In 1926, when she had attained the age of about sixty, she relinquished the
post of gombolola chief and received a pension in recognition of her long
service to the Government. She continued to reside at Ibanda and almost to
the end remained very active. She rarely failed to walk the two miles between
her house and the government rest house to welcome visitors to the camp.
Latterly much of her time was spent in looking after the Church at Ibanda,
to which she presented a pulpit. She also always saw to the renewal, whenever
necessary, of the mats in the chancel, many of which were the work of her own
hands. Her last public appearance was at Mbarara in 1949 at the time of
the C.M.S. Jubilee in commemoration of the first establishment of the Church
in Ankole.
She died on 28 December 1951, and was buried at Ibanda the following
day. Both the Mugabe and the Mukama of Toro sent representatives to her
Juliya Kibubura was at the time of her death almost-if not quite-the
last link between the old order of things and the new. She and her predecessors
in office under the old regime had shown themselves to be persons of con-
siderable character controlling a remarkably efficient imperium in imperio.
There were rival 'firms' of witch doctors carrying on business not far from
Ibanda. Mbaguta makes mention of one such firm living at Musizi about a
dozen miles to the north-east of Ibanda, but it appears never to have enjoyed
the influence or reputation of Murogo and her successors. Compared with the
occupants of Ibanda Hill, they were late-comers to the neighbourhood and
family quarrels in the second generation put an end to their business. By the
end of the nineteenth century Gwentondo, the niece of the first comer, had
dismissed her uncle, who was her katikiro, and had reduced him to the rank
of an ordinary peasant. She had also expelled her cousin and rival Tibanagwa
on the ground that the latter had taken unto herself a husband. When in 1901
Mrs. Maddox passed that way, she reported that Gwentondo had begun to
read and was "really in earnest not only at learning herself but also in calling
her people together to come and be taught". Shortly afterwards Gwentondo
herself got married and went to live at Mbarara.38
More serious rivals appear at times to have been various exponents of the
Nyabingi cult, who flourished in the adjacent territory of Mpororo across the
Kagera River in what is now Tanganyika. As already seen, it was due to
the counter measures of Kishokye, that Ntare V was able to defeat the
attempts to bewitch him, which had been made by one exponent of this
Within the space of this article it is not possible to give a really adequate
account of the widespread Nyabingi cult, but something must be said to show
the differences between its practices and those of the chieftainesses on Ibanda
Hill. It seems that the eponymous founder of the cult was a certain Kitami,
whose second name was Nyabingi ('she who possesses many things'), who
according to tradition lived either in Mpororo or else in Ndorwa in what is
now Kigezi District. Kitami was an Amazon Queen whose dynasty preceded
37 Uganda Herald, 13 January 1951.
38 Maddox, p. 73.

that of the later Hima and Tutsi invaders of those regions. After her death she
became immortal and continued to issue her decrees through the mouths of
her Bagirwa (lit. 'those who initiate'), who were almost invariably women.
The doctrines preached by these Bagirwa were those of the old regime. It is
therefore not surprising to find that the latter day rulers of the land regarded
them as enemies and made war upon them. It is also not surprising to learn
that upon occasion devotees of the cult rose in rebellion and killed leaders
of the invading races. This policy of being aginn the Government' was con-
tinued after the Europeans arrived in the land.39 Its most redoubtable exponent
was Muhumusa, a widow of a former Mwami of Ruanda, who bent the cult
to the furtherance of her political ends, firstly, by making war on her husband's
successor in Ruanda and later by making war on Belgians, British and
Germans indiscriminately. She was eventually captured by the British in 1911
and died in exile at Mengo in 194440.
As in the days when Balak sent messengers to Balaam saying "Come now
therefore, I pray thee, curse me this people", so also some Muhima chief such
as Bwesharire might from time to time send for one of these Bagirwa and bid
her bewitch some formidable neighbour, but it does not appear that any such
Mugirwa enjoyed a special retainer for such services. As in the case of Balaam,
her assistance was only invoked when the necessity of the hour called for some
especially desperate remedy such as that which once led Saul to visit the
proscribed witch of Endor. There is no record of any regular alliance between
any Mugirwa and any local ruler. Still less is there any evidence of any such
chief having bestowed the title and dignity of a wife on any Mugirwa.
Unlike the chieftainesses of Ibanda, the Bagirwa of Nyabingi never estab-
lished one fixed place of residence which became a permanent place of
pilgrimage, to which the devotees of the cult were in the habit of resorting.
In 1891 Emin Pasha and Franz Stuhlmann came across a woman whom they
called Nyabingi and whom Emin described as the 'Queen of Mpororo'. She
was living in that portion of the byegone kingdom of that name, which now
lies in the Saza of Ruampara in Ankole. Emin soon learnt that the lady
"appears to be acknowledged by part of her subjects only". She asked Emin
to punish those whom she described as her rebellious subjects "so that
Nyabingi might rule again", but the Pasha declined to do so, Mpororo being
at that time "a no man's land" which was "completely depopulated through
the constant filibustering raids" of her neighbours. This petty kingdom was in
fact in a process of rapid disintegration, which enabled persons such as Emin's
'Queen' to set up in a limited area cells of the Nyabingi cult in opposition to
the nominal ruler of the land.41
When in 1903 Lieutenant Max Weiss of the Anglo-German Boundary
Commission started the work of triangulation he found another Nyabingi

39 The best critical accounts of the Nyabingi cult are to be found Pauwels, Anthropos,
46 (1951), pp. 337-57; and Czekanowski, Forschungen, vol. i. See also Bessel, U.J., 6
(1938-9), 73-86: and Morris, 'Kingdom of Mpororo', U.J., 19 (1955), 204-7; Gorju, p. 153.
40 For the career of Muhumusa, see Bessel, U.J., 6 (1938-9), 73-86; and Nganwa,
A bakozire, chapter X.
41 Schweitzer, vol. ii, pp. 176-97; Stuhlmann, pp. 250 seq.; Lukyn Williams, 'Early
Explorers', U.J., 2 (1934-35), 261-5.

living well within the German sphere. Like her predecessor, she made bitter
complaints to Weiss regarding the insubordination of her alleged subjects. She
also asked for the assistance of Weiss in dealing with them, but that assistance
was refused. Weiss also declined to assist another soi disant Nyabingi, whom
he met whilst erecting a pillar on the international boundary. This woman had
come from Ankole and asked him to assist her in overthrowing the other
Nyabingi on the German side of the boundary, but Weiss bade her go back
to her own country.
At this date Muhumusa was also settled on the German side of the
boundary and holding herself out as a rival Nyabingi. According to Weiss
she was able to exercise a certain amount of control over her people. Her
influence over them may have been due to the facts that she was a woman of
considerable character and the widow of a former ruler of Ruanda. At the
time of Weiss's visit she showed herself ready to co-operate with the survey
party, but in 1908 she was thrown into prison by the Germans for conspiring
against Kisiribobo, the nominal ruler of German Mpororo.42
Wherever it sprang up, the Nyabingi cult always displayed a strong hos-
tility to the rulers of the land. On the other hand Murogo and her successors
worked in close alliance with the Hima Bagabe of Ankole. The relations
between the two in fact recall the story of Egeria, who became the constant
adviser of Numa, the second king of Rome. There is yet another striking
resemblance to the old Roman legend. As Sir James Frazer tells us, Egeria's
original home was the sacred lake of Nemi in the wooded Alban hills. Murogo
lived nearby the sacred pool of Kijongo in the forest Kyaruhanga, that is
in the forest of the creator god. Yet again, Murogo came to be accounted as
one of the Mugabe's wives, thus recalling the union of the mortal Numa with
the immortal Egeria.43
One thing is very evident. The ceremonial bathing in Kijongo pool dates
back long before the rulers of Ankole had annexed Ibanda to their kingdom.
The first Mugabe to perform the ceremony-whether he was Kahaya or
Rwebishengye-was clearly following the practices of an earlier dynasty in
order to make himself the de jure as well as the de facto ruler of the territory
which he had conquered. The dynasty which was thus supplanted would
appear to have been that of the Balisa Bakama of Buzimba, who were at
one time subordinate to the rulers of Bunyoro-Kitara and who stemmed from
the same ancestry as the rulers of Kitakwenda.44 The rulers of this very small
kingdom claimed descent from the Muchwezi Ndahura. If we accept this
tradition as having any foundation in fact, the Balisa would appear to have
maintained their semi-independence in Buzimba for some four centuries. Their
country was recognized as an administrative division of Ankole when the then
Mukama, Nduru, affixed his mark to the Ankole Agreement in 1901, but its
42 Weiss, pp. 8, 14, 16, 20, 34-5, 52-67, 108. Other German accounts of Nyabingi and
Muhumusa at this date are to be found in Deutsches Kolonialblatt, vol. 16 (1905), pp.
577 seq. (Lieutenant von Stuemer); and vol. 23 (1912), (Major G. D. Schlobach).
43 Frazer, Golden Bough, vol i, pp. 17-19: vol. ii, pp. 171 seq.: Early History of
Kingship, pp. 22 seq.
44 The rulers of Kitakwenda, certainly during the nineteenth century, were not Balisa
but Babito, descendants of Olimi III of Bunyoro. [EDs.]

existence as a separate saza came to an end in 1932 when its territory was
absorbed partly into the Saza of Buhweju and partly into that of Mitoma.45
In this connection it is also to be noted that Murogo hailed from Mwenge
in what at that date was part of the kingdom of Bunyoro and that her
successors in office were also brought from Mwenge to officiate at Ibanda.
When Lugard camped under Ibanda Hill in 1891, the district was still
living in the dark ages, but the old order was soon to change yielding place
to new. In contrast to Juliya Kibubura, her contemporary Muhumusa failed
to achieve her ambition because she would not adapt herself to the changed
conditions brought about by the arrival of the European. After her death it
was said of Juliya Kibubura that "she was a great personality and managed
her affairs in this chaotic modern world with a fair measure of perspicacity".
The picture given to us of her sister Kishokye in her last days superintending
the making of a road across a swamp in her district suggests that the same
could also be said of Kibubura's predecessor. It was the readiness of such
as these two to appreciate and adapt themselves to the rapidly changing con-
ditions of life brought about by European innovations that helped to lead
their people slowly but surely along the path of progress.

(As related by Nuwa Mbaguta as far as he can remember and translated by
F. A. Knowles on 19 June 1905.)
When Kahaya I was king of Ankole, Dufiri, a Muiru, was chief of Ibanda.
Ibanda was then under the king of Ankole, but quite separate from the chieftain-
ship of Mitoma to which it is now joined. When Dufiri died, Kahaya made his
witch-doctor Murogo, a native woman of Bunyoro, the chief of Ibanda. This
woman Murogo Kahaya had got from Duhaga, king of Bunyoro, giving sixty
cattle for her.46 When Kahaya went to battle, Murogo used to bewitch his
Murogo died when Gasyonga was king of Ankole. Her daughter Nyabuzana
became chieftainess of Ibanda.
Nyabuzana was killed by Mukwenda because she bewitched his army when
fighting against Ntare. Kishokye, her daughter, then became chieftainess of
Ibanda. She died about two years ago in 1902. Kibubura (Juliya), her sister, then
became the chieftainess of Ibanda.
The chieftainesses of Ibanda were witch doctors to the kings of Ankole from the
time of Kahaya I.
Isansa, father of Kamswaga, King of Koki, was bewitched by Nyabuzana in
Mutambuka's reign and he was killed by the King's army.
45 Morris, 'Balisa Bakama', U.J., 17 (1953), 71-2.
46 According to K.W., Duhaga I Chwa Mujuiga, Mukama of Bunyoro, was a con-
temporary of Junju, Kabaka of Buganda (U.J., 5 (1937-38), 57-8). This latter's reign has
been tentatively fixed as having lasted from about 1780 to about 1797 (U.J., 16 (1952),
149). K.W. says Duhaga I overran Buhweju and Mitoma and defeated the Mugabe
Nyakashaija, the son of Kahaya and brother of Rwebishengye. Katate, vol. i, p. 96,
makes Nyakashaija a contemporary of Kamanya, Kabaka of Buganda, whose reign
may be tentatively fixed as having lasted from about 1814 to 1832 (U.J., 16 (1952), 449).
According to Katate, vol. i p. 100, Rwebishengye was the first to extend his frontiers
to Ibanda. These statements are all of them difficult to reconcile with Mbaguta's
statement that Kahaya obtained the services of Murogo from Duhaga I.

These chieftainesses were called the king's wives because they used to go every-
where with them. When Mr. Gait was in Ankole, Bucunku, the chief of Mitoma,
complained his country was too small. Mr. Gait then added Ibanda and Muzizi
to Mitoma.
Muzizi is a separate country five hours journey from Ibanda by the River Bigera
by Nabusecki.
Lusigazi, the chief of Bugologolo, a native of Kyaka, made the shambas at
Muzizi when he was driven away from Bugologolo by Lumaha. Nagogo the son of
Lusigazi is now the sub-chief of Muzizi.
The natives of Ibanda have always been friends with the natives of Buzimba
and Buhweju. They mix much with one another. In the dry season the Ibanda
people send their cattle to Buzimba and Buhweju and, when there is good grass
at Ibanda, the Buzimba and Buhweju people take their cattle to graze (there).
There is also much intermarriage between the countries of Buzimba, Buhweju
and Ibanda.
The natives of these countries also send their cattle to graze in Kitakwenda
and intermarry with Kitakwenda natives. Ntare, the king of Ankole, married a
woman from Kitakwenda.
Ibanda was added to Mitoma by Mr. Gait because Bucunku's country Kiringa
had gone (been given) to Uganda.

The Saza chief Gabrieli Rwakakaiga has two chiefs under him, viz. Kibubura
who takes the southern side of the hill including about 400 houses, or less, and
Isaka47 who takes the northern side called Kankende including about 100 houses.

Former Chiefs of Kankende
Nyabalimi, a woman. Before Lutaraka came to live at Bigera. Her Katikiro
was Nyamununu. She died and left Gwentondo as her heir. This Gwentondo was
niece to Nyabalimi.
Nyamununu, Nyabalimi's Katikiro, was also her brother. He quarrelled with
Gwentondo who reduced him to the level of a peasant. He is still living at
Tibanagwa, a woman, was cousin to Gwentondo. They were both witch doctors
and quarrelled. It was the rule that these chieftainesses should not marry. When
therefore Tibanagwa was found to have broken the rule, she was turned out, and
is now living at Muzizi. This left Gwentondo in possession.
Gwentondo, a woman, also broke the rule and married Kibanda. She therefore
had to resign the chieftainship and is now living at Mbarara.
Isaka, the first male chief, was put in by Gabrieli in 1904. Nyamununu still acts
as underchief of Isaka.

Attitude of Ibanda natives since their country was annexed to Mitoma as stated
by Mbaguta.
Kishokye, chieftainess of Ibanda, at (the) time of annexation objected strongly
when Mr. Gait gave the order and complained to him. Mbaguta was away at the
time at Kirambi but heard Mr. Gait had told her it was Kahaya's order and
must be obeyed.
47 Isaka Nyakayaga was indicted with Gabrieli Rwakakaiga for the murder of Galt.
His conviction was eventually quashed by the Eastern Africa Court of Appeal. (See
U.J., 24 (1960), 1-15.)

Kibubura then succeeded Kishokye. She complained later when Gabrieli was
chief of Mitoma that Gabrieli did not treat her well and she would like to leave
Ibanda and get another place. She was advised to remain at Ibanda. The Bakopi
appear to have been contented and there have been no other complaints.
Kibubura is great friends with Mucukura. They often exchange visits and drink
beer together. She is also the friend of Katambala of Kitakwenda. Her cattle go to
Kitakwenda to graze.

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Roscoe, J. The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Ankole in the Uganda Protectorate. Journal
of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 37 (1907), 93-118.
The Northern Bantu, chapters X-XIII. Cambridge, 1915.
The Banyankole. Cambridge, 1923.
Schlobach, Major G. D. Die Vermarkung des deutsch-englischen Ruanda-
Grenzen 1911. Deutsches Kolonialblatt, vol. 23 (1912), pp. 1045 seq.
Schweitzer, G. Emin Pasha-His Life and Work, 2 vols. London, 1898.
Stanley, H. M. Through the Dark Continent, 2 vols. London, 1878.
In Darkest Africa, 2 vols. London, 1890.
Stuemer, Lieut. von. Die Sultanin Nyawingi von Mpororo. Deutsches Kolonial-
blatt, vol. 16 (1905), pp. 577 seq.
Stuhlmann, F. Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika. Berlin, 1894.
Tucker, Rt. Rev. A. R. Eighteen Years in Uganda and East Africa. London, 1911.
Weiss, M. Die Vilkerstiimme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas. Berlin, 1910.
Williams, F. Lukyn. Blood Brotherhood in Ankole, U.J., 2 (1934-5), 330-41.
Early Explorers in Ankole. U.J., 2 (1934-35), 196-208.
Inauguration of the Omugabe of Ankole to Office. U.J., 4
(1936-37), 300-12.
Myth, Legend and Lore in Uganda, U.J., 10 (1946), 64-75.
Nuwa Mbaguta, Nganzi of Ankole, U.J., 10 (1946), 124-35.


T HE hill-top encampment at Kibengo, situated in the extreme north-west
of Mubende District, which was formerly part of the Kingdom of Bunyoro-
Kitara, is formed by a pattern of deep and wide trenches. It is located at an
altitude of 3,800 feet, three miles south of the Nkusi River and about seven
miles inland from Lake Albert.1 (Fig. 1.) In most respects the camp is similar
to, though smaller than, the great entrenched camp of Bigo, which is situated
seventy miles away in a south-south-easterly direction. (Wayland, 1934;
Shinnie, 1959, 1960.)
The trenches, nowadays heavily overgrown with tall elephant grass, trees
or bush, embrace a hill Kibengo with twin summits, which I refer to as
North and South Summits. Following the undulating contours of these twin
summits, the trenches connect with one another to form four enclosures, for
convenience numbered from the north as 1, 2, 3, 4. The system covers an
area of about 160 acres.
The countryside within which the camp is situated consists of rolling hills
covered with bush and tall grasses. In parts the area is rocky, and here and
there outcrops of grey granite or dolerite penetrate the covering of vegetation.
The lower hills and valleys to the south are sparsely populated by scattered
groups of Banyoro cultivators. Both big and small game abound. The ancient
encampment lies beyond the limits of modern cultivation and is a grazing
ground for buffalo and itinerant herds of elephant.
Those Banyoro elders with whom I have spoken and who have some know-
ledge of the area, look upon the site as a mysterious fortified centre of long
ago. In Runyoro, Kibengo means 'the place of grindstones'. Numerous blocks
of granite and dolerite litter the ground and provide a useful supply of stone
for the querns so essential to millet-eating people. The site is known to only
a few local African hunters. Although it is recalled by some of these hunters
that their grandparents occupied the outer enclosures of the camp up to the
beginning of this century, no knowledge seems to have survived about its
earlier occupants or its origin.
My attention was first drawn to the site in 1951 by the late Mugema of
Bunyoro,2 who, well versed in the local history of northern Mubende, insisted
on the importance and antiquity of this encampment which, however, he him-
self had never seen. A year later I located sections of overgrown and silted
trenches in an area which tallied with my informant's directions (Lanning,
1953). After a further visit in 1955 I was finally satisfied beyond doubt that
1 Long: 30* 43' 35" E. Lat: 1" 03' 20" N. Approximately three miles north of the
trigonometrical point Kulukulu. Air Survey U.G.87, date 12.3.48, copies 5201/2 refer.
(Land Survey and Mines Department, Survey Division, Entebbe.)
2 Keeper of those royal shrines of Bunyoro-Kitara which now lie within Buganda
territory. He died in 1952.

this was the encampment referred to by the Mugema. The sections of trenches
detected in those two brief visits suggested the existence of a camp of con-
siderable size. There was little doubt that this could constitute an important

FIG. 1

link in the study of the cluster of entrenched encampments now known to
stretch southwards from the Bugoma Forest in Bunyoro to the south bank of
the Katonga River in Masaka District, Buganda.
Local enquiries have revealed the camp's association with the names of
two persons, Kateboha and Nkunku. Unfortunately very little is known of
either personage. The greater part of the camp is named after Kateboha. This
is a nickname which has frequently cropped up in connection with other

similar but smaller camps north of the Katonga River. (Lanning, 1959.) Only
a minor section of the outer earthworks is linked with the name Nkunku.
Nothing is known regarding Nkunku. Locally it is assumed that he must have
been a minor chief or perhaps an overseer, but his identity has long been
lost in the obscurity of time.
In 1958 a survey of the whole trench system comprising the encampment
was undertaken. At the same time exploratory excavations within the camp
brought to light evidence of past occupation in the shapes of iron objects,
broken pottery and animal bones. The use of stones for rough paving, flooring
or covering was also revealed. The finds have indicated the presence at
Kibengo of people of the Bigo pottery culture.

The Trenches and Enclosures (Fig. 2)
As with the great earthworks of Bigo the outstanding feature at Kibengo
is the system of large, meandering trenches. These are well preserved in parts,
where they are as much as 30 feet wide and 10 feet in depth. The system
follows the contours of the ground, but in places, seemingly quite unnecessarily
if defence was the object in view, some trenches have been extended down
the steepest sides of the hill, particularly in the northern sector.
Access across the trenches is provided by crossings of solid earth. These
vary from 10 to 20 feet in width. They have been placed at infrequent intervals
along the different trench lines. The majority are to be found crossing the
southern trenches, D, E and F.
To the north and north-west the North Summit of Kibengo falls away
steeply into the deep Kyakasoke Gorge, as well as into the valley down which
flows the Bulenge river. There is no need for defence here, for the greater
part of this section of the camp is fully protected by these almost precipitous
slopes. The exception is in the northern part of trench A where it traverses
the steep slopes facing Nyambindo Hill, which is on the far side of the Bulenge.
To the east of the encampment the ground slopes gently towards the
Nyamalinga stream or swamp, along which trench B forms, in part, a flank
defence. The lower summit of Wansazi Hill overlooks the whole of this
portion of the camp. Similarly in the south the ground slopes away gently. The
most extensive and best preserved ditches are to be found here. (Figs. 3 and 4.)
In the west the slopes of varying gradients provide adequate natural protec-
tion. A strong line of defence or control has been created by trench D. This
extends in a westerly direction from the Nyamalinga stream and continues
in a large sweep due north into the slopes which form the Kyakasoke
The object of trench A is hard to conceive. It encompasses the whole of the
upper portion of the top of a hillock, which is about 60 feet below the north
(lower) of the twin Kibengo summits. This hill-top is strewn with rocks, mostly
concealed by thick vegetation. At a group of rocks at the highest point, two
massive boulders, resting one against the other, provide a small shelter in the
form of a passage-way, 12 feet long by 4 feet wide, which is open at both
ends. Excavations both inside and outside the shelter revealed a plain type
of pottery and a few red painted sherds. In its present state Enclosure 1 formed

by trench A would have been quite unsuitable for containing cattle or for any
large-scale occupation.
Trenches B and C which connect with trench A to form Enclosure 2, contain
the rocky lower summit of Kibengo. This is the more conspicuous summit. The
terrain leading up to it from the south is favourable for occupation. There is
only one crossing over trench C giving access to the enclosure. It is this en-
closure which, because of the natural formation of the ground and the siting
of the trenches, was presumably used as the camp's centre.
Enclosure 3, formed by trenches B, C and D, is the largest of the four. It
contains the higher, though less spectacular, of the two Kibengo summits.
Although the area of this enclosure is rugged in parts, the immediate vicinity
of the summit is suitable for occupation. There is also ample space for con-
taining cattle within a large part of the enclosure. The hill-top is separated
from a low hillock of exposed dolerite boulders (shown on Fig. 2 as 'Green
Hump') by a natural depression running almost due west. This could have
provided a highway for men and cattle moving in and out of the encampment.
At the eastern end, where the depression widens, there is the single crossing
over trench C which leads into Enclosure 2, which might well have been the
inner sanctum of the camp. To the west the depression has been artificially
narrowed by trench D through which it passes by an opening 45 feet wide.
From there it merges with the natural drainage line leading into the upper
parts of the Kyakasoke Gorge. Trench D, which provides the main defence
control for the encampment, is intersected by as many as six crossings in
addition to the wide, natural gateway already mentioned.
On the north side of the depression there is a small rock shelter (No. 2).
This is very small and can give only somewhat cramped shelter to no more
than half-a-dozen persons at a time. Excavations here brought little pottery
to light, but some surface pottery was recovered. No painted potsherds were
Enclosure 4 which is formed by trenches E and F, and part of D, may have
been added as an afterthought, as an additional paddock or to provide an
outer defence-line to trench D. However, instead of embracing trench D from
the Nyamalinga stream as far as the Kyakasoke Gorge, it joins with trench D
at about 800 feet west of the stream, thus leaving unprotected three crossings
in the eastern part of trench D. These crossings give direct access to the slopes
leading up to the rocks of the South Summit within Enclosure 3. Sections of
trench E are well preserved. This might therefore be one of the most recent
trenches to have been excavated. Trench F, a short one 660 feet in length,
forms a T-Junction with the western extremity of trench E. This trench is
intersected by two crossings leading into Enclosure 4, and with the small area
it encloses bears the name of the unknown person, Nkunku.

Occupation Sites
The claim of local elders that parts of the outer enclosure were settled up
to about 50 years ago is substantiated by the evidence of much contemporary
surface pottery and some hearth stones, most noticeably in Enclosures 3 and
4. These occupants were agriculturalists as is shown by the presence of dis-

Ar ,' Kyemplsl H0l

/ ,

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/ N
/ / i \
/ / \I\

/ \
/ /' -/ "" "
N N.

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., '

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R n i m-okanum Hill

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North Summit

Sr. Kibe.. I
S1 %

V AZ> NN-:--)--' -rf
.& ... ..

-unj p -o ion -- --IIi-

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t1% t>2 South Summit

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s tiS bango
ot ns ur

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FIG. 2
4 4

Plan of the


Mubende District, BUGANDA

Soale 1:2,500
S o io w

N A-

'Mks, -i -


-W L


Trench ......... ............
Potery .. .................... n0
Pottery and Iron........... ..
Track .... ................
Game pits (modern)..... .....
Rocks ... ........
Rok shelter. ... ............n
Cate .................... ..
Grain pits ..... .........
Slope of Ground ....... TTTT

- M

E.C.L. 1958.


- ,

K. It A %


,*" ." 1r .4 ,

[Photo: Uganda Museum
FIG. 3
Section of Trench E.

[Lnoro: P. L. Planning

FIG. 4
Cleared Section of Trench E.


Photo: E. S. Adamns
FIG. 5
A, B, C, Iron Objects; D, Pottery Charm; E, Human Tooth.

[Photo: Uganda Museum
FIG. 6
Section of Stones showing Quern and a Pile of Granitic Rocks.

Depression No. 2.

Depression No. 3.

Depression No. 4.

FIG. 9
Rock Marks.

[Photo: E. C. Lanning

carded querns3 and of bottle-shaped grain pits.4 They also made good use
of the ancient trench system as a means for trapping game. Deep and narrow
pits have been cut transversely across all the great ditches. Animals, once
driven by hunting parties into a 10 feet deep ditch and faced with only one
direction for escape, would sooner or later crash into one of the many pits
which lay across their path.
As a result of excavation two occupation sites were revealed, both south-
east of and below each of the two rock summits. For the purpose of identifica-
tion these sites are referred to as Kibengo I, near the North (lower) Summit,
and Kibengo II, near the South (higher) Summit.
Kibengo I. A mass of broken pottery was found at depths varying from
7 to 18 inches. Most patterns were roller patterns, some having indentations
probably made by a fine hard point pressed on clay. There were many sherds
bearing marks in red paint. Red was the only colour noted. In some cases
the paint had been applied on the inside of vessels, in others around the rims,
and again on the outside, in crude patterns such as dots or streaks made with
the fingers.
Animal bones and teeth, of which some were charred, were recovered.
These have been identified as belonging to ox or buffalo and goat. Iron blades,
associated with painted pottery, were found at a depth of 7 inches.5 (Fig. 5B.)
At 8 inches a large ring-like piece of pottery was found. This might have been
designed for suspension from the neck.6 (Fig. 5D.)
There were.many pebbles of the kind normally used by potters for smooth-
ing the soft clay during the preparation of vessels, milk pots and pipes.
Kibengo II. In addition to contemporary sherds scattered in profusion on the
surface, erosion made it possible for a few sherds bearing signs of red paint
to be gathered from the sloping ground. Trial pits were sunk within a distance
of 200 feet from the summit, and sherds were recovered from depths of 6 to 18
inches. Red paint was again in evidence; also many pebbles and, in addition,
small pieces of hydrated oxides. This substance, when ground down, could
have been used for the red colouring used on the pottery. Pot handles were
also found.
Some pieces of iron implements as well as slag were found at a depth of
2 feet.7 Two iron objects were locally identified as being parts of a Nyoro
implement called orwokyo, used for burning marks on youths.8 (Fig. 5A and
C.) Bones and teeth of buffalo and goat were also present.

Use of Stone
During excavation at the site Kibengo II stones were uncovered at a depth of
two feet. Additional work was carried out here to learn the extent of ground
3 Of the 14 fortified and 3 domestic sites recorded in Bunyoro, Mubende and Masaka
Districts (Lanning 1953, p. 52; 1954a, p. 78), it is only at Ntusi that a similarly large
number of partially-buried querns has been found.
4 For a description of Bunyoro grain pits, see Stafford (1955), Uganda J., 19, 208.
5 British Museum, 1959. Af.12.3.
6 Uganda Museum, A 59109.
7 B.M., 1959. Af.12.4.
8 B.M., 1959. Af.12.5.6.

covered by these stones and to ascertain whether they were a natural feature
or not. Subsequently an assemblage of stones forming a stone floor and having
an area of about 320 square feet was uncovered. This site is situated 90 feet
south of the summit not far from an acacia wood. The stones are amphibolite
boulders resting on decomposed granite. A few piles of granitic rock were
resting on these boulders. The rounded and flattened amphibolite boulders,
which are the basic rocks of the assemblage, average 15 inches in length;
some have been broken open. (Fig. 7.)
The depth of the deposit covering the stones varied from 12 to 24 inches.
Here and there, without any apparent purpose or design, the granitic rocks
have been piled on the amphibolite foundation. In one instance the top rock
of such a pile penetrated for an inch or so the covering soil of the present-day
ground level.
Patterned potsherds, including many decorated with red or black paint,

FIG. 7
Assemblage of Stones.

were found concentrated from a depth of 6 inches to floor level; there were
also smooth pebbles9 and animal bones. Many potsherds and bones were
found embedded in crevices between the basic rocks. The identifiable remains
were: bones of goat, ox/buffalo, possibly mongoose, and bird; the dorsal fin
spine of a fish, probably Nile perch; and teeth of goat, ox/buffalo and rats.10
No bones recovered from this site have been identified as human.
Small pieces of rock containing iron oxide were also found amongst the
amphibolitee boulders and two iron blades were recovered from the south
portion of the site (author's collection). Near to the western section but below
the level of the basic stones two glass spheres sea-green and transparent,
about three-quarters of an inch in diameter, were found." They appear to have
been made in a bivalve mould and to be modern, being similar to the glass
stoppers which have been in use in Europe for aerated water bottles since
Removal of the rocks comprising the two most prominent cairn-like piles
rising from the north-west section of this stone floor brought to light more
broken pottery. The smaller pile, penetrated by inch-thick roots, was capped
by a small quern together with its rubbing stone. (Fig. 6.) Two rodent incisors
were found among these rocks, as well as a piece of pig tusk. In this same
heap a single tooth with a hole pierced through the root was recovered. This
has been described as probably a human lower central incisor tooth.12 (Fig.
5E.) Nearby, but beyond the edge of the basic stones was found a spherical
bead of dull pink glass, flattened at each end and pierced for stringing."
Though there is sufficient evidence to show that these stones have been placed
in position by man, their purpose has yet to be determined.
Another example of the use of stones was found at the single crossing over
trench C, leading into Enclosure 2, where the top of the crossing is composed
of two roughly-laid layers of laterite boulders. These are heavily overgrown
and lodged in 10 inches of black soil. Beneath this black soil, the remainder
of the fill forming the crossing is of red soil to a depth of 12 feet. Blocks
of laterite are plentiful in the vicinity of this ditch.

The Pottery (Fig. 8)
Two types of pottery have been noted:
(i) A coarse-grained thin ware, either undecorated or having a simple
roller pattern.
(ii) A coarse-grained thick ware, not well fired. This is decorated variously
with roller patterns and, in a few cases, with thumb-nail impressions around
the rims. Some of the rims have overturned lips. In certain instances vertical
lines have been impressed below the rims. This type is comparable to the
9 B.M., 1959. Af.12.11.
10 Personal communication, 1958. Department of Zoology, Makerere College.
11 U.M., A 59112. [Soda water in ball-stoppered glass bottles was being manufactured
in Entebbe by Allidina Visram' in 1901 (U.J., 10 (1946), 37), but it is quite improbable
that such heavy bottles were brought into Uganda before the railway reached Lake
Victoria in 1901; bottles may thereafter have found their way to the fort at Hoima. EDS.]
12 Personal communication 1958. Makerere College Medical School. U.M., A 59110.
13 U.M., A 59111.

class C pottery, which includes crudely painted ware, of the Bigo culture.14
(Mathew, 1953.)
Of these types, (i) occurs freely at all sites explored within the encampment,
especially at rock shelters. It occurs on the surface and as deep down as 9
inches. Type (ii) is found mainly at the occupation sites Kibengo I and II, and



FIG. 8
Potsherds. A, B from Site Kibengo I;

~- ---------


[Drawn by H. F. Gowers
C, D, E from Site Kibengo II.

has been found down to depths of 24 inches. Red paint is predominant,
though examples of black have been found. The decoration in black is confined
solely to broad finger impressions pressed vertically on the obverse of the
rim. The red paint has been used in a number of ways. Decoratively, it has
been applied to the outside of vessels in spots or daubs, also by the evidently
popular vertical impressions of the three centre fingers on the rims. Many
sherds show that certain undecorated pots had a complete outer coating of
14 Such decorated pottery does not appear to have been known to modern craftsmen
in Uganda, not even to the Banyoro who have long been regarded as the most skilled
potters of central Uganda.

red, whereas others had an inner layer of the same colour. In some cases only
the lips of rims have been painted over. Some loop handles were recovered
from the main occupation sites. In only one instance was the base of a pot
recovered. (Rock shelter No. 2-surface.) No complete vessels were found.

Rock Marks
Within the area of Enclosure 2 two low caverns are situated about 50 feet be-
low and west of North Summit. These hollows in bare granite, one 20, the other
50 feet wide, which extend into the rock face up to 15 feet and are no more
than 31 feet in height, show no signs of either recent or mediaeval occupation.
Excavations in the second cavern by the cave mouth revealed numerous loose
rocks and stones down to 2 feet, as well as a considerable amount of quartz
debitage made up mainly of flakes.
In the exposed granite near to both caves, but at different levels, are four
very shallow flat depressions; they are quite small but because they are unique
and the local natives believe they could only have been made by man, they
call for description.
Depressions 1 and 2 lie close to one another some 30 feet above the caverns
and about 50 feet horizontally from the third depression, which lies almost
on the same level as the two caverns. Twenty feet below the third there is a
fourth depression. All these depressions point northwards and lie roughly
vertically to one another, above, midway and below the caverns. All are
lanceolate and are from I to I inch below the surrounding granitic surface.
Depression 3, the largest and clearest, is 41 inches (103 cms.) long and is 4 to
7 inches (10-17 cms.) broad; as in depression 4 which is shorter, one end is
drawn out haft-wise for a length of 9 inches (23 cms.). The length of depres-
sion 4 is not so great. The surfaces of depressions 3 and 4 are crossed by
narrow channelled lines. (Fig. 9.)
The question arises, are these depressions natural or not? I am unaware
of similar depressions occurring naturally elsewhere. The peripheries do seem
to have a markedly artificial appearance. The reticulated lines show no features
of natural fractures, but in the irregularities of their depths and widths, their
tendency to deviate irregularly, but not unrestrainedly, from truly straight lines,
and their limitations to the depressed surface, they display the features of
artificial incisions. These crossed lines do not appear to be haphazard addi-
tions. Their significance may be diagnostic. Should the depressions be artificial
then what could they have represented? Might they be spear-heads? The
criss-cross channelling is out of place, but could be explained if the depressions
represent blades wrapped in strips of hide, bark-cloth, dried leaves or banana
fibre. Their meaning might then well have been that of a sign of peace or,
on the contrary, even a sign of warning, a call 'to sheath your spears'.

Local Tradition
Stories and folk-tales are associated with most of the more important hills
of the neighbourhood. West of Kibengo is Kyempisi Hill (also known as
Kibale Rugamba), a prominent rock dome known for its echoes, around which
tales have grown. But this has no association with the nearby encampment.

Six miles south of Kibengo, along the only accessible track, there is what
is described locally as an 'ancient reservoir', about which nothing is known.
Locals believe that it has always been there and it is coupled in age with the
mysterious trenches of Kibengo. It still holds water and its banks are heavily
overgrown with reeds. (Lanning, 1953.)
Three miles north of the encampment there is said to be a natural crossing
place below the Mukuku Falls on the Nkusi River. This place was visited
some years ago by Father Perinet who informs me that it is formed by
boulders lying like stepping-stones. The place is known to local hunters as
Olutindo olw'Abachwezi, 'The Crossing of the Bachwezi'. According to
Bunyoro tradition the Bachwezi used this crossing over the river when on
their exodus from their realm in Bunyoro by way of Buhuku on Lake Albert.
It was here at Mukuku (Nkumiro in Luganda) that they abandoned their
heavy baggage before crossing the river. The name of Mukuku lingered on
to be eventually given to the falls or cascades nearby. (Gorju, 1920.) This
reference to the Bachwezi, who are associated with the great earthworks and
settlement south of the Katonga River, has no evident relationship to Kibengo.
No other information was forthcoming locally of the encampment's past
associations other than the two names, Kateboha and Nkunku, neither of
which appear to be known during the period covered by the Babito dynasty,
nor in the legends of the earlier Bachwezi ruling clan.
The Trench System. The trenches have evidently been set out with fore-
thought. In the main they follow the contours of the ridges and provide
adequate protection from outside interference.
Of significance is the number of crossings, which grow fewer as the inner
sanctum of the camp is reached. From the south there are:
Across trenches F, E and D: 10 crossings into Enclosure 4
Across trench D from the junction with E: 4 crossings into Enclosure 3
Across trench C: 1 crossing into Enclosure 2
Across trench A: No access into Enclosure 1
(In this last case access was probably provided by means of moveable tree
The only practical means of access to the camp is from the south via the
crossings of the outer defence formed by trenches F, E and part of D. From
the third enclosure it would be hard for anyone, other than a friend, to
penetrate further. The only way of reaching the single crossing into Enclosure
2 is by the natural depression which, commanded as it is by the steep slopes
and rocks on either side, could be rendered impassable.
Was the camp a defensive position, an enormous cattle kraal or a com-
bination of both? Strategically its weakest defences are its flanks. So weak are
they that I cannot believe that the camp as a whole was intended primarily
as a defensive position. Like the camps of Munsa (Lanning, 1955) and Bigo,
15 The use of tree trunks for crossing the ditches of such encampments is mentioned
in a story concerning Kateboha. (Lanning, 1959, p. 187.)

I consider it originated as a centre of security, as is illustrated by the tight
perimeter trench which forms Enclosure 1. Subsequently, it seems that a second
enclosure was formed. The remaining two enclosures probably developed
essentially as cattle kraals. In those turbulent days, it is likely that, in addition
to controlling its cattle, the community assured its own safety by ensuring that
the outer enclosures were sufficiently wide and deep to act as a deterrent to
raiders. The numerous crossings in the south suggest the considerable move-
ment of cattle to and from the grazing grounds. In the event of attack the
head of the camp and his followers could, if necessary, remain safely in the
second enclosure, with a further line of retreat available into the original fortifi-
cation, the boulder strewn enclosure lying below the North Kibengo summit,
Enclosure 1.16
The Stone 'Floor' Site. Owing to lack of time it was not possible to do more
than uncover the rough assemblage of stones at the Kibengo II site, the exist-
ence of which, beneath their covering of soil, was not known to any of the
local people interrogated. The area surrounding this stone-site was not touched.
Obviously the original purpose of these stones will remain unsolved until full
investigation can take place.
From the varied debris scattered over and amongst the granite and
amphibolite boulders a first impression could be that this was no more than
a refuse dump. But other possibilities remain. The significance of some of the
materials found amongst the stones may first be considered. There is much to
suggest that this is a floor, for here the painted pottery of the Bigo Culture
as well as animal bones and iron were found. The general requirements of
potters were in fact in plentiful evidence: the mass of broken pottery to be
burnt, ground up and then, with other ingredients, kneaded together with
clay; the quern stone, on which such a concoction would be ground and the
impurities removed, so as to ensure the even firing of the finished vessels;
the pebbles used for smoothing the wet clay in the shaping of the vessel; the
oxides, from the lowest levels, used for providing the pigment which could be
applied to a vessel as decoration after firing.
The presence of a human tooth suggests contact, not necessarily ancient,
with a person of some importance. This tooth had been specially pierced for
suspension and it might once have been in the possession of a royal messenger.
It has been customary amongst Banyoro youths and girls of all classes
to have the six front teeth of the lower jaw extracted about the age of seven-
teen. These teeth were put aside and kept by the parents. The teeth of princes
were threaded with beads into a necklet which each prince kept. This necklet
became the personal insignia of each prince and was given to his messenger
as a badge of office whenever certain duties away from home had to be per-
formed. In the same way the king's necklace of teeth was worn by his special
messenger usually when concerned with the collection of taxes in kind, mainly
cattle. This badge would also be worn when a messenger of the king was sent
to seek a particular kind of animal required for some sacred purpose. (Roscoe,
1923.) The presence of a royal messenger at this site could account for this
particular tooth.
16 For a fuller discussion on the purposes of such trenches see Lanning 1953, pp. 59-60.

The bottle-stoppers and the bead suggest that this site has been in use com-
paratively recently. Such stoppers from discarded bottles would no doubt be
strange novelties to any unsophisticated African and might well have found
their way into a witchdoctor's bag. It is likely that stoppers without their
bottles travelled from far afield, passing from hand to hand. Whether or not
such baubles came from trading posts in the east or from the Coast, or
even from the fort at Hoima (built in 1894) 50 miles away, it is unlikely they
would have reached their final destination before the latter half of the last
If this assemblage of stones was in use by potters 80 or 90 years ago, it is
surprising that the site has been so completely forgotten today. The explana-
tion may lie in the events which shook Bunyoro in the last decade of the nine-
teenth century. The campaign in Bunyoro to subdue Mukama Kaberega
resulted in guerilla warfare, which lasted in the south of Bunyoro from 1893
to 1896. It is not improbable that those Banyoro then living at Kibengo were
driven away as a result of skirmishes, or were annihilated during the sub-
sequent occupation of these parts by Baganda. Thus may well have come
about the end of the potters and their ancient primitive art of painting their
According to oral evidence it appears that there was an interval when no
one lived at the camp site. Subseqently a few hunters returned and it is
these men who have left their game pits, underground granaries, and surface
pottery. It seems possible that during the period when the site was unoccupied
the bush took over, and the old dwelling sites and the stone-floor-site were
never reoccupied. In the absence of any post holes it is concluded that the
stone floor or courtyard was never roofed over.
There is another possibility to which consideration must be given. Could
these stones have originally been put into position as the covering of a burial?
Though some test holes which were sunk through the stones showed that at
those points the basic rocks rested on a thick bed of decomposed granite, the
possibility of this site being, in whole or in part, a stone covering for a burial
cannot be excluded.'7 It must not be forgotten that it is a widespread Bantu
burial custom to bury important dead in small vaults off a main pit. In such
cases skeletal remains would not be found immediately beneath the sealed
mouth of the pit.'8 The varied materials found on the site, however, favour
its more recent use as a floor.
The existence of laid stones such as these and those at the crossing into

17 There appear to be no records dealing with central Uganda which relate to the
use of stones for covering pit burials during the pre-European era. As far as I am aware,
the present-day practice of covering heaped-over graves with loose stones is modern.
18 In any initial conjecture on this use of stone in Uganda it is as well to look further
afield for comparison with such sites as the stone circles in Nandi and the Lake Rudolf
area in Kenya; also at the Rift Valley sites of Tanganyika. (C. Gillman (1944), Tang.
Notes & R., No. 17, pp. 44-55.)
It is, however, from further south that Walton gives evidence of Bantu customs re-
garding kraal burials: in Southern Rhodesia, Mozambique, Basutoland, for instance,
just as has been customary in Bunyoro, the burial vault is placed away from the
chamber, although there the pit is sealed with stones. (James Walton (1958), Sotho
Cattle-Kraals. S. Afr. Arch: Bulletin, Dec. No. 52. pp. 138-43.)

Enclosure 2, within an encampment of the Bigo Culture, is undoubtedly of
some considerable importance, well deserving further careful study.19

It is stressed that the investigation was no more than a reconnaissance. A
great amount of work needs to be done if a true picture of this encampment
is to be obtained. Owing to the remoteness of the site every endeavour has
been made to collect as much data as possible during the limited time available.
The most important facts to have emerged are:
(a) The site is a very large, fortified hill-top encampment covering about
160 acres, big enough to contain large numbers of cattle.
(b) The trench system, and particularly the proportions of the trenches,
show strong similarity to other encampments to the south-east.
(c) Characteristic painted pottery of the Bigo Culture, associated with iron
objects and the bones of domesticated and wild animals, has been recovered
from two occupation sites within the camp's bounds.
(d) Two separate instances have been noted of the use of stones for different
The archaeological evidence from the two occupation sites shows that
the camp once supported a pastoral people who made use of iron, and who
decorated their pottery in the same distinctive way as the occupants of the
fortified and domestic sites of Munsa, Semwema Hill,20 Mubende Hill,21 Bigo
and Ntusi.22
The excavations at Kibengo have extended the Bigo Culture a stage farther
north. Now it remains to be seen if the painted pottery extends as far north as,
or even farther than, the unfinished camp at Karwata, known as Nsa za
Kateboha in the Bugoma Forest of Bunyoro District. (Lanning, 1954b.)
The absence of legend and local tradition points to the considerable age
of the camp. To those peasants living in its vicinity it has always existed, and
there is no tale extant relating to the trenches as such. What oral references
there are touch only lightly on the chieftain called Kateboha, and the virtually
unknown Nkunku. Such lack of information in respect of so large a fortified
camp suggests antiquity, going back maybe to a time before the advent of
the present ruling Babito dynasty of Bunyoro-Kitara. Kateboha may have
been a chief of those uncertain times, for this nickname is associated with
other of the entrenched sites north of the Katonga River. (Lanning, 1959.)
It is likely that Kibengo came into being during that interim period
19 The presence of stone-work in Uganda at pre-European sites has been recorded or
reported on as follows:
A causeway of stones over the river Kyetinda at Kasambya, Bugangadzi County,
Mubende District, Buganda. (Ggomotoka (1950). Uganda J., 14, 87.)
Stones as a form of revetting in a trench at the camp of Kasonko on the Katonga
River. (Personal observation, 1956, Carter, Vowles, Lanning.)
An unconfirmed report of the existence of a stone road south of Bigo encampment
on the Katonga River. (Geol. Survey Dept. Uganda. 'Archaeological Investigation in
Uganda'. E. J. Wayland, File 86/a.)
Irregular stone foundations at an occupation site on Mubende Hill. (Marshall, 1953.)
20 Planning (1955), pp. 181-2.
21 Lanning (1953). Man, 53, pp. 181-2.
22 Mathew (1953), p. 216.

spoken of in Nyoro tradition when there was no leader, the period between
the disappearance of Isaza and the recognition of Ndahura as ruler, prior
to the foundation of the Babito dynasty. This period, as some would have
it, was preceded by the three Bachwezi rulers and, prior to them, by the reigns
of nineteen Batembuzi. Little information of the period has survived, sand-
wiched as it was between the upheaval which saw the end of the fleeting
Bachwezi rule and the commencement of the great Kingdom of Bunyoro-
In the light of what archaeological and oral evidence we have, it may be
concluded that Kibengo is an encampment of the Bigo Culture. In trying to
arrive at a date, it is still only possible, as Posnansky (1959) has said, to suggest
that this culture predates the growth of the individual kingdoms of Uganda-a
time possibly in the latter half of the fifteenth century.

Gorju, J. (1920). Entre le Victoria, I'Albert et I'Edouard. Rennes.
Lanning, E. C. (1953). Ancient Earthworks in Western Uganda. Uganda J., 17.
(1954a). Ancient Earthworks in Western Uganda (Letter). Uganda
J., 18.
(1954b). Earthworks in Uganda. Antiquity, 109.
(1955). The Munsa Earthworks. Uganda J., 19.
(1958). Kibengo-An Iron Age Site on the Nkusi River, Mubende
District. The Bulletin (Uganda Government), Vol. 9.
(1959). The Death of Chieftain Kateboha. Uganda J., 23.
Marshall, K. (1953). Report on Preliminary Work at Archaeological Sites on
Mubende Hill. Geol. Survey Dept., Uganda. Unpublished.
Mathew, G. (1953). Recent Discoveries in East African Archaeology. Antiquity, 108.
Posnansky, M. (1959). Progress and Prospects in Historical Archaeology in Uganda.
Uganda Museum Occasional Paper, No. 4.
Roscoe, J. (1923). The Bakitara or Banyoro. Cambridge.
Shinnie, P. L. (1959). Excavations at Bigo, Uganda. Antiquity, 129.
(1960). Excavations at Bigo, 1957. Uganda J., 24.
Wayland, E. J. (1934). Notes on the Biggo bya Mugenyi. Uganda J., 19.


I HAVE chosen for this talk the subject of marriage in Uganda, and in
particular the anomalies and difficulties to which the present legal position
gives rise, for several reasons. In the first place this has been a subject which
has aroused a considerable amount of interest during the past year, as the
articles and letters which have appeared in the Uganda Argus have shown. I
have also, in the course of my work, which brings me into close contact with
the chiefs and members of native courts, realized that there is a large degree
of ignorance and confusion in the minds of most of the inhabitants of Uganda
on this subject-which indeed is hardly surprising. Finally, there is, especially
in Kampala and among the more highly educated women of Uganda, a grow-
ing feeling that the rights of women are not recognized in native law to a
degree consonant with our present outlook and that one of the fundamental
reasons for this is the inadequacy of native law on the subject of marriage,
divorce and succession. I therefore propose to outline the legal position in
the Protectorate, pointing out some of the anomalies, and possibly injustices,
to which the present position gives rise. I intend to present to you a factual
picture rather than to suggest changes or remedies, but I hope thereby that I
may perhaps help to stimulate thought and discussion, particularly among the
African leaders of the Protectorate from whom the initiative for any funda-
mental changes in the law and in the practice of the African people, if indeed
such changes be necessary, must come.
As we all well know, there are in Uganda two systems of law, each
administered in a separate hierarchy of courts. On the one hand there is the
law of the Protectorate closely following, though not necessarily identical to,
the law of the United Kingdom. This is administered by the High Court and
Resident Magistrates' Courts and is applicable to all races. On the other hand
there is native law, administered by the native courts of each of the districts
and applicable only to Africans. This dichotomy may or may not be
advantageous and it would be beyond the scope of this paper to discuss that
matter here. It is, however, unavoidable that inconsistencies, and indeed con-
flict, will result when two different systems of law are applicable to the same
people, and in no matter is this more apparent than in the case of domestic
law concerning marriage, divorce and succession. The Protectorate law on
marriage is covered by four ordinances, the Marriage Ordinance, the
Marriage of Africans Ordinance, the Marriage and Divorce of Mohammedans
Ordinance, and the Divorce Ordinance, all of which were passed between the
years 1904 and 1906.2
The Marriage Ordinance provides for the performance and registration of
monogamous marriages. These are usually referred to as Christian marriages,
but, except in so far as the law embodies English marriage law, which in itself
1 Presidential address delivered on 22 April 1959.
2 Laws of Uganda 1951. Cap. 109, 111, 110, 112.

has its roots in canon law and in the Christian civilization of Europe, the
religious aspect of the marriage is quite irrelevant as far as the law itself is
concerned. All that the law does is to provide the machinery whereby a man
and a woman can enter into a monogamous marriage and have that marriage
recognized in the courts; whether or not a religious ceremony takes place is
immaterial from a legal point of view. Although the majority of people who
marry under this Ordinance are Christians, there is no reason why they should
necessarily be so, and were two Hindus, for example, to avail themselves of
this Ordinance and undergo a civil marriage under it, then they would be
bound by it, even though their religion might permit, or possibly encourage,
the husband to take a second wife; and if the husband later were to take
another wife he would be breaking the law and would lay himself open to
the penalties which the Ordinance imposes. The Ordinance provides that the
marriage may be performed either before a Registrar (normally the District
Commissioner) or in a church licensed under the Ordinance. The Marriage
of Africans Ordinance merely dispenses, in the cases of Africans marrying
under this Ordinance, with certain preliminary formalities necessary in the
case of non-natives.3 A vital part of the Marriage Ordinance is the penalties
sections. The first offence which it creates is that of bigamy.4 This well-known
offence is, of course, that of going through a second marriage ceremony whilst
the first marriage is still in existence. For this offence the maximum punish-
ment is five years' imprisonment. The penalty sections, however, go on to
define other offences, carrying the same maximum punishment. The most
important of them, from our point of view, are those which say that who-
ever contracts a marriage under the provisions of the Ordinance, being at
the time married in accordance with native law and custom to any person
other than the person with whom such marriage is contracted, shall be liable
to imprisonment for a period not exceeding five years,5 and that whoever
having contracted marriage under the Ordinance then during the continuance
of such marriage, contracts a further marriage in accordance with native law
and custom, shall be liable to the same punishment.6 I need hardly add that
were this last section to be put generally into operation every prison in the
Protectorate would be full to overflowing.
I will now turn to the Divorce Ordinance which embodies the English law
of divorce as it existed in 1904. Since then the law in England has been very
much changed and divorce has been made obtainable on many different
grounds. In Uganda, however, if a marriage has been registered under the
Marriage Ordinance,7 it can only be dissolved whilst the parties are alive under
the Divorce Ordinance and only on the grounds of adultery. Moreover, this
Ordinance has to our ears almost a medieval ring about it, in that the rights
that a man enjoys under it are very much greater than those enjoyed by a
3 This ordinance applies only to Africans who profess the Christian religion. The
marriage has to be celebrated in a licensed church.
4 Cap. 109, sec. 43.
5 Cap. 109, sec. 51.
6 Cap. 109, sec. 52.
7 Here, and in the rest of this paper, I have used the term 'Marriage Ordinance' to
cover both the Marriage Ordinance (cap. 109) and the Marriage of Africans Ordinance
(cap. 111).

woman. Under the Ordinance a husband may petition the court for dissolu-
tion of his marriage on the grounds that his wife has been guilty of adultery.
The unfortunate wife, however, is unable to get a divorce on the grounds of
adultery alone, and must prove either that her husband has forsaken Chris-
tianity and taken other wives, or that he has committed adultery coupled with
some other misdoing such, for example, as desertion or cruelty.
The only marriages which the Protectorate Courts recognize are those
registered under the Marriage Ordinance and the Marriage and Divorce of
Mohammedans Ordinance (though, as I shall mention shortly, marriages under
native law and custom are recognized in native law and give rise to rights
enforceable in the Native Courts, though not in the Protectorate Courts). A
marriage, therefore, performed in Uganda under Hindu custom does not give
rise to rights which are recognizable in any court, unless the provisions of
the Marriage Ordinance have also been complied with and the marriage
registered under that Ordinance, in which case, of course, the parties are
bound to monogamy. The Marriage and Divorce of Mohammedans Ordinance
provides for the registration of marriages carried out between Muslims in
accordance with Muhammadan rules. Such marriages are, of course,
polygamous and in practice only African Muslims avail themselves of the
facilities of registration provided by this Ordinance. Such is the Protectorate
Law on the subject of marriage and divorce.
Perhaps the most important point to bear in mind about the Marriage
Ordinance is that it provides facilities which no one is compelled to take
advantage of. No man or woman is forced to get married under the Marriage
Ordinance and to bind himself or herself for life to a monogamous marriage
if he or she does not want to; if two Africans want a polygamous marriage
all they have to do is to get married under native law and custom.8 But if
they do decide to avail themselves of the facilities which the law provides
and to have their marriage registered under the Marriage Ordinance, then it
is their duty, both legal and moral, to abide by its terms.
The Native Courts of Uganda administer the native law and custom of the
district in which they are situated and, of course, regulate matters concern-
ing customary marriage. Although marriage customs differ from tribe to tribe,
there is, in fact, comparatively little variation in the broad outline of cus-
tomary marriage law throughout Africa, at any rate amongst those tribes
which are patrilineal. Broadly speaking, a customary marriage in such tribes
is a contract made between the intending bridegroom and the bride's father
and the actual marriage consists in the performance of this contract, the father
handing over his daughter and the bridegroom providing consideration in the
form of certain customary payments of bride-wealth. This is a contract which
8 A judgment by the High Court of Uganda in 1924 (Bishan Singh versus Rex:
Criminal Appeal No. 13 of 1923) would appear to contradict this view. This judgment
in effect states that professing Christians are unable to contract a valid marriage by
native custom. This judgment, which later came in for very adverse criticism from
administrative and legal officers and which has been described as 'hopelessly and utterly
wrong', to my knowledge still stands, no opportunity having arisen for it to be reversed.
In practice, however, this judgment has not prevented marriage between professing
Christians from being contracted by native custom and rights arising therefrom being
recognized in the native courts.

may at any time be terminated for good reason as, for example if the wife
deserts her husband or if the husband ill-treats his wife in a manner which
the custom considers unjustified. The wife then returns to her father, the
bride-wealth is returned to the husband and the contract is dissolved. If there
are disputes between the parties, then the matter can be taken to the local native
court which will adjudicate upon it and enforce its orders, which may concern
the return of bride-wealth in whole or part, the custody of the children, or
some other kindred matter. An aspect of marriage with which the native courts
are particularly concerned is that of adultery. This is in the native law of all
districts a crime carrying a punishment as well as an act giving rise to a claim
for compensation, whereas in the Protectorate law adultery is a civil matter9
only rarely, if ever, dealt with by the courts except in connection with petitions
for divorce. Indeed, in the Northern Province, chiefs and people seem to
be obsessed with an interest in, fear of, and concern about adultery, and look
upon the courts as vehicles existing almost exclusively for punishing and
giving compensation for this offence, and to a lesser extent for deciding
bride-wealth cases. These customary marriages are, of course, polygynous, and
a man may make as many such contracts as he wishes or can afford to carry out.
Not merely is the African confronted with two different sets of law on
marriage, but he also, if he is a Christian, has to take into account the teaching
of his church, and this in certain respects differs from Protectorate law, in
particular on the subject of divorce. We have seen that parties to a marriage
under the Marriage Ordinance can, on the grounds of adultery, or, in the case
of a woman, aggravated adultery, have their marriage dissolved under the
Divorce Ordinance thus enabling them to remarry. The Anglican Church,
however, although following the biblical text of Matthew xix. 9, and recogniz-
ing that a marriage may be dissolved by divorce on the grounds of adultery,
does not allow remarriage after this divorce. The teaching of the Roman
Catholic Church moreover diverges even further from the Divorce Ordinance
and does not recognize divorce at all.
Were it merely a case of there being two systems of marriage law, an
African having to choose whether he wished to be married under the Marriage
Ordinance or to be married by native customary law, the matter would be
comparatively simple, but, in fact, the average educated Christian African
wishes to combine both forms of marriage. He will arrange for the customary
marriage contract with his future father-in-law, bride-wealth will be paid
and the marriage will be performed in church under the Marriage Ordinance
followed by festivities of a more or less traditional type. He has thus entered
upon both a marriage under Protectorate law and a customary marriage con-
tract under native law. Where the man has genuinely desired to enter upon a
monogamous marriage either because he is a devout Christian or because he
believes in the virtue of monogamy as such and where he has the strength of
will to stand steadfast to this ideal for his whole married life, then no conflict
is likely to arise. Unfortunately, however, a very large number of African
Christians wish to have the social advantage of a church marriage, which
9 Under the English law of tort, which Protectorate courts administer, adultery is
only actionable as an aspect of the tort of enticement.


undoubtedly is looked upon as a superior form of marriage and one which
is socially obligatory upon a man of high status, and many an African marry-
ing in church either has no intention of having one wife only for the rest of his
life; or when marrying a young and attractive bride he perhaps forms a resolu-
tion to be faithful to her alone, but as she grows older and less attractive, he
is unable to resist the temptation of following the practice of the majority of
the inhabitants of this country and of taking further wives under native custom.
In so doing, of course, he commits a criminal offence, and is liable under the
law to a term of imprisonment. In practice, however, prosecutions are very
rarely, if ever, heard for this offence which is widespread throughout the
During the thirties there was considerable argument as to whether or not,
when a marriage was contracted under the Marriage Ordinance, the native
courts had the power to deal with matters arising out of the customary contract
of bride-wealth which accompanied that marriage. Not only did legal opinion
differ as to whether that power existed but there was also wide divergence of
opinion as to the desirability of such jurisdiction being exercised by native
courts. Needless to say, the Christian missions objected to any suggestion
that native courts should be able to order refund of bride-wealth in cases
of church marriages. The position was made clear by the Native Courts
Ordinance of 1941, which put the purely customary contract aspect of marriage
definitely within the jurisdiction of the native courts. This Ordinance and also
the African Courts Ordinance of 1957 states that native courts have no juris-
diction over marriages and divorces which have been contracted under the
Marriage Ordinance and Divorce Ordinance "unless it is a claim arising only
in regard to bride price or adultery and founded only on native law and
custom". This position which enables a man to sue to have his bride-wealth
returned, if such has been paid, even though there has also been a marriage
under the Marriage Ordinance, is perfectly logical but it does give rise to a
state of affairs which is extremely confusing to the African.
Let us take a typical example. John and Mary want to marry. John goes
to Mary's father, Peter, and a customary contract is arranged whereby John
gives to Peter certain head of cattle or a sum of money, and other goods.
John and Mary are married in the local church under the Marriage Ordinance
and are then man and wife both under the Ordinance and by native law and
custom. Some years later Mary and John start to quarrel, life becomes un-
bearable for Mary and she returns to her father and refuses to live with her
husband. Unless Mary has committed adultery, John of course has no remedy
of divorce under the Divorce Ordinance. This however, he will in any case
be unlikely to seek. His first reaction would almost certainly be to sue Peter
in the local Gombolola Court for return of bride-wealth. The case would be
heard and the court would probably decide that Peter should return to John
what he had paid him. This, of course, puts an end to the marriage in native
law and custom. It is indeed what we would speak of as a divorce as far as
native law is concerned, but although the Gombolola Court is perfectly com-
petent legally to order the return of the bride-wealth and to enforce that return,
and although everyone in the Gombolola knows that the native customary

marriage is at an end, the court may not pronounce these two people divorced
and under the law they remain married. Yet, in the eyes of Peter, John and
the rest of the local community, there has been a divorce and Peter will un-
doubtedly try to find a new husband for Mary, whilst John will, of course,
take one or more wives under native custom. Both Mary and John are thereby
laying themselves open to terms of imprisonment.
Anomalies of this sort could be multiplied indefinitely. Any discussions I
have had with interested Africans have nearly always ended with my being
given the tortuous but not impossible example of the man-let us call him
James-who was married in church, accompanied by a native marriage
contract, to Anne. The pair separate and the customary contract is dissolved
by a native court, the bride-wealth being returned. Anne is then married by
native custom to William. James, however, later visits and sleeps with her and
is discovered by William, who takes a case against him in the native court for
adultery which of course has been committed with a woman who is still in
Protectorate law the adulterer's wife. What is the native court to whom this
case is brought to do? The answer is plain,10 but the question does bring home
some of the absurdities to which the present position can give rise.
The natural conclusion which one might draw from all this is that the law
is sadly at fault and in urgent need of radical change. On the one hand, it
could be argued that the only recognized marriage with enforceable rights
should be a registered monogamous marriage; at the other extreme tradi-
tionalists assert that the Marriage Ordinance, which has forced monogamous
marriages upon a polygamous society should be repealed. When it is pointed
out in reply that no one is compelled to get married under the Ordinance, the
answer is given that in fact Africans are so compelled by social convention.
That the existing law on marriage is perfect and could not in many respects be
improved upon, I should be the last to maintain. Nevertheless, basically the
weaknesses of the law merely reflect the contradictions and the difficulties
inherent in a society which is in the process of emerging from a tribal organi-
zation; the anomalies which the law presents are anomalies which have their
origin in such a period of social change.
Native custom in Uganda is almost entirely unwritten, and is a flexible
body of law capable, up to a point, of adapting itself to social change. During
the fifty years or more of British administration, native law and custom has
greatly altered, adapting itself to the changes in the way of life and to the
higher moral standards of the people of the country. This is particularly
marked in the case of criminal law, where the influence of administrative
officers on the work of the native courts has been most marked. Indeed, there
is now little difference, save one of degree, in criminal procedure between
native courts and Protectorate courts whilst the body of offences recognized as
crimes by both hierarchies of courts is virtually the same.
But the changes which have taken place in family law are very much less
marked. Obviously this is the branch of law least susceptible to European

10 The native court would not be competent to hear the case, since such a prosecution
would be in direct conflict with Protectorate law and as such outside the jurisdiction
of a native court (Cap 76. sec. 11 (a)).

influence. It is based on the concept of a family which is completely different
from that of a European family, and fifty years of European contact have done
little to undermine the basis of traditional family structure so far as the
majority of inhabitants of Uganda are concerned. Long after the legal systems
on the criminal side have been integrated it is likely that there will still have
to exist native courts to deal with native domestic law and custom, though
British law may be applied in all other branches. That is not to say that native
law and custom in family matters has not in any way adapted itself to a
changing outlook of the people, for an unwritten law is, or should be, merely
an expression of contemporary thought, and with the slow but steady improve-
ment in the position of women, some change, inadequate though it may be,
has taken place ameliorating a woman's lot and defining or expanding her
rights. I could quote many examples where either by resolution of the dis-
trict councils or merely as a result of educated popular opinion domestic law
has been drastically reformed. It will be enough to mention the present day
right in certain districts of a girl to bring before the native courts the fact
that her parents have without good cause (probably in the hope of obtaining
greater bride-wealth) withheld their consent to marriage.
There is, of course, a large body of educated Africans in this country who
have accepted either on religious or other grounds the Europeans' concept of
the rights of women, and with it the institution of monogamous marriage. It
was for such Africans (and also of course for non-natives) that the Marriage
Ordinance was designed. Indeed, this Ordinance represents one of the com-
paratively few examples of the British Administration following the practice
of other colonial powers in providing different legislation for the evolue and
the tribal African. Many of the injustices which arise today are due to the fact
that the Marriage Ordinance has not been confined to the evolue, who under-
stands the implications of monogamous marriage and accepts it for what it
is worth. Because of the social attractions that marriage under the Ordinance
provides, together with the fact that a very large number of Africans have
accepted the main tenets of Christianity whilst still adhering to tribal custom
as far as the family is concerned, and in particular to polygamy, the Marriage
Ordinance has, as I have already mentioned, been made use of by many for
whom it was never intended.
The question, therefore, which presents itself is whether it is possible to
bridge within one system of domestic law enforceable upon all, the gulf
between the African who still forms part of the traditional tribal organization
and the African who has accepted a European outlook towards marriage and
the status of women. I am certain that the answer is that at the present stage
of development it is not possible. The great majority of Africans, particularly
outside Buganda, are still living under tribal discipline which, whatever may
be said of conditions in urban areas, is still enforced and serves a vital social
function. In the course of time the tribal family organization and, above all,
the institution of polygamy upon which it is founded, is bound to give way
and disappear in the face of advanced education and economic change. As it
is, the increasing pace of women's education and the striving after higher
standards of living, including expensive education for a man's children, are

beginning to make polygamy an anachronism. It would, however, be quite
unrealistic to think that these changes have yet affected the outlook of the
average peasant. In the meantime, and for many years to come, customary
domestic law has a vital part to play in enforcing what is on the whole a just
and, to the people at large, an acceptable code of behaviour. No man under
native law can do exactly as he wills with his property, for the law recognizes
and enforces rights which other members of the family have under custom
in respect of this property. This is often irksome to the man who feels that
he has outgrown the restraints of native law and who looks with envy at the
individualistic rights which a man enjoys under British law, to do what he
wills with what is his own. But native law, within its own no doubt narrow
limits, endeavours to provide fair treatment for the family as a whole and to
ensure that no one is left to destitution. That a wife on her husband's death is
compelled to remain under the protection of his heir or to return to the care
of her parents may seem to be out of keeping with present day conceptions
of a woman's rights, but surely it is preferable to the state of affairs which
existed in English law before 1938 under which a man could, if he so desired,
will his entire property to his mistress and leave his wife and family destitute
with no obligation upon relations or parents to look after them. Indeed, until
the Married Women's Property Act of 1882 the property so willed away could
include everything his wife possessed since all she had legally belonged to
him unless at the time of marriage her parents had been wise enough to tie
everything up in trust.
Here I should like to say something of the concept of the unjust will, which
is common to most bodies of customary law in Uganda. The right of a man
to make a will is generally recognized and to an increasing extent these wills
are in written form. Nevertheless, when a testator dies such a will may be dis-
puted by his family and the native courts will then adjudicate, declaring the
whole or portions of the will to be invalid if they appear unjust. For example,
a man may disinherit (the term normally used is to 'curse') one or more of his
sons if they had been disobedient or have in some way offended him. The
court will, however, overrule such disinheritance if it has been made without
reasonable cause. In short, native law does not recognize arbitrary disposal,
at a man's whim, of his property at his death and since the court's decisions
are subject to appeal, and ultimately may be the subject of review by the
High Court, this position is to my mind altogether salutary. There are, however,
many complaints against what in the eyes of the individualist is the unjustified
interference by the clan in this way with the wishes of the testator. Nearly
all these complaints come from Buganda. It is inevitable that in Buganda, in
many ways the most advanced Province, the greatest opposition to tribal
restraints should be encountered, but there is a much more valid reason for
this discontent. In Buganda under the Clan Cases Agreement of 1924, all clan
matters are taken out of the hands of the courts and made subject to decisions
by the clan. In a case of 1944 which went on appeal to the East African Court
of Appeal," it was ruled in effect that matters of intestate succession are clan
11 Kajubi v. Kabali: Court of Appeal for Eastern Africa: Civil Appeal No. 2 of 1944:
see Uganda J., 21 (1957), 122-3.

matters and as such are therefore excluded from the jurisdiction of the courts.
Upon the question of whether or not testate succession is also exclusively a
clan matter, there has long been doubt but it has been presumed that it comes
within the scope of the Clan Cases Agreement, and such cases in Buganda
are not normally brought before the courts. Under such circumstances it
is hardly surprising that complaints are heard of arbitrary interference by the
clans with the testator's wishes where these are not to the liking of the clan
members. Whether such complaints are justified or not it is, of course, im-
possible to say, since the clan proceedings never appear in the open.
I should perhaps add that the Succession Ordinance which is based on the
English law of testate and intestate succession does not apply to Africans.
Even the most ardent African advocate of the application of English law on
domestic matters would, I think, hesitate before he suggested that this
Ordinance should apply to all races once he realized what this would entail.
Being based on the European concept of consanguinity and not on that of
clan, it presents an outlook on family relationships which is completely foreign
to an African. For example, who amongst the Africans here would not think
the following distribution of property to be an outrage? Musoke is a rich
old man with no children and no brothers or sisters. He dies intestate, leaving
as his only close relations his father's brother's son, Peter, and his mother's
sister's daughter, Mary. Were the Succession Ordinance applicable Peter and
Mary would take Musoke's property in equal shares, for both are his first
Such, in brief, is the complex situation at present in existence in Uganda-
a situation which is the inevitable outcome of various stages of acceptance of,
and emancipation from, the traditional social structure. No compromise such
as the recognition side by side of two completely different systems of marriage
law can be entirely satisfactory, but the alternative of having to impose upon
the mass of the population marriage laws which are completely out of sym-
pathy with popular feeling and practice would be found to give rise to even
greater injustices. For any law to be justifiable or, indeed, to be capable of
practical application it must have the support of a substantial body of opinion
in the country. It is sometimes suggested that it should be compulsory for all
marriages to be monogamous and registered. Such point of view overlooks
the fact that a law providing for the registration of marriages merely provides,
for those who wish to enter into a union, a facility which gives that union the
status of a marriage as far as the law is concerned; that is to say, it gives the
parties to the union certain rights which can be enforced in the courts. To
say that the registration of marriage which will entail monogamy must be
compulsory is merely to say that unions which are not so registered give rise
to no legal rights. The effect of this under present conditions in Uganda would
merely be to deprive the majority of the inhabitants of the country of any legal
protection for themselves, their wives or families if they continued, as I am
sure the majority would, to enter into polygamous customary marriages. It is
hard to believe that such action would be equitable, or indeed, practicable.
That customary marriage contracts will continue to take place for many years
to come is, I think, beyond question. I do not suppose that the advocates of

compulsory monogamy would go so far as to recommend making all co-
habitation which is not recognized as marriage by registration a criminal
offence. Such an approach would, of course, be completely contrary to English
legal principles, which, in general, consider moral conduct which does not
offend the rights of others or public decency to be a matter for the individual's
conscience, not for the law, to control; and even though certain puritanical
administrations have, from time to time through the course of European history,
tried to enforce laws of this sort, they have usually failed, although of
course, in native law and custom adultery and, indeed, fornication is treated
as a crime. The eventual acceptance of monogamy in this country is, I think
inevitable, but the agents which will bring it about will be not the law, but
education, lay and Christian, economic pressure and ultimately popular
opinion. To deprive customary unions of their legal validity and therefore of
their rights under native law, or indeed, even to try to enforce, as far as Africans
are concerned, the existing penalty sections of the Marriage Ordinance in the
case of the widespread offence of following a Christian marriage by customary
contracts with other women, could, I think, only have the effect of reducing the
status of customary marriage to that of concubinage. In practice a man who
wished to take another woman into his house could avoid the penalties
attached to a second marriage merely by not complying with the customary
marriage requirements such as proper payment of bride-wealth. I cannot see
that this would be of benefit to the country morally or materially.
I would therefore conclude by repeating that the future of monogamy, and
with it of true Christian family life and the recognition of woman's status as
a man's equal, lies entirely in the education of public opinion. I would add
that in England after years of agitation it was only in this present century that
the necessary legislation could have any meaning; and finally that polygamy
and the complementary attitude that woman is man's servant will continue in
this country for so long as, and no longer than, the bulk of the population
accept this as right.


I WANT to bring out into the open some of the obstacles which stand in
the way of clear thinking and of finding a solution for the problems which
beset family life and marriage in Africa today. I intend to deal with facts rather
than opinions.
In a stable society which was not changing fast it would not be necessary
to say these things. But we all know that we are in a fluid situation where
anything may be questioned. In these circumstances we cannot afford tabooed
subjects and conspiracies of silence. I have focused my remarks upon the
concept of chastity, not because I wish to speak of matters which might be
thought unsuitable for a public lecture, but because it brings out the kernel of
controversy, the sometimes unidentified apple of discord. It draws attention to
some elements of prejudice, humbug and wishful thinking which must be
exposed before sound progress can be made.
I should like us to look at chastity, in the dictionary sense of 'purity from
unlawful sexual intercourse', from a wide historical perspective. To Westerners,
the common meaning of chastity is found in the idea that marriage should be
monogamous and permanent, and that physical love should not occur outside
it. Such an idea is almost peculiar to the Christian West, and in practice
the West has always fallen very far short of it. Outside the Western world, it
has been found that less than 5 per cent of peoples have a general prohibition
of all sex relations outside marriage.2 It is much more common to find such a
prohibition applied unilaterally to females, rather as a precaution against child-
bearing out of wedlock than as a moral requirement. This is the situation
among most Uganda peoples, who expect women to confine their favours to
their husbands, and to one at a time, whereas men are allowed more variety.
Kinsey showed that 98 per cent of less well-educated male Americans over
16 years of age had active pre-marital sex experience. Among the moderately
educated the percentage was about 84 per cent, and among the well educated
it was around 67 per cent, while "about half of all the married males have
intercourse with women other than their wives at some time while they are
married".3 What has happened in America is some indication, even if some-
times an extreme indication, of what is happening in the Western world as a
whole, as well as in changing modern Africa. Many of us know this per-
fectly well, but Kinsey produced one of the rare objective and unbiased state-
ments of it.
The Reverend John Taylor gives in his book figures for schoolboys of
various tribes in Buganda. The picture is not at all unlike that of Kinsey.
although no direct quantitative comparison is possible. Fifty-nine per cent of
I Presidential address delivered on 16 March 1960.
2 Murdock, G. P. Social Structure. New York, 1949, p. 264.
3 Kinsey, A. C. Sexual Behaviour in the Human Male. Philadelphia, 1949, pp. 552,

boys whose parents were in non-professional jobs had sexual experience
between the ages of fourteen and seventeen. Of boys whose parents were in
professional occupations 47 per cent had it, in most cases with girls who were
also in school.4
Chastity, surely, should be a moral, and not merely a physical, quality.
It should be an expression of self-control. If continence is imposed from with-
out, there is little virtue in it and there are likely to be vicious and harmful
corollaries. Many have lived up to the high ideals of the Christian West, and
have thrown light on the possibilities of personal chastity and self-control.
Mystics and religious leaders have practised chastity in its extreme form of
celibacy in many parts of the world. Many families also set a high example.
But if we take chastity to be the restriction of physical love to married life,
we can only conclude that, at most times and places, while a considerable
degree of chastity has been imposed upon women by the jealousy and
possessiveness expressed in the rules and regulations of male-dominated
society, a much more limited degree of it has been enforced on men themselves,
by the need to curb dangerous rivalry and by the influence of high ideals upon
a minority.
Let us now look at Africa. In Ethiopia and Somalia, the Danakil, Galla and
Somali impose the extreme form of physical chastity on their girls by infibula-
tion. At marriage the bride has to be unfastened by the groom or an assistant.5
This is a very clear expression of the principle that the sexual powers of
women are not for them to dispose of, but are at the disposal of men, according
to strict rules. To make the submission of woman to man still clearer, the
Somali bridegroom whips his bride symbolically at marriage. It is unnecessary
to remind you that much the same view was expressed in the Old Testament,
and strongly re-affirmed by St. Paul in the New. Wives are required to submit
to their husbands and to revere them rather than to love them.6 Husbands are
enjoined to love their wives, but, says St. Paul, "It is good for a man not to
touch a woman".7 St. Paul's requirements of women were enforced with some
success in Christendom by a combination of female virtue and male authority.
But it was quite beyond the power of men as a whole to enforce St. Paul's
requirements upon themselves. Among most East African peoples, as in the
story of Genesis and for St. Paul, the female is intrinsically unpropitious and
evil comes through her.
The chastity of the Victorian middle-class English girl was secured by the
same principle as in the case of the Somali, namely, the overwhelming
political, legal and domestic authority of the male half of society, although in
England it was perhaps less crudely expressed in physical terms.
In East Africa, it is probably well-known that, among many of the peoples
of Kenya, unmarried girls and boys slept communally. The boy lay between
the legs of his sweetheart in such a manner as to secure sexual pleasure to
himself, without conveying it, or its awkward consequences to her. The girl
who became pregnant before initiation was utterly disgraced and her child
4 Taylor, J. V. The Growth of the Church in Buganda. London, 1958, p. 281.
s Lewis, I. Peoples of the Horn of Africa. London, 1955, pp. 53, 109-10, 135-6.
6 Ephesians v. 22-5, 33.
7 I Corinthians vii. 1.

was put to death at birth. Most Uganda peoples had milder methods, and
contented themselves with making an extra gift to the bride's parents when
the tokens of virginity could be displayed after consummation of the union,
and putting her to public shame if they could not.
Under the Somali system, most girls are indeed virgins when they marry.
But this is purely physical, not moral chastity. It ministers to male pride of
possession, and meets the ritual need for the bride's lineage to hand a pure
and complete offering to the lineage of the groom. The Somali provide us with
a useful standard by which to judge other African schemes for the preserva-
tion of feminine chastity. The Somali concentrate entirely on handing the
bride to the groom as a virgin. After marriage, adultery is not taken very
seriously. Even if a husband catches another man with his wife in the act, he
usually only takes the adulterer's cloak in order to claim compensation. In
accordance with Islamic law, Somali divorce is easy, but only the husband
can break the marriage bond at will; the wife can only obtain a divorce if her
husband is willing. The fundamentally different and unequal valuation of
men and women is again shown clearly in compensation for murder, when
100 camels have to be paid for an adult male, but the life of a woman is only
worth about half this amount.8
It is a commonplace that the status of women is lower than that of men
among most African peoples. In this respect they are like the early Romans,
as well as like the English until the mid-nineteenth century. In all these systems
women never became legally adult during the whole course of their lives.
From legal minors under the guardianship of their fathers, they passed to being
legal minors under the guardianship of their husbands. They could not plead
alone in court, they could not own property, they were not considered fully
responsible for their actions. The fact that a husband could be held responsible
for his wife's actions has been held in English Common Law to justify the
husband's right to beat his wife.9 If it was he who paid for her faults, he must
be allowed the power to correct and, if possible, to prevent them by deterrent
There were two main types of traditional family system in Uganda which,
for convenience, I shall refer to as Nilotic and Interlacustrine. In the first
a fairly high bride-wealth was given to the bride's people by the groom's, in
cattle or in foodstuffs, and nowadays increasingly in cattle and sometimes in
money. The reproductive powers of the wife were completely transferred to
the husband and his lineage, so that all children born to her were reckoned
to be members of his descent group, even if they were begotten by other men.
Similarly, the children of an unmarried girl belonged to the group of the girl's
father and brothers, unless her lover specifically paid compensation to obtain
the custody and filiation of the child he had begotten. The wife became very
closely identified with her husband's group and her links with the group into
8 Lewis, I. op. cit., p. 110.
9 Thus, in the famous case cited by Bracton, a husband and wife produced a forged
charter and he was hanged, but she was set free, whether she shared in his guilt or not,
because she was 'under the rod'. See the relevant passages in Pollock and Maitland,
The History of English Law. Second Edition, Cambridge, 1911, vol. ii, pp. 405-6: and
Bryce, James, Studies in History and Jurisprudence. Oxford, 1901, vol. ii, pp. 424-7.

which she had been born were correspondingly weakened. She owned virtually
no property and divorce was rare.
It is very common in this type of family system for men of the same descent
to live as neighbours in the same local group, so that clans and lineages also
correspond very largely to territorial settlements. This is the characteristic
form of the family in most of north Uganda, especially among the Nilotes
proper, such as the Alur and Acholi, as well as the Luo in Kenya, and also the
Nilo-Hamitic Teso and Karamojong.
The latter differ in that they do not possess large localized lineages, but
extended families, or shallow lineages, are certainly important as local groups
and more so than among the Interlacustrine Bantu. The Kiga, who are Bantu
though not belonging to the Interlacustrine category, have a family system
similar to the Nilotic in terms of the factors I have described. The Gisu, on
the other hand, also Bantu but not Interlacustrine, cannot be very satisfactorily
assigned to either of my two family types. Illegitimate children were regarded
as properly belonging to the man who begot them, who ought to pay com-
pensation or, preferably, marry the mother if she was unmarried, but if neither
marriage nor compensation took place the child of an unmarried mother
remained socially and legally a member of its mother's lineage, though subject
to discrimination. The possibility of divorce seems to have been clearly
recognized, in contrast to the situation among most Nilotic peoples, yet, like
the latter, the Gisu lived in large, localized, segmentary lineages.10 However,
the exclusiveness and potential hostility of lineage segments was qualified by
alliances in some cases and also by the age organization which cut across
them, as it did in the case of the Nilo-Hamites but not the Nilotes of Uganda
and Kenya.
In the second type of family system, which I shall call Interlacustrine, the
bride-wealth is much lower, often more in the nature of a symbolic token,
such as beer, bark-cloth and a goat, although the expenses of actually staging
the wedding may be considerable. The husband, or at least the husband and
his close agnatic kinsmen, have exclusive sexual rights over the wife, but they
do not, as it were, completely own her reproductive powers as in Nilotic
marriage. If she does happen to bear children to other men, as in adultery,
such children invariably belong by descent to the men who actually begot
them, whether or not due compensation is paid for the offence. Similarly, a
man who seduces an unmarried girl should pay compensation to her family,
but any children she bears him belong to him in any case.
Although the wife becomes a member of her husband's family, her links
with the group into which she was born remain strong. In family systems of
this type the clans and lineages are dispersed and do not form the basis of local
settlements to the same extent as in the Nilotic type. It is also more possible
for a woman to hold property of her own, and divorce is more frequent.
I shall refer to this as the Interlacustrine family, because it is characteristic of
the Interlacustrine Bantu peoples of south Uganda, such as the Ganda, Soga
and Toro.
10 La Fontaine, J. S. The Gisu of Uganda. Ethnographic Survey of Africa, East
Central Africa, Part x. London. 1959, pp. 34-5. 46-8.

The Nilotic and Interlacustrine marriage types have reacted in strikingly
different ways to the manifold changes of the last fifty years.
The first radical change in the Nilotic system was the making of marriage
cases cognizable by regular courts. Previously, marriage had been an affair
between two lineages, which were often distinct local groups, potentially hos-
tile to each other. Divorce was rare in any case, and, if it occurred, the return
of bride-wealth was secured through the good offices of relatives who were
linked by kinship to both sides, or else by self-help in the shape of a raiding
party. This latter method was not common, because, unless the woman's line-
age showed at least token willingness to return the marriage cattle, the woman
would not be released and divorce would not occur. If life with her husband
was quite impossible, she might be taken instead by one of his brothers. This
did not count as divorce, but was simply an adjustment within the original
marriage. On the other hand, if a woman deserted, or was abducted, unless the
abductor's lineage demonstrated their willingness to negotiate by offering
cattle, there was danger that the injured husband would plan to ambush the
abductor. If he was successful, the abductor might get little support from his
own lineage, since he was known to be in the wrong and involving his kin
in trouble. Similarly if a young girl was abducted, unless willingness to give
bride-wealth was shown, the girl's lineage might attempt the counter-
kidnapping of another girl in exchange. Even where there were hereditary
chiefs of some authority, they often did not intervene in marital disputes,
unless they were personally implicated, or if a dispute led to serious breaches
of the peace, which it was necessary for them to quell. Thus there were strong
deterrents to vexatious claims for return of bride-wealth and for divorce.
Some tribes even regarded adultery as a crime equal to homicide."
Bride-wealth tended to be higher than in Interlacustrine marriage, but it
varied greatly with economic circumstances. It probably reflected cyclical
economic changes, rising at times of prosperity and falling in periods of
drought, famine and cattle epidemics. There was little possibility of expansion
in the economy, and no continuous inflation of bride-wealth. In spite of much
haggling, there was a good deal of mutual accommodation between the two
lineages involved in a marriage. Provided the husband and his people showed
willingness according to their means, they were not forced to give more
property than they could afford, or to complete the transaction within any
specified time. Contributions could be obtained from a wide group of kinsmen
and debts balanced out over a long period.
What is most astonishing is the extent to which Nilotic marriage has been
transformed from its original character. The early administrators brought
marriage into the jurisdiction of regular courts and tried both to standardize
the level of bride-wealth and to limit the period for which bride-wealth debts

11 This is not, of course, to suggest that homicide and adultery were regarded as
the same offence, but that in some cases the identical compensation imposed suggests
that they were regarded as of equivalent gravity. Thus Lawrance notes that "in
Karamoja district compensation for adultery is fixed at the same rate as compensation
for homicide, that is sixty head of cattle" (Lawrance, J. C. D. The Iteso. Oxford, 1957,
p. 218); and Gulliver says of the Turkana "adultery is as grave a crime as homicide"
(Gulliver, P. H. The Family Herds. London, 1955, p. 204).

could be carried. The whole nature of the transaction and the relationship of
the parties was altered once bride-wealth liabilities could be rigidly defined
and a bride-wealth debtor summoned to court and ultimately committed to
prison for default.
When to this was added an expanding economy' and the increasing transla-
tion of property values into monetary terms, the bride-wealth system was wide
open to abuses never dreamt of before. The establishment by courts of money
equivalents for all bride-wealth property, whether cattle, foodstuffs, such as
millet, sweet potatoes or dried fish, hoes or marriage arrows, and later the
acceptance of bride-wealth in cash instead of in kind, gave the whole institu-
tion of marriage an entirely new commercial tone. Increasing marriage litiga-
tion matched the constant inflationary pressure on the level of bride-wealth.
Young men could no longer marry, because they could not accumulate suffi-
cient property, while the diminished solidarity of the lineage, resulting from
the cessation of tribal war, made it less and less easy to borrow at long term
from relatives. Collective responsibility dwindled, and the maintenance of
a marriage came to depend more and more on the individual husband and
wife and their immediate families.
All these changed considerations apply not only to bride-wealth in first
marriage, and to its return at divorce, but to the similar compensation pay-
ments for adultery and seduction. The cut-and-dried court system made
divorce much easier. Fathers were tempted to hold up their daughters to the
highest bidder, or to break up a daughter's marriage in the hope of further
and higher payments. Taught by Europeans to evaluate cattle and other
property in money terms hitherto unknown, fathers began to attach money
value to a daughter's upbringing and especially to any school education for
which fees had been paid. Greedy husbands connived at their wives' adulteries,
or even framed up false ones, in order to obtain compensation2 Administra-
tive officers complain that much of the chiefs' time is wasted, especially at
the sub-county level, in hearing marital disputes which are sometimes little
better than commercialized prostitution.
Interlacustrine marriage, also, was a contract between two extended
families, or lineages; but it was not to the same extent an aspect of the relation-
ship of the two local groups, because among these peoples members of many
different clans and lineages lived together in the same local community.
Marriage disputes were usually settled by the families concerned, but could
be taken before the chiefs for settlement if necessary.
The ruling chiefs of Buganda were profoundly influenced by the insistence
of the Christian missionaries that marriage should be monogamous and
indissoluble. As a result, although the customary features of marriage, bride-
wealth, adultery and divorce were all recognized in principle, they were
officially and publicly frowned upon by Ganda chiefs, and in their courts
they discouraged the hearing of cases on these matters, which consequently
came to be dealt with privately by the families concerned.
The Buganda Adultery and Fornication Law of 1917 gave the courts power
to fine those guilty of these offences. It is important to note that this Law
12 Lawrance, J. C. D. The Iteso. London, 1957, pp. 204, 219.

did not provide for any compensation to the man who considered himself
injured by adultery or fornication committed with his wife or daughter. But
compensation was not explicitly ruled out, except where there was connivance,
so apparently the court could allocate part of the fine as compensation.
In his celebrated official circular of 1919, the former Chief Justice of
Buganda, Stanislas Mugwanya, gave clear expression to the principles which
have guided the Ganda courts ever since in their treatment of marriage cases.
He noted that Christian or Muslim husbands sometimes married additional
concubines, that is, plural wives in native customary marriage, and then
brought court cases about them as if they were wives. After Mugwanya's
circular, Ganda courts would not recognize customary marriage at all in the
case of men who claimed to be adherents of Christianity or Islam. In effect,
in order to have a customary marriage recognized by the courts, you had to
declare yourself a pagan. Since this was equivalent to declaring yourself to
be a benighted savage, it amounted virtually to the withdrawal of recognition
from customary marriage in Buganda.
Although in principle, Christians or Muslims can invoke the Adultery and
Fornication Law in respect of religious marriages, and pagans can invoke it
in respect of customary marriages, in practice it is very rare for either to do so.
In the year 1958, there were only 270 court cases for adultery in the whole
of Buganda, and many of these are said to concern foreigners. It is safe to
say that, in parts of north Uganda, the incidence of such cases is at least
ten times as great.
What this means is that in Buganda, instead of getting a divorce in court
as is done in north Uganda, people simply separate. Those who enter religious
marriages are free to enter customary unions or concubinage in addition, be-
cause although guilty of an offence equivalent to bigamy under Protectorate
Law," they are rarely prosecuted. Those who enter religious marriages, with
the exception of Muslims, for whom divorce is relatively easy, do not obtain
divorce because the Christian churches do not recognize divorce, and civil
divorce can be obtained only in the High Court (or, by a special dispensation
for Africans, in a District Court), by a procedure which is sufficiently lengthy
and costly to have deterred Africans from indulging in it, except in very rare
cases until quite recently. How extremely rare divorce is can be judged from
the fact that in recent years the average annual number of divorce cases of
persons of all races in the Uganda High Court has been 7-5. In the District
Courts the number of cases has risen since the War but still does not seem to be
very large. Mengo District Court provides for a larger population than any other
District Court in Uganda, yet from 1950 to 1959 the average number of
divorces granted annually was only ten. It is interesting that, taking all divorce
suits brought, whether granted or not, the number of female petitioners has
exceeded the number of males, females averaging ten a year and males only
seven. This shows how legally emancipated women have become in the upper
classes of Buganda.
The majority of Ganda couples still marry according to customary law,
or else now simply begin to live together in marriage by consent or concubin-
13 Marriage Ordinance, Sections 51 and 52.

age, whichever one prefers to call it. But whether such unions are customary,
or merely by consent, they are equally unrecognized by the present practice
of Ganda law and Ganda courts. The coming together of these couples, their
reproduction, separation and reuniting with new partners, all occur in a legal
limbo about which very little seems to be known.
The trend of events in Buganda has influenced, and to some extent been
paralleled by, changes in other parts of south Uganda, such as Toro.
Since the courts discouraged the bringing of bride-wealth claims, and self-
help was no longer permissible, the recovery of a large bride-wealth at divorce
became unlikely, and there was little encouragement to inflation. But although
the bride-wealth proper remained low, the expenses of the marriage feast
did rise, because heavy spending here was an important ceremonial expression
of high status or of a claim to achieve it.
The lack of any substantial and easily recoverable marriage property
meant that there was no bond of common interest to reinforce the solidarity
of male relatives in guarding the chastity of their daughters and sisters.
Indeed, by comparison with Nilotic marriage, it made comparatively little
difference to the men of the family whether their sisters were married or not.
Men had less incentive to impose their authority on the women of their line-
age, and the latter had more opportunity of evading it. Women had some
property rights, even traditionally, but the mailo land system, whereby some
women even inherited freehold land, and ever increasing opportunities for
earning money offered women the possibility of independence. Some wealthy
women could no longer tolerate traditionally authoritarian husbands, and
preferred lovers, towards whom they incurred no formal obligations. Such
examples were not lost upon the lower orders. Men also began to see limita-
tions in the married state. In Nilotic marriage a man was secure in knowing
that all his wife's children would count as his, even if she bore them to some-
one else, or that he would at least get good compensation for the infringements
of his rights. The Interlacustrine husband had no such sense of security or
hope of gain. If his wife bore adulterine children they belonged to the
adulterer, and although compensation was recognized in principle, it became
more and more impossible to enforce in practice.
So it came about that, for an increasing number of people, any form of
marriage ceremony or contract came to be regarded, not as the essential
prelude and guarantee to the enjoyment of physical love and the reproduc-
tion of offspring, but rather as an eventual seal to a mating relationship which
had already been proved by experience to be satisfactory and stable. This,
after all, is what so many marriages have come to be in Western Europe and
America nowadays.14
In an ordinary rural village in Toro, which was intensively studied last year,
it was found that over half of the women had started to cohabit with the man
of their choice without any marriage ceremony, civil, religious or customary.
14 In Jamaica, the masses of the people, of low social status and slender economic
resources, openly regard marriage as a commitment not to be undertaken except as
the culmination of a lengthy period of cohabitation which has proved congenial, fertile
and economically viable. See Clarke, Edith. My Mother Who Fathered Me. London,
1957, chap. 3.

Of those who had a church marriage, over half had lived with the man con-
cerned for at least two years beforehand. In a Buganda village investigated
eight years ago, 13 per cent of all unions were found to take the form of
marriage by consent, without any formal ceremony, contract, or obligation.
As long ago as 1934, Dr. Mair already found it common for Ganda couples to
live together without being married."
To many of us this may seem a distressing state of affairs, but it is difficult
to see what else we could have expected. The nineteenth century feminine
emancipation movement in England meant the right to work (in occupations
other than the previously frequented ones of governess, domestic servant or
prostitute), the right to plead in court, the right to hold property, the right
to space out births to prevent pregnancies and even to conceive out of
Empirically and historically, Western women won near equality with men
by giving up chastity for contraception. How do we expect African women to
win it? Most men have never been wholly chaste, and women have only been
so when constrained by men. The social privileges of men have never depended
on chastity, but those of women have often been made to do so. Thus England
and America passed from Victorian middle-class female chastity, to the
sterilized promiscuity, simulating chastity, which was brought about by the
coincident appearance of contraception. In our conventional social morality,
we are in great danger of blaming, not promiscuity which we cannot effectively
know about, but pregnancy, which some might consider more honorable and
dignified than the sterile promiscuity which can pass as virtue. In the present
stage of African social development, the vast majority of women, as well as
men, want children fervently, even out of wedlock, and they do not therefore
sterilize their pleasures as Western women do. For this we penalize them.
Nowadays, you can only have an elite minority of girls who marry as
virgins and remain faithful to their husbands. No society can have more,
except under conditions comparable to those of Victorian inequality. The
majority can either simulate chastity through contraception, or produce off-
spring out of wedlock. Ought we to discriminate between these two alter-
natives, in the case of school-teachers, nurses, shop-assistants, clerks, welfare
workers and other career girls?
Returning to our two types of marriage in Uganda, chastity can no longer
be said to be a major issue in the Interlacustrine family. But in the Nilotic
family it is still a central issue and for quite the wrong reasons. I cannot suggest
a simple magic formula to cure these problems, but I can suggest the general
principle that Nilotic bride-wealth must be treated as the token transfer of
capital in kind from one lineage to another that it traditionally was, and must
not be recognized as a consumable payment in cash. In this latter shape it
was wrong for the courts to be allowed to enforce it.
Some administrative officers claim that they have not directly influenced
customary law, but they have certainly revolutionized it indirectly. In north
Uganda, it was they who first established formal courts and made them hear
15 Mair. L. P. Native Marriage in Buganda. International African Institute,
Memorandum XIX. London, 1940, pp. 23-8.

bride-wealth cases and enforce decisions on them, in order to remove any
excuse for violent self-help. This may have been inevitable, and now it may be
time to try to redress the harm that has resulted from bringing these matters
into a formal court system. I am very doubtful whether either fine or compensa-
tion should now be enforceable in court for the offence of fornication or for
adultery in customary marriages. I think that Buganda may well have shown
the way here, when its Christian chiefs discouraged the bringing of such cases
to court.
Nowadays, girls should refrain from fornication and wives from adultery,
not because their fathers and brothers from motives of gain keep them
prisoners, but from the pressure of personal and family morals. Any other
morality is no longer worth having. As long as girls obey their fathers and
brothers through fear of witchcraft and other supernatural sanctions, the men
of their lineage will still be able to extort cattle and money from prospective
bridegrooms. But the courts should not perpetuate this. As economic differen-
tiation proceeds, the symbols of social class will become more and more im-
portant, and the expense of the actual wedding celebrations may overshadow
payments to the bride's family, as has already occurred in Buganda. This
would be a healthy development.
The property rights of women are also fundamental, as the Uganda Council
of Women has noticed.16 It is no use educating girls and giving them skills
if husbands can either prevent them from working or claim all the proceeds
as their own. If wives give their property or earnings to their husbands from
love or a sense of family solidarity, there should be no interference. But
a husband should not be able to claim this as a legal right which is enforce-
able in court.
Bogus ideas of chastity are often used as an excuse and a cover for the
perpetuation of feminine social inferiority. Many people of good will and
high principle are deceived by this bait and manoeuvred into the false position
of supporting male attempts to preserve female virtue and at the same time
blocking the way to the advancement and emancipation of women.
The crucial problem for the people of Uganda to decide-and if no con-
scious decision is made the matter will be decided willy nilly by the pressure
of events-is whether they wish to maintain the inequality of the sexes and
the social inferiority of women, enforcing a morality on women by legal
sanctions which cannot be applied to men, or whether they wish to make men
and women equal before the law, and to rely on a morality which must
ultimately depend on personal conviction and on strength of character.
16 The Status of Women in Relation to Marriage Laws. Duplicated typescript, U.C.W.,
Kampala, 1960.


THE Lado Enclave was created by the Franco-Congolese Agreement of 14
August 1894. Designed on paper for reasons of European politics, the
Enclave was bounded on the north by 5" 30' north latitude, on the west by
30" of longitude east of Greenwich, on the south by the Congo-Nile water-
shed, and on the east by the River Nile. It was the remnant of a much larger
block of territory to the north and west which Leopold II, King of the Belgians
and Sovereign of the Congo Free State, had been forced to abandon under
pressure from the French. Although anxious to insure his claim by effective
occupation, Leopold did not possess sufficient resources to take over the
Enclave until three years later. In February 1897, a Congolese force under
the command of Captain Chaltin defeated the Mahdists at Rejaf and occupied
Lado. At first the Belgians erected administrative posts throughout the
Enclave, but soon the high cost of administration, the hostility of the
indigenous tribes, and the lack of remuneration forced them to abandon
many of these stations. By 1907, they held only five stations scattered along
the road running from the Congo-Nile watershed through the centre of the
Enclave to the Nile.'
Devoid of natural rubber, too inaccessible to encourage the growth of
more basic but less profitable crops, the Enclave with its wooded rolling hills
separated by well-watered streams flowing amidst lush vegetation was ideally
suited for elephants. Nowhere in Africa were elephants in greater concen-
tration than in the Lado; even today the great herd of elephants near Bor is
a testimony to past profusion. Consequently, the expense of the administra-
tion had to be offset by the Enclave's only major product, ivory. Ivory was de-
clared a government monopoly. Labour services were commuted to payment in
ivory. Promotion was given to those officials who were assiduous in its collec-
tion.2 And only those hunters who had first secured the proper elephant-
hunting licences at Boma or Brussels were permitted to shoot legally in the
Enclave.3 Not only was poaching strictly forbidden, but any poacher attempt-
ing to intrude upon the government's monopoly was, if apprehended, heavily
fined and imprisoned or expelled from the Enclave.4 To be sure, the Congo
authorities were not completely effective at preserving this monopoly. Their
posts were usually far apart and their patrols infrequent or easily evaded.
Anyone residing in Uganda needed only to cross the Nile and, keeping at least
one day's march between him and the nearest Congolese post, shoot an
elephant, take the tusks, and return to Uganda without being detected. It repre-
sented good sport rather than good business, and no one, except of course the
Free State Government, regarded such practice as improper provided one did
not make a profession of poaching.5
On 9 May 1906, an agreement was concluded between the Congo Govern-
ment and Great Britiain by which Leopold, in return for a railway concession


from the Congo to the Nile, agreed to annul the Anglo-Congolese Agreement
of 12 May 1894, and on his death to hand over the Enclave to the Sudan
Government.6 The treaty not only terminated any further development of the
Lado Enclave but provided for its extinction. It gave official recognition to the
futility of any further constructive work and placed the Enclave in the limbo
of the Free State Administration. In the summer of 1907, the strength of the
armed forces was drastically reduced from thirty officers and 1,500 native
troops, to only fourteen officers and 500 men.7 These were distributed among
five remaining stations with orders to restrict the administration to the
immediate area around their posts required to provide the quantity of grain
necessary to feed the troops. This restriction of the Congolese forces to a few
widely scattered posts provided a splendid opportunity for poaching. Once the
officials of the Congo State had gone, poaching rapidly changed from a
hazardous sport to a prosperous profession. By 1908 there were already about
eight or ten hunters making a lucrative occupation of ivory poaching.8
In 1908, G. Berti, an Italian, who had been manager of the Equatorial
Hotel at Entebbe, established himself at Wadelai and almost overnight turned
ivory poaching into big business. While not hazarding himself to personal
encounter with either elephants or the Belgian authorities, he welcomed to
Wadelai undesirable adventurers from East and Central Africa. He supplied
them with arms and stores in return for half their ivory, and encouraged
them to cross the Nile into the Enclave. At one time he was reported to have
at least fifty poachers scouring the Enclave for ivory. At first these poachers,
deterred from going inland by the alarming reports of the ferocity of the
Lugbara, kept near the Nile, but after a time they grew bolder and by 1909
had overrun the whole of the southern Enclave. As the southern Enclave
became shot out parties of poachers pushed westward over the Congo-Nile
watershed into that part of the Congo proper not administered by the
No one discouraged the poachers. Uganda officials put few obstacles in the
way of their activities, while the indigenous tribes helped them in return for
the elephant meat.10 In spite of strict prohibitions against shooting cow
elephants, the poachers made no distinction between female and male
elephants, killing indiscriminately so long as the tusks were sufficiently mature
to be worthwhile. This was indeed the great tragedy of ivory poaching. Three
female elephants were shot for one male." Not only were they easier to kill
than bull elephants, but their ivory, which is closer grained, commanded a
higher market price than that of the male. By the promiscuous slaughter of
their breeding stock, the herds were rapidly faced with possible extinction.
On 17 December 1909, Leopold II died. In order to carry out the Agree-
ment of 1906, a Commission composed of officials from the Belgian Congo
on the one hand and from the Sudan on the other was dispatched to the
Enclave to effect the transfer. The Commission did its work smoothly and
without serious disagreement. On 16 June 1910, the Lado Enclave was
officially handed over to Sudan Government officials and the last remaining
Congolese troops marched out.12 At the time of the transfer from Belgian to
Anglo-Egyptian control most of the poachers withdrew from the Enclave ex-


pecting the Sudan Government to occupy the whole of it. When, however,
the Sudanese officials made no attempt to establish their authority in the
southern Enclave, the poachers returned."1 By 1911, there were more poachers
than ever before, and Berti, the Italian trader, was reported to have had a
most profitable year, shipping over 9,000 lb. of ivory to Europe.14
Poachers usually embarked for the Lado Enclave from Butiaba where they
could count on aid and support from Bennett and Maulkinson of the Uganda
Marine. Bennett, who was in charge of the steam launch Kenya which plied
between Lake Albert and Nimule, was known as 'the Admiral of the Nile
Flotilla' and was himself a great poacher. On one occasion he tied up the
Kenya at a likely-looking spot on the Nile, converted his sailors into 'askaris',
conscripted the native passengers as porters, and disappeared into the Enclave
on a fourteen-day poaching safari." In return for a tusk Bennett would see
that a hunter was put ashore wherever desired.16 Usually a poacher established
his camp on the Uganda side of the Nile south of Wadelai and crossed over
into the Enclave to shoot. Porters were seized from the riverain tribes. Fre-
quently if a poacher was unsuccessful, he would intimidate a local chief to
supply him with ivory, threatening to shoot him and burn his village if turned
away empty-handed.
Having collected the ivory the poacher had no difficulty disposing of at
least all the male tusks. Allidina Visram, an Indian trader who had shops at
Kampala, Masindi, Koba, and Nimule, or Kengi Bange, another influential
Indian trader, would purchase the male ivory. Male ivory was classified as
'green' or 'live' ivory if freshly killed and 'trade' or 'dead' ivory if it had been
taken years ago and had remained in the Enclave. There was a considerable
amount of such 'trade' ivory either buried or used for barter among the tribes
in the Enclave, which the authorities were quite willing to allow to be ex-
ported upon payment of a small tax. 'Green' ivory, however, was another
matter. Primarily to gain revenue an import tax of 10 per cent and export tax
of 15 per cent was placed on 'green' ivory passing through Uganda from the
Enclave to Europe. This total tax of 25 per cent on ivory simply to pass it in
and out of Uganda was considered outrageous by many poachers and was
consequently evaded. And evasion was not difficult. The Indian trader would
bury the fresh male ivory in elephant dung, and in a few months the ivory
would discolour resembling tusks taken from elephants long ago. The traders
would then pass the discoloured 'green' ivory through the Customs as 'trade'
ivory and cheerfully pay the nominal tax.7 Female ivory was more difficult to
dispose of. It could not be passed through the Customs, for not only was all
female ivory declared contraband and confiscated, but it could be readily
distinguished from male ivory by its close grain. Consequently, most cow
ivory was either buried in the hope of later recovery, or given to Arab traders
in exchange for male ivory which could be marketed in Uganda, or sold for
cash. The Arabs, in turn, would sell their female ivory in Abyssinia where
there were no restrictions.'8
At Mahagi, the Belgian officers were notorious for the assistance they gave
to hunters. One poacher caught in possession of eighty tusks bought his free-
dom with a case of whisky. Another bribed three Congolese officials with a


cheque which subsequently bounced. Buckley, a well-known poacher, pur-
chased more than three tons of ivory from Belgian officers.19
Poachers were, generally speaking, an undesirable lot. Many of them created
serious disturbances among the indigenous tribes of the Enclave through which
they passed in their quest for elephants. Burning villages and commandeering
porters were part of their normal procedure. Not only did they seriously
deplete the great elephant herds, but they prevented any peace, security, or
stability in the Lado Enclave. Not all the poachers, however were bad charac-
ters, and even some that were, possessed redeeming traits. Loyalty, at least
to other poachers, camaraderie, and bravery were common characteristics
among even the toughest and most brutal hunters. Theodore Roosevelt, who
in his youth had spent several years on the American frontier, openly admired,
respected, and envied the poachers of the Lado Enclave and their rough and
ready life of adventure. Indeed, while hunting in Uganda and the Enclave in
1909-10, Roosevelt enjoyed the fellowship of many prominent poachers and
during a dinner with them at Koba "gave the toast 'To the Elephant Poachers
of the Lado Enclave' ". When reproved by one of the hunters for his bluntness
"he gravely amended his toast to 'The Gentlemen Adventurers of Central
Africa, for that is the title by which you would have been known in Queen
Elizabeth's time' ".20
Through the efforts of the Intelligence Department of the Sudan Govern-
ment the more flagrant poachers were well known to the Sudan authorities.
First there was Phillips. He had a reputation for shooting first and asking
questions later. Then there was Forbes. An American, who was considered by
his fellow poachers as one of the most cunning, he first appeared at Umbarada
in German East Africa and slowly made his way northward through the
Congo into the Enclave. He shot over ninety elephants. Upon arriving at
Butiaba he returned to Umbarada and, accompanied by his wife, retraced his
steps to the north with similar success. Glencross and Caink were two of the
most notorious poachers.21 In 1911 they hunted throughout the southern
Enclave where, after various misdeeds, they cut the telegraph line and burned
the store of an Indian trader at Koba.22 They were arrested by Bimbashi
(Captain) C. H. Stigand of the Sudan Government Service, tried, fined, and
deported. Less harmful but an equally skilful poacher was the eccentric Scot,
MacQueen. A miner by profession he had prospected in Australia, South
Africa, and Uganda before taking up poaching in the Enclave. There he lost
an arm when it was smashed by a wounded bull elephant, but continued to
hunt, shooting from a tripod carried by his gunbearer.23 Banks, like MacQueen.
was another quiet man. Being hard of hearing he was known as 'Deaf Banks',
but he hunted successfully in the Enclave until a bad mauling by a buffalo
forced him to settle down to a quiet life in Uganda.24
Pitted against these and many other dangerous poachers were a handful
of Sudan Government officials who, overworked and overburdened by adminis-
trative duties, were responsible for policing thousands of square miles of
rugged African terrain. These officials were constantly obliged to neglect im-
portant administrative business in order to plunge into the bush in pursuit of
a poaching party. Such expeditions not only entailed considerable time, risk,


and privation, but seriously disrupted the efforts of the Sudan officials to
establish effective administration in the Lado Enclave. With an inadequate
number of officials and equally inadequate means, Owen Bey, Governor of
Mongalla Province, could do little to prevent poaching. Poaching had to be
stopped in order to preserve the elephant herds and to establish a sound and
secure administration amidst hostile tribes. Yet without adequate administra-
tion carried on by capable administrators, poaching could not be curtailed.
Without the means to erect such a stable administration, Owen Bey had no
other recourse but to send out expeditions sporadically to apprehend poachers
known to be in the Enclave. The poachers, if caught, would then be brought to
Mongalla, tried, heavily fined and deported. There were numerous such puni-
tive expeditions, but by far the most famous was the pursuit of James Wood
Rogers by Charles Vincent Fox, Inspector, Mongalla Province.
Rogers was an American. He was a husky, barrel-chested six-footer about
fifty years old with "a stomach so elastic that it could accommodate itself to
any given, or stolen quantity of liquor".25 A lover of jokes; he was coarse,
boisterous, and jovial when pleased, but a bullying, cursing, fighting scoundrel
when angry. He had a considerable reputation as a gold-miner and had made
a large fortune in the Klondike which he lost at the gambling tables of Monte
Carlo. Travelling to Johannesburg he remained there only long enough to
be involved in a swindle. Fleeing to Rhodesia and Elisabethville he was again
forced to take flight to avoid being apprehended for other misdeeds. Making
his way northward he was determined to recoup his losses by poaching in
the Lado Enclave. He made two successful trips into the Enclave in 1910
and 1911 and, returning from the latter to Uganda in April 1911 with over
4,000 lb. of ivory, was determined to march back into the Enclave as soon as
In July 1911, Rogers suddenly appeared at Wadelai accompanied by 'Dr.'
J. E. A. Pearce, ninety Baganda porters and an Irishman. Pearce was both
in stature and character a smaller man than Rogers. A native of Britain, he
was "formerly a missionary, once a medical student, then a poacher".26 The
Irishman, who had served in the British army in South Africa and later took
employment as a guard on the Uganda Railway, had agreed to accompany
Rogers to the Enclave in order not to be arrested for debt in Nairobi. But
it appears that he was too much even for Rogers. Thoroughly frightened of
elephants, continually drunk, and, having consumed all the whisky of the
party, he left by mutual consent after the first hunt with a pair of tusks and
"the honest if not very noble intention of reaching a British post and there
becoming a distressed British subject and travelling home at the expense of
His Majesty [i.e., His Majesty's Government]".27
Having tricked the Ma'mur of Wadelai-the civilian administrative assis-
tant of the Sudan Government who was stationed on the west side of the Nile
opposite Wadelai in Uganda-into letting them proceed, Rogers with his party
crossed into the southern Enclave.28 By so doing they violated not only the
'Preservation of Wild Animals Ordinance, 1908' but also the 'Proclamation Re-
garding Closed Districts 1908' and 'The Sleeping Sickness Proclamation of
1909'. Hearing from the Ma'mur of Dufile about the Rogers Expedition, Owen


Bey, irritated and exasperated by the failure to check poaching, was deter-
mined to make an example of Rogers. He ordered Bimbashi (Captain) C. V.
Fox, Inspector, Mongalla Province, to proceed to the southern Enclave, arrest
Rogers and his party and bring them to Mongalla for trial. Charles Vincent
Fox was every bit a match for Rogers. Educated at the University of Oxford,
he was commissioned in the Scots Guards in 1900 and served in the Sudan
Government Service between 1908 and 1913. While stationed on the Upper
Nile he practised sculling and won the Diamond sculls at Henley in 1910.
Later during the First World War he was captured and placed in a prisoner
of war camp in Germany from which he made a spectacular escape in 1917.29

Leaving Mongalla on 24 August 1911, Fox, accompanied by one non-
commissioned officer and six men of the 14th Sudanese with eight porters,
reached Nimule by forced marches on 5 September. Here he learned that
Rogers had eight or nine rifles in his possession and was probably heading
for the mountainous region to the south-west. Fox calculated that by march-
ing up the Nile to Wadelai he would be within a two days' march of Rogers.30
Consequently, after obtaining eleven police and thirteen porters as reinforce-
ments he left Nimule on 6 September to march through Uganda territory to
Wadelai.31 But rapid progress was impossible. The country was devoid of
roads-the Wadelai-Nimule road having disappeared-the grass was dense,
wet, and twenty feet high, and the route was traversed by countless streams,
rivers and swamps. On the night of 12 September Fox and his men slept in
a deserted village. The following morning they were suddenly confronted by
an armed force of soldiers led by C. E. E. Sullivan, of the Uganda Administra-
tion, who had made a long night march to the village in order to punish the
inhabitants for the murder of a telegraph linesman a few days before. It was
indeed fortunate that Sullivan had been delayed by the heavy rain or both
parties might have fired upon one another in the dark.
After nine days of forced marches, Fox arrived at Uganda Wadelai on 15
September. The following day he and his men crossed the Nile and plunged
westward into the Enclave in pursuit of Rogers. On the 18th the party reached
Chief Aramba's village of Irriki just in time to prevent a party of native women
being put to death for, as Chief Aramba explained, killing a man by placing
poison in his soup. There was no sign of Rogers or his party. It was not until
20 September that Fox at last picked up the trail of the poachers. After
much persuasion a local chief admitted that the poachers had been at his
village but hastily added that they had gone on to Rugbu, a village one day's
march to the west. Hastening to Rugbu Fox was again too late, but he was
certainly on the right track. Hurrying from Rugbu to the village of chief Lado,
four days' march to the west, Fox discovered that the poachers had separated
at Lado's and had made two circular tours of fourteen days each.32 One party,
Rogers and the Irishman, had marched to the north-west, the other, 'Dr.'
Pearce, had gone to the north-east. After the two parties had returned to
Lado's village, the Irishman departed "as he was unsuited to Rogers", and
Rogers and Pearce in turn had marched to the south on another shooting


Fox and his party left Lado's village at daybreak on 27 September, accom-
panied by Lado himself and many of his villagers. They first visited and in-
spected a camp of the poachers. Upon close scrutiny, however, it was obvious
that the camp had not been occupied for several weeks. Lado then guided
the party to a second but still older camp. Here Fox relates "I was somewhat
rude to Lado, who had evidently set out with the intention of taking me the
circular route to the northward previously taken by the poachers and thence
back to his village".33
Fox and his men now had no idea where the poachers had gone. Deceived
by Lado, hampered by torrential rains accompanied by cyclonic winds, and
now in the territory of the fierce Lugbara, Fox decided to interrupt the pur-
suit until he could obtain information as to the whereabouts of Rogers and
his party. But none of the Lugbara came near Fox's camp, let alone proffered
any information regarding the poachers. Fox sent his police to kidnap a native
in order to extract the necessary information. But this was no easy task. Not
only were the Lugbara openly hostile, but they stood "on the surrounding
hills silhouetted against the skyline, barking like baboons, and laughing and
jeering at our baffled pursuit".34 Fox, thoroughly desperate, decided on more
direct action. Making his way unnoticed to a nearby river, he quietly slipped
into the water and floated downstream for about a half mile until he came
upon a native filling a gourd with water. Floating noiselessly up to the unsus-
pecting tribesman, Fox pulled him into the water and held his head under
until the man's struggles had ceased. By this time Fox's police arrived,
dragged the unfortunate native from the water and revived him. In a few
moments the terrified captive had put Fox and his men on the poachers' trail
once more.
Fox continued the pursuit by forced marches. Passing beyond the Lugbara
country where the natives had continually threatened to attack the party, Fox
and his men came to the friendly village of Kitamballa where they spent the
night of 1 October. Here they found shelter and bought flour, chickens, and
goats. Guided by the friendly people of Kitamballa, Fox and his police con-
tinued the pursuit the following morning. Arriving at the village of Amuttu,
Chief Matana, like Lado, immediately tried to deceive Fox as alternately he
asserted that the poachers had left his village, first to the south, then to the
north. Such a crude attempt at deception by 'the father of two roads', as
Fox's native police nicknamed Matana, was quite futile, for the tracks of the
poachers were plainly evident and easily followed. Fox and his men hurried
on in full pursuit. All that day and half of the next the pursuers marched
through torrential rains, forded flood-swollen streams and rivers, and climbed
and clawed their way up steep ravines and precipitous heights. Frequently
the loads had to be hauled up by ropes and even when it stopped raining the
wet grass thoroughly soaked everyone. Arriving at the village of Dundee on
2 October, Fox was informed that Rogers had gone due north. As there were
three Belgian posts to the north-west, the west and the south-west respectively,
Fox reasoned correctly that Rogers would swing to the east and then south to
the mountains in the south-west corner of the Enclave and there begin digging
for gold, denying, if apprehended, that he had ever been poaching. Fox


working on interior lines from Dundee was at last in a favourable position
to intercept him.
On 3 October Fox and his men marched due north to a small village on
the bank of the River Luwa. The river was about seventy yards wide but in
full flood. The bridge across the Luwa was completely inundated except for
the creepers which acted as handrails. Three of Fox's police were able to cross
the bridge before an increase in the flood and floating debris made it unsafe
for the rest of the party to follow. Consequently, Fox ordered his police on
the far side to go and endeavour to find anything definite about the movements
of the poachers. In the meantime the rest of the party would wait for the
flood to abate.
At three o'clock in the afternoon of the following day a messenger arrived
at the river from Chief Mutafa and informed Fox that the poachers were
camped in his village a few hours' march to the north. Fox decided to cross
the Luwa in spite of the flood. Accompanied by three police he successfully
traversed the bridge and, pushing on as rapidly as the rain and terrain would
permit, reached Mutafa's village, tired, cold, wet and hungry at nine o'clock
in the evening of the same day. Entering the large square of Mutafa's village
Fox found himself surrounded by Rogers's ninety Baganda porters. He asked
where were his police who had gone on in advance of the party the preceding
day. There was no answer. He then asked for the white men. Again there was
no reply. Then the guide who had led Fox to Mutafa's village pointed to a
large hut situated at the corner of the square. Fox and his police approached
the house, their rifles cocked and ready. He called upon Rogers to come out,
but there was no response. Then a native boy came out of the hut and asked
Fox to enter for the white man was 'sick'. Leaving his police and rifle outside,
Fox pushed his way into "a large dark room lit by only one flickering candle".35
He had found Rogers.
Rogers was lying on an angareeb (native bed) in the corner of the room.
He was covered with a red blanket. Pearce was standing beside the bed, and
he quietly informed Fox that Rogers had been shot by the Sudanese police
who had been sent in advance of the main party stranded behind the Luwa.
Rogers then interrupted Pearce and told Fox as vehemently as his wound
would allow that he was in Congo territory surrounded by 300 men. Fox
denied being in the Congo Free State, but Rogers did not listen. Obviously
in great pain he turned over on his side facing the wall of the hut. The inter-
view ended; Fox left the hut.
Fox and his men took possession of an empty hut, lighted fires, and waited
for daylight. About 1.30 a.m. a boy came to say that Rogers was dying and
that he wished to see Fox. Returning to the hut 'Dr.' Pearce witnessed Rogers's
last statement which Fox duly recorded.
I surrender myself voluntarily to the Sudan Government, and I want
you [Fox] to see that the Doctor gets into no trouble over this. I believe that
I am a dying man so that I am not going to lie about it; but this was my
show and all my work. I am afraid Doctor that I have brought you into a
lot of trouble, a lot of trouble. Well I guess they have got old Rogers this
time. I am very old and perhaps it is just as well, but they could not have