Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 The Mission to Uganda in 1893 -...
 Rock Paintings in Teso
 Toro in 1897
 Some Aspects of the Owen Falls...
 Recent Population Growth in...
 Ancient Earthworks in Western...
 In memoriam - Archbishop Henri...
 Samaki - Captain R. J. D. Salmon,...
 Field Notes
 Notices: East African Institute...
 Back Cover

Digitization of this item is currently in progress.
The Uganda journal
External Link ( Journal issues, 1999-2002 )
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080855/00033
 Material Information
Title: The Uganda journal
Abbreviated Title: Uganda j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 22-24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Uganda Society
Publisher: Uganda Society etc.
Uganda Society etc.
Place of Publication: Kampala etc
Frequency: irregular[1976-<1995>]
semiannual[ former 1934-]
annual[ former <1948>-1973]
completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Periodicals -- Uganda   ( lcsh )
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Uganda
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- 1934-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended May 1942-Mar. 1946; replaced by the Society's Bulletin.
Numbering Peculiarities: One issue published every few years, v. 38 (1976)-<v. 42 (1995)>
Issuing Body: Vols. 11-13 published in London.
General Note: Journal of The Uganda Society (formerly The Uganda Literary and Scientific Society).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ABS8002
oclc - 01644239
alephbibnum - 000301510
issn - 0041-574X
lccn - 52026895
System ID: UF00080855:00033
 Related Items
Related Items: Uganda journal

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
        Page iii
    The Mission to Uganda in 1893 - In Memory
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
    Rock Paintings in Teso
        Page 8
        Page 8a
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 10a
        Page 10b
        Page 10c
        Page 10d
        Page 10e
        Page 10f
        Page 10g
        Page 10h
        Page 10i
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
    Toro in 1897
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
    Some Aspects of the Owen Falls Scheme
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
    Recent Population Growth in Jinja
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
    Ancient Earthworks in Western Uganda
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 52a
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
    In memoriam - Archbishop Henri Streicher, C.B.E.
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
    Samaki - Captain R. J. D. Salmon, M.V.O., M.C. - A Tribute
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
    Field Notes
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 78a
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
    Notices: East African Institute of Social Research
        Page 99
        Page 100
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

The Uganda Journal


VOLUME 17, No. I MARCH 1953

The Mission to Uganda in 1893-In Memory H.B. THOMA 1
Rock Paintings in Teso J. C. D. LAWRANCE 8
Toro in 1897 SIR JOHN MILNER GRAY 14
Some Aspects of the Owen Falls Scheme HENRY OLIVIER 28
Recent Population Growth in Jinja CYRIL AND RIiONA SOFER 38
Ancient Earthworks in Western Uganda E.C. LANNING 51
In Memoriam-Archbishop Henri Streicher, C.B.E.
Samaki-Captain R. J. D. Salmon, M.V.O., M.C.-A Tribute
The Balisa Bakama of Buzimba H. F. MoRRIS 71
The Time of Day in Ankole E. T. JAMES 73
Bahima Cattle Transactions .T. JAMES 74
Death and Burial Ceremonies among the Karamojong DORIS CLARK 75
A Madi Spring BENET L. JACOBS 76
Bakonjo Shrines T. D. H. MORRIs 78
The Maria Theresa Dollar CATAIN C. R. S. PIrMAN 78
A History of Wadelai MICAEL MOSES 78
Notes on the Bush-pig (Potamochoerus) FREDERICK J. SIMOONS 80
The Growth and Reproduction of Elephants - 82
Acholi History, 1860-1901 83
Bananas in Uganda 85
The Lwoo, Part II. Lwoo Traditions (by Father J. P. Crazzolara)
A. C. A. WRIHTr 86
The Ntemi: Traditional Rites of a Sukuma Chief (by Hans Cory)
A. C. A. WRIGHT 90
A Preliminary Survey of the Turkana (by P. H. Gulliver)
A. C. A. WRIGHT 93
Excavations at the Nioro River Cave (by M. D. and L. S. B. Leakey)
Sm J. M. GRAY 94
The Fung Kingdom of Sennar (by O. G. S. Crawford) H. B. THOMAS 94
The Missionary Factor in East Africa (by Roland Oliver) H. B. THOMAS 95
East African Institute of Social Research - 99

Published by
Price Shs. 10 (1Os.)

His Excellency Sir Andrew Cohen, K.C.M.G., O.B.E.
President: Vice-President:
Mr. J. D. Jameson, o.B.E. Dr. Audrey I. Richards

The President
The Vice-President
The Hon. Secretary
The Hon. Treasurer
The Hon. Librarians
The Hon. Editors
Mr. J. C. Dakin
Mr. C. M. S. Kisosonkole
Hon. Secretary:
Hon Treasurer:
Hon. Librarians:
Hon. Editors:

Hon. Auditor
Mr. J. L. Bray
Corresponding Secretary at J
Corresponding Secretary at
Corresponding Secretary at

Mr. S. W. Kulubya, M.B.E.
Prof. E. Lucas
Mr. D. K. Marphatia
Dr. H. C. Trowell
Dr. K. P. Wachsmann
Mr. J. V. Wild
Prof. Fergus Wilson

Mr. D. G. Thomas
Mrs. B. W. Ray
Mr. and Mrs. C. H. J. Wild
Dr. W. H. R. Lumsden
Mr. A. W. Southall
Hon. Legal Adviser
Mr. C. L. Holcom
inja: Mr. T. R. F. Cox
Mbale: Mr. P. A. Whiteley
Serere: Mr. J. M. Watson

Hon. Vice-Presidents:
H.H. Edward Mutesa II, Kabaka Sir Mark Wilson
of Buganda Mr. E. B. Haddon
R. A. Tito Winyi II, C.B.E. Mr. H. B. Thomas, O.B.E.
Sir E. F. Twining, G.C.M.O., M.B.E. Dr. A. W. Williams
Sir John Milner Gray
Past Presidents:




Sir A. R. Cook, C.M.G., O.B.E.
Mr. E. J. Wayland, c.B.E.
Dr. H. H. Hunter, c.H.E., LL.D.
Mr. H. Jowitt, C.M.G.
Sir H. R. Hone,
K.B.E., M.C., K.C.
Mr. J. Sykes, O.B.E.
Mr. N. V. Brasnett
Captain C. R. S. Pitman,
C.B.E., D.S.O., M.C.
Mr. S. W. Kulubya, M.B.E.


Editorial Committee

The Hon. Editors
Major B. G. Kinloch, M.c.
Dr. Audrey I. Richards

Mrs. K. M. TroweU, M.B.E.

Mr. E. A. Temple Perkins
Mr. R. A. Snoxall
Dr. K. A. Davies, C.M.O., O.B.E.
Mr. G. H. E. Hopkins, O.B.E.
Mrs. K. M. Trowell, M.B.E.
Dr. W. J. Eggeling
Dr. G. ap Griffith
Rev. Fr. F. B. Gaffney, w.P.
Dr. A. W. Williams
Dr. J. B. Hutchinson,
C.M.G., P.R.S.

Mr. H. B. Thomas, O.B.E.
Dr. K. P. Wachsmann

Mr. B. K. Mulyanti

Mr. G. P. Saben

Secretary: Mrs. B. W. Ray


Uganda Journal



No. 1

MARCH 1953

Dr. W. H. R. LUMSDEN Hon. Editors
(assisted in England by H. B. THOMAS, O.B.E.)

Published by



The Mission to Uganda in 1893-In Memory
Rock Paintings in Teso -
Toro in 1897 -


Some Aspects of the Owen Falls Scheme HENRY OLIVIER
Recent Population Growth in Jinja CYRIL AND RHONA SOFER
Ancient Earthworks in Western Uganda E. C. LANNING
In Memoriam-Archbishop Henri Streicher, C.B.E.
Samaki-Captain R. J. D. Salmon, M.V.O., M.C.-A Tribute

The Balisa Bakama of Buzimba -
The Time of Day in Ankole
Bahima Cattle Transactions
Death and Burial Ceremonies among the Karamojong
A Madi Spring -

Bakonjo Shrines -
The Maria Theresa Dollar CAPTA
A History of Wadelai -
Notes on the Bush-pig (Potamochoerus) FRED




BENer L. JAcoBs

~N C. R. S. PrrMAN

The Growth and Reproduction of Elephants -
Acholi History, 1860-1901
Bananas in Uganda -

The Lwoo, Part II. Lwoo Traditions (by Father J. P. Crazzolara)
The Ntemi: Traditional Rites of a Sukuma Chief (by Hans Cory)
A Preliminary Survey of the Turkana (by P. H. Gulliver)
Excavations at the Njoro River Cave (by M. D. and L. S. B. Leakey)
The Fung Kingdom of Sennar (by O. G. S. Crawford) H. B. THOMAS
The Missionary Factor in East Africa (by Roland Oliver) H. B. THOMAS

East African Institute of Social Research -

THE last day of the year 1892 was a time of exceptional activity in Zanzibar,
for it was the eve of the departure of Sir Gerald Portal upon his mission to
Uganda. Early on the previous morning the last three members of the Mission
had disembarked from the south-bound mail-steamer. There was Colonel Frank
Rhodes, Royal Dragoons, an elder brother of Cecil Rhodes, who, coming from
his post as Military Secretary to the Governor of Bombay, had joined the ship
at Aden. Preux chevalier, he was later unwittingly entangled in the Jameson
Raid of 1895-6, and faced, with unflinching loyalty to his associates, the ruin of
his military career and even death (he was sentenced by the Boers but released
on payment of 25,000). There was Brigade-Major Roddy Owen of the Lanca-
shire Fusiliers who, having won the Grand National in 1892 as the culmination
of over 250 wins 'between the flags', had concluded that he was becoming too
well known as a gentleman rider, and that it was time to take his military duties
seriously. He had just spent some months on the Jebu Campaign in Southern
Nigeria and had eagerly seized an offer to join the Mission to Uganda. And
there was Captain Raymond Portal of the Loyal North Lancashire Regiment,
Sir Gerald's eldest brother, who was delighted at the prospect of a change from
the routine of garrison duty in England.
With them also came James Rennell Rodd, a young 'career diplomatist' in
the jargon of to-day. He had been at Balliol with Raymond fifteen years before,
and was now appointed to act as Her Majesty's Agent and Consul-General at
Zanzibar during Sir Gerald Portal's absence. After a career of great distinction,
ending as Ambassador at Rome, the first Lord Rennell of Rodd died in 1941 at
the age of 83.
One of Sir Gerald's last functions was to receive an address from the Parsi
Community of Zanzibar: the original document, dated 31/12/92, printed on
silk and contained in an ornate silver canister has recently been presented to
the Uganda Museum by Sir Gerald's step-daughter, Priscilla, Lady Montagu
That night the British Community of Zanzibar gave a great farewell banquet
to the members of the Mission at the newly-established English Club: and in
the early hours of New Year's Day 1893 the party, with Rodd accompanying
them, went on board H.M.S. Philomel to take passage to Mombasa. Some few
there may still be in Uganda with memories going back to the days before World
War I, and to the departure of S.S. Clement Hill from Entebbe Pier in the early
hours of every Tuesday morning-to the gaiety, to the bustle, and to the velvet
skies set with those "soft lasceevious stars" which had left a life-long impression
upon "auld" Fleet Engineer McAndrew. For them it will not be difficult to
recapture the atmosphere of the departure from Zanzibar.
At Mombasa the Mission was joined by Mr. Ernest Berkeley of the Consular

Service who was acting as the Imperial British East Africa Company's Adminis-
trator. The organization of the caravan was all but complete. Lieutenant L. R. S.
Arthur of the Rifle Brigade, then serving with the Sultan of Zanzibar's army,
had already gone forward in charge of an escort of Zanzibari troops. With him
as caravan leader was Mr. F. J. Foaker of the Chartered Company's service, who
had been to Uganda in the previous year with Macdonald's Railway Survey
The rest of the safari was awaiting Portal at Mazeras where Dr. R. U. Moffat,
who was to be medical officer of the expedition, had just arrived from the
Scottish Industrial Mission at Kibwezi. Here also was General Lloyd Mathews,
the Sultan's chief minister, who, with his incomparable influence, had come to
see that every possible step was taken to ensure the Mission's comfort and to
obviate delays. A last-minute addition, who overtook the caravan at Samburu,
was Lieutenant C. H. Villiers of the Royal Horse Guards, who, having arrived
at the coast for a private shooting expedition, had obtained leave to join Sir
Gerald's staff. Portal's European servant Hutchisson, who had been with him
in Abyssinia in 1887, also accompanied the Mission throughout.
At Mazeras the Mission said good-bye to Lloyd Mathews and Rodd. It
marched fast and, having overtaken Arthur and Foaker at Kikuyu, reached
Kampala without mishap on 17 March 1893. The purport of Sir Gerald's instruc-
tions was briefly to recommend to the British Government either the evacuation
or retention of Uganda; and it needed but a short time to satisfy him that in'the
tangled circumstances then obtaining in Buganda evacuation was imprac-
The decade before the South African War was indeed the mellow autumn of
the Victorian Age. From our present distance those who then represented the
Queen of England in the outposts of her empire or influence appear as an
eclectic company. Typically they would be members of families who knew one
another intimately in the spacious life of contemporary England-country
houses and grouse in August, London clubs and the London season; and they
were bound together by common standards and common loyalties.
From these secure surroundings they scattered with high spirits to the four
corners of the earth, where, unconscious of the dangers, discomforts and respon-
sibilities they were courting, they found a rewarding zest in life, while gaining
fresh honour for the sovereign whom they served with unquestioning devotion.
Of such were the Portals-par nobile fratrum-Rhodes, Owen, Lloyd Mathews'
and Rodd. They gathered together at Mazeras on 2 January 1893-and parted
next morning never to reunite. Twelve years later Rennell Rodd in the Legation
at Stockholm heard of the death of Frank Rhodes, the last but himself of that
happy company. All had laid down their lives in or for Africa: and out of his
crowded memories he wrote the moving lines which we are privileged to re-
print2 below with the permission of his son, the second Lord Rennell.
I Sir Lloyd William Mathews, K.C.M.G., died Zanzibar, 14 October 1901. Of him Rodd
wrote, "To me he seemed the most lovable man I had ever met" (Rodd, Social and
Diplomatic Memories, 1922, vol. I, p. 289).
2From Frank Rhodes A Memoir, by G. T. Hutchinson, 1908. Printed for private
circulation only.

To that fierce land of gloom and gleam
Where we at least once lived our dream,
From this remote and placid north,
My longing and my love go forth
To five good friends-and surely few
Have linked their lives with friends like you!
Some bore brave scars, well won in fight,
But not in battle's stern delight
Was it their happier fate to fall;
An evil siren lured them all;
And poison swamp and tropic sun
Stayed their strong heart-beats, one by one,
Till you, dear Frankie, you the last
Have gone the way the rest have passed,
And only I alone remain
To dream the good times back again.

Young were we still, twelve years ago
When we went southward, proud to know
We were of those the sea queen sends
For witness where her mandate ends.
And still it seems but yesterday
That eve we sighted far away
The shadowy horn of Guardafui,
Where sudden night closed round a sea
That drowned the old familiar stars,
And we beheld through dripping spars
The Southern Cross climb up the sky,
Raymond and Roddy, you and I.
How all was welcome, morn and noon
And starry eve and Afric moon.
As yet we had no watch to keep,
Light-hearted farers through the deep.

At last one dawn revealed our goal,
The palm-fringed shore, and fretting shoal,
The spice groves, sloping gently down
To the long white-walled Arab town,
The anchored dhows, the teeming beach
Where with a hand we thronged to reach
Stood Gerald's self-a shade of care
Across the brow once debonair,
And in his eyes the joy and power
Of him who feels his triumph's hour,
And one was by his side whose name
Was high on England's roll of fame,
Had it not been his choice to shun
The paths in which applause is won,
A friend to love, a foe to fear,
Soldier and sailor and vizier.

Your dusky train had gone before
A day's march from the mainland shore,
For the sea queen's work brooked no delay,
And four must go, and two must stay.
First when the moment came to part
That shadow fell to chill the heart,
The half-formed thought, which would it be
If Dame Adventure claimed her fee.
So you four took the inland track,
And we two lost you looking back.

Of those who met and parted so
Good Raymond was the first to go
A thousand miles from that sea's strand
That links the English to their land,
Where none who cared will ever pass
His hillock in the matted grass,
Beyond the great dividing Rift
He lies, the brave, the strong, the swift.

A year went by and Gerald came,
Returning flushed with early fame;
And as the race is to the fleet,
All ways seemed smooth before his feet;
His outstretched hand was on the goal
Responsive to his ardent soul,
But still the witch that knows no ruth
Reached back to claim his conquering youth,
And all our love and hope and pride
Was spent in vain, when Gerry died.

By ancient Nile a barren Khor
Hides yet another of the four
Where seven feet of desert sand
Check eager Roddy's bridle-hand;
Where caravans who pay the toll
To the sheikh who watches Ambigol,
Enquire what means the granite scored
With alien writings and a sword,
What soldier holds the rock defile
That leads them back to Father Nile.

And where the palms of Zanzibar
Sway languid to the tropic star,
Tired out at last and borne to rest
By those dark folk who loved him best,
Lloyd Mathews lies, his wanderings done,
His thirty years of toil and sun,
True English heart, whom all too few
Of those you served so greatly knew,
Sleep, full of peace, in that far grave,-
The all you gained for all you gave.

So you, dear Frank, were last of those
To whom a tender thought outgoes,
With dreams of days not lived in vain.
For you, while life and love remain
Shall memory keep, undried by years,
A green place near the source of tears.
Well know we how, in evil days
You bore the brunt of men's dispraise;
Well prized we then the stern control
That sealed from speech your loyal soul;
And cared to feel your silence bear
The blame it would not shift elsewhere.
Oh, golden heart in time of stress,
Of failing hope or ill success,
Who met the scorn of fate with mirth,
And loved your fellow-man on earth;
You that had seen your share of strife,
And lived and cared so much for life,
Why did you heed the siren hand
That drew you back to Upas land?

What wonder if I hear the call
Of that far voice that lured them all!
I cross the sandy wastes again,
The great mimosa-tufted plain,
I share the thirsty march, through clear
Clean mornings, and with eve I hear
The marsh things crying, see the fierce
Short sunsets, the large stars that pierce
The tangled tent of tropic green
And all the wonders we have seen
In that grim world of gloom and gleam:
Where evermore, across my dream,
Pervading all I shall behold
The kind worn face, so young, so old,
The lifted chin, the deep-set eyes
At once so merry and so wise,
The never-failing helpful smile
That haunts all ways from Cape to Nile.
Stockholm, RENNELL RODD.
October 1905.
Sixty years have now passed since at noon on 1 April 1893 the flag of the
Imperial British East Africa Company was hauled down from the flag-staff at
the fort on Old Kampala Hill, and the Union Jack hoisted in its place.'
1 The probability is that Sir Gerald Portal did not himself hoist the Union Jack. "After
the departure of Major Eric Smith's caravan I caused the Company's flag to be hauled
from the flag-staff at this fort and to be replaced by the Union Jack" (Portal to Rosebery,
1 April 1893 (Blue Book, Africa, No. 8 (1893), p. 11)).
On a comparison of the photographs reproduced at pages 212 and 218 of Portal's The
British Mission to Uganda in 1893 (1894) it may be hazarded that the officer who actually
performed the ceremony was Lieutenant Arthur.

No very circumstantial account of the ceremony seems to be extant: and there
is to-day, so far as is known, only one survivor of those Europeans who were
present. He is the Reverend A. B. Fisher of the Church Missionary Society;
and his recollection is that he, as an enterprising young man, took the oppor-
tunity of walking down from Namirembe with Bishop Tucker to see the pro-
ceedings, while other C.M.S. missionaries elected not to concern themselves with
such mundane affairs.
It is possible to enumerate with some accuracy those Europeans who were at
this time in Uganda to the west of the Nile. It is a roll of honour: for each
unwittingly but according to his gifts was helping to lay the foundations of a
new order in eastern Africa. It will be a tribute to the memory of these staunch
pioneers to place their names on record.

At Kampala
Sir Gerald H. Portal, K.C.M.G., died England, 25 January 1894.
Colonel Frank Rhodes, D.S.O., d. Groote Schuur, Cape Province, 21 September
Sir Ernest J. L. Berkeley, K.C.M.G., d. Nice, 24 October 1932.
Lieut.-Colonel C. H. Villiers, C.V.O., d. London, 23 May 1947.
Captain L. R. S. Arthur, C.M.G., d. England, 13 December 1903.
Dr. R. U. Moffat, C.M.G., d. Buluwayo, 15 November 1947.
Hutchisson (Sir Gerald Portal's servant).
Joined Portal's Mission at Kampala
Major-General Sir J. R. L. Macdonald, K.C.I.E., C.B., d. Bournemouth, 27 June
Had started for Toro on 30 March 1893
Captain Raymond M. Portal, d. Kampala, 27 May 1893.
Major E. Roderic Owen, D.S.O., d. Ambigol Wells, Sudan, 11 July 18966.
Mr. F. G. Foaker, d. 19 August 1912.
At Kampala
Colonel W. H. Williams, C.M.G., d. England, 20 January 1938.
Mr. J. P. Wilson, d. 19 July 1911.
Mr. C. S. Reddie, d. 18 May 1915.
Left for the Coast at 8 a.m. on 1 April 1893
Colonel A. F. Eric Smith, C.B., d. Gonerby, Grantham, 25 January 1942.
In Toro
Mr. William Grant, C.M.G., d. 28 October 1919.
Mr. Ernest Gedge (The Times), d. Amersham, 1 August 1935.
Herr Eugen Wolf (Berliner Tageblatt).
At Kampala (Namirembe)
Bishop A. R. Tucker, d. London, 15 June 1914.
Rev. John Roscoe, d. Ovington, Thetford, 2 December 1932.
Mr. G. L. Pilkington, d. Bukaleba (Lubas), 11 December 1897.

Rev. R. H. Leakey, d. Marley, Exmouth, 15 April 1937.
Dr. E. J. Baxter, d. Hove, 5 November 1939.
Rev. Ernest Millar, d. Mengo, 31 January 1917.
Rev. E. H. Hubbard, d. Mengo, 9 March 1898.
Rev. A. B. Fisher, resides (1953) at Eastbourne, Sussex.
Mr. C. A. Giinther.
Mr. John Forster.
At Ziba, Kyagwe
Rev. G. K. Baskerville, d. Jersey, 7 April 1941.
Rev. W. A. Crabtree, d. St. Dennis, Cornwall, 31 January 1945.
At Kampala (Rubaga)
Pere A. Guillermain, d. Villa Maria, 14 July 1896.
Prre H. Gaudibert, d. Maison Carrde, Algiers, 8 June 1929.
Arrived Rubaga, 5 April 1893
Mgr. Jean-Joseph Hirth, d. Kabgaye, Ruanda, 6 January 1931.
In Buddu
Prre A. Achte, d. Fort Portal, 2 February 1905.
Pere M. Brdas, d. Bikira, 25 October 1894.
Prre S. Moullec, d. Rubaga, 2 June 1924.
The Most Rev. Henri Streicher, C.B.E., titular Archbishop of Brisi. d. Villa Maria,
7 June 1952.

THE landscape of Teso District is flat and uninteresting, a succession of long
low undulations in a vast network of swamps, but its monotony is relieved
by numerous granite outcrop hills which rise to heights of two or three hundred
feet above the surrounding countryside. In one of these outcrops, near Nyero
in Kumi County, are two shelters which contain rock paintings.
I do not know when the paintings were first discovered. I heard of them from
a European missionary at Ngora who claimed that he discovered them within the
last decade. Certainly no reference to them appears in any published work nor
in the records of the District Office prior to 1945 when C. A. E. Harwich, then
Officer Commanding Police, Teso District, visited the main shelter and left a
short note of his findings. I have visited the shelters many times during the last
three years, once in the company of J. W. Pallister and K. Marshall of the
Geological Survey Department to whom I am indebted for advice on the geology
and archaeology of the site.
Nyero Hill is a mass of coarse, gneissic, biotite granite boulders which covers
a considerable area but is divided by well-defined valleys into several smaller
hills. Locally it is known to natives as Osigira, which means 'the place of the
cowry shells' but the significance of the name is not apparent.
There are many shelters and holes in the rocks but only in two of them have
I found paintings; both of these are in the southern spur of the hill which rises
about one hundred and twenty feet above the fields which surround it (Fig. 1).
Access to the first of these shelters, the main one, is from the south through a
sloping tunnel, forty feet long, which is formed by a slab of rock leaning against
a massive boulder which makes the south wall of the shelter (Fig. 2). The
entrance to the tunnel is hidden in the rocks and undergrowth about a third of
the way up the hill. From it, through the darkness of the tunnel, a fine view of
the paintings with the light of the sun on them can be obtained. To reach the
paintings one must clamber over rocks worn smooth and polished. The polish
is attributed by the local inhabitants to baboons which abound in the hills; but
such a glossy polish is, I am told, usually the work of rock rabbits (hyrax),
resulting from their passage over rocks wet with urine. This access tunnel is a
large fissure along the general direction of the foliation of the rock which is
roughly vertical. The fissure continues through the eastern end of the shelter and
forms another access from the north, through a narrow passage forty feet long
and only three wide, between rocks which tower fifty feet on either side. This
access leads from a ledge overlooking a valley and was probably the main
entrance to the shelter. In a small shelter on the ledge quartz artefacts were
found. From the main shelter it is possible to climb on to a look-out rock which
cannot be scaled from the outside (Fig. 2). The look-out rock is just to the right
of the euphorbia tree in Fig. 1. A further tunnel leads down from the south-west
corner of the main shelter to the second shelter containing rock paintings.

Photo by J. W. Pallister
FIG. 1
General view of southern spur of Nyero Hill. The main shelter is behind the candelabra euphorbia tree.


k1, I\ \


I, t~ % ~

(ft to scale)

Access from main road
approx. 200 yards.

FIo. 2
Diagram of the main shelter at Nyero Hill.



The floor space of the main shelter is about fifteen by thirty feet (Figs. 3, 4).
At some time an enormous boulder split away from the north wall and roof and
now forms the south wall. The roof overhangs the south wall boulder to such an
extent as to give good protection from rain and sun. The paintings are all on the
north wall which is smooth and flat. Undoubtedly they once covered the whole
of the wall but it has undergone exfoliation with the consequent loss of some of
the paintings which are now isolated into four separate groups. On the extreme
left (as one faces the paintings) are the remains of an acacia pod design (Fig. 5A).
The next group to the right contains a canoe with paddlers with apparent super-
position of a concentric circle design (Fig. 5A). Farther to the right is a narrow
strip of unidentifiable faint markings (Fig. 5B). The fourth and largest group is
on the right (Figs. 5B, c). It contains two or three canoes, acacia pod designs,
and many concentric circles besides other geometric designs such as 'U's, dots
and exclamation marks. Harwich thought these latter represented a human hand.
He refers also to a "graphic portrayal of a man dragging another by the neck"
which is not apparent to me; there are, however, line drawings which probably
represent human forms. The size of the paintings can be gauged from the human
figures in the photographs. The smallest canoe measures thirty-two inches, the
largest, seven feet, from tip to tip. The concentric circles vary in diameter from
eight inches to twenty-seven inches; there are nearly always five circles in the
design but occasionally more or less. All the paintings are in outline only except
that one of the concentric circle designs has one of the rings filled in. The designs
stretch upwards from near the floor but stop short where the roof begins to
overhang, approximately twenty-two feet above the shelter floor.
The interpretation of the drawings in the main shelter is at least doubtful.
However, in a rest camp fifteen miles from Nyero there is a modern mural
entitled Ataker (Canoe) which is very similar to these paintings. Acacia trees
are common around Nyero Hill.
The smaller shelter is in the same hill, approximately fifty feet below the main
shelter from which it can be reached directly by another tunnel. It is merely a
recess, about four feet in height and extending inwards about five feet, on a
ledge overlooking the valley south of the main shelter (Fig. 6). At the mouth of
the recess is a series of designs similar to those in the main shelter but in this
case executed in white pigment (Figs. 7A, B).
At Ngora, five miles from Nyero Hill, is a third group of paintings whose
existence I first learned of from information kindly given by Mrs. C. B. Pearson.
At the entrance to Ngora Township is a spectacular granite hill known to
Europeans as Airship or Tank Rock from the shape of the enormous boulder
which rests on its summit. The paintings are under the central portion of the
'tank' (Fig. 8A) and, like the paintings in the main shelter at Nyero Hill, consist of
geometrical designs executed in a red pigment. They are poorly preserved in
comparison with those at Nyero but are interesting as they contain designs not
found at the other site (Fig. 9).
Burkitt (1928), considering the pigments used in rock paintings, states that
various shades of red can be obtained by powdering naturally-occurring mineral
oxides or iron carbonates. White paintings in granite country are probably of
kaolin, the product of the weathering of felspar. The painters probably mixed

f. F

j I
ulL.2. I

;opyrigft reserve rnOtO ny tepartmenm of rurnLc Kietatons., UKanaa
FIG. 3
View of main shelter at Nyero Hill from the west. The tunnel entrance is to
the right of the two figures, and the passage to the ledge overlooking the
valley is to their left.

[face p. 10

r"v :/I ..

,; ...^"i:
r" ; .

a4 ^
Lb .

1 ,T *'y z r


FIc. 4
View of main shelter at Nyero Hill from the east: taken from the point
occupied by the two figures in Fig. 3.

.1 .
;, bx~~

Photo by Department of Public Relations, Uganda

Copyright reserved


Copyright reserved


rev vy uverurnrenr vl ruunev nesuluons, Vuurmes


Photo by J. W. Pallister
FIG. 5c
Figs. 5A, B and c are in sequence from left to right with small overlaps: their scales are not
quite uniform. They illustrate the four groups of paintings in the main shelter at Nyero
Hill. The remains of an acacia pod design can be seen above and to the left of the African in
Fig. 5A. The second group consists of a large circle design and a canoe with paddlers with
superimpositions (Fig. 5A). Faint markings of the third group can be seen in the white
streak in Fig. 5B. The fourth group (right of Fig. 5B and Fig. 5c) shows canoes with figures
on the left and right (Fig. 5c), and line drawings of human figures in the centre and above
the right-hand canoe (Fig. 5c).


* -" ..

: .r

FIG. 6
Entrance to small rock shelter at Nyero Hill. The white paintings are above
the entrance.


Photo by Department of Public Relations, Uganda


Figs. 7A and B are in sequence from left to right with some overlap and illustrate the designs in white in
the small shelter at Nyero Hill. Note the superposition of a flower on a large acacia pod design.

LUpyr'resl rectervctt

Fr-uru uy urpurrrnrns of rauute neairutruns, ugunuu


Ngora: 'Airship' or 'Tank' Rock.


their pigments with fat to obtain a good flowing paint rather than to preserve
the painting. The colours may be made waterproof by the addition of gum or
some other vegetable product or even animal fat. All the paintings in the main
Nyero shelter are executed in a red ochre pigment which appears to vary slightly
in shade. The paint is thick and appears to have a fatty base and to have been
applied with the finger. It is very fast and does not seem to be affected by the



FIG. 9
Diagram of the designs at Ngora.

11 ,

FIG. 10
Designs on potsherds found in the main shelter
at Nyero Hill.

wash of rain. Many of the designs have been lost by flaking but rain has had an
encrusting effect and has covered but not destroyed the paint. Nevertheless the
paintings appear to me to have deteriorated in the last three years though I have
no notes or photographs to support the statement. Harwich records that the
designs "cover almost the entire cliff face".
Harwich sank a small trench to a depth of two feet in the floor of the main
shelter at Nyero Hill and, according to his note, this excavation yielded a large
quantity of material:
"Bone and tooth deposits were found mainly between the twelve and twenty-
four-inch levels, and potsherds (Fig. 10) mainly between the surface and twelve-
inch levels. The majority of the bones, which were unusually large, were not



identified; some were human and one of these, a vertebra, had a thin sliver of
quartz embedded in it."
Harwich found artefacts in both lava and obsidian: "The quartz and obsidian
artefacts exhibit a considerable skill in design, whereas the lava ones appear
much more primitive and of inferior workmanship. During this excavation a
carved bone implement which may have been used for the decoration of pottery
was discovered in an excellent state of preservation."
Small deposits of quartz and pegmatite occur in the granite of Nyero Hill and
these are probably the origin of the numerous worked quartz fragments which
occur on the floor of the main shelter. Small fragments of lava also can be seen;
the nearest volcano, now extinct, is Napak, about fifty miles away. Teeth which
were found in the trench when I was present may have belonged to one of the
larger buck.
The floor of the small shelter at Nyero is of rock and there is no deposit. At
Ngora the 'tank' is balanced on the bare granite top of the hill and there is again
no deposit at the scene of the paintings; nor could the site have been occupied as
a dwelling as it is exposed and the rock itself affords no protection from the
elements (Fig. 8B).
Without a proper examination of the sites it is impossible to estimate the
antiquity of the rock paintings. The remains discovered in the main shelter
suggest a long occupation from Stone Age times; the rough lava implements
give way to better-shaped quartz tools; then comes a knowledge of the making
of pottery; no iron implements have yet been found but no proper excavation
has yet taken place. Pottery making does not come in till Neolithic times where-
as the quartz artefacts appear from the scant evidence available to belong to the
Mesolithic period. O'Brien (1939) mentions a granite shelter at Kagade in
Mubende where, although there are no paintings, red ochre and used haematite
occur at all levels associated with tools in quartz. It cannot be assumed that the
Stone Age occupiers were necessarily the artists though it is a likely supposition.
I have referred elsewhere to the superposition of geometric designs on natural-
istic canoe paintings. Naturalistic drawings are usually older than geometric
patterns. The early occupiers were probably hunters, judging from the bone
deposits, and possibly fishermen too, if the canoe drawing is any indication.
These rock dwellers perhaps existed in the shelters until the Iteso invasion
exterminated or assimilated them in historical times, only about one hundred
and fifty years ago. The paintings, with their superposition of geometrical on
naturalistic designs, and the use of two distinct colours, point to a long occupa-
tion. There is no counterpart to the geometric designs in contemporary Iteso art.
Dr. J. D. Clark, Curator of the Rhodes-Livingstone Museum, informs me that
certain caves in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland which contain distinctive
late Stone Age industries also contain geometric paintings. The evidence is
strong enough to suggest that the art is to be associated with this particular
culture, which has been named the Nachikufan Culture. The sequence of colours
is from yellow, which is the oldest, then orange, red, purple, red and white, white
and dirty white, which is the latest. This sequence would make the occupation
of the main Nyero shelter, where the paintings are all red, much older than that
of the small shelter where the paintings are all white. However, I am told that

there are examples of geometric rock paintings in Northern Rhodesia and else-
where which are considered to be of Bantu age, that is to say, only a few hundred
years old. Until such times as a thorough archaeological investigation can take
place it is worth assuming that the paintings were executed by the Late Stone
Age men or Bushmen who certainly occupied the shelters.
The Iteso attribute certain magical properties to Nyero Rock inasmuch as
they assemble there, as they do at most of the larger rock outcrops, during rain-
making ceremonies. Nyero Rock is particularly suited to these ceremonies as
'the ground rings and booms when the dancers jump on it; either there is a
cavern below or, more likely, the spheroidal nature of the weathering of the
granite has resulted in the detachment of a number of 'skins' which sound like a
drum when tapped. However, the Iteso have no knowledge of the origin of the
paintings. One story is that hundreds of years ago Arab slavers used the main
Nyero shelter and it is interesting, but I think idle, to imagine that it was the
slaves who passed their time by making the patterns and drawing the canoes,
which brought them there, and a slaver dragging a slave by the neck. Another
story is that the shelter was used at the turn of the century as a refuge from
Kakunguru's marauding Baganda.
There is no tradition of wars with indigenous inhabitants when the Iteso
invaded the country and it is usually assumed that the area was uninhabited.
In connection with this there is one interesting legend. It is said that Europeans
with tails used to inhabit the rocks and they were responsible for the paintings.
They skulked and were seldom seen but occasionally a woman would come home
terrified and say, because of the unusual colour of the skin, that she had seen a
spirit among the rocks. This particular race has now disappeared.
The story is interesting in that it tallies with the description, given by many
African tribes, of the previous occupiers of this part of the Continent, the Bush-
men, as persons of a pale skin (Seligman, 1939).

Burkitt, M. C. (1928). South Africa's past in stone and paint.
Clark, J. D. (1950). The Stone Age cultures of Northern Rhodesia (South African
Archaeological Society).
O'Brien, T. P. (1939). The prehistory of the Uganda Protectorate. Cambridge Univ.
Seligman, C. G. (1939). The races of Africa.

TORO IN 1897
ON 11 May 1895 Captain Claude Henry Sitwell of the Manchester Regiment
left London for Marseilles en route for Mombasa on appointment as First
Class Assistant in the Uganda Administration with a vice-consular commission.
He had previously served as a subaltern in the Afghan War of 1879-80 and in
Egypt in 1882. After some years of peacetime soldiering he was lent to the
Egyptian army from 1892 to 1895. It was by reason of this last experience and
of his knowledge of Arabic that he was specially selected for service in Uganda
where, at this period, Arabic-speaking Sudanese troops constituted the defence
Sitwell reached Mombasa on 9 June. In August he found himself engaged in
a punitive expedition against the Kitosh with the result that he did not reach
headquarters in Uganda until the following January. In March 1896 he joined
Major Ternan at Masindi. But a general post of the few officers in Uganda
became necessary at this juncture: and, returning to Kampala, Sitwell set off on
4 May 1896 for Toro to take command of the Sudanese Company there as well
as administrative charge of the district. He reached Fort Gerry (as Fort Portal
was then called) twenty days later. He had to travel on foot the whole of the
way. There was hardly the semblance of a road. On the first day out from
Kampala he refers in his diary to "bad swamps, up to one's shoulders, road
disgraceful". On 10 May, after leaving Fort Raymond, near Mitiyana, he
encountered "Two nasty swamps, up to the waist. Road very bad, wants cutting.
Had almost to crawl through the long grass." On arrival at Fort Gerry he found
three Europeans living in the vicinity, namely, the Rev. A. B. Fisher of the
Church Missionary Society and Fathers Achte and Varangot of the White
Fathers' Mission. He had met Captain Ashburnham, whom he had been sent
to relieve, half way on his march from Kampala.
At the time of his arrival the situation in Toro could only be described as an
uneasy one. In 1891 Captain Lugard (as he then was) had conceived the idea of
getting into touch with and enlisting in the British service Emin Pasha's former
Sudanese soldiery, who were known to be collected near Kavalli's at the south
end of Lake Albert. He accordingly set out in June of that year, taking with
him Kasagama, who belonged to the ruling family of Toro, which had been
overrun some years previously by Kabarega of Bunyoro with the result that
Kasagama had taken refuge in Buganda. Lugard proceeded by way of Ankole
and the salt lake at Katwe. On arrival in Toro he installed Kasagama as Mukama.
Thence he proceeded to the southern end of Lake Albert, where in September
their commanding officer, Selim Bey, agreed to the enlistment of the Sudanese
troops in the Chartered Company's service, and to the settlement of their vast
horde of followers in Toro until their future had been decided.
In October Lugard brought the Sudanese into Toro. Here they constructed a
chain of forts as a defence against any future invasion of Toro by Kabarega.
These forts extended from Fort Wavertree (about ten miles to the north of

TORO IN 1897 15
Kabarole) southwards to the salt lake at Katwe, which was given the name of
Fort George. Leaving some of the Sudanese to garrison these forts, Lugard pro-
ceeded with the rest of them through Ankole to Kampala, where he arrived on
31 December 1891.
Fenwick de Winton, who had come up with Lugard from the Coast, was left
in administrative charge of Toro with instructions to tour the country with
Kasagama and to inquire into and redress the grievances of the people, but he
was given an impossible task. It soon became evident that by no means all the
inhabitants of what is now Toro District were ready to acknowledge Kasagama
as their ruler and that his authority did not carry very far in the land. In addition
the Sudanese, who still flew the Egyptian flag over their forts, proved to be a
thoroughly ill-disciplined crowd. They were very soon in a state of more or less
open war with the local inhabitants. Their misdeeds may to some extent have
been exaggerated at the time, but there is no doubt that they followed the old
freebooting habits which they had acquired under the lax government of Emin
Pasha. They found the local people unwilling to supply them with food and so
they took the law into their own hands and looted. That was bad enough, but it
is clear that it was not the sum total of their misdeeds. It was afterwards alleged
that the people suffered as much at the hands of their ill-disciplined defenders
as ever they had suffered when Kabarega's men invaded the land. This may be
an exaggeration. Nevertheless, even after allowing the most liberal discount for
exaggeration, enough remains to show that at this date Toro was in a most
unhappy state.
In the midst of all these troubles de Winton was taken ill and died. Thereafter
Lugard sent Selim Bey to Toro to take charge of the Sudanese and to readjust
the line of defence so as to make it run from west to east. Fort Wavertree was
retained as the westernmost fort. The most easterly was Fort de Winton, which
was situated about twenty miles due west from Mubende in what is now the
county of Kyaka. The result was that, whilst the people dwelling below the
slopes of Ruwenzori obtained some measure of relief, the Sudanese scourge
now fell upon the unfortunate people in the eastern portion of the kingdom
of Toro.
Fort George at Katwe was still retained as an isolated post. A body of armed
Swahilis had been left by Lugard to garrison this place. Their reputation amongst
the local inhabitants does not appear to have been very much better than that
of the Sudanese and they soon encountered trouble of a different kind. When
Selim Bey left Kavalli's in company with Lugard, some Manyema slave-hunters
had occupied the place in considerable force. They also established themselves
in a strongly-stockaded position to the west of the Semliki River at the southern
end of the Ruwenzori range. Thence they proceeded to raid Busongora, the
country in which Fort George stood. The Swahili garrison went to the help of the
Basongora, but they were roughly handled by the slave-raiders, losing two killed
and one wounded. When news of this reached the Sudanese posts in Toro, a
party of Sudanese proceeded to reinforce the garrison at Fort George. By their
conduct the newcomers speedily alienated the Basongora, the last state of whose
unhappy country became far worse than the first.
In June 1892 Mr. C. S. Reddie had been sent to tour the western parts of

what is now the Uganda Protectorate and to report on the general position of
affairs. He returned to Kampala nine months later to report that in many of
the districts the inhabitants had shown themselves to be hostile and that he had
been attacked more than once. It was clear that this hostility was largely due to
the high-handed conduct of the Sudanese garrisons. When, therefore, Sir Gerald
Portal arrived in Uganda on 17 March 1893, he decided that the Sudanese garri-
sons must be withdrawn and concentrated either in Buganda or else nearer to the
Toro-Buganda frontier. Major 'Roddy' Owen was entrusted with this task. This
officer has given his name to the Owen Falls. In 1893 he was known to a very
wide public as the gentleman rider who had won the Grand National in the
previous year. He and Portal's brother, Raymond, carried out the task of evacu-
ating Toro under considerable difficulties. Unfortunately Captain Raymond
Portal fell ill and was brought back to Kampala in a dying state. He passed
away on 27 May 1893.
After the evacuation of the Sudanese garrisons Owen had planned to continue
the occupation of Fort George at the Katwe Salt Lake; and to maintain a post
near Kasagama's capital at Kabarole, which he named Fort Gerry after Sir Gerald
Portal. But the retreat into Toro of the rebellious Baganda Muhammadans
in July 1893 led. to the abandonment even of these outposts, and Kasagama was
thereupon left to fend for himself. One of his first acts was to send an expedition
to Katwe under the command of no less a person than the Nyina Mukama, or
Queen Mother, to punish certain chiefs in Busongora, who had refused to
acknowledge his authority. The expedition happened to coincide with a report
that the Manyema were threatening to make another raid on the land. There-
upon the expedition and its august leader withdrew in haste.
Kabarega's people quickly seized the opportunity of invading Toro, Kasa-
gama himself was forced to take refuge on the slopes of the Ruwenzori range.
Sir Gerald Portal had left Uganda in June 1893, being succeeded as Com-
missioner by Colonel H. E. Colvile in the following November. At the beginning
of 1894 Colvile launched an all-out campaign against Kabarega, quickly over-
running Bunyoro and driving Kabarega himself into hiding in the forests in the
northern parts of his kingdom. This success relieved the people of Toro from
fear of any future invasion by Kabarega, and Owen was despatched thither by
Colvile to restore confidence and to reorganize the kingdom. On 3 March 1894
he reinstated Kasagama as Mukama, after having organized a confederacy of
friendly chiefs who were ready to acknowledge Kasagama as their overlord. At
the same time he left behind two small garrisons of Sudanese troops. One of
these, comprising fifteen men, was posted at Fort George. The other, consisting
of only seven men, was established near Kasagama's capital in the square en-
trenched position which is still visible in Fort Portal station. Later this garrison
was increased to company strength. It was at first proposed to call this post Fort
Jackson after Mr. (afterwards Sir) Frederick Jackson, who was then Acting
Commissioner of Uganda. Jackson, however, gave orders that it should bear its
earlier name of Fort Gerry, but this was altered to Fort Portal in 1900.
Mr. J. P. Wilson arrived to take administrative charge of Toro in August
1894, and was followed eleven months later by Captain Cromer Ashburnham,
Sitwell's immediate predecessor. Neither of these officers found his task an easy

TORO IN 1897 17
one. Despite the added prestige which was given to him as the head of a con-
federacy, Kasagama was still very far from being universally accepted as ruler
in all parts of Toro. There was also considerable friction between him and the
officers in administrative charge, and constant intrigues were being carried on by
him and a number of chiefs. During Ashburnham's administration relations
between him and Kasagama became strained. This eventually led to Kasagama
being arrested and ultimately sent to Kampala to answer certain charges. Though
Kasagama was after inquiry exonerated from these charges, it is clear that by no
means all his dealings had been above board. Sitwell was to find him very far
from being the model ruler which he might have been. In fact matters once more
came to a head as they had in Ashburnham's time. In February 1899, Kasagama
was sent for to Kampala and, after being heard in his defence, was fined ten
frasilas (or 350 pounds) of ivory and ten cows.
In this paper, however, I do not propose to go in any detail into the intricate
and complicated local politics which confronted Sitwell as officer in charge of
civil administration. In a footnote on p. 575 of his Uganda Protectorate, Sir
Harry Johnston pays a well-deserved tribute to this branch of his work. The past
conduct of the Sudanese troops had reflected on their British commanders, who
were at one time regarded by the Batoro with suspicion and mistrust, but six
months after his arrival Sitwell informed the Commissioner that "when I first
came here, all the bakopi bolted into the grass. Now they go out of their way to
speak to me." Here, however, I propose to deal almost entirely with the military
side of Sitwell's duties.
Sitwell was in command of a company consisting of four sections, each about
twenty strong. He had two Sudanese officers under him, the senior being Rehan
Effendi and the junior Surur Effendi. One section was posted on detachment
duty at Fort George. The remainder were concentrated at Fort Gerry. One of
Sitwell's main problems was to keep these Sudanese in a proper state of disci-
pline and to ensure that they remained on good terms with the local inhabitants.
The troops had to live down the evil reputation which certain of their com-
patriots had earned for them in the days when Lugard left them behind in Toro.
Fortunately, Sitwell's predecessor, Ashburnham, had instilled some sense of
discipline into them and equally fortunately the Sudanese officers were ready to
give Sitwell their backing in everything he did. It was not long, therefore, before
the commanding officer and his company were working on the best of terms.
One of Sitwell's earliest problems was of an international character. In 1894
the governments of Great Britain and the Congo State had arrived at an Agree-
ment whereby it was decided that in the region of Toro the international bound-
ary between Uganda and the Congo should be the thirtieth meridian of longitude
east of Greenwich. As a geometrical definition nothing could be clearer, but at
the time when this decision was reached the country, which the high contracting
parties thus divided by means of a straight line, was an almost unknown region
and had never been fully explored. Subsequent exploration showed that it
possessed strongly-marked natural features well suited to the purposes of de-
marcation. The manifest inconvenience of a geometrical division at once became
evident. Ruwenzori, for example, was a magnificent natural boundary, but
subsequent exploration showed that the mountain range lay farther to the west

than had been supposed and that the thirtieth meridian cut across its eastern
slopes. It was only after much surveying and prolonged negotiations that it was
decided at the Brussels Conference of 1910 to adjust the boundary so as to con-
form more nearly to the natural features of the country.
No attempt at a scientific survey had been made in Sitwell's time. Conse-
quently the thirtieth meridian was still very much 'in the air'. Officers of the
Congo State were asserting that it ran some ten or eleven miles farther to the
east than British officials were ready to admit. At Karimi on the Congo side of
the boundary and about twenty miles north-west of Fort George, there was a
military post under the command of a Belgian officer. On 1 June 1896 a report
from Fort George came in to Sitwell to the effect that "Congo people had arrived
and ordered the English flag to be hauled down". Sitwell very naturally decided
to investigate the matter on the spot. He arrived at Fort George seven days later.
He learnt that an officer of the Congo State had shortly before camped about
four miles to the west of the fort on the shore of Lake Edward at the point where
the Nyamagasani River flows into the lake. He got into touch with the Belgian
officer at Karimi, who came and spent the night with him at Fort George on
14 June. The officer proved to be a Lieutenant van der Wielen, who was appar-
ently about twenty-five years of age. Sitwell found him "nice to talk to", but
"told him he had better stop giving out Congo flags at present". Van der Wielen
"explained away most things". The meeting was evidently a most friendly one.
Sitwell recorded in his diary that it had been "a very pleasant day". Van der
Wielen, who had previously written a very courteous and diplomatic letter on
the subject to Ashburnham, agreed to abstain from hoisting flags anywhere in the
strip of territory lying between Fort George and Karimi until all matters relating
to the international boundary had been finally settled in Europe.
The two had another friendly meeting at Fort George in the following Decem-
ber. At other times they corresponded. Sitwell's diary further shows that from
time to time there were also mutual exchanges of courtesies in the form of gifts
of small luxuries which at that date were so difficult to obtain in the heart of
Africa. Everything in fact went to show that, in so far as Sitwell and Van der
Wielen were concerned, international relations could be carried on with courtesy
and the minimum of friction.
On the last day of March 1897 Sitwell recorded in his diary that he had "got a
letter from Van der Weilen [sic] that men of advance guard had mutinied, killed
all whites apd others not of their tribe". Even at this date the true story of the
mutiny of the Congolese troops is somewhat difficult to piece together. It began
amongst some troops whom Baron Dhanis was assembling with a view to an
advance against the Mahdists in the upper reaches of the Nile. There can be
little doubt that the mutiny was due to some extent to the unwise handling of
the troops by certain of their officers. The outbreak started at Dirfi (Mdirfi) in the
Lado Enclave on 14 February 1897, when seven out of nine Belgian officers were
shot down by their men. The remaining two managed to escape under the cover
of darkness. The mutineers then turned southwards. They were followed by
Baron Dhanis with a body of troops whom he believed to be loyal. But when, on
18 March, this pursuing column overtook the mutineers at Ekwanga, near the
Ituri River, many of Dhanis' men went over to the enemy. In the engagement

TORO IN 1897 19
which followed seven more Belgian officers were killed and Dhanis himself
barely escaped with his life.
The mutineers continued their way southwards and it became obvious
that they might cross the Semliki into British territory either to the north of
Ruwenzori between that range and Lake Albert or to the south thereof near Lake
Edward. The mountain range itself was a well-nigh impregnable barrier to
invasion, but the plains to the north and south were exceedingly vulnerable spots.
Sitwell had less than one hundred trained men to cope with the situation. Owing
to other military commitments there was little or no prospect of any reinforce-
ments arriving in Toro either in any strength or in time. Sitwell accordingly had
to be prepared to meet eventualities with the very small force at his disposal.
He decided in the first instance to proceed to Fort George and to get in touch
with Van der Wielen. He arrived there on 7 April. Shortly before reaching the
fort, a highly suspicious-looking armed party bolted on catching sight of Sitwell
and his men, but they eventually proved to be ivory poachers. Van der Wielen
did not reach Fort George until 13 April. When he arrived, it was clear that he
was a very sick man. He gave Sitwell the latest news about the mutineers and
returned to Karimi on 15 April. That news mainly consisted of rumours, but one
thing was perfectly clear. For the time being Karimi was cut off from all other
Belgian stations in the Congo.
Sitwell himself set out the same day for Fort Gerry, where he arrived on
19 April. Only a few hours before his arrival Father Achte of the White Fathers'
Mission had left the station with a few African companions on a missionary
itineration of the Semliki. Achte crossed the Semliki on 21 April and almost at
once fell into the hands of the mutineers. He was dragged in front of their ring-
leader, a man named Mulamba, whom he found decked out in a Belgian officer's
uniform, sitting in a European chair and smoking a pipe. On being interrogated,
Achte said he was not a Belgian, but was a man of God and a friend of all black
people. Led by a certain Kandoro, a number of the mutineers demanded that
Achte should instantly be put to death, but very fortunately for him Mulamba
opposed this, pointing out that the Father had come unarmed and "had never
struck any black man". Equally fortunately, Mulamba's counsel finally pre-
Achte was informed that the mutineers proposed to cross the Semliki and
kill Sitwell and all the missionaries and carry off all Kasagama's cattle. They
were clearly aware how weak numerically Sitwell's forces were. Amongst the
mutineers were a certain number of Manyema who, in 1888, had taken part in
Stanley's expedition for the relief of Emin Pasha. That expedition had passed
through southern Toro on its way to the coast and the Manyema strongly urged
a cattle raid into that territory. Achte pointed out that the mutineers had already
made enemies of the Belgians and that, if they crossed into Toro, they would
likewise make enemies of the English, who were a powerful nation and would
visit any act of aggression with condign punishment. Somehow or other Achte
managed to persuade the mutineers to stick to the west bank of the Semliki, but
he realized that in giving this advice he was placing the lives of the Belgians at
Karimi in great jeopardy.
After they had detained him a close prisoner for five days and had stripped

him of virtually everything he possessed, the mutineers allowed Achte and his
companions to go free. On the day of his release Achte managed to send a
letter to Sitwell imploring him to send a letter post-haste to Karimi to warn the
Belgian officers of their danger. This Sitwell accordingly did.
Meanwhile, on 25 April, three letters from Karimi had reached Fort Portal in
rapid succession. One was addressed by a Lieutenant Sannaes to Sitwell and
informed him that Van der Wielen was very ill indeed. The other two were
addressed by Van der Wielen himself to Father Achte. In the first of these the
writer enclosed his will. In both of them he implored Achte to come and
administer the last sacraments to him. As Achte had already set out on his
eventful journey, Father Varangot answered the call in his place.
As Sitwell said later in a letter to the Commissioner of the Uganda Protec-
torate, the station at Karimi was entirely surrounded by hills and was "as it
were, at the bottom of a tea cup". There was no boma and the houses were all
scattered. The place was obviously untenable and Sannaes had no alternative
but to withdraw into British territory. Accordingly, on 28 April, he made his
way to Fort George, bringing with him four headmen, forty-three Congolese
soldiers, who had remained loyal to him, and seventy-five women and children.
Van der Wielen had to be carried in a hammock. Father Varangot met this
party at Fort George on 29 April. Very shortly after the Father had administered
the last rites of the Church to Van der Wielen, that young officer passed away.
Father Varangot then gave him Christian burial just outside the fort.
Having fulfilled his mission, Father Varangot set out for Fort Gerry. He had
barely left Fort George when, on 1 May, the mutineers appeared at Katwe some
eight hundred strong. The garrison of the fort consisted of sixteen Sudanese
soldiers under the command of Surur Effendi and the forty-three Congolese
soldiers whom Sannaes had brought with him. At this time Surur Effendi was a
sick man, but he steadfastly refused the demand of the mutineers that he should
hand over Lieutenant Sannaes to them. As was only to be expected, the
mutineers proceeded to attack the fort.
Fort George itself occupied a position of great natural strength. It was on the
summit of the narrow neck of land which separates Lake Edward from the salt
lake. This ridge rises steeply to a height of about two hundred feet above the
two lakes and is only some forty yards across at the top and some three hundred
yards wide at its base. As constructed by Lugard, the fort covered an area of
about thirty-five by twenty-four yards. The buildings were of mud and the rocky
nature of the ground made it impossible to construct suitable ditches. Instead,
the face towards the salt lake was protected by massive chevaux de frise, that is
to say, by heavy beams of wood with spikes placed at right angles to each other
and so arranged as to present an array of spears to any attacking force. The very
steep ascent from Lake Edward was completely overlooked by one of the breast-
works of the fort. The two other faces, towards which alone an attack could be
delivered with any chance of success, were protected by loopholed mud walls,
in front of which were scattered chopped thorns in lieu of barbed-wire entangle-
ments. The defenders, therefore, had on every side an almost ideal field of fire,
but there were the possible risks either that ammunition might run short or that
the position might be stormed by sheer weight of numbers.

TORO IN 1897 21
The loyal Congolese troops had only about 200 rounds of ammunition amongst
the forty-three of them. As their rifles were of a different calibre from those of
the Sudanese, this meant that in the case of a long sustained attack their ammuni-
tion would be rapidly exhausted, after which they would not be in a position to
give further effective aid. As already said, Surur Effendi was a sick man. Conse-
quently the command of the handful of Sudanese, upon whom fell the brunt of
the defence, devolved upon a Sawish or Sergeant named Farajallah Ahmed,
whose conduct Lieutenant Sannaes afterwards highly commended.
The mutineers, some eight hundred strong, began to attack at 11.30 on the
morning of 1 May 1897, and continued their onslaughts until 5 in the afternoon.
Many of the attackers had received some sort of military training and were
armed with modern weapons. At first they came on well, but each time they
renewed the attack they were kept off by a well-sustained volley fire from the
Sudanese. Finally the enemy broke away and retreated headlong to the Nyama-
gasani River, leaving thirty-seven killed, three prisoners, and nine rifles in front
of the Fort. One of the prisoners was a Hausa from West Africa. Later informa-
tion showed that many of the mutineers' wounded subsequently succumbed to
their injuries, including Kanyange, the leader of the attack, who had been shot
in both arms and legs. The defenders lost one Sudanese soldier killed and one
other wounded.
As he suspected that the mutineers had merely withdrawn to collect reinforce-
ments, and as his ammunition was exhausted, Sannaes and his Congolese troops
withdrew to Fort Portal. As Fort George could easily be encircled by an invad-
ing force appearing in any strength, and as with the limited forces at his disposal
he could not hope to relieve the garrison if they were besieged, Sitwell ordered
the Sudanese garrison to withdraw from the Fort after remaining behind one
day to cover the retreat of Lieutenant Sannaes and his men. There was, however,
no renewal of the attack. The mutineers had met with a most unexpected rebuff.
Like the defence of Rorke's Drift in the Zulu War eighteen years before, the
surprise of this wholly unexpected defeat made the enemy pause to think and to
delay their intention of carrying fire and sword into Toro whilst they licked their
wounds and indulged in mutual recriminations regarding the failure of their
assault. The ringleaders fell out amongst themselves. Mulamba, who had been
mainly responsible for the saving of Father Achte's life, was shot dead with a
revolver by Kandoro, the man who had been loudest in demanding the Father's
death. Thereafter, Almasi, another leader, who had taken part in the attack on
Fort George, separated from Kandoro and made his way with a large party of
the mutineers to Stanley Falls, where he made his submission to the Belgians.
In June those of the mutineers who remained at Karimi sent a letter written in
English to Sitwell, saying "they wished to be friends with the English", offering
to give Sannaes an unmolested passage across the Semliki, if Sitwell so desired.
Prior to receipt of this letter Sitwell had reoccupied Fort George on 2 June.
Lieutenant Sannaes and his party remained at Fort Gerry until 29 May, when
they set out for Stanley Falls. At Avakubi, on the Ituri River, he joined forces
with Lieutenant Henry, who had managed to collect some six hundred loyal
Congolese soldiers. On 15 July the two inflicted a decisive defeat on the
mutineers. Sannaes was wounded in the arm in the course of the fighting and

the bullet remained in the wound. There was no surgeon to attend to him within
a radius of several hundred miles. So Sannaes had to travel over one hundred
miles to Fort Gerry, where Father Achte, who had undergone some medical
training during his noviciate, successfully removed the bullet.
In the meantime, despite occasional reports of an alarming nature, all was
quiet along the Toro-Congo frontier. But trouble was brewing in another
quarter. In July 1897 news came in that certain Baganda chiefs had risen in
rebellion with the connivance and support of their Kabaka, Mwanga. During
the next three months Sitwell and his company were engaged in endeavouring to
intercept the rebels, who, after having been defeated in Buddu, were trying to make
their way into Bunyoro so as to join forces with Kabarega. Then, on 24 October,
Sitwell recorded in his diary that he "got special mail (5 p.m.) from Kampala
saying that Nos. 4, 7 and 9 Coys. had mutinied at the Ravine". On Saturday,
30 October, came the news that "Lubwa's garrison (sc. in Busoga) had also.
mutinied, had made (Major) Thruston, new Mr. (sc. N. A.) Wilson and Mr.
Scott prisoners, had tied them up and beaten them, that mutineers had attacked
(Major) Macdonald's force . had fought from 6 a.m. to 11 a.m. (19th), at
last driven off, back to Lubwa's ..., that garrison at Kampala was to be dis-
One can only very briefly summarize the causes of this mutiny. In the words
of Thomas and Scott (Uganda, p. 264), the mutineers at the Eldama Ravine had
been "over-worked, under- and often un-paid, and not very understandingly
handled, and the impartial enquirer cannot, at this distance of time, fasten upon
them more than a share of the blame for the outbreak of the Sudanese mutiny in
1897". At this very same time conditions were not entirely satisfactory in so far
as the Toro garrison was concerned. As a later entry in Sitwell's diary shows,
cloth (which formed part of the soldier's pay), clothing and equipment were at
the time of this outbreak more than six months late in delivery. Sitwell there-
fore might well have wondered whether his own men, with the very recent
example of the Congolese mutiny before their eyes, might not follow the example
of their compatriots at Luba's and the Ravine.
This is the full entry which Sitwell made in his diary on 31 October, the day
after the news came in about the betrayal of Thruston and his companions
at Luba's:
"Rain on and off all day. Had parade at 9 a.m. Read out extracts from
yesterday's letters. Was interrupted all the time by the men saying 'that if
the remainder of the regiment mutinied, they would stick to me'. Not bad
that. Worked on accounts. P&re Roche and Varangot came up."
On 3 November he further recorded that "letters from Sudanese officers at
Kampala to officers here came in, telling them the news, and advising them not
to mutiny. Not much need of that." "Everything is perfectly quiet here", wrote
Sitwell on 20 November in reply to an anxious inquiry from the Commissioner,
"not a sign of disturbance. Kasagama is playing up most excellently; and as
for the Sudanese, if you had gone to the river as I did yesterday, and found
Yousbashi Rehan Effendi in his shirt sleeves sawing a log for the bridge, you
would not have any anxiety about the troops. They are perfectly in hand in
every way."

TORO IN 1897 23
Rehan's brother, Mabruk Effendi, had joined the mutineers, and Sitwell
reported that Rehan "has no sympathy with him in any way. I don't think there
is a more loyal soldier to the Queen and English than him."
When once more anxiety was expressed from headquarters about the loyalty
of the men, Sitwell replied that:
"You need not have the least fear about the behaviour of the men here.
Everything is going on here as if nothing was happening in other places."
"Since the news of the mutiny was received here, the men have built a
new hospital of three large rooms, have made two new bridges over the
Mpanga river, and are working just as usual in the shambas, etc. .."
"Mr. Buckley (sc. of the Church Missionary Society) was only saying
yesterday that an English Regiment would not behave better, and that he
never heard a complaint from the natives against the Sudanese here."
On 22 November three Baganda arrived at Fort Gerry. They had actually
been in the fort at Luba's when Thruston and his companions had been mur-
dered by the mutineers. They brought letters from the ringleader, Bilal Effendi,
to Rehan Effendi and the garrison in Toro bidding them join in the mutiny and
"all to be of one shauri". Rehan Effendi promptly put the messengers in the
chain-gang and took the letters to Sitwell. Next day the three Baganda were
court-martialled and shot.
On 2 December further letters came from the Sudanese officers at Kampala
to Rehan Effendi urging him and his men to remain loyal to the British Govern-
ment. "Rehan Effendi", wrote Sitwell, "is most grieved at the idea that he should
have any thought of mutiny. When I was showing him the letter yesterday from
the Sudanese officers at Kampala, he actually had tears in his eyes."
This is the answer which Rehan sent to that letter:
"From Rehan Effendi Raschid.
"To the English and Sudanese Officers of Kampala.
"Many, many salaams. You need never be afraid of me. I am not a
young soldier. I am an old officer. I wish to take the food of the Govern-
ment. I like the uniform of the Government. If any one should come here
with bad counsels, I would wish him dead. If I should hear of any man
doing badly, I would of course tell the Commandant. If the remainder of
the regiment should mutiny, I will remain faithful to the English, even if I
should die."
In December 1897 Mwanga, who, after his defeat in August had fled to
German territory, managed to escape from his German custodians and soon
collected a considerable following in Buddu. Sitwell at once set out with part
of his Company to try to intercept Mwanga in case he tried to make his way
northwards into Bunyoro. What followed shortly afterwards is best told in the
words of the Reverend (afterwards Archdeacon) T. R. Buckley of the C.M.S..
whom Sitwell requested to accompany him as interpreter.
"My difficulty, as I pointed out to him, was that my boots were in such a
dilapidated condition that I could not possibly walk any long distance in
them. A solution was found by his selling me a pair of boots, which I was
very glad to have, although they were several sizes too large.

"We marched for several days and then pitched camp, made a boma and
waited for the enemy or for news of him.
"The maxim gun was placed in a position commanding the entrance to
the boma and, in addition to my other duties, I was appointed to work the
maxim, should the enemy come along. One afternoon the O.C. handed me
a letter in Luganda addressed to Kasagama. He asked me to translate it.
"The letter was to the effect that the Nubis in Bunyoro had mutinied and
killed their white officers and were marching to Toro and warning Kasa-
gama to take measures for his own safety. Later the letter was proved to be
a tissue of falsehoods.
"At the same time he told me that he had received instructions to take
his men to Kampala to have them disarmed. To comply with this sugges-
tion, he said, would be fatal, as the soldiers, if they were ordered to Kam-
pala, rather than submit to such an indignity would mutiny and shoot us,
but before giving the order-which he would do so on the following morn-
ing-I could go away and he would wait for three hours and I should have
a chance of escape.
"He was a brave man and his offer was what one might expect of him."
But eventually Buckley had no need of those three hours of grace. During the
night Sitwell thought the matter over and next morning decided that he would
take upon himself the responsibility of disregarding superior orders. He decided
not to order his men to march to Kampala, but instead took them with him into
Ankole in pursuit of Mwanga. After events fully justified his decision. His men
remained faithful to him throughout the campaign.
Thereafter Sitwell, working in collaboration with a half company of Sudanese,
who were stationed in Buddu, and a number of Baganda levies, was fully occu-
pied for several months in trying to capture Mwanga and to round up his forces.
Sitwell's diary goes into those operations in some detail, but for present purposes
it is sufficient to say that Mwanga himself managed to elude his pursuers and to
make his way to the north, where he joined Kabarega. In the course of the opera-
tions Sitwell's troops had to cover great distances across very difficult country.
On one occasion they marched ninety-four miles in four days to raise the siege
by the mutineers of the Roman Catholic Mission station at Bukumi in Bugan-
gadzi where Monseigneur Henry Streicher, recently nominated Vicar Apostolic,
happened to be at the time on an episcopal visitation. Sitwell had several
brushes with Mwanga's adherents, but the latter, with few exceptions, gener-
ally managed to evade capture by precipitate retreat.
After some four months of marching, counter-marching and occasional skir-
mishing, Sitwell returned to Fort Gerry on 13 May 1898, on which day he wrote
in his diary: "Everything correct. Rehan Effendi delighted to see me. Men
looking well. Crops coming up splendidly. All place clean."
Though during the previous five months Sitwell had achieved no remarkable
strategic success, it was a noteworthy fact that his company and the half com-
pany under the command of William Grant in Buddu were the only Sudanese
units which were not disarmed during the mutiny and were the only Sudanese
units which assisted to suppress the rising.
On 3 August 1898, Bishop Tucker and the late Sir Albert Cook visited Fort

TORO IN 1897 25
George. They found the British flag flying over the fort and they were hospitably
entertained by the commanding officer, Surer Effendi. Dr. Cook (as he then
was) recorded in his diary that the Effendi "showed us, with no little pride, the
bullet marks on the walls, and the perforations in doors and shutters, and told
us in graphic terms the story of the whole fight", which had taken place fifteen
months previously. Bishop Tucker observed that "it is a remarkable fact that
at the very moment when we were being hospitably entertained by the Sudanese
at Katwe, their companions in arms were being besieged (sc. by Protectorate
troops) at Mruli, on the other side of Buganda".
During the last seven months of 1898 Toro was never disturbed by any actual
hostilities and Sitwell was able to do a certain amount of touring in his district.
On 29 December 1898 he left Fort Gerry on his way to England and arrived in
London on 30 April 1899. He had received a majority in the Dublin Fusiliers on
19 October 1898, and was promoted to be Brevet Colonel on 4 October in the
following year. In 1899 he proceeded to Natal on the outbreak of the war in
South Africa. On 23 February 1900 he was killed in action on the banks of the
Tugela River.
In the early hours of the morning upon which he left Fort Gerry, Sitwell held a
farewell parade of his troops: and the entry for that day in his journal reveals
something of that essential humanity which made him so fine a leader of men:
"I had a most affecting parting with the Company. Poor old Rehan, tears
rolling down his face, could hardly speak. Felt rather bad myself."
Throughout the critical months of 1897 there is not a single entry in his diary
or his correspondence to suggest that the writer had the slightest doubt as to the
loyalty of the men under his command. Sitwell accepted it as a fact that his men
would remain loyal and they likewise accepted it as a fact that their command-
ing officer trusted them. This speaks highly not only for Sitwell's treatment of
his men and for the wisdom with which he dealt with them, but also for the high
sense of duty which induced those men to remain faithful to him. There was
evidently something about Sitwell which inspired in others feelings of devotion
and confidence which are not often bestowed upon ordinary men. When this
redoubtable soldier fell near the banks of the Tugela River, his country was
greatly the poorer by that loss. Of him it might be said that
"The elements
So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world, 'This was a man!'"

Achte, A. Letter to Captain Sitwell, 27 April 1897 (Archives, Secretariat, Entebbe).
Austin, H. H. With Macdonald in Uganda. (London, 1903.)
Boulger, D. C. The Congo State. (London, 1898.)
Bourne, H. R. Fox. Civilization in Congoland. (London, 1903.)
Bovill, Mai, and G. R. Askwith, 'Roddy Owen' a Memoir. (London, 1897.)
Buckley, T. R. 'Some Experiences in Uganda', Uganda Church Review, 1933.
Cook, Sir A. R. Uganda Memories (1897-1940). (Kampala, 1945.)

Elliot, G. F. Scott. 'Expedition to Ruwenzori and Tanganyika', Geographical
Journal, vol. vi, 1895.
-. A Naturalist in Mid-Africa. (London, 1896.)
Grogan, E. S. and A. H. Sharp. From the Cape to Cairo. (London, 1900.)
Leblond, G. Le Pare Auguste Achte. (Maison Carrde, 1912.)
Lloyd, A. B. In Dwarf Land and Cannibal Country. (London, 1899.)
Lugard, F. D. The Rise of Our East African Empire. (London, 1893.)
Macdonald, J. R. L. Soldiering and Surveying in British East Africa. (London, 1897.)
Sitwell, C. H. 'Uganda Diary, 1895-1899.' (MS. in Secretariat Library, Entebbe.)
--. Correspondence with Commissioner and Consul-General, Uganda Protector-
ate. (Archives, Secretariat, Entebbe.)
Thomas, H. B., and R. Scott. Uganda. (London, 1935.)
Tucker, Rt. Rev. A. R. Toro, Visits to Ruwenzori, "Mountains of the Moon".
(London (C.M.S.), 1899.)
SEighteen Years in Uganda and East Africa. (London, 1908.)
Wallis, H. R. The Handbook of Uganda. (London, 1913.)

Extract from 'Notes on the Sudanese in Uganda' by Major J. A. Meldon (Journal
of the African Society, vol. vii, Jan. 1908, pp. 145-6).
When Selim Bey was removed (in 1893), his place was taken by Yuzbashi Rehan
Effendi Raschid as the senior native officer and head of the Sudanese in Uganda.
Rehan Raschid was born near Tunis, and at an early age went to Egypt, where he
enlisted as a bugler; in 1870 he went to Gondokoro with Sir S. Baker, and travelled
with him to Unyoro. On the return journey four companies were stationed at
Fatiko under a native officer, Taib Aga; and Rehan Raschid was left with them;
later he went to Lado and to Bor under Ibrahim Effendi Fauzi. Returning to Lado
he became orderly to Emin Pasha, which position he retained for nine years, subse-
quently becoming a N.C. Officer and drill instructor at Rejaf; from here he went to
Duffle as Sergeant Major (Bash Shawish) and five and a half years later he became
Lieutenant (Mulazim) of the Company at Pabo. During all these years he saw much
fighting against the Dervishes, and finally accompanied Selim Bey to Kavalli, and
came to Uganda.
When I first met Rehan Raschid in April, 1898, he was Yuzbashi (Captain) of
No. 10 Company, in Toro, under the late Colonel Sitwell; this was the only company
which retained its arms during the Mutiny. On one occasion (November, 1897)
letters were sent from Lubwa's by Mabruk Effendi and Bilal Ameen, instructing
Rehan to kill his European Officer and join them at Lubwa's, where he would be
recognized as their leader. Rehan brought the letters and the men to Sitwell, who
held a summary court-martial, sentenced them to death and executed them the
same day.
It is difficult for those who were not in the country at the time to form an idea
of the service then rendered by Rehan Raschid; if he had revolted with the Toro
garrison all the troops in Unyoro (who were subsequently disarmed) would have
joined in, and the Sudanese would have become masters of the country.
Sitwell obtained a step in promotion for the three Mulazims of No. 10 Company,
but no promotion was given to Rehan Raschid, though it was strongly urged.
Later, I took No. 10 Company to Unyoro as part of a force under Colonel Coles,

TORO IN 1897 27
and Rehan shot Bilal Ameen, the only surviving officer of the mutineers; for this
he got Rs. 1,000, half the reward offered for Bilal's capture. I then urged his claims
for promotion but it was not until he retired some eighteen months ago (sc. about
June, 1906) that he was given the rank of Bimbashi (Major).
Rehan Raschid was not only the smartest native officer, but also the most intelli-
gent native I ever met, and his influence over the Sudanese was extraordinary. I am
by no means sure they loved him, but they feared and respected him; he always
kept them occupied, and could get a marvellous amount of work out of them. He
lives now (1908) in Toro, where he has been made a small chief.
[Sir Edward Twining ('Uganda Medals and Decorations', U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 219n)
has put it on record that Rehan eventually received the unique Queen Victoria 'Mutiny
Star'. This decoration is plainly displayed in an excellent photograph of Rehan which
accompanies Major Meldon's paper. An earlier photograph of 'A Loyal Sudanese
Native Officer: Rehan Effendi', taken by Captain Sitwell, is reproduced in Sir Harry
Johnston's The Uganda Protectorate (1902), vol. i, p. 239.-EDS.]

THE Owen Falls scheme, now in its third year of construction, is one of the
largest projects being undertaken in Africa to-day, and it represents an act
of faith and courage on the part of the Government of Uganda. The scheme
would merit interest on its engineering aspects alone, irrespective of its location
or of the consequences of its construction. No doubt papers dealing with the
various technical aspects in detail will appear in due course in appropriate
technical journals. In the present paper I propose to give only a brief outline
of the main features of the scheme and to touch on a few aspects concerned with
its influence as distinct from its nature.
The marriage of two major needs resulted in the birth of the project:
(a) the need to develop irrigation in Sudan and Egypt to the fullest extent,
(b) the need for cheap reliable power in developing Uganda.
According to Dr. Hurst, Sir William Garstin suggested regulation of the
outflow of Lake Victoria at Ripon Falls as early as 1901; in the same year a
project was also put forward by Sir William Willcocks.
Mr. Churchill, in his book, My African Journey, published in 1908, used the
following words:
"The Nile springs out of the Victoria Nyanza, a vast body of water nearly
as wide as the Thames at Westminster Bridge, and this imposing river rushes
down a stairway of rock from fifteen to twenty feet deep, in smooth, swirling
slopes of green water. It would be perfectly easy to harness the whole river
and let the Nile begin its long and beneficent journey to the sea by leaping
through a turbine. It is possible that nowhere else in the world could so
enormous a mass of water be held up by so little masonry."
How true these words were can be judged from a comparison with the Hoover
Dam (known also as the Boulder Dam), where the total water stored is only one
fifth of that to be stored in the 10 feet operating range of Lake Victoria, yet in
it fourteen times as much masonry is required to hold back this volume of water.
Thus, whereas in the Owen Falls Scheme one cubic foot of masonry stores a
million cubic feet of water, in the case of the Hoover Dam, a unit of masonry
stores only 15,000 cubic feet.
In 1935 a joint report prepared by two firms of consulting engineers, envisaged
utilizing a part only of the flow of Victoria Nile; control of the level of Lake
Victoria was not contemplated.
In the meantime much research was being carried out by the Egyptian
Ministry of Public Works relating to the reservoir capacity needed for long-term
storage, and in The Future Conservation of the Nile,2 Dr. Hurst outlines a
scheme for 'Century Storage' which visualized the utilization of Lakes Victoria
and Albert in order to provide sufficient storage to permit complete regulation
1 Lecture to the Uganda Society on 25 May 1952.
2 Hurst, H. E., R. P. Black and Y. M. Simaika. The Nile Basin, Vol. VII. The Future
Conservation of the Nile. Physical Dept. Paper No. 51, Cairo, 1946.

of the Nile for 100 years. Egypt favoured a scheme for constructing a single
large reservoir in Lake Albert, sufficient to equalize the outflow over a century.
The proposal would have permitted surplus water in the White Nile to be held
over from years of plenty, and released during years when there was a deficiency
of water in the main Nile. Since it is possible to forecast the Blue Nile supplies,
it would be quite practicable to arrange for water to be held back in the White
Nile reservoirs during periods of surplus in the Blue Nile.
This scheme was not acceptable to the Uganda Government because of the
large areas of land-stated to be of the order of 1,100 square miles-which
would have been flooded for long periods. The Uganda Government proposed
the combination of a large storage reservoir in Lake Victoria with a small
regulating reservoir in Lake Albert. The area of Lake Victoria being 121 times
that of Lake Albert, the required storage can be obtained by means of a lower
dam than would be necessary at Lake Albert. The interests of the inhabitants
around Lake Victoria put a limit to the height to which the Lake could be
raised, which in turn fixes the additional capacity required for storage in Lake
In late 1946 Sir John Hall, then Governor of Uganda, asked Mr. C. R. West-
lake, the present Chairman of the Uganda Electricity Board, to report on the
development of the resources of Uganda. His report was accepted by all sections
of the community, and two firms of consulting engineers made a detailed report
on the scheme, which was presented in July 1948. By the end of 1948 contracts
had been let for all the electrical and mechanical plant and the civil engineering
contracts were settled by September 1949. The stage has now been reached when
it can be said that, in the absence of force majeure, generation of electric power
from the Owen Falls Dam will commence during the latter part of 1953.
The dam is located nearly two miles below Ripon Falls, just below Owen
Falls, where the main channel of the river is narrowed considerably by a spur
of rock. The width of the river there is about 500 feet, the bed consisting of
extremely hard rock. The dam is a gravity type built in an arc of radius 735 feet.
The maximum height of the dam is 85 feet, and in the deep section are incor-
porated six sluices which together are designed to discharge more than the
recorded maximum flow of the Nile. Under normal conditions, water not
required for generation of power will be discharged through these sluices. At
the request of the Egyptian Government the dam is being built one metre higher
than is necessary for power purposes alone.
Before the designs for the dam were finally settled, extensive experiments
with models were carried out at the Imperial College of Science and Technology,
South Kensington, London, under the direction of Professor G. M. White, their
purpose being to calibrate the sluices. The contractors also were able to check,
by means of these models, the levels of the Nile for the various stages of coffer-
dam construction.
The power-house, 585 feet long, is situated up-stream of a convenient embay-
ment which ensures that the tail-race water from the turbines can be discharged
without danger of erosion to the river banks. The total number of sets (each of
15,000 kw. capacity) ultimately to be installed is ten. The number on order at
present is six; the remainder will be ordered by the Board as and when the

demand for electricity warrants. The Kaplan turbines have been designed to
operate under a head which may vary between 571 to 72 feet.
The total length of the dam, including the intake dam behind the power-house
and the two head-race dams, is 2,725 feet. The new road linking Jinja and
Kampala which will replace the existing road under the railway bridge, will be
carried over the main dam, being supported on piers over the head-race, a
length of 570 feet.
The scheme is self-supporting as regards the supply of rock for concrete
aggregate. The excavation of rock, mainly by blasting, involves a total in excess
of 300,000 cubic yards; the total amount of concrete to be placed is of the same
order. By the end of 1952, when the scheme will be entering the peak stage in
construction, the rate of pouring concrete should be about 16,000 cubic yards
per month, which means a cement consumption in excess of 4,000 tons per
month. It was therefore necessary to make adequate arrangements for the
purchasing, shipping and storage of cement on site to avoid delays. At the peak
period, a cement store of 4,000 tons capacity would represent less than one
month's reserve. In order continuously to guarantee such a high rate it was
necessary to install the most modern crushing and weigh-batching plant for
concrete manufacture. A feature worth mentioning is that, in order to save
cement, 'plums' are used in the centre of the dam, these plums are blocks of
rock 2-5 tons in weight which are embedded in the concrete hearing. They also
tend to keep down the temperature of the setting concrete.
The civil engineering contract was awarded to an international company,
comprising British, Danish and Dutch firms. As a result the working force is
also international; it totals nearly 2,000 men, including some 1,500 Africans, the
remainder being British, Danish, Dutch, Italian and Indian. It was necessary to
take extraordinary steps to ensure a contented labour force, so the Uganda Elec-
tricity Board provided for the Africans a modem camp with married and single
quarters, and for the Europeans built the Amberley Estate consisting of eight
blocks of flats, each to house six families, thirty-six bungalows, a canteen and a
recreational building, together with a swimming pool. The civil engineering
contractors have augmented these facilities with a pilot camp for European
operatives and fifty-seven houses for artisans.
In order to protect the temporary coffer-dams which have to be constructed
over the narrow portion of the Nile before permanent works can be commenced
in the main dam, it was necessary to ensure that the quantity of water which
would pass down the Nile during the period of construction should not exceed
certain limits. It was therefore agreed with the Egyptian Government that the
discharge from Lake Victoria should be limited to 600 cubic metres per second
for the period of construction. In order to achieve this the West Fall at the
Ripon Falls, which passed well over half of the water leaving the lake, was
completely blocked by means of a rubble dam, while the spur of land on the
east bank was excavated to enable five temporary sluices to be constructed. By
means of these sluices it is possible to control the flow of the Nile to the agreed
limits. The amount of water passing the Ripon Falls is checked by current meter
measurements at Namasagali some 50 miles down-stream.
The main dam is to be constructed in three stages. In the first stage, which

has now been completed, two murram dykes were built out from the west bank
to the island in the river, one up-stream and one down-stream of the proposed
dam. The use of this local material was decided upon after experiments had been
carried out on the site. The water inside this coffer-dam was pumped out, and
the main dam constructed in the dry, leaving 15 feet gaps all the way up at
regular intervals.
In stage two-now well advanced-the dam is to be carried out farther into
the river within a box coffer-dam constructed of giant timber 'cribs' which are
placed at regular intervals and loaded with rejected rock-fill from the site.
Sheet-steel piling is close driven down into the rock, and supported by these
timber cribs. When this stage is reached the Nile will be forced to flow in the
reduced width left along the east bank.
In the last stage of construction, the timber cribs and sheet piling will be
carried across to the east bank and the coffer-dams for the first two stages
removed completely. The Nile will then flow through the fifteen gaps in the dam
which have been left for this purpose. When the dam is to be completed across
the river these gaps will be closed one by one until only the permanent sluices
remain. When the day comes to raise the water-level behind the dam, these
sluices will be closed. Generation of electricity will be possible as soon as the
minimum head has been built up.
A special feature which must be mentioned in connection with the Owen Falls
scheme is the sensitivity of run-off from the catchment area to denudation of
vegetation. Only 7 per cent of the total rain falling on the catchment area of
103,000 square miles runs off. The remaining 93 per cent is transpired by vegeta-
tion or evaporation. If we take it that evaporation from the Lake surface is
practically balanced by rainfall, and that seepage losses are insignificant, then
the average annual use of water by vegetation of all sorts amounts to about
38 inches depth. If, as a result of land development or through other causes,
strips of territory should be denuded of vegetation, increased run-off will result.
Assuming the present transpiration is reduced from 93 to 90 per cent, i.e. by
3 per cent only, the run-off would be increased to 10 per cent. This means that
a reduction of only 3 per cent in vegetation use might increase run-off by nearly
50 per cent. It is difficult to visualize an increase of population to 10,000,000
without denudation taking place and Uganda will have to guard against the
dangers of removing natural vegetation which will simply increase the export
of water. This factor has been borne in mind in the design of the scheme.
The operational range of the lake when the dam is complete will be some
10 feet and this corresponds to a storage of 7-3 million million cubic feet of water.
If the entire flow over Ripon Falls, or past the dam, were to be stopped for a
year the lake level, under average conditions, would only rise 28 cm. Hence,
with everything shut, it would take 4 years to raise the level by 1 metre.
With a uniform discharge of say 450 cubic metres per second from the turbines,
it would take, under favourable conditions, about 8 years, and under unfavour-
able conditions about 16 years, to fill the reservoir.
In so far as Uganda is concerned the scheme is mainly a power scheme. From
that point of view the main function of the dam is to control the flow in such a
- way as to provide a practically uniform discharge month by month, and year

by year. For all practical purposes such a regulated discharge can be obtained
with an operating range in the lake of 2 metres only. Any more extensive con-
trol of the lake for purposes of storing water would reduce the output, and
hence the revenue, not only from the Owen Falls scheme, but from the whole
chain of power schemes which are possible between Lake Victoria and Lake
Albert if the full potential of this stretch of Victoria Nile is to be developed.
The fall between Lakes Victoria and Albert is 516 metres, and the total con-
tinuous power theoretically available is 21 million kilowatts. Thus every cubic
metre per second passing the Ripon Falls might ultimately be worth 4,000 kw.
of continuous power. This demonstrates clearly how important the Owen Falls
scheme is, being the first in the chain of development. Any reduction in flow
past the Owen Falls will affect all the schemes downstream.
It may not be generally realized what a great exporter of water Uganda is.
Although only about 7 per cent of total precipitation runs off, this amounts to
24-6 milliards' a year as measured over a long period at the outlet to Lake Albert.
With the price of fuel oil in Uganda at over 20 per ton it would be difficult
to generate electric energy at less than 14 cents of a shilling per unit. Assum-
ing then that eventually the total head of the Nile basin within Uganda will be
fully developed, and using this arbitrary figure of 14 cents per unit, the annual
value of Uganda's 'export' of water is about 154,000,000. It may not be fully
realized that electricity may be an invisible but very profitable export. In 1936
Canada exported to the U.S.A. 1,574 million units of energy, by 1946 this figure
had risen to 2,585 million units. Over the ten-year period 1936-46 Switzerland
exported annually of the order of 1,500 million units. It is perhaps not so far
fetched an idea to suggest that in the fullness of time, and perhaps sooner rather
than later, Uganda might become the Switzerland of Central Africa, and build
up an export trade in the sale of energy. One great advantage of hydro-genera-
tion is that the water is practically entirely available for re-use.
Dr. Kopeliowitch, after conducting statistical research for a number of coun-
tries, has shown that there is a remarkable similarity in the rate of growth of
electricity demand curves for all countries, irrespective of the amount of power
consumed per head of population. Comparing the United Kingdom, the United
States of America and Switzerland the average rate of growth up to 1917-18
seems to have been everywhere the same, the redoubling periods being 4-5 years,
even though the consumption per head of population had reached widely differ-
ent figures: 95 units per head for the United Kingdom, 307 for the United States
of America, and 611 for Switzerland.
It is interesting to note what a part water plays in the economy of a country.
Sir Edward Bailey once gave the following figures for Great Britain: "The
annual rainfall is approximately 52 million million gallons, of which I evapor-
ates, 3 runs to the sea in rivers, and the remaining 3 slowly percolates through
the subsoil to the sea. The I classed as evaporation is not entirely lost, and is
at least as useful as the 35 million million gallons which reach the sea, since a
considerable proportion of evaporation is really transpiration through plants.
For direct use the average countryman gets 10-12 gallons per day, and his city
1 The term 'milliard' is used in this lecture as an abbreviation for 1,000 million cubic

cousin is compensated with 30-40 gallons per day. A cow in milk needs about
16 gallons of water per day. An express train uses 11,000 gallons between
Waterloo and Plymouth. The generation of 1,000 units of electrical energy by
heat engines needs about 90,000 gallons of water."
Coming nearer to Uganda, one acre of cotton in the Gezira irrigation scheme
in Sudan transpires during its growing period (August-April) a depth of water
equal to about 57 inches or just under 6,000 tons per acre. Considering once
more the waters exported by Uganda, and assuming these are available in a
country of low rainfall and that there are no losses on the way down, it would
be possible to cultivate an area of 4,000,000 acres, or nearly eight times the size
of the Gezira scheme. The gross area under perennial irrigation in Egypt is in
excess of 4,000,000 acres, on which two or three crops a year are raised, and a
further 1,200,000 acres are under basin irrigation.
When James Bruce, in 1770, established Lake Tana as the source of the Blue
Nile he considered the White Nile of little account in comparison with the Blue
Nile. In this he was sadly in error. We now know that in March-April the
White Nile supplies over 80 per cent of the total flow of the main Nile, and
it is only around August that the percentage contribution drops to less than
10 per cent.
The use of water for irrigation bears a relationship to evaporation from a
free water-surface, and it is interesting to note that as one travels up the Nile
from its mouth evaporation increases from about 1-4 mm. per day at Alex-
andria, to 5-9 mm. per day at Merowe, and then decreases again to about
2 mm. per day at Lake Victoria. The greatest water requirement would there-
fore appear to be somewhere about half-way down the Nile.
It is in combination with land that water exerts its controlling influence on
the destinies of the human race. The correct combination, in place and time, of
water and land, is the basis of agriculture, which is the source and mainstay of
community living. Water gives value to the land and the two in combination are
the final measure of the total population-carrying capacity of the earth: they
are the primary natural resources. History contains the records of nations that
have prospered because they husbanded these resources; it also contains the
dismal record of those that have flagged and failed because these resources
were squandered and dissipated.
When Moses was in Egypt 3,000 years ago, we may not know what were the
chief interests of the dwellers in the cities, but we do know with certainty that
outside the large towns, then as now, the main interest of the people was in the
Nile and its water. The study of the Nile and its effects still remains the most
important subject in Egypt to-day.
Civilizations have followed water and rainfall. The population map of Persia,
for instance, bears a close similarity to the rainfall map. Cultivation in Egypt
and Iraq is concentrated along the banks of the main rivers, the Nile, Euphrates
and Tigris. The Nile Valley has about 6,500 people per square mile near Cairo;
a few miles away in the desert there are less than 7 per square mile.
From the descriptions of Nearchus, the country to the south of Ahwaz in
Persia, along the Karun river, was populous and fertile. In Iraq the maximum
development of the canal system to enable the country to become a base of

world empires was in the Abbasid period. The earliest canal from the Euphrates
into the Tigris above the site of the later Ctesiphon was probably the defence
work from Sipper to Opis built in Neo-Babylonian times for navigation and
irrigation. The canals were elaborated by the Persians over the 6th-4th century
B.C., and by Alexander the Great. Some of these Euphrates canals were still
functioning early in the nineteenth century, and the destruction of the great
irrigation works in south Persia and Iraq could not have been due to Mongol
invaders. All these systems seem to have suffered from administrative neglect
and silting. The fact that the workmanship was so good as to remain to this
day to point the moral of failure, shows that 'tactical' engineering was not at
fault. What must have been at fault was 'strategic' engineering, the planning,
siting and up-keep of these great works.
A survey of world conditions, made possible and comparatively easy in
modern times by virtue of vastly improved communications and better statistics,
reveals astonishing variations in standards of living. Admittedly, there is no
strict interpretation of the term 'standard of living', but whether it is arbitrarily
taken as effective income per head, or as food calories per head, a remarkable
variation exists from region to region. In some areas, as in China, parts of the
Middle East and of Latin America, the squalor, discontent and low standard of
life remain as epitaphs to rich resources dissipated and dead. In other countries,
such as India, famine has been temporarily banished by irrigation schemes. It
is significant that the United States of America, which claims to have the highest
standard of living, has also made the greatest strides in recent times with regard
to water-land use. The good areas can no longer afford to look on the bad areas
with the attitude of the Pharisee who thanked God that he was not as other
men. The reason is that 'standard of living' is not a static affair, and the hitherto
accepted principle of opening 'new' areas as and when the old ones become
incapable of supporting their population will soon have to be abandoned for
the simple reason that there are few new areas left.
The United States Department of Agriculture estimates that there are, at
present, less than two acres of arable land per person in the world. The land is
being eroded and expended, as in parts of South America and South Africa,
and water is exported uselessly to the sea or evaporated on barren lands while
man and his needs are multiplying.
Since water-land conservation has become a biological necessity, responsible
planners in many countries have recently begun to turn their minds to a new
form of balance sheet: a water, or hydro-, balance sheet for their countries.
Although water is annually renewable in the form of rain, the amount and
incidence cannot yet be controlled by man and consequently all direction of
resources must be confined to the debit items, the use and waste items. For
increased use there must be decreased waste.
It may be of interest when considering capital works of the magnitude of the
Owen Falls scheme, situated at the head of the second largest river in the world,
to consider also the question of the water-land use of a relatively young terri-
tory like Uganda, while at the same time bearing in mind the situation across
the borders of Uganda along the banks of the Nile.
There is no doubt that in the very near future Uganda will have to consider

irrigation works. It may seem strange that irrigation works could be considered
in a country with an average annual rainfall of about 1,100 mm., i.e. about
43-44 inches, when no irrigation is practised on a serious scale in Great Britain,
with a much lower annual rainfall. The reason lies firstly in the different climatic
conditions, and secondly in the monthly distribution of rainfall.
The normally thought-of reasons for irrigation, aridity and periodic drought,
no longer retain their earlier place in our thinking, and it is found that to an
increasing degree, irrigation throughout the world is being practised in the
so-called humid areas, to assure a predetermined seasonal distribution of water,
thus assuring a guaranteed and best possible crop return. This practice of
irrigation in humid and sub-humid areas is developing, not because irrigation
here is essential for maintenance of life, but because it increases financial return,
and permits a higher standard of living for the people who engage in it. An
example in this respect is New Zealand, where it was not until 1935 that the first
government-operated irrigation scheme was contemplated. The annual rainfall
in the Canterbury district is of the order of 30-33 inches, but owing to slight
irregularity in its month to month distribution it has been necessary to add
supplemental water in order to guarantee pastures. Although the quantity of
water added per annum is small, of the order of 9 inches and less in the season,
compared with 50-60 inches in the arid countries such as Sudan and Iraq, that
amount is nevertheless vital for the continuity of cropping.
This question has not been thoroughly investigated yet in Uganda, but even
a preliminary investigation has shown that in places like Kampala and Soroti,
for instance, an average annual water requirement of from 24-30 inches might
be necessary. In both these places, chosen at random, the average annual rain-
fall is in excess of the figures quoted, but in both cases the monthly distribution
of rainfall may be critical over the period November-March. In the case of
Kampala, for instance, taking a year of extraordinarily low rainfall, it may be
necessary to provide supplemental water of the order of 13 inches to ensure
success of a crop and in Soroti the deficit might be nearly 20 inches.
It may be said that population pressure is not yet sufficient to warrant large-
scale irrigation works to provide supplemental water to guarantee crops. The
total area of the territory is about 94,000 square miles from which must be
deducted open water surfaces, amounting to 13,000 square miles; game reserves,
3,000 square miles; swamps, 2,500 square miles. The nett land area available
is, therefore, about 75,000 square miles, but of this 25,000 square miles are
infested by tsetse fly which pest is spreading. This leaves a gross area of 50,000
square miles, all of which would not be arable.
Dr. Worthington, in his Development Plan for Uganda,1 estimates the popula-
tion in 1944 to have been around 4,000,000, and that owing to better health
facilities and immigration from more populous regions, the population near the
turn of the century will be around 10,000,000. If the whole of the 50,000 square
miles is taken as arable, which is most unlikely, this means a density of 200 per
square mile.
As yet there is no land hunger in Uganda but it must be remembered that if
I Worthington, E. B. A Development Plan for Uganda. Entebbe, Government Press,

Uganda, situated 850 miles from the coast, is in difficulty with the building up
of an export market it is equally difficult in reverse, to import essential food-
The Owen Falls Scheme has already demonstrated that if, for industrial
and other purposes, a greater output is to be obtained from the African worker,
it will be necessary to encourage considerable changes in his diet. The scheme
may yet prove to be a major factor in irrigation development. Should develop-
ment continue down-stream the power lines will in general run parallel with the
river, and the possibility of pumping Nile waters to surrounding high lands,
using cheap power, ought to be investigated. Such development need not be
limited to the proximity of the river. Cheap power might be used also to operate
pumps in groups of bore-holes situated in critical areas inland, as has been done
so successfully in India. This would, of course, need careful investigation with
regard to the underground water resources.
The soil of Uganda can produce, as has been demonstrated, not only excellent
food crops, but also, cash crops such as cotton, coffee, tea, tobacco and flax of
a high quality. It is possible that a paper industry from papyrus might develop
around the swamps. A comprehensive soil survey might well reveal other
attractive possibilities. The point is-how much time is there?
Sir John Hall, in his foreword to A Development Plan for Uganda, mentions
that the only successful means of introducing and spreading better conceptions
of agricultural practice is by precept and example, by exhortation and demon-
stration, by supervision and propaganda. The agricultural population in every
country, and the United States of America and the United Kingdom are no
exceptions, are slow to accept, and even slower to adopt, a new idea. The time
to plan irrigation schemes, therefore, is not when a crisis has developed and
everything has to be carried out in an atmosphere of panic, but now, while
time is on the side of the planner.
Experience on the Owen Falls scheme has also shown that the African takes
naturally to mechanization provided the process is carried out in small doses
at a time and that the value of proper maintenance is taught as mechanization
It follows that if irrigation water is transpired from Uganda soil, there would
be correspondingly less water to export to adjoining territories. On the other
hand, the present swamp losses in Lake Kyoga are estimated to be in the order
of 12 per cent of the river flow and the reduction of such losses, and the very
much larger losses occurring in the Sudd region, will release large quantities of
water for use and re-use downstream.
One further point to bear in mind with regard to the development of the
Victoria Nile basin is the question of navigation. No locking facilities have
been incorporated in the Owen Falls scheme. In the event of the stretch of
river being fully developed between Owen Falls and Lake Kyoga by a series of
dams, the provision of locks at each dam would permit free navigation of
steamers and barges between the lakes, despite the difference in level of 103
metres. Such inland communications would assume great importance when
that stage of development has been reached, particularly if agricultural develop-
ment has kept pace with the industrial development.

Whatever form Uganda's planning takes in the future, and whatever part the
Owen Falls scheme is destined to play in such plans, it will be essential to
maintain balanced development at all stages. I have had first-hand experience
of these problems recently, when, in conjunction with American engineers, a
plan was drawn up which envisaged the gradual raising, over seven years, of
the standards of living of an under-developed country like Persia, with a peasant
population of over 85 per cent. The greatest single lesson derived from this
work was the importance of balanced planning and development. Industrial
uplift must be accompanied by agricultural uplift; medical planning must not
get ahead of the engineering and agricultural development necessary to feed
the extra mouths; education and communications must equally not lag behind
the industrial and agricultural developments.
In conclusion I might again quote Mr. Churchill:
"Uganda... is alive by itself. It is vital: and in my view, and in spite
of its insects and its diseases, it ought in the course of time to become the
most prosperous of all our East and Central African possessions, and
perhaps the financial driving wheel of all this part of the world."

TO the Imperial British East Africa Company, within whose sphere of influ-
ence Busoga lay from 1890 to 1893, the country to the east of the Nile was
no more than a victualling reserve on the road from Kavirondo to Kampala. A
'station', Wakoli's, was established in 1892 at the headquarters of chief Wakoli,
then situated at Namukoko a few miles south-west of the present settlement at
Bugiri. In March 1893 Sir Gerald Portal found one European in charge of what
was described as a collection of stockadedd huts". Caravans normally made for
Jinja, which was but a fishing village, where was the narrowest crossing of the
Nile; for until the beginning of 1893 canoes passing between Busoga and
Buganda nearer to the open lake were liable to attack by the Bavuma islanders.
The Company's responsibilities in Busoga, as elsewhere in Uganda, were taken
over by the British Government on 1 April 1893. On his return towards the
Coast in the following June, Portal decided to abandon the post at Wakoli's;
and he informed chief Luba, "station to be moved to his place under a
European. He delighted." Luba's Fort by the lake shore at Bukaleba was
accordingly established as the Government headquarters in Busoga before the
end of 1893, in time to receive some of the Sudanese who had recently been
evacuated from Toro. Much of the traffic from the Coast to Buganda was there-
upon diverted to the ferry between Luba's Fort and Lugumbwa's near Nasu
Point, thereby saving many miles of foot-slogging round the head of Napoleon
After the Sudanese mutiny of 1897-8 with its tragic happenings at Luba's
Fort, the civil headquarters were removed to Iganga. Early in 1900 the first
telegraph line on its way to Kampala was brought to Jinja, where the rocks above
the Ripon Falls provided the only practicable crossing of the Nile; and as a
result the nucleus of a European settlement came into being. This factor contri-
buted to the decision which Sir Harry Johnson announced in a despatch to the
Foreign Office dated 4 February 1901: "I have decided to transfer the civil head-
quarters of the administration in the district to Jinja from Iganga. Iganga is
not a very healthy place, and it is, so to speak, 'nowhere', and commanding no
important route; whereas Jinja is of great importance, as being at the Ripon
Falls, and commanding what may become a very important transport route
along the Nile to a place called Kakogi below the Falls where the river becomes
navigable all the way into Lake Kioga, and then down to Foweira. This will
certainly become one of the main transport routes of the Uganda Protectorate.
Moreover, there is an important telegraph station at Jinja and a certain aggrega-
tion of European settlers."'
The addition of the function of administration led to changes in the composi-
tion of the population and Jinja soon acquired a cosmopolitan complexion,
including among its residents indigenous Africans, Arab and Indian traders,
Swahilis from the coast, Nubian ex-soldiers, British officials, and English and

French missionaries. In its first year as the administrative headquarters of
Busoga, Jinja's importance as a transport terminus was much enhanced by the
completion of the Kenya-Uganda railway from Mombasa to Kisumu, since the
service of lake steamers between Jinja and Kisumu considerably shortened the
time needed to carry goods to and from the coast. The decision to make Jinja
the administrative headquarters of Busoga was soon abundantly justified by
the introduction of cotton as a cash crop grown for export. Lines of communica-
tion in Busoga converge on Jinja, and the opening in 1912 of the first railway in
Uganda, the Jinja-Kakindu-Namasagali line, gave access also to the Northern
Province of Uganda through the steamer service on Lake Kyoga. Thus, until
the further extension of the railway through Busoga from Tororo to Mbulamuti,
in 1928, Jinja provided the main outlet for the rapidly expanding cotton crop of
the Eastern and Northern Provinces. This meant that Jinja became not only a
busy port but also the centre where arrangements were made for the purchase,
insurance, marketing and export of the cotton crop and a variety of firms estab-
lished agencies and imported staff to carry out these functions.
In addition, the introduction of cotton and the new opportunities for wage
labour put increasingly large amounts of cash into African hands, and they took
eagerly to the purchase of such goods as bicycles, lamps, hardware, cheap
European-style clothing, cloth, sugar, soap, salt and tea. A considerable retail
trade developed in the town, catering not only for nearby cotton growers and
the town's own labour force, but also for the African porter caravans which
made Jinja their terminus prior to 1914, when motor transport came into more
frequent use. Jinja became the main shopping centre of the Eastern Province
and with this came the development of importing and wholesale businesses with
customers throughout the area.
Until recent years, Jinja's growth has been due almost entirely to the expan-
sion in its commercial activities, which have themselves been mainly dependent
on the cotton industry. In 1917 "the commercial point of view" was described
as "the only one which maintains Jinja", and in 1924 an official letter from Jinja
ascribed the population increase in the town to "the incessantly increasing pros-
perity of the country due to the speedy development of the primary industry
of cotton (which) has opened up new fields of commercial activities and has
attracted a good number of people from Kenya . ."2 At one stage it was
thought that the further extension of the railway from Jinja to Kampala, which
now relieves the lake transport of the cotton crop, would put a stop to the town's
further growth but, although Jinja's activities as a port were considerably re-
duced, the township remained a busy centre for retail trade and the financial
headquarters of the Eastern Province cotton industry. Until recently the com-
mercial emphasis has been predominant and the cigarette factory started in 1928
was Jinja's main manufacturing enterprise.
There have been spectacular developments in the township since 1949, when
the construction of the Owen Falls hydro-electric power station was begun. This
power supply is expected to provide a basis for a major industrial concentration
including a textile factory, a brewery, a grain-conditioning plant and other large
projects. The dam project has brought an unprecedented building and com-
mercial boom with repercussions in many other fields of social activity. Just

before the dam construction company started work, a building firm received a
contract to construct housing estates and labour camps for the Europeans and
Africans who were to be employed on the dam and its subsequent operation.
This firm began building in 1949 and by 1951 had a staff of 650 Africans and
about 50 of other races. The first representatives of the dam construction com-
pany arrived in Jinja in November 1949; six months later constructional work
was in full swing and by 1951 the company employed about 1,600 Africans and
250 persons of other races. There have subsequently arrived several subsidiary
firms connected in one way or another with the hydro-electric scheme as well as
some undertaking independent development projects. To meet the demand thus
created, existing local industries such as the tobacco factory and the smaller
engineering, welding and carpentry firms have greatly expanded their activities
and personnel. The Public Works Department, which has had to increase town-
ship services of road construction, maintenance, lighting, drainage, sewage and
building, nearly trebled its African labour force between January 1949 and early
1951, and there is hardly a government department which has not expanded. The
increase in spending power has also brought about a commercial boom from
which both retail and wholesale distributors have benefited.
It is not easy to trace the early population history of Jinja owing to the unre-
liability of early statistics and to the fact that changes may have occurred in the
extent of the area to which they refer. It is apparent, however, that since the early
years of the township, the Indian population has outnumbered the European, as
until recently European occupations in Uganda were confined mainly to senior
government posts and to mission work. While the political stability necessary
for the conduct of economic activities had been secured by the European
administrator, it was for the most part Indian merchants who organized both
the export and import trade and who carried on at first-hand the retail business
with the natives of Uganda. At the beginning of the century Indian immigration
was encouraged by Sir Harry Johnston who urged the recognition of Uganda as
"... a suitable sphere for the extension of British Indian commerce, enterprise
and imagination."3 Indians have subsequently become the major non-African
element of the population of Uganda. They have concentrated especially in
urban and other trading centres where their possession of capital, skills and
outside contacts, which the African lacks, and their greater willingness as com-
pared with Europeans to incur health risks and to endure low living standards,
have given them a dominant position in the business life of the country.
The African population attributed to Jinja from time to time has always been
the largest single element of the total population and appears to have been
composed partly of persons who had their homes in and around the town and
partly of immigrant labourers who came to work there.
Mr. A. E. Mirams, in his 1930 Report on the Town Planning and Develop-
ment of Jinja, refers to Jinja as "a comparatively small town with a population
of 3,120, of whom 2,200 are reported as Africans, 800 as Asiatics and 120 as
Europeans". He quotes the comparable annual figures since 1924, when the
total population had been 5,037 and attributes the decrease to slackness of
trade. This is possibly connected with the 1926 outbreak of plague and with the
slump which was expected to occur within Jinja at the forthcoming extension of

the railway through to Kampala. "I am bound to say", wrote Mirams, "that
my own view is, definitely, that no considerable increase in the population of
Jinja is likely to take place, certainly during the next decade and probably for
a much longer period."
The 1948 Census showed that the population of Jinja had, in fact, risen to
8,400, of whom 4,400 were Africans, 3,800 Asians and 200 Europeans. The
population census involved a complete count of every individual, but fresh data
on the population were collected by us, mainly during sample surveys conducted
in Jinja in January, February and April 1951, and this information is presented
below.4 The methods used in the sample surveys involved the standard statistical
technique of investigating a number of households selected in such a way that
they reflect with calculable degrees of accuracy, the characteristics of all house-
holds within the total population.
Jinja now has a total population of about 20,800,5 composed of 14,9006
(72%) Africans, 5,100 (24%) Asians and 800 (4%) Europeans. This division
of the population into racial segments largely owes its importance to the fact
that each has a distinctive style of living, the major elements of which are
recognized both by members of the group and members of the other groups.
The population of Jinja consists of three racially and socially differentiated
segments co-existing within a common political and economic framework.
Though itself internally differentiated with respect to such factors as nationality,
religion, caste and tribe, each group has its own identifiable and distinct social
system clearly marked off from that of the others. As in other multi-racial
areas, the power and influence of the racial segments of the population are
moreover out of proportion to their relative numbers. While Africans constitute
the overwhelming majority of the population and are largely in their own indi-
genous environment, the political and administrative structure is dominated by
Europeans and the economic structure by Asians and Europeans.

The township's present population of 20,800 has increased by 12,400 since
1948. Details of the increase are set out in Table 1.

Africans Asians Europeans Total

1948 .. .. 4,400 3,800 200 8,400
1951 .. .. 14,900 5,100 800 20,800
Increase .. .. 10,500 1,300 600 12,400
Increasepercent .. 238-6 34-2 300 147-6

The increase in the population since 1948 has been largely due to the exten-
sion of the township's boundaries in 1950. While this does not affect the figures
for Asians and Europeans, as these continue to be concentrated in an area which
always lay within the township, it has brought a large number of Africans within
the township boundaries. These boundaries are now coincident with those of the

local government area Gombolola Sabawali, which in 1948 had an African popu-
lation of 13,000.7 The African population of Sabawali has thus increased by
1,900. The recent influx of Africans into Jinja has been greater than this, but the
extent of the influx is partly concealed by the resettlement, outside the Jinja area
at Kibibi Hill, of some 800 persons8 who were moved from land within the town-
ship early in 1949.
Apart from this, about 1,000 adult men and 250 wives and children are being
accommodated at the dam site on the west (Buganda) bank, but within the Jinja
'planning area'. Most of these are migrants to Jinja (largely from the West Nile
and Kenya) only about 12% being Baganda and Basoga.9
We can now turn to an analysis of the way in which each of these populations
has increased.
Africans. Unfortunately, accurate birth and death records for Africans are
not available, so that it is impossible to make a reliable estimate of the growth
through natural increase of the African population since 1948. The death
records are probably fairly reliable but there is known to be considerable under-
reporting of births. If, however, the 287 children under 1 year of age in the
African population estimated from the sample are taken as equivalent to the
number of births in 1950, and the number of deaths in 195010 in the Gombolola
record, viz. 45, is taken as correct, an estimated natural increase of 242 for 1950
is arrived at. This is probably a high estimate partly because deaths, especially
of very young children, are likely to be under-reported to some extent.
Since the period between the census and the African survey was two and a
quarter years, the net addition to the population from natural increase is unlikely
to have exceeded 545, which is a small proportion of the total increase of the
African population since that date.
This evidence suggests that the increase in the African population has been
due mainly to migration, an observation which is, of course, reinforced by the
fact that since 1948 several large constructional projects have provided employ-
ment opportunities for adult African males. In fact, of the 13,600 Africans found
by the survey, 5,60011 had been in Jinja for less than two years, that is, had
arrived in Jinja during 1949 or 1950.
Table II shows the varying periods of time for which persons of different age
categories have been in Jinja.
From this Table of Age and Length of Time in Jinja, it can be seen that, of
the present African population, only 9-1% of the males and 16% of the
females were born in Jinja. The sex difference is probably because females have
less cause to migrate to Jinja. Relatively few women come as work seekers, but
most who are in the town are the wives or daughters of male immigrants or are
prostitutes. Many men leave their wives at home. Of the married men in the
population, 43 % have not brought wives with them.
Of the Africans born in Jinja, the majority among both males and females are
under 16, and a minority are adults. There are, for instance, in the sample only
36 (3-3%) out of 1,099 adult males in Jinja who were born in Jinja, and only
34 (6-6%) out of 512 adult females. It is therefore only the small minority of
adult Africans in Jinja who are likely to look on it as their home, or to whom it
has always been home. The closest ties of the remainder are with other areas.

Distribution of African Sample Population by Age, Sex and Time spent in Jinja
(percentage), January-February 1951

Males Females
Time spent in Jinja Age
Under 16 16 years Total Under 16 16 years Total
years and over males years and over females

Less than 6 months 15-2 17-4 17-0 14-0 123 12-8
6 months .. .. 10-3 11.0 10.9 10-0 11.7 11-2
12 months.. .. 8-5 129 12-2 7-0 10-6 9-6
18 months.. .. 0-5 4-4 3-7 20 3-1 2-8
years .. .. 85 12-0 11-4 12-0 12-1 12-1
3 years .. .. 49 7-7 7-3 5-0 8-2 7-3
4 years .. .. 40 5-4 5-2 45 6-5 5-9
5 years .. .. 71 11-2 10-5 45 135 10-9
10 years and over .. 18 13-3 11-3 129 9-3
Born in Jinja .. 379 33 9-1 40.0 6-6 16-0
Visitors ..- .. 13 1-4 1-4 1.0 25 2-1
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100
Total number
in sample 224 1,099 1,323 200 512 712

The rapidity of the recent growth of the African population is illustrated by
the fact that nearly one-fifth (17-0%) of the male population has been in Jinja
less than six months, and over two-fifths (438 %) have been in Jinja less than
two years. The respective figures for females are lower.
Table III, on Birthplace of the Population, gives a picture of its origins. It
will be seen that of every 100 males in Jinja, 26 come from Busoga,12 11 from
Mengo (the adjoining district to Busoga), 17 from districts in the Eastern Prov-
ince other than Busoga, 20 from other places in Uganda, 21 from Kenya and
the remainder from other countries. The figures for women again indicate a
rather less mobile population than for males. Of every 100 females, 39 were
born in Busoga, 19 in Mengo, 10 from districts in the Eastern Province other
than Busoga; 12 from other parts of Uganda, 16 from Kenya and the remaining
4 from other countries.
The constructional projects which have been established in Jinja since 1948
are organized mainly on the basis of a relatively highly-skilled nucleus of
Europeans or Asians and a large, relatively unskilled African labour force, this
form of organization being very largely determined by such economic factors
as the great disparity in current skills and wage-rates between European and
Asians on the one hand and Africans on the other, and the further expense
involved in transporting Europeans to Uganda. As a result, there has been a
considerable recent expansion in the demand for African workers. Within the
township itself, European-owned firms which have begun operation since 1949
alone employ about 1,000 African workers. Numerous Asian-owned building
and manufacturing firms have also sprung into being, while existing private and

Distribution of African Sample Population by Sex and Birth Place (percentages)
January-February 1951

Male and
Birthplace Male Female Female
Busoga 25-5 39-6 30-4
Eastern Province -Teso 6-2 3-6 5-3
IMbale 10.5 5-9 8.9
Mengo 10-9 19-0 13-7
Buganda Mubende 0-5 0-3 0-4
IMasaka 2-6 1-3 2-1
c Ankole 3-2 0-7 2-4
Western Province Toro 0-8 0-7 0-8
Bunyoro 2-3 1-8 2-1
Kigezi 2-3 0-3 1-6
{Lango 2-4 2-4 2-4
Northern Province Karamoja 0.1 0-1
Acholi 3-4 3-6 3-5
West Nile 2-4 1-0 1.9
Kenya 20-8 15-9 19.0
Congo and Ruanda-Urundi 2-5 0-7 1.9
Sudan 2-0 1-7 1-9
Other 1-6 1-5 -1-6
Total 100 100 100
Total number in sample 1,323 712 2,035

government organizations, including the Public Works Department and the
Township Authority, have increased their African labour requirements.
With this has come about also an increase in African employment oppor-
tunities as the domestic servants of Europeans and Asians.
It is clear that the increase in the population of Sabawali as shown above has
not been sufficient to meet the extra demand for African workers. Jinja's African
labour force is composed, however, not only of persons living within the town-
ship but also of persons who cycle or walk daily into the township from sur-
rounding areas. These 'commuting migrants' are estimated to number over
Asians. At the time of the 1948 population census the Asian population was
enumerated as 3,771, while the best single estimate that can be made from the
survey of April 1951 of the size of the Asian population is 5,136. This leaves a
growth of approximately 1,365 persons to be accounted for.
Official birth and death records for the period September 1948 to March 1951
show that during this time 617 births occurred in Jinja to residents of Jinja14
while 19 residents died, leaving a natural increase of 598. The proportion of
Asian population growth which has taken place through natural increase is

therefore in the neighbourhood of 44% and the proportion which has taken
place through immigration is in the neighbourhood of 56%.15
Table IV shows that about a third of all Asians in Jinja (33-3% of the males
and 35-7% of the females) were born in Jinja. These are, however, predominantly
children under the age of 15 years and it is clear that they are second generation
immigrants whose parents have come from elsewhere and have settled in Jinja.
The same table shows that 10-7% of Asian males and 9-8% of Asian females
have been in Jinja less than two years.16 These proportions are considerably
lower than for Africans (or for Europeans) and show that the Asian population
contains the oldest-established residents of Jinja. Of the recent Asian immi-
grants, the majority are, as in the other groups, males.

Distribution of Asian Sample Population by Age, Sex and Time spent in Jinja
(percentage), April 1951

Males Females
Time spent in Jinja Age
Under 20 20 years Total Under 20 20 years Total
years and over males years and over females

Less than 1 year .. 34 5-0 4-1 3 7 4-5 4-0
1 year .. .. 6-4 7-0 6-6 4-3 7-8 5-8
2 years .. 7-7 9-8 8-6 6-7 11.1 8-6
3 years .. .. 45 6-5 5-4 6-1 9-4 7-4
4 years .. 54 5.0 5-2 4-3 9-4 6-4
5 years .. 9.9 190 13-9 8-9 22-6 14-6
10years + .. 37 43-4 21-1 4-5 30-1 15-2
Born in Jinja .. 56-2 3-8 33-3 58 7 3-6 35-7
Unstated .. 2-8 0-5 1-8 2-8 1-5 2-3
Total .. 100 100 100 100 100 100
Total number in
sample .. .. 535 417 952 463 332 795

Table V sets out the origins of the present Asian population. Of every 100
Asians in the population, 34 were born in Jinja, 14 elsewhere in Uganda, 6 else-
where in East Africa and 42 in India.17
The immigrant Asians who have contributed to Jinja's population increase
have consisted, to a larger extent than have immigrant Africans, of more or less
complete family units, wives and young children having, in many cases, accom-
panied or followed adult wage-earners to Jinja. The largest single element among
the employed male Asian immigrants has consisted of artisans and the remainder
have been largely clerks and persons engaged in shopkeeping. These are persons
who have either participated directly in the constructional boom or been
absorbed by Jinja's increased commercial activity.
Europeans. Jinja's European population has increased entirely by immigra-
tion since the 1948 census.18 Of the total of 549 persons enumerated in the

Distribution of Asian Sample Population by Sex and Birthplace (percentage), April 1951

Male and
Birthplace Male Female Female
Busoga .. .. .. .. 37-8 41-5 39-5
Other Eastern Province districts. 2-7 2-9 2-8
Buganda .. .... 44 4-7 4-5
Western Province. .. .. 0-6 1-1 0-9
Northern Province .. .. 0-8 0-7 0-7
Kenya .. .. .. 5-0 5-8 5-3
India .... .. 43-8 39-0 41-6
Goa .. .... .. 23 2-0 2-2
Other .. .... .. 26 2-3 2-5
Total .. .. .. 100 100 100
Total in sample .. .. .. 952 795 1,747

August 1950 survey, a negligible proportion was born in Uganda or other parts
of East Africa, and almost all of these were young children whose parents were
themselves recent immigrants.
Less than half the adult population had been in Jinja for more than six months
and only 3 out of every 10 had been there for more than a year (Table VI).
Those persons in the King's African Rifles19 who are not included in the 549 are
also recent immigrants to this country.

Distribution of Adult (20+) European Population by Sex and Time spent in Jinja
(percentage), August 1950

Time in Jinja Male Female
Less than 6 months .. 58-9 38-8
6 months .. .. 18-2 24-0
12 months .. .. .. 6-7 8-5
18 months .. .. 3-0 7-0
2 years .. .. .. 4-0 7-0
3 years .. .. .. 1-4 3-9
4 years .. .. .. 0-7 1-5
5 years .. .. 6-4 6-2
Unstated .. .. 0-7 3-1
Total .. .. .. 100 100
Total number in census .. 297 129

As Table VII shows, most of the population is British20 by nationality. British
nationals constituted 70-5% of the total European population, Italians 13-3%
and Danes 6-4%.
These nationals had not all come to Jinja directly from their home country.
In particular, many persons of British nationality had lived in Kenya and Tan-
ganyika before coming to Uganda.

Distribution of European Population by Sex and Nationality (percentage), August 1950

Nationality Male Female Males and females
British .. .. 64-0 842 70-5
Danish .. ... 8-1 2-8 6-4
Italian .. .. 18-5 2-3 13-3
Nederlands .. 3-5 1-1 2-7
Other .. .. 5-9 9-6 7-1
Total .. .. .. 100 100 100
Total number in sample .. 372 177 549

The tripling in the size of the European population since 1948 is due to the
wave of industrial expansion which has occurred since the inception of the
hydro-electric project. This project has brought to Jinja not only a large number
of engineers, foremen, gangers and artisans who are directly employed by the
Owen Falls Construction Company (O.F.C.C.), but also European building
overseers supervising the construction of housing for O.F.C.C. employees, and
European representatives of business firms supplying building and industrial
equipment. With the general development of Jinja there have also been increases
in the numbers of European builders and contractors, working on such projects
as the erection of the grain storage plant and highway construction, and also in
the number of government officials.
The largest single element of the increased European population at the time
of the European survey was the group of artisans brought out by the O.F.C.C.
When the dam contract was accepted and preliminary estimates were made of
the availability of labour, it was found that there would not be sufficient skilled
labour available locally to perform certain required tasks, and that it would be
necessary to import a number of suitably trained and experienced artisans from
Europe. At that time there was a labour surplus in Italy and arrangements were
made for the importation of Italian artisans. A certain number of Danish, British
and Dutch artisans were also brought out. It should be remembered that the
O.F.C.C. is itself composed of eight British, Danish and Dutch firms who have
combined forces for the purpose of spreading risks involved in constructing
the dam.

Males predominate in all three populations, though to a greater extent among
Europeans (among whom they constitute 678 % of the total) and among Africans
(65%) than among Asians (54-5%). Although all three racial groups consist
largely of immigrants to Jinja, the sex structure of the Asian population most
closely resembles that of a settled population.
For many Europeans and Africans, Jinja is chiefly a work centre in which
men make only a temporary home from which they return to their own homes
after a period. This is particularly true of Africans, many of whom leave their

families at home. At the time of the European survey this was largely true also
for Europeans but the situation has subsequently altered to some extent by the
arrival in Jinja of the wives and children of some of the artisans employed by
the O.F.C.C.
The great predominance of males in the 15-45 age group among Africans and
Europeans (see Table VIII) points particularly to the absence of married women
and women of marriageable age which, especially among Africans, gives rise to
many of the grave social problems associated with a migrant labour system,
including the temporary or permanent break-up of family life, urban prostitu-
tion and a division of the orientation and loyalties of the urban worker between
homeplace and workplace. The close association between such problems and
the migrant labour system is thrown into relief by their relative absence within
the Asian population with its much higher proportion of women and of biologic-
ally complete family units.
As far as the age composition of the three groups is concerned, there is again
a greater resemblance, on the whole, between Europeans and Africans than
between either and Asians, the difference apparently being partly between two
relatively unsettled populations and a relatively settled one. Asians appear to
make Jinja their home and settle and reproduce there: the differences in age
structure between Asians on the one hand and Europeans and Africans on the
other, is accentuated by the evidently higher fertility of Asian females.

Age Structure of African, Asian and European Population (percentages): and
percentage of Males in each Age Group

Age African Asian European
Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent.
of total of males of total of males of total of males
Under 1 year .. 21 442 4-8 55-4 3.3 611
Year ... 74 48-7 17-2 51-7 7-5 53.7
5 years .. .. 114 57-1 27-8 52-5 8-7 64-6
15 years .. 726 67-7 41-9 54-1 61-6 71.0
45 years and over 6-5 74-4 8-1 70-4 14.2 78.2
Unstated .. 0-2 4.7 73.1
Total .. .. 100 65-0 100 54.5 100 67-8

Table VIII also makes it particularly clear that a very high proportion of the
Asian population, as compared with Africans and Europeans, are children.
This is a fact of considerably more than direct demographic significance, since
the sight of many Asian children may give the rest of the population an exagger-
ated impression and induce a fear that the Asian population will swamp the
remainder. This impression is reinforced by the close concentration of Asians in
and near the commercial and administrative area of the town-over half the
Asian population of Jinja lives in three streets. The homes of Africans, on the

other hand, are dispersed over a very wide area lying mainly towards the peri-
pheries of the town, and the small numbers of African children present in the
population are not seen in the commercial area.
The presence of young children in the population, whatever the cause, settles
that population more securely within an area, making its local orientation more
definite and its movement more difficult.
The figures in Table IV reveal very clearly also that a high proportion of
Asians in Jinja are not immigrants but persons born in the township. Even
among the young persons who are not born in Jinja, many are growing up in the
township, and, having come as youngsters, are probably more easily assimilable
to the new environment than their elders.
The main impression which emerges from a comparison of the composition
and origins of the three racial groups is the contrast between Asians on the one
hand and Africans and Europeans on the other. The Asians are the most stable,
or, at any rate, the least unstable section of the population. Nearly one-half of
the Asians in Jinja are Uganda-born and of these, most were born in the town-
ship. There is also a relatively large section of the Asian population which can
look back to long personal associations in Jinja. The numbers of the sexes are
approximately equal and a large proportion of the Asian men and women live
in family units. Relatively few Africans or Europeans were born in Jinja, or
have lived in the township for a long period, or live in family units. Generally
speaking, these comparisons suggest that for the African or European, Jinja is
mainly a workplace, while for the Asian it is also a home.

1 Despatches to Foreign Office-Entebbe Archives.
2 Letter from British Cotton Growing Association to Chief Secretary-Entebbe
3 Uganda. H. B. Thomas and Robert Scott (O.U.P., 1935), page 343.
4 These surveys were undertaken as part of the work of a social survey of Jinja made
by the East African Institute of Social Research to provide data of administrative and
scientific value about Uganda's most rapidly developing urban area. The Jinja survey has
included the collection of both statistical and non-statistical material, and, at certain points,
part of the statistical information collected in the survey is directly comparable with that
collected during the 1948 Population Census. Information of this type was included in the
social survey not only to facilitate the study of changes in the population since 1948 but
also to make possible the correlation during the survey of basic population data with other
statistical and non-statistical data, of greater sociological significance, also collected during
the survey.
s Except where otherwise stated, figures mentioned as relating to Jinja refer to the
township only. Owing to limitation of resources, it was not possible to execute surveys of
certain other sectors of interest, notably of the population of the area outside the township
boundary but within the 'planning area' (which contains, inter alios, about 1,250 Africans
living on the constructional site of the Owen Falls dam) and of African domestic servants
residing on the premises of their employers. A certain amount of information about those
persons is, however, available from other sources.
Where any calculations here quoted are derived from these surveys the figures used are
the best single estimates for the population, taken to the nearest 100, that can be made. A
census of the European population was made in August 1950, an African sample survey
was made in January and February 1951 and an Asian sample survey in April 1951. While
it was not possible to conduct the three studies simultaneously, it was probably only the
European population which changed significantly during the period. Although only 638
Europeans were enumerated in August 1950, a further minimum of 140 were known to be
arriving before the end of that year. An estimate of 800 has, therefore, been used for the

total European population of Jinja as at the beginning of 1951, though breakdowns refer
to 549 members of the civil population enumerated in the census. As the population of
Jinja continues to grow, further changes in the size of all three populations have since
taken place.
6 The best single estimate of the African population, excluding domestic servants,
derived from the African sample survey is 13,567. To this has been added a further 1,350,
being domestic servants living on the premises of their European and Asian employers;
this number was estimated from the European and Asian surveys.
7 All figures for 1948 are taken from the Population Census of that year.
8 In the first six months of 1949, 919 African households, involving about 3,500 persons,
were evicted from their homes in Jinja. Over 200 taxpayers moved during this period to
the alternative area provided for resettlement at Kibibi outside Jinja. If an estimate of
one taxpayer per household is made it would appear that approximately 800 Jinja residents
moved out of the Jinja area to Kibibi.
9 This estimate is made from data supplied by the Owen Falls Construction Company.
10 The assumption has to be made for this estimate that approximately the same number
of children under one year of age born outside Jinja were brought into Jinja as were born
in Jinja and taken out of the town during the year preceding the survey. There is a constant
movement of women with young children into and out of the township but it is impossible
to state with certainty whether these may be offset against each other.
11 The difference between this figure and the 1,900 excess of the present population ovei
the 1948 population of Sabawali is highly indicative of the mobile nature of Jinja's African
population since many immigrants must have left again during this period.
12 Though mainly from outside Jinja.
13 This is a conservative estimate based on the difference between the estimated size of
the African labour force and the estimated number of adult African males living in
the town.
14 It is possible to make a rough check of the accuracy of the Asian sample survey
results by comparing the number of children under one year of age in the population, as
estimated from the survey figures, with the actual number of Asian births that took place
in Jinja during the period 1 April 1950 to 31 March 1951, i.e. the twelve months preceding
the survey. The best single estimate of the former number is 247, while the number of
recorded births is 245.
15 The percentages are formed by the fractions of 598/1,365 and 1,365 minus 598, i.e.
16 Estimates from the survey suggest that 529 Asians not born in Jinja have been in the
township for less than two years, and 970 for less than three years. The estimated number
of immigrants since the August 1948 Population Census (767) naturally lies between these
two figures.
17 The number of those born in Busoga but outside Jinja has been obtained by sub-
tracting from the Busoga total in Table V the number given in the preceding Table IV
for persons born in Jinja.
18 No European births took place in Jinia during this period, as the practice has been
for women expecting children to travel to Kampala for confinement.
19 A battalion of the King's African Rifles is stationed in Jinja.
20 The term 'British' has been used to include nationals of the British Dominions.

Mr. Lanning, an administrative officer, has for three years been stationed at Masaka
or Mubende and has made the most of limited opportunities of visiting earthworks in
these areas. He hopes, as we do, that this general review incorporating his own field notes
will stimulate interest in a problem the solution of which may throw light on the early
history of Africa.-[EDs.]
OF the known earthworks clustered between the Bugoma Forest and the
south side of the Katonga River, Bigo' is the most extensive, the best
preserved, and of all the most fascinating.
Its wide and deep trenches, covered with thick vegetation, creepers and trees
of all sizes, form an outer perimeter of some 9,000 feet. The centre of the position
is located on a wide-topped hill overlooking the Katonga as well as the elaborate
trench system on three sides. Within the space of a few miles, east and north-
west, lie its kindred earthworks, Kakago and Kasonko, neither so spectacular
nor so elaborate.
About 8 miles south-west are the middens of Ntusi over which, coupled with
Bigo, interest has waxed and waned in attempts to throw light upon the origin
of both settlement and earthworks. Ntusi seems to have much to yield; animal
bones and potsherds have been found there in some profusion. Bigo has, so
far, produced little. Bovine bones are hard to find and potsherds few and far
SThese sites, south of the Katonga, have disclosed few clues revealing their
origin since they were first recorded in the Uganda Official Gazette in 1909.2
Together, however, with other places north of the river, which have hitherto
escaped close attention, they might now well be considered as a whole. It is
to be hoped that the time will come when a large-scale investigation will take
place. In the meantime, as more pieces of the jig-saw become available, a little
more light can perhaps be shed on what has been aptly called 'The Riddle of
Kagago, Bigo and Kasonko, in close proximity to one another, are not the
only earthworks of ancient origin in this region. Other trenches, of doubtful
date, have been recorded from time to time, but because of their inaccessibility
have been left comparatively undisturbed. And yet Bigo, together with its
satellites-and these should, in my opinion, include the site at Ntusi-are not
isolated but are bound to the north bank of the Katonga, at least by legend.
Admittedly there is at present little material evidence to substantiate this con-
tention but on closer investigation more light might well be forthcoming from
the additional sites which have come to light.
In lay-out there is some variation in trench systems which is worth noting.
These systems can be classified into three types differing in certain details. The
grouping of these known camps into types is not necessarily related to age.
The types are:

Type 1. Extensive system of numerous trenches spreading over an appre-
ciable distance. Known examples:
In Masaka district-the Katonga earthworks of Kagago, Bigo and
Kasonko,4 all in Mawogola county.
In Mubende district-the Munsa earthworks5 near Kakumiro in Bugan-
gadzi county.
Type 2. One or sometimes two perimeter trenches one within the other,
encircling a hill or prominent rock, strategically sited. Known examples:
In Mubende district-the Kalisisi trench6 north of Kibale, in Buyaga
the Kibengo trenches in the vicinity of the hill Kulukulu in the north
of Buyaga county.
Type 3. A single perimeter trench seldom less than 500 yards in diameter,
not enclosing any natural vantage point nor appearing to be sited in any par-
ticular strategical position. Known examples:
In Bunyoro district-the trench at Karwata7 in the Bugoma Forest.
In Mubende district-a trench at Bujogolo, some 5 miles south-west of
Mugalama in Buyaga county;
two trenches, within three miles of one another, at Kakindu in Bugan-
gadzi county, namely Lwotoma and Masa8 trenches;
a trench at Kyabeya on the Nalweyo-Kafu river road in Bugangadzi
There remain, as yet unclassified:
In Mubende district-traces of an extensive trench line near Kiryanga
extending southwards from the Nkusi river into Buyaga county. (This
in addition to the traces of a 'fort'9 locally known as Kikulula, probably
a relic of the Baganda-Banyoro wars);
a trench locally reported to be at Kijwenge in Bugangadzi county;
traces of a trench in the area of Kamusenene,10 south of Nansimbi in
Bugangadzi county;
traces of a trench" in Buwekula county lying between Madudu and
In Tanganyika-those earthworks mentioned by Wayland12 on the
Kagera river near Kyaka.
A fact to be remembered is that during the latter part of the nineteenth
century the digging of protective ditches in time of war in this part of Africa
was quite common practice.
I have purposely omitted from the above list those places of which the origin
is known, such as the site of Fort Grant in Mubende district and those other
forts close by in the neighboring districts of Bunyoro, Mengo and Toro;
traces of British posts in Mubende district, at Kiryanongo on a low spur of
Mubende Hill; Kyalugomba near old Kaweri; Kabokasa near Nabingora; and
the two narrow perimeter trenches enclosing an old encampment at Nalusomba
near the river Kisojo. In the same category too, I have placed the small Baganda-
built perimeter trench at Kakora, a few miles north of Bukumi in Bugangadzi

- I _I I-r

10 5 0 10 20 MILES



EARTHWORKS.......... .
SETTLEMENT.. ....... ..



300 31 32 Survey. Land & Mines Dept., Uganda.
i~~~ ~ i i ii

FIG. 11

[face p. 52

county, and the circular ditch at Kitemba in Buyaga county which encloses a
'few acres. The latter trench, very wide and shallow, is said to have been dug
for the protection of the first Muganda chief to take up residence in Buyaga on
the conclusion of the Baganda-Banyoro wars. (This area has been identified
as that known as 'Mwenda's'13 where there was also an Arab slaving and ivory
station,14 the whole area named after Mwenda, a chief under Kabarega.)
Lastly, though reputed to be of recent origin, mention might well be made
here of the circular ditches15 in Mengo district, one situated between the old
Gayaza and Jinja roads, and the other at Katereke, Busiro, near the Kampala-
Masaka road.
When viewed on a map (Fig. 11) it will be seen how those camps which
might have had their origin in the distant past cover an area from the Tangan-
yika border through Buganda into the present boundaries of Bunyoro. Most
of them are situated between the Katonga river and the Bugoma forest.
Note should further be made of:
(a) a report by local Africans of the existence of earth-mounds along a straight
line due south from Bigo;
(b) a similar report that 3 miles south of Bigo, on the west of the Kakinga river,
there is a hill with its summit fortified. The delta of this river forms part of
the western flank of the Bigo trench system;
(c) the stone-covered mounds of Koki,16 Masaka district, which tradition links
with Bigo;
(d) a report of the existence of trenches in southern Koki.
The question who built these trenches, whether the same or differing people,
is one which still remains to be solved. On three points there is some certainty.
The discovery of stone implements at sites south of Katonga indicates that some
minor excavations may have existed during a Stone Age period. In Dr.
Mathew's17 opinion there was a great extension of trenches after an interval of
many hundreds of years. It is possible that camps may have been dug during
that period too. Use has been made of some of the existing earthworks by
armies, parties of warriors, or troops, according to local report, at least since
Kabaka Junju's reign (circa 1780).
It is at first hard to assess just what form of defence the trench systems of the
three camps on the Katonga river might have covered. If the builders were
invaders, which is not unlikely, it is probable that the original intention was to
ensure all-round protection.

BIGO. Dr. Mathew has observed18 that the outer ring of earthworks at Bigo
suggests a different technique from that of the ring higher up the hill9 from
which it is considered that the plan was first derived; the trench is narrower
and more shallow, the embankment wider and lower. Its extent and still more
the contours that it follows seem to imply that defence was not more than a
subsidiary purpose. It was perhaps primarily a great cattle pen.
It is interesting to note from a detailed map of this area that a main caravan

route20 once passed immediately south of the encampment following the course
of the river Kakinga (also known as Kagaga), striking west to Ntusi and con-
tinuing southwards. A ford is also shown which appears to provide the best
means of access to the northern grazing grounds of Kyakambala and beyond.
This ford, known as Rusirira, is in fact any one of a number of suitable ways
across the river along a shallow stretch of some 300 yards. It meets the south
bank between the outer trench line, forming the eastern flank of the system,
and the inner trench (trench B on Combe's plan). The ford is used by Bahima
with their cattle and, on occasion, by elephant.
Although the river appears to be choked with papyrus it is easy to push a
way through especially if following in the tracks of cattle or game. At this
point the distance from bank to bank is about 500 yards. Here and there are
pools of open water. Hippopotamuses are plentiful.
In the dry weather the average depth of water and mud is around 1I feet,
increasing in the centre of the river to not more than 31 feet. At the height of
the rains the ford is not used. It is re-opened by Bahima every time the high
level recedes, a suitable spot being chosen, perhaps where elephants have
already stamped out a channel or, if necessary, by blazing a wet trail through
the papyrus for themselves.
Where the ford meets the south bank that area has the full protection of the
eastern trench. The nearest 'gate' to the river in this trench is just over half a
mile away; there is a second 'gate' farther south. (This is noticeably unlike the
southern trench-trench A-which, broken by numerous 'gates', suggests that
there lay the main line of communication with the south.) Communication
between the centre of the encampment and the ford is catered for by a 'gate'
close to the river's edge, in trench B.
That a ford existed west of Bigo where the present Mubende-Masaka road
traverses the river (shortly to be joined by the railway on its journey westward)
is not in doubt. There are said to be other fords at various points of the river,
both east and west of Bigo, but as far as is known, no nearer than ten miles in
either direction. The ford Rusirira might well have recommended itself cen-
turies ago because of the existence on the south bank of an earlier encampment.
To the east of Bigo, 200 yards from the outer trench line, lie two vertical
shafts only 4 yards apart, cut into the rock. The first is a square of about
10 feet, about 20 feet in depth. The second, having partly caved in, is shallow
and has lost its original shape. It is impossible to say what purpose these shafts
may have fulfilled for they do not appear to have been constructed or to be
suitable for holding water as is the large hole on Luzigati Hill,21 21 miles north
of Ntusi.
KASONKO. Kasonko overlooks the confluence of the Nabakazi and Katonga
rivers. To the south it is dominated by a high hill. The southern trench line has
a singularly wide break which would be difficult to hold against any deter-
mined attackers. Like Bigo, the impression given is that these earthworks grew
more as a cattle kraal than as some form of military defence.
KAGAGO. At Kagago traces of a wide circle of entrenchments around the
base of the hill have been recorded well below the original system of trenches.

On Kinoni hill, between Kagago and Bigo, there is a trench-line of some
200 yards.
MUNSA. Of the northern sites, the earthworks of Munsa, though caved in,
in part cultivated and dug over, are said to be traceable by sections for some
miles. On investigation they might well prove to be almost as elaborate as the
Bigo system.
KALISISI. At Kalisisi, the single trench encircles the hill, Luwengale. Measure-
ments of a section of the trench (in poor preservation) show the width varying
from 12 to 15 feet, depth 15 feet.
KIBENGO. At Kibenga there are two lines of trenches. Whether these do en-
circle the hill of the same name or not, remains to be confirmed. There is reason
to believe that the inner one does. The outer trench is as well preserved, and over-
grown, as are those at Bigo. The average dimensions which I have recorded
over sections of the outer trench are, width 15 feet, depth 11 feet. At least
one communication trench extends inwards. The inner trench, about 115 yards
from the outer one, and about 250 yards from the hill summit, is shallow and,
though sparsely covered with vegetation, is barely discernible. It is possible
that the outer trench joins the Bulenge river which then forms a natural barrier
along the northern slopes of the hill. The summit commands a splendid view
north, across country once supporting herds of cattle and overlooking the
extreme southern portion of the Bugoma forest. Surface potsherds of recent
occupation are to be found.
About 9 miles south of these earthworks there is a small reservoir, appar-
ently man-made. It holds a lot of water. The width varies from 30 to 40 feet,
the total length being about 300 feet. The centre section is slightly curved.
Local tradition couples it with the builder of the neighboring earthworks. It
is known as Nyangategera (Lunyoro).
BUJOGOLO. At Bujogolo, in Buyaga county, a single trench forms a perimeter
of almost threequarters of a mile. This camp is sited on featureless sloping
ground without any sign of a vantage point, natural or artificial. The northern
part of the trench (shallow and in parts almost untraceable) passes through a
fringe of forest covering the left bank of the papyrus-choked river Kiri. The
rest of the area, and far beyond, is cloaked with dense elephant-grass which
might possibly conceal eroded hillocks or mounds. To the west, south and east
the trench is fairly well preserved. Average measurements are 10 to 15 feet
in width and 8 to 10 feet in depth.
LWOTOMA, MASA AND KYABEYA. The trenches of Lwotoma, Masa and
Kyabeya in Bugangadzi county are similar to that of Bujogolo. There are no
'gates'. Dimensions, varying by a few feet, are to all intents similar. These
three camps, however, have been heavily cultivated within the perimeter as
well as over large sections of the actual trenches. The site at Masa is perhaps
the most interesting of this group. It contains a fallen-in well, believed by the
oldest inhabitants to have been dug by the builders of the trench. Patterned
potsherds (probably representative of an occupation no more than a hundred
years old) are scattered freely over the cultivated surface of the enclosed area.
Some smooth potsherds have been found 18 inches below present ground-level.

BUGOMA. I am indebted to V. C. R. Ford for a description of the Bugoma
earthworks which he visited in 1949. "These trenches", he writes, "are now well
within the forest. We pushed our way round half of what would appear to be a
circular trench with an entrance bride ('gate'). Despite the overgrown state of
the trench it is still very deep and broad in places, some 6 to 8 feet deep and
10 feet across. No mounds that might be man-made were seen. What is inter-
esting is the fact that although the place is now overgrown the knowledge of its
existence would appear to be well preserved locally. Huge forest trees are now
growing in the trench and on the surrounding rampart as well as within the
enclosure and to that extent they suggest that the camp must be of great age."
These earthworks are well known to the oldest inhabitants of Mubende many
of whom took refuge there during the Baganda-Banyoro wars.
NTUSI. With its great middens and what are possibly tumuli, Ntusi covers at
least a mile in length and about half a mile in width. It is considered probable
that it grew to these proportions during a second occupation. The middens
contain, apart from sherds, masses of bones, not only of cattle but of game
animals, some apparently of eland and zebra22 which animals roam in small
numbers in this area to-day. Traces of charcoal have frequently been found.
Dr. Mathew states that in his experience, this is by far the largest settlement yet
recorded in east or central Africa with the exception of the Islamic cities on the
coast, Kilwa and Gedi, though there are a number of West African parallels.
On one of the largest mounds, which might well be a tumulus, stands the
Gombolola Chief's house, built a few years ago.
In this area traces of a number of dams, built to form irrigation works, have
also been recorded by Wayland23. It appears that the watering of cattle was
amply provided for, as well as the needs of a fairly large population.
Also in the neighbourhood there are built-up pools of some apparent anti-
quity.24 It might be noted here that other irrigation works have been reported
at Bukulula in Buddu, Masaka district.

From the mound at Ntusi mentioned above have been recovered some vessels.
Only one was on its base; the others were inverted over small animal teeth and
bones, and in one case over six fragments of shaped iron5 (one of which might
be the iron heel of a spear haft). Dr. Mathew has drawn attention to an intact
brown spherical vessel without any form of everted lip, with a circular mouth
which is merely a hole in the circumference which, in this respect, is similar to
a pot found at the Bugungu railway pit-site; it is also very similar to a group of
pots found on the Muzizi river (the boundary between Toro and Mubende
districts) three feet below the surface and in association with a small awl in
white quartz of the Neolithic period.26 In 1952 a clay bead27 was found in the
soil of a banana plantation on the lower slopes of this hill.
The Curator of the Uganda Museum has compared specimens of pottery
from these middens with modern pottery. String roller patterns have been em-
ployed. Triangular impressions superimposed on the string roller pattern of
one specimen are not represented in the Museum collection, nor are several of

the other patterns on the lip practised to-day. Of the other designs most can be
found in Buganda, Bunyoro, Ankole, Toro and among types of Lugbara pottery.
Dr. Mathew has noted the strong resemblance of pottery fragments found at
Ntusi to the illustrations of potsherds in Miss Caton-Thompson's book The
Zimbabwe Culture.28
It is a far call from Ntusi to Zimbabwe but not so impossible since it is prob-
able that the builders of Zimbabwe were of Hamitic origin.29 In fact, the above
comparison is not the first to have been made. Wayland drew attention to the
similarity in the elliptical bunds of the irrigation works which he found to the
ellipses of the Zimbabwe plan. These ellipses, he pointed out, appear in a
similar manner in the works at Bigo.30
In 1950 Wayland presented to the Uganda Museum a clay object31 which
had been found in a swamp in Masaka district. It is egg-shaped with a flattened
top and bottom. A cylindrical hole runs through its length. Grooves in the
surface run from top to bottom. In 1943 B. J. Mukasa acquired a cylinder of
fired clay32 which had been found by an African near Ntusi, and of a type
unknown locally. Mrs. Trowell, in describing the object, has drawn a com-
parison to a cylinder found at Zimbabwe.33 Later, Bequaert34 noticed a resem-
blance in the Masaka cylinder (as it is called) to certain types of ritual pottery
in Ruanda. It is possible that the cylinder had been used for divination purposes.
The recovery of this cylinder tends to throw more light on the possible impor-
tance of the settlement. It is Dr. Mathew's contention35 that such a large place
might well have been a centre for worship even to the extent of drawing pilgrims
to its 'gates'. The cylinder suggests some cult object and may have been con-
nected with some form of fertility worship.36
At Ntusi it should be possible to delve more easily into the past as its middens
yield plentiful sherds. In legend it is associated with Bigo.
North of Ntusi, in the neighbourhood of Kagago earthworks, Marshall37 has
located a settlement site where pottery is scattered along a track and nearby on
land under cultivation. Although the pottery types are similar in form and
decoration but are not identical to potsherds from Ntusi, this strengthens the
link between the encampment at Bigo and Ntusi settlement. Like Bigo it has
been considered probable that Ntusi developed as a result of two cultures.
On the north bank of the Katonga one patterned potsherd has been found
which bears resemblance to a type of sherd found at Ntusi. This was picked up
on the outer bank of the trench at Munsa opposite 'Katebowa's rock shelter'.
Potsherds have been collected from the Lwotoma, Masa and Kyabeya sites. A
common factor found on certain potsherds from Ntusi, Bigo and sites north of
the Katonga is the use of red paint on the inner portions of fragments. Of
potsherds found at Bigo one has a pattern identical to that on a fragment from
Ntusi. Of the few Bigo potsherds which have been collected some have the
appearance of being more recent than others, possibly, in certain instances,
dating from one of the fleeting occupations by Mwanga who is recorded as
passing through these earthworks on his way to join Kabarega in 1898.
It is a fact, however, that many are the unconfirmed reports of 'enormous pots
of extraordinary thickness' as well as 'pieces of iron' which have been seen
but which always evade the most careful search. It may well be asked-have

souvenir hunters already been around? Some credence must be given to the
accuracy of these reports for in 1922 the late Mr. Combe recorded finding
"fragments of some highly interesting vessels. These were circular dishes up to
about four feet in diameter . they showed crude ornamentation." He also
recorded finding two stone tools.38 I have failed to ascertain the whereabouts
of these fragments and tools.
In 1952 an oval stone pendant,39 pierced by two holes for suspension, was
recovered from a cultivator living in the neighbourhood of Bigo. This pendant
is said to have been found within the central position of the earthworks. A
barrel bead4 has also been recovered from the same area. In April 1952 Dr.
Mathew found implements41 on the inner side of the north entrance to the inner
circle of trenches. Also within the inner circle of the Kagago earthworks was
found a small group of stone artefacts five inches below the surface. The presence
of stone implements suggests, therefore, that the central earthworks at Bigo and
Kagago were dug and.occupied in prehistoric times while the present form of
this system took place at a much later period.

It seems likely that Bigo, Kagago and Ntusi at least were originally dug and
occupied in prehistoric times, and developed again in a much later invasion.
Dr. Mathew, in his reconstruction, visualizes the first arrivals remaining for
a few hundred years, their departure being followed by a period of complete
desertion for some centuries. Then a further migratory movement brought
another culture from the north which, having sought and found a suitable ford,
made the most of the Stone Age trenches on the south bank of the river.
As to the building of these earthworks (during the second occupation), especi-
ally the camps south of the Katonga, there are a number of theories and, of
course, legendary stories. The Bahima have the answer in their tales and in the
deification of the Bachwezi leaders;42 likewise the Baganda. Legends of Ban-
yoro, Basoga and Batoro all include allusions to the subject.43 Romantic and
not altogether impossible theories of 'lost legions' and even of wandering Portu-
guese, have been expounded from time to time.44 But the facts are that neither
documentary nor material evidence, as yet, provide more than an inkling to
any probable solution.
With these great earthworks bearing a mute testimony of some considerable
activity and extensive occupation in the past, it is very hard not to search for the
answer in one of the most likely of local legends. That which proffers the most
tempting bait is the story of the Bachwezi who, mysteriously or not, arrived in
this area and later, either departed or were absorbed, at a period perhaps some
four to six hundred years ago.45 This invasion46 when the Bachwezi overran
Bunyoro and sallied farther afield into Tanganyika, Ruanda and the Congo, can
be fitted in conveniently with the second occupation of the earthworks.
In the first place the southern earthworks are traditionally bound up with
Wamala, by others with Mugenyi; whether the Mugenyi who became governor
over Bwera (roughly the modern county of Mawogola, Masaka district) and
farther south or not, is open to question.

The advent of those 'light skinned but superior people' found the Bahima
already in the land.47 The latter it is said subjugated themselves willingly to their
rule. The Bachwezi rulers, settled down on Mubende hill.48 (A fruitful site for
potsherds-evidence of an occupation of, to say the least, a hundred years ago
or more.)
Wherever opposition to their penetration was slight, there they pushed for-
ward. Their pioneers fanned out. Some moved south, across the Katonga river.
Whether opposition was there or not (they encountered trouble in the south in
later years) their influence increased farther afield. I suggest that little time
would be wasted by an intelligent people in seeking to control the most accessible
ford or fords which would give immediate access to the safety of the grazing
grounds which were nominally under their control north of the river. Provision
would also have to be made for the possibility of sudden withdrawal, and for
handling captured cattle or those taken as tribute from subdued tribes. A control
point on the river would be of great importance. On this basis Bigo may well
have developed from the most strategical hill, the place providing the most
practicable site controlling the use of the best available ford; and with the
extension of Bachwezi influence far to the south the settlement at Ntusi would
also have grown.
Legend associates certain places with these people. The most important in
this area are Ntusi. and two 'palaces' of Bachwezi leaders. One, it has been
suggested by Lukyn Williams,49 is where Wamala had his abode on a hill at the
foot of which are the series of artificial pools; it is probable that another was at
Masaka on the north bank of the Katonga, in Mubende district.
In May 1952 Gimson came upon a hill in that area which subsequent investiga-
tion has proved to be steeped in Bachwezi legend. This hill, which overlooks the
Katonga, is reverently looked upon as the site of a 'palace' associated with both
Wamala and Mugenyi. Some pots50 of apparently great age have been found on
the wooded summit. These, it is believed, have played their part in a Bahima
ceremony relating to the invoking of the deified Bachwezi leaders. One object
of baked pottery shows similarity to the igicumbi used for ritual purposes in
A fertility cult exists at this site with which is associated the haft of a spear. A
few potsherds have been found. The almost unrecognizably decayed tusk of an
elephant is still kept in a place of hiding. The guardians are adamant in their
claim that this is a Bahima heirloom which, they assert, is pre-Bachwezi. It is
associated with the Bachwezi drum Rusama said to have been kept on this hill.
And what of the numerous 'defended' camps still farther north? In the past,
consideration has been given to the possibility of some of these camps, such as
those in Bugoma Forest, at Masa and Munsa, being pre-historic. Together with
the other earthworks legend attributes them all to one, Katebowa Mutesiba.52
Little is known of this figure. He is, however, referred to as one of the last of the
Bachwezi and is said to have met an untimely death at one of his camps at
Kijwenge in Mubende district.53
He is said to have dwelt, at times, in a rock shelter, which now bears his name,
within the Munsa trench system. Tales are still told of how he ordered the
digging of perimeter trenches at a time when Bachwezi power was on the wane,

and at a time when subservient tribes began to turn on their overlords whom they
had come to realize were neither invincible nor the demi-gods they had at first
appeared to be. In this connection I have had the use of the trenches clarified to
me on more than one occasion. The trenches, in all places, south as well as
north of the Katonga, were designed, it is said, to withhold hit-and-run raiders;
there was no opposing army to be contended with. Whether thinking in terms of
harassed Bachwezi or some other people equally uncertain of their footing in a
turbulent land, the builders of these camps sought protection not only for them-
selves but also for their cattle. The trenches were dug wide and deep; in fact too
great for man or beast to cross. As a rule the people of the area would live outside
the perimeter. There, their cattle would be grazing too. On the first sign of
trouble everyone would hasten into the defences of the trench, across the solid
earth outlets or movable bridges of tree trunks. The permanent outlets, together
with their immediate flanks, would be held by a party of warriors.
There remained stretches of undefended trench. Undefended, for they were a
defence within themselves. If any raiders took the risk of jumping into any
section of the trench with the intention of clambering up the steep inner-side, the
local defence commander, from a natural or artificial vantage point, would have
been able to send a sufficiently strong force to deal with them, long before a
secure footing could have been obtained inside the trench. A retreat would
surely have proved fatal. In fact, as defence against raiders the trench system
must have proved not only satisfactory but an adequate deterrent, provided the
outlets were held and the majority of people, with their cattle, had gained the
safety afforded by the trench or trenches. If no cattle or captives were taken in
the initial attack there would be little that the raiders could do.
What of the labour forces used in digging these many camps, large and small?
The amount of energy that must have been expended is, at first, impressive. Yet,
in modem times entrenchments and circular ditches have been constructed by
Banyoro, Baganda and others, admittedly on a smaller scale,54 but nevertheless
sufficiently large for the task to appear herculean. Given the numbers over
which a chief or leader would have complete authority the task would not be so
great. Iron slag is to be found at the sites at Munsa55 and Kalisisi, as also at
sites in Bugangadzi. The Bachwezi are said to have been clever smiths, and iron
is plentiful near the traditional Bachwezi headquarters, Mubende Hill. The im-
plication is that iron implements were available with which to dig.
There are many flaws in linking these earthworks with the Bachwezi.56 Per-
haps the most obvious is the fact that earthworks have never been reported from
the other extensive areas, east and west, over which these people held sway.
On the whole the material evidence available so far seems to weigh the scales
in favour of the supposition that the builders and the occupiers of these camps
were African. It can be said that there are one or two minor exceptions, just
sufficient to engender an element of doubt.
As far as is known, nowhere has use been made of stones or rocks (where such
exist) for the raising of breastworks or some solid form of defence, building or
stronghold. The only possible exception could be the 'stone bridge' in Bugan-
gadzi which is attributed to Katebowa Mutesiba.57 Inspection leaves one, how-
ever, with the impression that this is the work of nature.


So the earthworks still succeed in maintaining their shroud of mystery, with
Bigo the most intriguing of them all. Whether fortified camps or kraals, the
challenge remains-who were the people who found it necessary to dig and to
occupy them?
SE. J. Wayland, Uganda Journal, vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 21.
2 Supplement to the Official Gazette of the Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, dated
15 May 1909.
3 J. M. Gray, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 226.
4 J. M. Gray, U.J., vol. 2, and E. J. Wayland, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5); (for plans see same
number facing pages 21, 23 and 24).
5 Following a report received from Sir A. Kagwa in 1921, the late Mr. A. D. Combe,
Geological Dept., made inquiries in 1924. The outer trench was reported as being several
miles round whilst cross trenches dividing up the enclosed area were also reported.
6 Spurr, Survey Dept. (late 1930's).
7 D. N. Stafford, see U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 25.
s Geological Dept., M.P. 286.
9 Braine, Survey Dept., 1932.
10 Braine, Survey Dept., 1932.
11 Not to be confused with the 'Madudu trench', a feature in the neighbourhood
(lat. 0* 43' 00" N., long. 31" 28' 30" E.).
12 U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 25.
13 Braine, Survey Dept., 1932.
14 S. Vandeleur, Campaigning on the Upper Nile and Niger, p. 88 (London, 1898).
Compare the identification at U.J., vol. 7 (1939), p. 72.
15 S. H. H. Wright, U.J., vol. 1 (1934), p. 156.
16 E. J. Wayland, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 27. See also Uganda Land and Survey Dept.
Annual Report for 1929, p. 9.
17 Lecturer in Archaeology at Oxford University. Personal communication 1952.
1i Personal communication 1952.
19 See Combe's plan, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), facing p. 21.
20 Sheet, Africa North A-36-T (Mubende); scale, 1:250,000. (War Office, 1911.)
21 E. J. Wayland, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 25.
22 E. J. Wayland, UJ., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 25.
23 E. J. Wayland, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 25 (plan facing p. 26).
24 F. Lukyn Williams, U.J., vol. 10 (1946), p. 67.
25 Uganda Museum, 52, 78.
26 T. P. O'Brien, The Prehistory of Uganda, p. 273 and plate XXVI. (Cambridge Univ.
Press, 1939.)
27 Uganda Museum, 52, 386.
28 G. Caton-Thompson, The Zimbabwe Culture, plates XVIII and XL. (O.U.P., 1931.)
29 H. A. Wieschhoff, The. Zimbabwe-Monomotapa Culture in South-East Africa.
(George Banta Publishing Co., Agent, Menasha, Wisconsin, U.S.A., 1941). See also
review, U.J., vol. 14 (1950), p. 109.
30 UJ., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 26.
31 Uganda Museum, 501.
32 Uganda Museum, 45, 34.
33 Margaret Trowell, U.J., vol. 10 (1946), p. 151; also E. Goodall, U.J., vol. 14 (1950),
p. 225.
34 M. Bequaert, U.J., vol. 13 (1949), p. 23.
35 Personal communication 1952.
36 At Masaka Hill on the opposite bank of the Katonga, north-east of Ntusi, a fertility
cult is extant. It is connected with the haft of a spear, which is carefully buried amidst
the roots of a tree.
37 Government Archaeologist.
38 A. D. Combe, 'The Ancient Trenches at and near Bigo', 1922, Geological Survey
files, unpublished.
39 Uganda Museum, 52, 336. ) [A description of these two objects, with photographs.
40 Uganda Museum, 52, 384. will be published in a subsequent issue of U.J.-EDS.]
41 Uganda Museum, 52, 90; 52, 91.
42 F. Lukyn Williams, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 198, note 8; also vol. 6 (1938-9), p. 34.

43 M. Gray, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), pp. 230-3.
44 (a) E. J. Wayland, UJ., vol. 2 (1934-5), pp. 29-31.
(b) It is commonly thought by Africans that the builders of all these earthworks
were white.
(c) In 1889, at Katwe salt lake, Stanley was asked, "Who but the Wanyavingi and
Wachwezi are of your colour? ... they are tall big men, with long noses and a
pale colour . ."-In Darkest Africa by H. M. Stanley, vol. II, p. 317.
(London, 1890.)
45 E. J. Wayland, U.J., vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 32.
46 J. P. Crazzolara, U.J., vol. 5 (1937-8), p. 15; also Lwoo Migrations, Parts I and II.
(Verona, 1950-1.)
47 John Nyakatura, Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara; also R. W. Maling in UJ., vol. 2
(1934-5), p. 307.
48 John Nyakatura, Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara; also Ky'abakama ba Bunyoro, by
Petero Bikunya. (London, Sheldon Press-Uganda Bookshop, 1927.)
49 UJ., vol. 10 (1946), p. 67.
50 Uganda Museum, 52, 198; 52, 199; 52,200; 52,201.
51 U.J., vol. 13 (1949), p. 25, fig. 2.
52 J. T. K. Ggomotoka, UJ., vol. 14 (1950), p. 86.
53 Omw. Yosia Kitahimbwa, ex-Omukama of Bunyoro. Personal communication 1952.
54 S. H. H. Wright, U.J., vol. 1 (1934), p. 156.
55 A square block of stone, in the grounds of the N.A.C. School, Munsa, is tradition-
ally said to have been used as an anvil by the builders of the Munsa earthworks.
6 A. C. A. Wright, U.J., vol. 16 (1952), p. 85.
57 J. T. K. Ggomotoka, U.J., vol. 14 (1950), p. 86.


HENRI STREICHER was born at Haguenau near Strasbourg, on 29 July
1863. He was seven years old when the Franco-Prussian war broke out.
At its conclusion his parents, determined to remain French, left Alsace and
moved into France. It was, therefore, at the Seminary at Nevers that the future
Archbishop began his theological training. In 1884 he was accepted by Cardinal
Lavigerie for training as a member of the White Fathers' Mission. He was
ordained priest by the Cardinal three years later, and was sent as a Professor of
Scripture to Jerusalem. Two years later, when teaching theology at Carthage,
he asked to be sent to the Great Lakes of Central Africa. His request was
granted and in July 1890 he set sail from Marseilles. When he reached Zanzibar,
he already had a working knowledge of Luganda, having studied during the
voyage the textbook on that language which had been prepared by the future
Bishop Livinhac in 1883.
The journey to Uganda had to be undertaken on foot along the tedious route
which led from the east coast of Africa to Tabora and thence to the southern
shores of Lake Victoria, where the rest of the journey was completed by canoe.
Father Streicher reached Rubaga on 21 February 1891, but stayed at missionary
headquarters less than three weeks. On 10 March he was sent by Bishop Hirth,
in company with Father Gacon and Brother Victor, to open a mission station in
Buddu. That station was established at Kasozi (Kiwala), but the missionaries
had to take refuge in German territory during the religious wars which broke
out in January 1892. In the following April, Lugard concluded a convention
with the leading Catholic Baganda chiefs, whereby Buddu was allotted to the
Catholic party. Thereafter Father Streicher returned to Buddu with Father
Toulze and opened a new station at Villa Maria.
The return to Buddu was beset with many trials and difficulties. One result
of the partition of Buganda into Protestant and Catholic spheres was that many
Buganda-Protestant and Catholic alike-had to transplant themselves from
one part of the kingdom to the other. This uprooting caused great hardship and
suffering. As they made their way to their new homes, many of the refugees
died of hunger. Women and children fell exhausted by the wayside and were
devoured by wild beasts. Worst of all, bubonic plague broke out in Buddu. The
destitution of the refugees was almost equalled by that of their pastors, who had
lost much of their property during the war. Father Streicher, for example, had
!no boots. "One can do a good deal of work, however", he once said when
recalling those days, "with banana leaves tied round one's feet." It was in that
spirit that he and his colleagues set to work on the task of rehabilitating their
much-tried flock. It was an uphill task, but they never wearied. In a remark-
ably short space of time their labours brought forth a remarkable harvest.

Other mission stations were opened in Buddu. In 1894 Father Streicher turned
to pastures new. Entering Koki, he prepared the foundation of a new station to
which he gave the name of Our Lady of Peace.
For a while relations between the White Fathers' Mission and the Uganda
Administration were unfortunately far from cordial. 'The Scramble for Africa'
was only too recent and the unhappy impression got abroad that the Mission
was working to support French aims and was hostile to the British Government.
Official suspicion was undoubtedly increased by the language difficulty, few of
either body being able to speak the other's language. It was also very largely
fostered by the intolerant spirit of many of the leading Baganda chiefs, Catholics
and Protestants alike. This feeling of suspicion, though very real at the time,
was entirely ill-founded. Cardinal Lavigerie, the founder of the Order of White
Fathers, had strictly enjoined upon its members the duty of abstaining from
participation in local politics. In 1894 L.on Livinhac, who had been the first
Vicar Apostolic of Nyanza and later became Vicar General of the Order, had
voluntarily handed over part of the Nyanza Vicariate to the Mill Hill Mission
in the hope that the gesture would show that neither he nor any other member
of the Order had any nationalist aims, but the suspicion none the less continued.
As seen already, the partition of 1892 had handed over the south-western portion
of the Kingdom of Buganda to the Catholic Baganda, who had as their spiritual
leaders the members of an order which was at that time composed almost entirely
of Frenchmen or persons of French origin. The Catholic Baganda had a number
of grievances, some of which were very real, and Bishop Hirth felt it to be his
duty to urge them before the Commissioner of the Protectorate. In the circum-
stances it was perhaps understandable that members of the Uganda Administra-
tion were prone to regard Buddu and the adjacent Catholic Sazas as something
in the nature of an alien reserve containing a population which was unfriendly
to the central government and which might in certain circumstances become
actively disloyal.
There is no need to go into any detail regarding the unhappy controversies of
those days, because Father Streicher had no part in them. Throughout his long
life he was a man of peace, ever ready to render to Caesar the things that were
Caesar's. During those difficult years he devoted his entire energies to his
missionary labours, but in the end it was he who took the first step towards
bridging the deep gulf fixed between his Mission and the Administration.
One of the last controversies between the Mission and the Administration was
in regard to the infant sons of the former Muslim Kabaka Kalema. During the
troubled days of 1892 these boys had been conveyed to the Catholic Mission at
Bukumbi at the south end of Lake Victoria, in what was then German territory.
In 1893 Bishop Hirth had signed an agreement whereby it was agreed that they
should be delivered up to the custody of the British Resident at Kampala, but he
refused to implement that agreement until satisfactory guarantees were given
that the boys would be brought up in the Catholic Faith. When those guarantees
were forthcoming the boys were sent to Father Streicher at Villa Maria to be
handed over to the care of Bishop Hanlon of the Mill Hill Mission. On their
arrival at Villa Maria, Father Streicher sent a message to the British Com-
missioner, Colonel Colvile, asking for a British flag to accompany the escort,

because that flag seraa pour nous un gage de protection et pour vous une marque
de notre sympathie et de notre attachment h votre Gouvernement". Colonel
Colvile at once sent the flag. From that moment may be dated the beginnings
of more cordial relations between the White Fathers and the Uganda Adminis-
During the next few years Henri Streicher was to play an even more important
part in the bridging of the gulf. On 14 July 1896 Bishop Guillermain, who nine
months before had succeeded Bishop Hirth as Vicar Apostolic of Nyanza, died
suddenly. On his death-bed he nominated Father Streicher as Administrator of
the Vicariate. In due course Henri Streicher was confirmed as Bishop Guiller-
main's successor and in that capacity took every opportunity not only of extend-
ing the work of the Mission but also of promoting more cordial relations between
his clergy and government officers.
In May 1897 he was able to prove his goodwill towards the Government by
giving timely information of a rising which had been projected by a number of
prominent Baganda chiefs. The information enabled George Wilson to nip the
conspiracy in the bud by arresting certain of the ringleaders. But Mwanga was
implicated in the plot. On the night of 6 July 1897 he made a hurried flight from
his capital. Being well aware that many of the Catholic Baganda were still
labouring under a strong sense of grievance, he had hoped to raise the standard
of revolt in Buddu. But only a few weeks before Monseigneur Streicher had
been visiting that saza. He had sensed a feeling of unrest and had exerted all his
influence to warn the members of his flock against the danger of associating
themselves with any conspiracy. The result was that very few Catholics joined
Mwanga and that a very large number of them, under the leadership of Stanislas
Mugwanya, assisted Major Ternan in the operations which led to the defeat of
the rebels at Kabuwoko in Buddu on 20 July 1897.
Monseigneur Streicher took advantage of the apparent cessation of hostilities
which followed on that victory to proceed to Bukumbi, where on 15 August
1897, being then only thirty-four years of age, he received consecration at the
hands of Bishop Hirth.
During his absence from the Protectorate the rebellion had flared up again.
Before leaving for Bukumbi, Monseigneur Streicher had instructed the White
Fathers in Buddu and Koki that in the event of serious danger they were to
abandon their stations and make for Rubaga or Marienberg in German terri-
tory. He returned to find the two stations in Buddu sacked and pillaged. One
of these stations was Villa Maria and in a graphic letter the Bishop has described
his emotion on arriving there to find his handiwork all undone. But the spirit of
the White Fathers was undaunted. In two months' time they were back again,
raising up the walls which had been pulled down and bringing spiritual strength
and comfort to their very disheartened flock.
After a brief visit to Rubaga the newly-consecrated Bishop set out on a
pastoral visitation of his Vicariate. By this time the political situation had con-
siderably worsened as the result of the mutiny of the Sudanese troops, and the
escape of the mutineers from Luba's in Busoga. This last event was the signal for
a renewed rising of every malcontent in the Protectorate and the military forces
of the Government were strained to the utmost. Until reinforcements arrived

the Protectorate forces were unable to take adequate measures for the restora-
tion of peace and order. It was in this condition of affairs that the Bishop visited
Buddu. At Villa Maria male candidates for confirmation came to church with
rifles in their hands. More than once services were interrupted by the alarm that
the rebels were.about to attack. The Bishop was still at Bikira when Mwanga,
having escaped from German territory, invaded Buddu and Koki. On the first
day of 1898 Monseigneur Streicher's former station of Our Lady of Peace went
up in flames.
Bishop Streicher, who had been suffering from frequent bouts of fever, re-
turned to Rubaga on the strong representations of his entourage, but in February
1898 he set out to visit the stations in Bunyoro and Toro. He reached Bukumi
in Bugangadzi towards the end of the month to find the countryside in a most
disturbed state. Kikukule, who had formerly been a prominent Munyoro chief,
had risen in rebellion and made common cause with Mwanga. A friendly chief
had sent a message to the Bishop advising him to withdraw into Buganda whilst
the way was still open. But Henri Streicher, albeit a man of peace, felt that the
path of duty led a different way. Several hundred Christian refugees-many of
them women and children-had fled to Bukumi for safety and he knew that he
could not at that hour abandon them in the face of the enemy. During the first
eleven days of March, Bukumi was in a state of siege. The Superior of the
Mission, Father Moullec, took command of the sixty armed Buganda who were
detailed to defend the station. Both at this time and eight months later, when
the station was once more unsuccessfully attacked by a combined force of
Sudanese mutineers and Banyoro, the old Chasseur Alpin showed that he had
not forgotten the lessons of his earlier military training. The sufferings of the
overcrowded inmates of the station were greatly increased by shortage of pro-
visions and by a violent storm which wrought havoc to the church and other
buildings. The Bishop had his time fully occupied by his ministrations to the
sick, wounded and dying. On 12 March the enemy raised the siege. Next day a
relieving column arrived consisting of loyal Sudanese troops under the command
of Captain Sitwell.
As contemporary correspondence shows, at this date letters were constantly
coming in to Government headquarters from outstations informing the Com-
missioner that the inhabitants in outlying districts were wavering, not from
motives of disloyalty but from fear that, if the rebels came their way, they would
get no support from the British Government. Most of the officers in these
stations were single-handed and could do little or nothing to allay those fears by
touring their districts. Neither Bishop Streicher nor any of his clergy actually
courted danger, but the quiet way in which they went about the performance of
their duties in unsettled areas did a great deal to allay misgivings and to restore
confidence. To the hard-pressed Uganda Administration those unostentatious
labours proved as invaluable as the presence of a battalion of fighting men.
Nevertheless, all these labours and times of stress had told heavily upon a
constitution which was never very robust. At the earnest request of his leading
clergy and those in authority at Maison Carr6s, Bishop Streicher set out in May
1898 for Europe. He returned a year later to find that law and order were being
restored throughout the Protectorate and that he and his clergy could settle

down to their missionary labours freed from the interruptions caused by wars,
and rumours of wars.
It is quite impossible here to describe in any detail the achievements of the
White Fathers' Mission since that date, but mention should be made of one of
the Bishop's most cherished ambitions, the formation of a native clergy. A
seminary was founded in 1893 by Bishop Hirth and the charge thereof was given
to Father Streicher (as he then was). "The first thing we had to teach our pupils,"
he said in later years; "was to read and write. We had no paper. We used the
envelopes of letters that came to us from Europe and, to make them last longer,
told the boys to use both sides of the envelopes and make their handwriting as
small as possible." As can be imagined, it was a long and uphill task. It was not
until 1913 that the first two out of the four hundred who had passed through the
seminary were raised to the priesthood. Since that memorable day ordinations
have taken place year by year, and the number of African clergy is now nearly
150. In 1933 two of their numbers took degrees in Canon Law, summa cum
laude, in the Gregorian University at Rome. In 1939 Archbishop Streicher had
the joy of seeing one of his own pupils, Joseph Kiwanuka, consecrated as a
Bishop by Pope Pius XII.
Of Archbishop Streicher's other works one might well use the words of LUon
Livinhac when speaking of Cardinal Lavigerie. "His works speak louder in his
praise than anything we can say."
At the age of seventy, after forty-two years of service in the mission field and
thirty-six years of service as a Bishop, Henri Streicher decided that he ought to
make way for a younger man. He retired in 1933 and went to live at the Catholic
Mission at Ibanda in northern Ankole. At the time of his retirement he was
promoted to be titular Archbishop of Brisi and had conferred upon him the title
of Papal Count. In the following year King George VI recognized his long
services to civilization and education in the Uganda Protectorate by conferring
upon him the rank of Commander of the Order of the British Empire.
Though he had retired from the strenuous activities of a Bishop, he did not
rest entirely from his missionary vocation. At Ibanda, where he lived from 1933
until he moved to Villa Maria in 1940, he continued the work of the confessional,
the school and the dispensary. The end came on 7 June 1952. On 10 June his
mortal remains were laid to rest at Villa Maria, which had been the centre of his
labours for so many years.
With the passing of the Archbishop the Uganda Protectorate has lost one who
will always be accounted one of the greatest of its citizens. And Christianity has
lost a great missionary bishop-R.I.P.


By CAPTAIN C. R. S. PrIMAN, C.B.E., D.S.O., M.C.
WITH the death, on 23 September 1952, at his home in Natal, of Captain
Roy John Dugdale Salmon, universally known as 'Samaki', one more of
the fast-dwindling band of great elephant hunters passes on. He was for more
than twenty years the outstanding personality of the Uganda Game Department,
and his skill as an elephant hunter was unrivalled. He did not know how many
elephants he had killed, but the total may well have been more than 4,000. Once
when asked how many he had shot he replied: "Ask George Bateman" (then
the Government Dentist) "how many teeth he has pulled out." His achievements
were unique and his skill was not only exceptional but uncanny, for he possessed
an elephant sense which enabled him to survive experiences which would have
been the end of others. Fully 90 per cent of his elephants were killed with one
bullet in the brain, and to see him illustrate in the field how to deal with a charg-
ing elephant frontally-either to kill, stun or turn it-was to witness a remark-
able display of virtuosity in the art of elephant hunting.
He was born in New Zealand in 1888, and came to East Africa in 1909, when
for three years he worked for the late Lord Delamere. He then settled in Uganda
to grow coffee and shoot big game. The modus operandi in Toro in those good
old days was to take land in the vicinity of well-used elephant highways, followed
by constant agitation to Government for compensation on account of damage
to crops, more often hypothetical than real; or alternatively and preferably for
permission to kill 'shamba raiders' without licence. On one occasion when an
infuriated Government suddenly closed down on the so-called 'cultivation pro-
tection' measures of the planting community, Samaki had to hand in to the local
authorities some ninety-six tusks for which he could not properly account.
From 1914 to 1919 he served with distinction in the 4th (Uganda) Battalion
The King's African Rifles and was awarded the Military Cross for an act of
conspicuous gallantry when, swimming under enemy fire, he took a rope across
the crocodile-infested Kagera river. His men thought only a fish could have
performed such a feat and henceforward he was popularly known as Samaki
('fish' in Swahili), which was, furthermore, an apt play upon his surname. At the
end of the war he returned to his coffee and his elephant hunting prior to taking
up employment with the Government in 1923, and it was during this period, in
1921, that he had a disastrous encounter with a wounded elephant-the only
time that an elephant ever worsted him. His life was saved by the pluck of his
gunbearer but the great beast had inflicted grievous hurt to Samaki's neck.
Nevertheless, with his usual courage, he made his way to the not far distant
Officers' Mess of the King's African Rifles at Bombo and tried to pretend that
all was well with him. But a badly twisted neck cannot be concealed and he was
indeed in sorry plight, necessitating a tricky emergency operation in the train


which took him from Kisumu to Nairobi. Although he made light of the inci-
dent and its after-effects, there is no doubt that this serious injury eventually
hastened his end.
In 1923, together with two other expert elephant hunters, he was first engaged
by the Government in an organized scheme of elephant control, which developed
in 1925 into the Uganda Game Department in which he was absorbed. He acted
as Game Warden from 1930 to 1933, and again in 1936 and 1939. At the end of
1941 the substantive Game Warden was seconded for special duty and Samaki
again acted as Game Warden until the end of 1945; during this war period he
had to conduct the affairs of the entire Game Department with only one Game
Ranger, an Asian head clerk and African staff. In the latter years of his service
his health suffered considerably and finally, in 1948, much against his will, he
was invalided.
Since 1933 he had not been 100 per cent fit, though few except himself knew
this; but undaunted he carried on with the life he loved until in 1946 even his
indomitable spirit had to surrender to the ills of the flesh. He married in 1931
Celia de Groot, a lady whose adventurous spirit and love of wild life accorded
well with his own and who was herself a skilled hunter and a remarkable shot.
There is one daughter. One of the more flippant congratulatory telegrams sent
to this old warrior on the occasion of his marriage emphasized "only one allowed
on the licence"!
His patient, painstaking and thorough training of his African hunters-an
exceedingly dangerous business-afforded an example which others could
emulate, and the integrity and faithfulness of his personal staff were proverbial.
He was a delightful companion on safari, never at a loss or upset, and a breezy
raconteur; above all, he excelled as a showman and would enthusiastically
undertake responsibilities from which others recoiled. Amongst his host of
friends in all walks of life could be counted several members of the Royal Family
for at one time or another he had acted as 'white hunter' to the late King
George VI and the Queen Mother (then Duke and Duchess of York) in 1925;
to the Duke of Windsor (then Prince of Wales) in 1928 and 1930; to Princess
Alice, the Earl of Athlone and Lady May Cambridge in 1932; and to the Duke
of Gloucester in 1938. He was an ideal choice for such assignments as he was
utterly fearless, resolute and imperturbable. He was awarded the M.V.O. in the
Coronation Honours, 1937.
Again and again he was called upon to assist a V.I.P. to obtain close-ups of
elephants which not infrequently resulted in a close-quarters charge much to the
subsequent satisfaction of the 'intrepid' photographer who, gazing into a postage-
stamp sized view-finder, had no idea of the staunchness and skill which stood
between him and sudden death. On one such occasion Samaki, having appar-
ently killed a charging bull with a frontal shot, was greeted by a somewhat
shocked member of the fair sex with a suggestion that it was a pity to have killed
him. Samaki replied: "He's all right, wait and see." And sure enough shortly
after the bull struggled to his feet, shook his head, turned and strode away.
In his unrivalled supremacy as the world's outstanding elephant shot with far
and away the largest bag ever attributed to a single person, his life was naturally
cram full of incident. Of his many amazing performances, the one which im-

pressed me most is the unforgettable occasion when on three consecutive days,
in the course of a special elephant reduction campaign, he killed single-handed
a total of seventy elephants. Only the few who are familiar with the high-velocity
heavy rifle will really appreciate the magnitude of such a feat, which, apart
from other considerations, is, when judged in terms of discharge and recoil,
well-nigh incredible.
Although he excelled at killing elephants, the preservation of the local wild
life, of which he had an intimate knowledge, was always foremost in his thoughts,
and he much preferred photography to shooting. He lived just long enough to
welcome the creation of Uganda's first two National Parks-permanent wild-
life sanctuaries which he had long advocated. He was a bridge player of no
mean ability and a keen golfer. In his time he had endeavoured to keep many
strange pets. He was the most modest of men and few but his closest friends
were privileged to share, conversationally, his entertaining experiences. Woe
betide the braggart who in a misguided moment offered to demonstrate in the
field his prowess to Samaki; the master faithfully dealt with him as all braggarts
should be treated. Unfortunately, it is due to Samaki's inherent modesty that
posterity will be deprived from sharing his wealth of experience for he has taken
with him his vast store of knowledge.
Many there are who will honour his memory; but this tribute is also written
that the rising generation and their successors who will not have known this
Nimrod may have the background of the legend which will assuredly gather
round the achievements of one who performed "in the figure of a lamb, the
feats of a lion".


By H. F. MoRRIs
PEREZI KANYAMUNYU has recounted, in Uganda Journal, vol. 15 (1951),
p. 191, the tradition of the foundation of the Balisa dynasty in Buhwezu;
and of how two of the three brothers who followed the mystic eagle, reached the
court of the Muchwezi Ndahura and were subsequently given kingdoms. It is
with the kingdom of Buzimba, which was given to Rugo, that I wish to deal in
this note.
I should explain the source of most of my information. When on tour in
Mitoma in 1951 the Sekibobo arranged for Rwabrorijango, the son of Nduru
the last Mukama of Buzimba, to show me the drums, including Bituntu and the
ekitebe. Nduru presided wearing his nkondo and, although he could tell me
nothing, one of the two brothers Kurukezi and Bajeme, the Basita keepers of
the drums, and other elders present, provided answers to my questions.
Buzimba, which lies to the north-east of Buhwezu between the latter and the
Toro border, today forms the western portion of the Ankole Saza of Mitoma.
The Banyabuhwezu maintain that Buzimba was, from its foundation, sub-
ordinate to the Buhwezu Bakama. This they say was because Rugo was a
younger brother of Kinyonyi. It is also claimed that when Ndahura sent Ki-
nyonyi, with the drum Mashaija, to rule Buhwezu, Buzimba was included in his
kingdom. Kinyonyi found, however, that the area was too large to rule effec-
tively and Ndahura accordingly, to assist him, sent his brother Rugo, with the
drum Bituntu, as Mukama of Buzimba. This, however, is stoutly denied by the
Banyabuzimba, though they readily admit that their kingdom was subordinate,
first to the Mukama of Bunyoro and later to the Mugabe of Ankole, when the
latter had (in the eighteenth century) established his authority north of the Ruizi.
It is at any rate clear that this petty kingdom, whatever its degree of depen-
dence on its more powerful neighbours, retained for several centuries its own
line of Hamitic Bakama possessing a regalia and performing ceremonies com-
parable to those of the other Bakama of the Western Province. The names of
only seven Bakama, from Rugo to Nduru, can now be remembered. No doubt
many more names have been lost, as Buhwezu and Ankole genealogies allow
for two and three times that number of Bakama respectively over the same period
of time-that is from the reign of Ndahura. Nduru, the last hereditary ruler,
was a contemporary of Ntale II of Ankole and married his niece. As a marriage
gift, Ntale presented Nduru with the eastern strip of Buhwezu. Nduru was a
middle-aged man when he put his mark to the Ankole Agreement of 1901, there-
by obtaining recognition as "chief over the Buzimba sub-division". He did not,
however, prove capable of adapting himself to the new regime and shortly after-
wards it was found necessary to dismiss him and to appoint in his place the
Muhinda, Henry Ryamugwizi, as Saza chief with the title of the Kimbugwe.

Nor did Buzimba retain the boundaries defined in the Agreement. An adjust-
ment of the southern boundary, made in favour of Kashari one of the chieftain-
ships of Mbaguta, the Nganzi, resulted in the loss of the area north of Rubindi,
whilst the adjustment of the Toro boundary, which took place after bitter contro-
versy in 1909, deprived Buzimba of the valuable grazing land south-east of Lake
George. In 1932 the Saza was abolished. Ntale's gift to Nduru was restored to
Buhwezu and the rump of Buzimba incorporated in the Sekibobo's Saza of
The drums and regalia of the Bakama, which form a most interesting collec-
tion, are still retained by Nduru's son who resides on the estate which his father
received under the Agreement. As in other neighboring kingdoms, the drums
are under the care of a hereditary keeper of the Basita clan. The present keeper
can, as in the case of the Bakama, account for only six generations from
Bucheche who was Rugo's contemporary. The principal drum, Bituntu, like the
other royal drums of these kingdoms, is an object of great veneration and is of
special interest owing to its minute size. The drum is no more than three inches
high and is covered with the skin of nswaswa (monitor lizard). To it are attached
two circles of cowrie shells. This drum, together with three spears called
Erihango, Mpotore and Marengye, are said to have been given to Rugo by
Ndahura. The attendant drums, which are said to date from the time of
Mugarura (Nduru's grandfather), are of conventional size. The largest is also
called Bituntu and the others Wamuhaire, Ehururu and Kakute. Until recently
these drums were beaten at each new moon.
Like the Bakama of Bunyoro, the Buzimba Bakama on ceremonial occasions
wore the nkondo. This incidentally is found in the Bukwezu, but not in the
Ankole, regalia. This nkondo has the normal beard of colobus monkey, and a
conical cap of blue beads threaded with cow-gut, surmounted by a circle of
scarlet feathers said to represent lightning. The regalia also includes red and blue
beads and iron and ivory bangles.
Of the greatest interest is the royal stool. About eighteen inches high, it still
possesses the charms, composed of hippopotamus teeth and horns of sheep and
sitatunga and other animals, attached round it by former generations. It was on
account of the charms, which all the royal stools possessed, that they, in particu-
lar, suffered in the first outburst of zeal of the early converts to Christianity,
when so much of interest was unthinkingly destroyed. The royal stool of
Buhwezu was burnt by the roadside in 1901, and it is therefore particularly
fortunate that that of Buzimba should have survived intact.
The coronation ceremonies appear to have been similar to those of the Ankole
Bagabe and lasted four days. The Mukama sat upon the royal stool and a
special barkcloth was placed on him, and sandals, made from the skin of the
nyamurimi (ant-bear) were put on his feet. Then he was adorned with the nkondo
and beads and bangles, and finally the spear Erihango was handed to him. The
Basingo clan was responsible for this portion of the ceremony. Later a white
cow and a white sheep were killed. The Mukama also had to dip a bunch of
sacred herbs (e.g. nyawera, nsheko y'ensi and murinzi) into an icuba (a wooden
pail for drawing water for cattle) and sprinkle water upon the assembled people
and cattle to ensure prosperity. Finally, on the fourth day, Bituntu was brought

and beaten by the Mukama, and the day ended with dancing and feasting at
which the lesser drums were beaten by the Basita and Batsyaba clans. It is said
that each Mukama would plant a mutoma (bark-cloth tree), but that no cere-
monies were ever carried out at it. A similar custom existed in Buhwezu, where
an auspicious site for the tree would be chosen for each new Mukama by the
diviners, and a monthly ceremony, at which a white bull was killed, carried out.
It is probable that the same applied to Buzimba.
Unlike the Bagabe of Ankole, the Bakama of Buzimba were buried under-
ground. The dead body would be wrapped first in a bark-cloth, and then in the
skin of a white cow, killed for the purpose, and carried to a place called Bwenda.
Here it was buried and a mutoma tree planted. Once a year the Mukama would
visit Bwenda and a calabash of beer would be left at the graves of his ancestors,
and a white cow sacrificed at that of his predecessor.
This remote little kingdom must, if we are to accept the tradition of its founda-
tion by Ndahura, have preserved its semi-independence under one dynasty for
nearly four centuries, its wealth lying in its cattle, the numbers and quality of
which made a great impression on Stanley when he entered this area. Today
but few of these cattle remain, whilst the very name Buzimba as that of a
territorial unit has vanished.

S OME years ago I camped close by a Bahima kraal for a few days in order to
observe at close quarters their manner of living.
The predominant part that cattle play in the lives of the Bahima is well known,
but it seemed to me especially well illustrated by their way of reckoning the time
of day. A Muhima, in order to describe the time of day, would usually do so by
saying what the cattle were doing at that time. By contrast it is noteworthy that
the Karamojong, also a cattle people, point to the position of the sun at the time
in question, saying 'The sun was here'-Akalong neggi.
Roscoe has mentioned this matter in his book The Banyankole, but he gives
no explanation or translation of the terms used; and it seems worth putting on
record somewhat more fully with a translation of the terms. The times of the
different activities vary slightly according to circumstances. For instance, in lion
country the herds enter the kraal in the evening somewhat earlier than where
there is no fear of lions. Similarly, milking is done very early in the morning
when biting flies are common.
Akasheshe-6.0 a.m. to 11.0 a.m.
4.0 a.m. Enkoko zajuga Cock crow.
5.0 a.m. Bahembera Smoke fires are lighted (to keep off flies before
6.0 a m. Gainikira They open the calf houses. [milking).
6.05 a.m. Bakama They milk.
6.30 a.m. Gahaga The herds (having been milked) rest content.
7.0 a.m. Bakiriza ekomi They take the smoke fires outside the kraal.
8.0 a.m. Gakomoroka The herds are let out.
8.30 a.m. Gazagira omu ishazi The herds are resting outside the kraal.


9.30 a.m. Gasetuka or
Gatsimbuka The herds set out to pasture.
11.0 a.m. Gashugyeraeishwa The herds are scattered looking for good
Omu eihangwe-Midday. [grasses.
Bari omu birago They are in bed (those left in the kraal are
having a 'lie down').

2 noon Gagandara The herds have satisfied hunger.
1.0 p.m. Gatega The herds go for water.
2.0 p.m. Gatsyora The herds are at the water.
2.30 p.m. Gakuka The herds have satisfied thirst.
Kishana kya nyomwabazio-3.0 p.m. to 4.0 p.m.
Omu mwabazio-Evening-4.0 p.m. to 6.0 p.m.
6.0 p.m. Nyakibaka yatera A cool evening breeze blows.
Enyana zataha The calves enter the kraal.
6.30 p.m. Gataha The cows come home.
7.0 p.m. Gainikira They open the calf houses.
8.0 p.m. Bakama They are milking.
9.0 p.m. Gahaga The herds rest content.
0.0 p.m. Batemba 'Bed time' (they climb into bed).
Midnight Omu eitumbi omu At dead of night-the hour
eihinda njojo (njojo).

of elephants

This last expression is an old one, fascinating in its possible association of
ideas. Several explanations were given for it. One taking the word to be
okuhinda 'to prevent', suggested that midnight is the time when it is necessary
to go out and prevent elephants destroying water-holes. Another taking the
word to be okuhinda 'to wake up', suggested that midnight is the hour when all
the wild animals, typified by the elephants, wake up and start grazing. A further
explanation, again taking okuhinda to be 'to wake up', considers njojo to be a
synonym for an important person, the head of the kraal or even the Omugabe,
who wakes up at midnight to look over the cattle and see that all is well.
Okuhinda has yet another meaning, that is 'to rumble', when used of thunder.
This would suggest that at midnight the noise of elephants is heard. Whatever
the exact explanation the fact remains that 'dead of night' is thus picturesquely
An interesting comparison may be made with F. Lukyn Williams' record of the Hima
'Daily Routine': Uganda Journal, vol. 6 (1938-9), pp. 24-5.-[EDs.]

CERTAIN cattle transactions play an important part in the social life of the
Bahima, and are of sufficient importance to warrant registration in the
Gombolola court on payment of a small fee.
Omukwato. If A is in need of a thing, usually a bull for slaughter or for sale
in order to get cash, he may obtain it from B by giving to B a cow in calf as



security. When a heifer calf is born and weaned it is retained by B, the cow
being returned to A.
If the first calf born is a bull calf, the cow is retained by B until it has given
birth again, and so on for a third time in the hopes of obtaining a heifer, the bull
calves being held by A. If no female progeny is obtained after the third calving,
the cow is retained by B and the three bull calves are given to A. It will be seen
that the intention is that B shall receive a heifer calf in return for the bull which
he gave to A, but if none of the progeny of the cow which is held as security is a
heifer, then B retains the cow, the bull calves going to A.
Obunaku. This is a simple deferred payment for a bull given to A by B
with a fixed date (after one year) for the debt to be discharged by A making an
agreed cash payment to B. Calves were used in payment before the days of a
cash economy.
Empano. This might be termed a charitable or friendly gift which is expected
to be reciprocated at a later date. For instance, if A has lost all his cattle by
disease, B may give him a heifer in calf so that A may build up his herd again.
After this cow has calved for the third time A is expected to return a heifer of
the progeny to B who may sue A for this recovery in court.

W HEN any member of a Karamojong village dies, there is unrestrained
weeping and wailing for some considerable time. If a woman loses her
child through sickness or drowning, or some other cause, she will give way to
frenzied screaming, beating her breast, falling to the ground, banging her limbs,
and resisting all efforts to calm or comfort her. Very often women will attempt
suicide, and it is a common practice for them to keep a special cord in their grain
baskets for that purpose. On one occasion a young schoolboy died suddenly, in
all probability through secret drinking. His young sister of about ten years of
age, when she heard of his death, went out into the fields and was later found
hanging from a platform erected for the scaring of birds.
Mr. P. H. Gulliver, in his recently published Preliminary Survey of the
Turkana (1951), page 227, mentions that the Turkana also affirm that men have
to be forcibly restrained from suicide on the death of a member of their village.
He also says, "There is no suicidal trace anywhere else in a man's life, real or
conventional." While it is unusual for a man to attempt suicide in Karamoja,
yet among the women it is very common, not only for bereavement but also for
loss of crops. Not far from Lotome there is a brook called 'The Brook of
Hanging', by the banks of which, one is told, bodies were constantly found
hanging from the trees.
The elder of the village is buried right in the centre of the calf or sheep kraal,
with his head facing the north whence the Karamojong emigrated. They will
cover his body with dung and soil, and finally stamp it down hard, afterwards
placing a large stone upright on the grave. If he dies away from the village he
will be carried home, often on a donkey.
Ceremonies appear to vary within the clans, but it is general for mourning
and weeping to go on for several days. After that, male mourners will have the

fronts of their heads shaved, and the women will be completely shaved all over
the head. All neck ornaments are taken off, and the widow will also remove her
ear-rings. The children and women will replace their skins by old and tattered
ones. In some of the village clans, the widow will wear a long skin reaching from
chest to feet, she will wear her late husband's sandals, not taking them off even
though the ground be muddy, and not even at night when she lies down to
sleep. She will carry his stick and his gourd, from which the mouth has been
knocked off.
A sheep is killed at this time, or perhaps more than one, according to the
number of the people present. Others kill oxen. It is not usual to discuss inheri-
tance rights until some time after the death of the person.
When the hair is grown again and is still short, the mourners rub themselves
all over with dust to rid themselves of the contamination of the dead. The orna-
ments are then restored, and many sheep and oxen killed. Each wife will bring
an ox or sheep to kill, the latest bride bringing only a sheep. The man's contem-
poraries will kill his 'dancing-ox' and eat it. No prayers are offered at this
ceremony, neither is the important ceremony connected with the hind leg per-
formed as on other occasions.
By this time, other relatives will have heard of the death of the elder and will
have gathered with the near relatives. The man's brothers, if any, will inherit his
wives and part of his wealth. If he had no brothers, the eldest son inherits the
wives. It is several months, and may be much longer, before formal distribution
is made.
The chief wife is buried in the centre of the kraal with the old man, and the
other wives and members of the family are buried round the sides, near the door.
Contrary to the Turkana custom (see Gulliver, op. cit., p. 227) the occupants
do not move from the village after a death. The only reason they will move from
the homestead is because of continued sickness, either of people or cattle.
In times of trouble, sickness or perplexity, it is not unusual for some clans to
gather at the old man's grave, with his children and grandchildren, and there
milk the cows, bring out the tobacco, kill the ox, smearing the stomach contents
over themselves and over the burial stone, and crying out, "Oh father, help us.
What shall we do? Are our cattle to die? Are our children to die? We never
disobeyed you. O father hear us. Give us life." By thus honouring the memory
of the elder, they trust that God will hear their prayers and remove their trouble.
There is one clan, the Ng'ing'ariama, which does not bury its dead. They
leave the body outside, usually at a place where the harvester ants have carried
off the seed and left a bare patch of ground. The deceased is laid on his side, with
his head upon a stone.
No burial is given for lepers or for those who have committed suicide.

AT Kali, on the Laufori-Obongi track in Obongi Division in West Madi, there
is an excellent spring which gushes from a rock, runs due south for about a
mile and then disappears underground. The flow is said to be greater in the dry

season than during the rains. The spring was not always there, it is claimed, but
appeared before the Europeans came. It is the home of the spirit Moroki by
which name the spring is known.
The keeper of the spring in the nineteen-thirties was one Djambe whose grand-
son Droko Kenissa, an old man who is the present incumbent, was my infor-
mant; and it was only about that time that the area around Kali was settled
permanently. Even now there are only some seventy taxpayers there.
The spring and its environs appear to be considered as sacred and although
fish are to be found in the water they may not be speared. In Djambe's time if
a man tried to spear a fish he would be struck by paralysis in the act of throwing
the spear and would remain thus until the spearman's relatives had called
Djambe and given him a ram and a black chicken which he would lead three
times around the spearman who would then be released from his spell.' If the
bewitched person were a woman it would be necessary to lead the ram and
chicken around four times. The ram and chicken would be left to run wild.
Nowadays, Kenissa informed me, a person fishing would not be paralysed in this
manner but would certainly die within three months.
Other ways of offending Moroki and incurring the risk of death within three
months are cutting trees in the vicinity of the spring or cutting grass without first
informing Kenissa so as to give him time to leave a small placatory offering-
usually an egg.2 The spirit seems to have been most accommodating in this since
whereas tree cutting is now utterly forbidden, grass cutting (necessary as an
anti-tsetse measure) is allowed subject to the gesture of the egg offering.
If a tree falls of itself or is struck by lightning its wood may be used but not
as firewood. So to use such timber would mean certain death. The trees are
considered to protect Moroki.
These taboos are still respected by all. Last year two youths fought near the
spring and were considered to have offended Moroki. They avoided his wrath
with its concomitant sickness by giving a sheep to Kenissa. In this the practice
seems to have changed to benefit the keeper of the spring, as in Djambe's time
it is said that he never took possession of the offerings; this seems highly unlikely,
although it is claimed that wild chickens, the descendants of former offerings,
abound in the vicinity!
Although the water is perfectly clear and fresh the earth in the neighbourhood
is so salt that it is boiled and washed and used as cooking salt.
It may be relevant to note that the name Moroki is given by Rowley (Sudan
Notes and Records, vol. XXIII (1940)) as being that of the founder of the Tadiri
clan, the largest of the six main clans of the Ito Gaferi area, occupied by the
Sudan Madi.

1 The practice of driving animals around an ill-doer in order to exorcise an evil is
mentioned in Nalder's Tribal Survey of Mongalla Province as being common amongst the
Sudan Madi in blood-money ceremonies. There also the carcase is not eaten.
2 Stigand (Equatoria. The Lado Enclave, 1923) mentions that the egg is a symbol of
peace with the Madi.


THE Bakonjo who inhabit the southern and eastern slopes of Ruwenzori
construct shrines said to be dedicated to Kalisa and Nyabarika in order that
their hunting trips may be successful.
The shrines, of the type illustrated in Fig. 12, are common in the bamboo zones
of the Nyamagasani and Nyamwamba rivers: but I have not seen any in the
valleys of the Mubuku or Bujuku.
They are built of dry bamboo sheaths, the larger of the two 'huts' being about
four feet high, and an offering of food is placed on the stakes between them.
This may be matoke or occasionally a chicken.
If the hunting trip is prosperous, parts of the animal killed are left behind and
a small fence of bamboo stakes is placed across the hunting path to prevent any
angry spirits following the party. Other persons using the path will also usually
sprinkle a handful of green leaves by way of insurance.
Mis Davis' Lunyoro-Lunyankole-English Dictionary (1938) gives KALISA as
"an imaginary monster with one arm, eye, leg etc.": and my porters confirmed
that he had only one arm and one leg and always smokes a pipe. But I could
obtain no satisfactory description of Nyabarika, beyond the fact that he is more
THE accompanying photographs (Fig. 13) of the Maria Theresa Dollar
(or thaler) may prove of interest to illustrate H. B. Thomas' note in Uganda
Journal, vol. 16 (1952), p. 96.

[The following account of Wadelai was written on 26 October 1901 at Wadelai by Mr.
Michael Moses in the form of a letter addressed to the Sub-Commissioner, Nile Province.
The modern version of the spelling of proper names has been inserted in brackets after the
spelling as given by Mr. Moses. Otherwise the text is exactly as written in 1901.]
N accordance with your wishes I have the honour to place before you the fol-
lowing information elicited by me from Sheik Ali, the chief of the Wa-Caoch
(Jo-Koich or Ba-Chopi) or as they are now known, the Lurus (Alur), in the
vicinity of Wadelai Station.
The first chief of the present dynasty of the Wa-Caoch (Jo-Koich or Ba-Chopi)
was called Koba Koba. Sheik Ali is his eighth successor.
The story runs that Koba Koba was a fisherman on the shores of Lake Albert,
and one day as he left his boat to look for fish in the sudd, the part of the sudd

Photo by T. D. H. Morris
FIG. 12
A Bakonjo Shrine.

(Obverse) (Reverse)
FIG. 13
The Maria Theresa Dollar.

[face p. 78

where he was broke and he was carried down to this part of the country, then
called Caoch (Koich or Chopi), but now known as Wadelai.
Caoch was then nominally ruled by a chief called Kisambu. During his reign
there lived a powerful lady chief with a great influence called Dassa,1 who was
practically the real ruler.
Very little seems to be known regarding this lady, except that she seems to
have originated from the N. East (sic) of Wadelai, from Foweira way.
On a certain occasion Dassa's men killed game and in accordance with the
custom of the country Dassa sent the hind quarters to Kisambu. Midway to
Kisambu's, he (Kisambu) met the meat and greedily cut off some for himself on
the spot. Thereupon the men that were carrying the meat returned with the
remainder to Dassa and told her the story. This unchiefly conduct seems to have
been resented by Dassa. She succeeded in dethroning Kisambu and making
Koba Koba chief in his stead.
The following is the genealogy of the present chief, Aliker, alias Sheik Ali:
Koba Koba, Latong, Sagara, Niabongo, Akello, Awein, Lay, Fishwa alias
Wadelai (Wat-el-Lai, son of Lai), as nicknamed by the Soudanese, and the
present ruler (in 1901) Aliker, who is also known as Sheik Ali.
Latong with his people was driven from the east to the west bank (of the Nile)
by the Lango. Aliker recrossed to the east bank some six years ago (i.e. circa
1895).2 He states that, when Major Owen reconnoitred the Nile, he was still on
the west bank. Owing to his men having from time to tire migrated to the east
bank, chiefly through famine and pestilence, eventually he decided to migrate
also and join the majority of his men.
The real Lurus (Alur) are a very big tribe and are inhabitants of a very
extensive country south-west of Wadelai.
The Caoch (Koich or Chopi), or as they are now called, Lurus, believe in
ghosts and worship them. They attribute to them the cause of all evils.
Sacrifices to pacify the evil spirits are offered, which are invariably eaten by
themselves and not destroyed. The ghosts are supposed to be the spirits of their
ancient chiefs. Plague, rinderpest, and small pox are too well known to them.
Plague and rinderpest are attributed to angry deities. Almost all other kinds of
illness are supposed to be the result of evil charms.
Solitary cases of plague, as in Uganda (Buganda), are very common and in the
beginning of this year (1901) there appears to have been a small epidemic when
several died. It seems so bad as to have necessitated the removal of several
Their ideas of morality in the real sense of the word are very limited. A female
before marriage, that is to say when she is still with her father, is free to mis-
conduct herself if she likes. No slur is cast on her for such improper conduct.
Her seducers, when found, are sometimes made to pay a small amount of com-
I Dassa would appear to be the same person as Dosha, who according to the legends
related to Major N. L. C. Lowth, remained on the east bank of the Nile when the rest of
the Alur under Nyapir crossed over to the west bank ('The Story of the Entry of the Alur
into the West Nile', Uganda Journal, vol. 2 (1934-5), p. 245).-[EDs.]
2 It was more than six years. In a report to Colonel Colvile on 11 February 1894, Major
Owen wrote "as the Sheikh of Wadelai lives on the right bank of the Nile, I also planted the
flag on Emin Pasha's old fort", this last being on the left (west) bank.-[EDs.]

pensation in lieu of depreciation of the value of the girl when married. When
once a female is married, she is as a rule very moral, and is seldom approached
by anyone. A man who misconducts himself with a married woman is made to
pay very heavy damages. But as there is entire freedom between the unmarried
sexes such cases as the latter are hardly known.
In former days an illegitimate child was thrown into the Nile, but since the
accession of Aliker to the throne, this cruel practice has been put a stop to with
a view to increasing the population.

ONE of the interesting facts in the early distribution of domestic animals in
Africa is that apparently the common pig (Sus) did not reach rain-forest
Africa until the great Portuguese voyages of exploration of the fifteenth century.
The common pig had spread at an early date into Egypt and Nubia from south-
east Asia, where it was probably first domesticated. By Herodotus' time, how-
ever, there was a strong anti-pig prejudice in Egypt perhaps fostered by pastoral
invaders, and pig-raising was apparently in decline with pig-herders comprising
a much despised class. In Nubia pig-raising was largely discontinued when the
Nubian Christian kingdoms collapsed before the Moslem onslaught in the four-
teenth century,2 though in Sennar pigs have been kept up to the present time.3
There seems to have been no great cultural barriers to the introduction of the
domestic pig into the rain-forest where, as in south-east Asia, it would have fitted
well into the economy of the forest planters. It may be that the attacks of tsetse-
borne sleeping sickness prevented pigs from passing into the area. To-day sleep-
ing sickness is greatly hindering the large scale raising of pigs in much of British
West Africa where they must be kept in sites relatively free of tsetse flies or in
screened pens.4
It has been suggested that the bush-pig (Potamochoerus, also known as the red
river-hog or pinselschwein) may have been tamed and partly domesticated in
West Africa to fit the same niche in the local economy that the common pig
would have filled if it were present.5 There are several references to the main-
tenance of this long-tailed, pointed-eared animal in a tame or semi-domesticated
state by the Nyam-Nyam,6 the Mangbetu,7 and Abarambo8 of the north-east
Congo, along the lower Niger and in other parts of West Africa9 including
Still more striking is Marcgrave's mid-seventeenth century description of the
'Porco de Guind' (which, from his description and sketch, is almost certainly the
bush-pig of Africa) as in an "entirely domesticated" state in Brazil." This
description suggests that the animal was carried to the New World at an early
date, probably on slave-ships. In the mid-eighteenth century, John Hill wrote
that the Guinea Hog or Porcus guineensis (bush-pig) is not only wild in the
woods, but is kept tame about houses, for the sake of its flesh" in South
America.12 Other books of the same period confirm the presence of the bush-pig
in the New World.13 The introduction of the bush-pig into the New World was
probably followed by its introduction into England for breeding purposes.


Nathusius, writing in the mid-nineteenth century, stated that he found occasion-
ally in early English agricultural writings dating from the beginning to the
middle of the eighteenth century the remark that the Red Pig of Guinea was
used in England for cross-breeding,14 a contention that needs further documenta-
tion.5 Sir Harry Johnston added from his observations in Liberia that while
tame red river-hogs there do not seem to be encouraged to breed with their own
species, they do breed with the domestic pig if any are present and thus to some
extent influence the race.16 Johnston mentioned reports of such interbreeding on
the Congo as also in the Niger Delta.17
To-day there are several important questions about the bush-pig that need
answering: whether it can actually interbreed with a species so different from it
as to be placed in a distinct genus, whether interest and taming of the bush-pig
by African tribes preceded Portuguese stimulus, and what was the fate of bush-
pigs in the New World, which have not been known for at least a hundred years
in Brazil.'8
1 Teaching Assistant, University of California.
2 E. A. Wallis Budge, A History of Ethiopia, Vol. 1 (London, 1928), p. 105.
3 Carl O. Sauer, Agricultural Origins and Dispersals (New York, The American
Geographical Society, 1952), p. 35.
4 T. A. M. Nash, Tsetse Flies in British West Africa (London, 1948), pp. 57-8; T. H.
Davey, Trypanosomiasis in British West Africa (London, 1948), p. 5.
5 Sauer, op. cit., p. 35.
6 Sir Harry H. Johnston, George Grenfell and the Congo (London, 1908), Vol. 2,
p. 616.
7 Georg Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa (London, 1878), Vol. 2, p. 32.
8 Hubert Kroll, 'Die Haustiere der Bantu', Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, Vol. 60, 1928,
p. 219.
9 Sir Harry H. Johnston, Liberia (London, 1906), Vol. 2, p. 720.
10 Ibid., p. 720. George Schwab, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archae-
ology and Ethnology, Vol. 31, 1947, p. 69, mentions the tamed "monkey, civet cat, hog,
or other bush meat" occasionally kept as pets among the tribes of the Liberian hinterland.
Is this tamed 'hog' the bush pig?
11 Jorge Marcgrave, Histdria Natural do Brasil, Translated by J. P. Magalhbes from
the 1648 edition (SAo Paolo, 1942), p. 230.
12 John Hill, An History of Animals (London, 1752), p. 572.
13 C. I. Forsyth Major, 'On the Species of Potamochoerus of the Ethiopian Region',
Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, 1897, p. 362.
14 Hermann Von Nathusius. Vorstudien fiir Geschichte und Zucht der Hausthiere
Zunaechst am Schweinschaedel (Berlin, 1864), p. 172.
15 See Forsyth Major, op. cit., pp. 362-3, for a discussion of the possible use of the bush
pig for breeding purposes in England.
16 Sir Harry H. Johnston, Liberia (London, 1906), Vol. 2, p. 720.
17 Sir Harry H. Johnston, 'Notes on the Mammals and Birds of Liberia', Proceedings
of the Zoological Society of London, 1905, p. 202.
18 J. Grav, 'Synopsis of the Species of Pies (Suidae) in the British Museum', Proceed-
ings of the Zoological Society of London, 1868, p. 37.


In his very interesting article on 'The growth and reproduction of elephants
in Uganda' (U.J. vol. 16 (1952)), Dr. J. S. Perry states that "the present account
is an attempt to give the gist of the findings as plainly as possible in non-technical
terms" (p. 52). As a layman, may I add that I think he has succeeded admirably
-but I regard his mass of figures as somewhat redundant and inconclusive.
Early in the article he mentions that there is scant knowledge of the details of
the anatomy of the elephant; I venture to remark that his sketch, in a general
way, does nothing to improve that knowledge! It is hard to realize that the
drawing was traced from a photograph. Incidentally, the forehead is that of a
bull elephant, and the tusks, which in the majority of advertisements or in
children's books emerge horizontally from the cheek or neck, in this instance
emerge from the side of the trunk.
Numbering of the teeth in figures 8 and 9 seems to have been omitted; and
why, in figure 11, should unknown symbols be used to denote sex, instead of the
orthodox symbols as used in figure 10?
Having been in the unique position, for the last six years or so, of being able
,to study the movements and habits of large herds of elephants at very close
range almost daily-thus supplementing more intermittent study of the previous
twenty years-I am glad to find that Dr. Perry, from his scientific angle, sub-
stantiates some of my own opinions, e.g. the truth concerning musthh', and the
unlimited period of the breeding season; although I do not quite agree as regards
the latter. I have always held the view that breeding must take place at any time
of the year-judged chiefly by the fact that one hardly ever fails to see at least
one newly-born calf in a herd of any size.
I do not share Dr. Perry's scepticism concerning separation of the bulls from
the herds for parts of the year (p. 55) because I have seen it on innumerable
occasions. During the two hot seasons the herds, accompanied by one or two
young bulls, retreat to the cover of forests for adequate shade, food, and water-
but the older bulls do not associate with them in this more restricted family life;
they prefer to continue their roaming over the usual wide area. I have seen as
many as thirty-nine bulls together, and very frequently more than twenty, for
periods of two or three weeks. I should say that most breeding is done at the
beginning of the two rain seasons when the older bulls join the herds again in
open country.
Dr. Perry says (p. 54) "there is no evidence that the animals carrying the
biggest tusks were older than some others with tusks of half the weight". This
has been my own conviction on many occasions, and I have often wondered
why it is that a small proportion of elephants living in the same country, eating
the same type of vegetation, drinking the same water, and using the same salt-
licks should develop enormous tusks, while the majority develop more or less

As a proof of the remarkable consistency of growth of the average bull's tusks
in relation to bodily size, the following extracts from Dr. Perry's schedules are
convincing. I have selected the biggest tuskers, the first five having tusks averag-
ing over 50 lb. each and the second five tusks averaging over 30 lb. each. I have
used only the measurements A, C and F as being most relevant.


34 67 66 363 309 145
9 59 57 344 279 142
42 55 53 400 319 142
103 46 44 344 292 131
23 42 41 339 304 140
Average 54 52 358 300 140

50 35 36 365 284 122
68 35 36 360 312 135
104 35 33 304 137
105 34 34 347 294 131
111 32 36 355 292 140
Average 34 35 346 295 133

It will be seen, as Dr. Perry says, that the popular formula used by hunters-
twice the circumference of the fore foot gives the approximate height-is only a
little short of the mark.
Dr. Perry's paragraph on the calving interval (p. 56) suggests that we have
never obtained much information from the Belgians. Surely, with all their
experience of elephants in captivity at Api, they would be able to supply such
details: they should also have valuable data concerning the gestation period, and
be able to tell us something of the calculation of ages judged by the state of
the teeth.
Kichwamba, Ankole.
4 August 1952.
CORRIGENDUM to Uganda Journal, vol. 16 (1952)
'The growth and reproduction of elephants in Uganda', by John S. Perry,
Ph.D., at page 57, lines 5 and 6 from bottom, for "game guards often reported a
bull as a cow, never a cow as a bull", read "game guards often reported a cow
as a bull, never a bull as a cow".

The recent publication of Mr. Richard Hill's Biographical Dictionary of the
Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1951) reveals an omission
from the first instalment of my 'Acholi History, 1860-1901', which was pub-
lished in Uganda Journal, vol. 15, September 1951.