Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 The dissemination of cotton in...
 Problems of insect pests of cotton...
 The Imperial British East Africa...
 An early cash book from Nandi...
 Acholi history, 1860-1901 - II
 The growth and reproduction of...
 A hot sulphur spring in Toro
 Memorial service for an ox...
 Bell-oxen and ox-names among the...
 Maize names and history: A further...
 Lwoo migrations - a review
 The wild mammals of Teso and Karamoja...
 Back Cover

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The Uganda journal
External Link ( Journal issues, 1999-2002 )
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080855/00031
 Material Information
Title: The Uganda journal
Abbreviated Title: Uganda j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 22-24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Uganda Society
Publisher: Uganda Society etc.
Uganda Society etc.
Place of Publication: Kampala etc
Frequency: irregular[1976-<1995>]
semiannual[ former 1934-]
annual[ former <1948>-1973]
completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Periodicals -- Uganda   ( lcsh )
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Uganda
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- 1934-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended May 1942-Mar. 1946; replaced by the Society's Bulletin.
Numbering Peculiarities: One issue published every few years, v. 38 (1976)-<v. 42 (1995)>
Issuing Body: Vols. 11-13 published in London.
General Note: Journal of The Uganda Society (formerly The Uganda Literary and Scientific Society).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ABS8002
oclc - 01644239
alephbibnum - 000301510
issn - 0041-574X
lccn - 52026895
System ID: UF00080855:00031
 Related Items
Related Items: Uganda journal

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
        Page iii
        Page iv
    The dissemination of cotton in Africa
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
    Problems of insect pests of cotton in tropical Africa
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
    The Imperial British East Africa Company medal
        Page 28
        Page 28a
        Page 29
    An early cash book from Nandi Station
        Page 30
        Page 31
    Acholi history, 1860-1901 - II
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
    The growth and reproduction of elephants in Uganda
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 52a
        Page 52b
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 56a
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 66a
    A hot sulphur spring in Toro
        Page 67
        Page 68
    Memorial service for an ox in Karamoja
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
    Bell-oxen and ox-names among the Jie
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
    Maize names and history: A further discussion
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
    Lwoo migrations - a review
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
    The wild mammals of Teso and Karamoja - VIII
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
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Tjhd, iom- Treasurer Mi.,D. K. Mapbatia
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`V Libruians Mr. M. A. &*,ury
ThcRbtn, 'Editor Dr. A. B. Raper,
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Mon. T,*-easurer-, Mfg. MM. waltis
Ifon6 Lib-irarian Mrs. B. Saben,
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110tres p andingSecretaty at Ubale., Mr.,P. A. Whikeley,

CorrespondngS, tary o,Serere: Mr. D. G., Thomas

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A. ito-T' Vinyi l4q,8-U. Mr. ff. 13 T4,omas" OJ)X,
sir E. F, Dr. A. W. Wifliams
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% Past Presidents:
SirA, X Cook, cmG., 6,Rx, 1941-42 Mr.-S. W, Kulubya,
J, Wayland, c.o.u. 1942-43 Mt, E. Ajemplc Perkin
H, Hunt,6t, al
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7- Mx, if. jowitt, CIA1.40. 1944-45 Dr. K. A. DavicS, C-M'G 'k j
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Mr. J.-SYkes, OXX, 1,947-48 Dr, W. J Eggeling
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Editorial Comrnitue:
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Mrs. tNf NI, Waflis


Uganda Journal



No. 1

MARCH 1952

A. C. A. WRIGHT, Hon. Editor.
(assisted in England by H. B. THOMAS, O.B.E.)

Published by



The Dissemination of Cotton in Africa DR. J. B. HUTCHINSON 1
Problems of Insect Pests of Cotton in Tropical Africa E. 0. PEARSON 15
The Imperial British East Africa Company Medal H. B. THOMAS 28
An Early Cash Book from Nandi Station C. HEWETSON 30
Acholi History, 1860-1901-II SIR JOHN MILNER GRAY 32
The Growth and Reproduction of Elephants in Uganda
DR. J. S. PERRY 51
A Hot Sulphur Spring in Toro BENET L. JACOBS AND M. FLEAY 67
Memorial Service for an Ox in Karamoja DORIs CLARK 69
Bell-Oxen and Ox-Names among the Jie P. H. GULLIVER 72
Maize Names and History: A Further Discussion
Lwoo Migrations-A Review A. C. A. WRIGHT 82
The Wild Mammals of Teso and Karamoja-VIII J. M. WATSON 89

The Maria Theresa Dollar H. B. THOMAS 96

The Year of the Three Kings 99
Clover in Kampala 100

Native Administration in the British African Territories (by Lord Hailey)
SIR J. M. GRAY 101
Al-Akida and Fort Jesus, Mombasa (by Mbarak Ali Hinawy)
SIR J. M. GRAY 101
A Biographical Dictionary of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (by Richard
Hill) H. B. THOMAS 103
Elementary Luganda (by B. E. R. Kirwan and P. A. Gore)



Empire Cotton Growing Corporation


THE genus Gossypium includes lintless and linted species, and these form
two distinct groups. The lintless species, which are wild desert shrubs,
bear seeds covered with short, non-expansive brown hairs. Three of them are
indigenous in Africa. The linted species have seeds bearing a copious coat of
long, fluffy, convoluted hairs (Hutchinson, Stephens and Dodds, 1945). It is
these convoluted hairs which form the cotton lint of commerce, and the species
which produce them are in general cultivated, or in some cases secondarily wild.
They are the true cottons, and in this paper the term 'cottons' will be used to
denote the linted, as distinct from the lintless, species of Gossypium. The
centres of origin of all the cottons lie outside Africa, and it has been concluded
that they are not native there, but have been introduced by man on account of
the raw material they provide for spinning and weaving (Hutchinson, Silow and
Stephens, 1947). In Africa they are, with one exception, still confined to his
farms and gardens, and even this exception (G. herbaceum var. africanum)
occurs in an area where spinning and weaving were formerly practised (Kenyon,
1931), and was probably at one time a cultivated plant (Quantanilha et al., 1948).
Four species contribute to the world's cotton crops-G. arboreum and
G. herbaceum, which are diploid and of Asiatic origin, and G. barbadense
and G. hirsutum, which are tetraploid and are indigenous in the New World.
Though not native in Africa, they have all been long established there. The
Asiatic species were in use before European exploration of the continent, and
those of America were among the early introductions of crop plants from the
New World. Deductions concerning their arrival and spread chiefly depend,
therefore, on the data of present-day distribution and taxonomic relationship,
and agricultural and historical records are of little value except in respect of
the most recent introductions.

Gossypium arboreum is represented in Africa by two races. The more
important is race soudanense, which occupies the Sudan-West African region.
Soudanense cottons are to be found as odd plants or small groups in house-
yards, fields and abandoned cultivations. They grow into strong shrubs or
small trees, often with trunks 3 in. in diameter. In the Sudan they are still used
in outlying parts to provide lint for spinning. In West Africa they are more
I This article is the basis of a lecture given to the Uganda Society on 4th April 1951.
It is reprinted by permission of the Editor from The Empire Cotton Growing Review,
Vol. XXVI, No. 4, 1949.

often used for medicinal purposes and as a fetish (for such purposes the red-
leafed form seems to be preferred), but are still sometimes spun. Specimens
have been collected from Egypt to the Nile-Congo divide, and from the borders
of the Sahara in French territory to Lagos in Nigeria and Tamale in the Gold
Coast. In Somaliland they have been collected from the Juba and the Uebi
Scebeli. Though they have been recorded wherever the peoples of the region
spin and weave, they are commoner in orchard bush and acacia savannah
country than in forest regions, and are much commoner in the Anglo-Egyptian
Sudan than in West Africa. It has been stated elsewhere (Hutchinson, 1947)
that soudanense occurs in Angola, but careful examination of the Kew and
British Museum material revealed nothing south of the Congo on the western
side of the continent that could be ascribed with any confidence to G. arboreum.
The East African form of G. arboreum is sufficiently closely related to
the Indian cottons to be allocated to race indicum. It is to be found in
Madagascar, where it was formerly cultivated extensively, and on the Tangan-
yika coast. Sir John Kirk stated that in 1860 Tonje kaja, or native cotton,
is cultivated by the people on the Zambesi and up the Shire to Lake Nyasa "
(quoted by Watt, 1926). Kirk's specimens include one of G. herbaceum
resembling var. acerifolium (see below) as well as several of G. arboreum, but
that Tonje kaja was G. arboreum is indicated by his statement that the involucre
is not much divided into segments ".
Annual forms of G. arboreum have been introduced into the French Sudan
and the northern Ivory Coast, and are now grown there commercially ('Budi'
cotton). They are of only local interest.
Three forms of G. herbaceum occur in Africa. The annual typical form
was formerly cultivated in northern Egypt and along the shores of the Mediter-
ranean. It is not found south of the Sahara, and will only receive brief mention
in what follows.
The perennial var. acerifolium is widely distributed in the Sudan-West
African region. Types examined in the field and in culture form a reasonably
homogeneous collection of perennial shrubs, rather smaller and bushier than
the soudanense types from the same areas, but equally long lived. Chevalier
(1936) has stated that this was the plant which provided lint for the native cotton
goods of West Africa before the introduction of the New World species. Aceri-
folium is found in much the same territory as soudanense. It has been collected
in Abyssinia and the Sudan, but is uncommon. In the Kew herbarium there
are specimens from the Kharga and Siwa oases in Egypt, and from Giarabub
in Libya. Three collections recently received from the region of Jidda (western
Arabia) proved to be of this race. In West Africa, on the other hand, aceri-
folium is much commoner than soudanense, and is to be found in localities
ranging from Air and Reggan to Oubangui-Chari, Dahomey, and Senegal, and
as far south as Ilorin and Abeokuta in Nigeria.
The wild var. africanum is commonest in the bushveld of Swaziland, the
north-eastern Transvaal and Southern Rhodesia, and neighboring regions of
Portuguese East Africa. Herbarium material exists from as far north as the
Zambesi, but Quintanilha et al. (1948) have shown that its present northern
limit in Portuguese territory is the Save River. It has been collected from

scattered localities in Southern Rhodesia (Bulawayo), Ngamiland, Bechuana-
land, and Omboland. Two specimens of Asiatic cotton have been collected
in Angola. One is S. Simpson's "Wild cotton growing freely near Humbe,
Mossamedes, Angola," in the Kew herbarium, and the other is Exell and
Mendonca's 2835 in the British Museum from Huila Vila Periera D'Eca.
Neither specimen has flowering or fruiting material, so it is not possible to say
with certainty to which Asiatic species they belong, but they would fit satis-
factorily in G. herbaceum var. africanum.
In G. hirsutum the Uplands are the most important commercial cottons
of the rain-fed areas of Africa. Almost without exception, they were derived
from the United States Cotton Belt. The early introductions were, for the
most part, of the better quality American varieties, such as Allen, Sunflower,
Black Rattler and Floradora. No adequate precautions were taken to main-
tain the purity of the varieties in the early tests, and very shortly the combined
effects of intra-varietal variability, inter-varietal mixing and hybridization, and
local environmental selection obliterated all evidence of relationship to particu-
lar American progenitors. In the British colonies and in the Anglo-Egyptian
Sudan, the resulting mixture has given rise to a number of highly variable
locally adapted stocks which have yielded, under selection, the best commercial
varieties now in cultivation. The more important of these local stocks are
'Allen' in Nigeria, 'Pump Scheme Strain' in the Sudan, Buganda Local and
the N17 derivative of Nyasaland Upland in Uganda, Lake Province Local in
Tanganyika, and Nyasaland Upland in Nyasaland.
G. hirsutum var. punctatum is acclimatized and well established through-
out the north African savannah tract from Senegal to the Red Sea, and is to be
found occasionally on the Tanganyika coast, and in Madagascar. The variety
is indigenous in the lands bordering the Gulf of Mexico and from there it was
no doubt introduced to the west coast of Africa. Chevalier (quoted by Wouters,
1948), referring to the Senegal punctatum type known in the vernacular as
Ndar-gau, has stated that Ndar is the local name of the isle of Saint-Louis in
Senegal, which seems to indicate that the introduction into West Africa was
made at this point" (trans. from French). Its distribution in West Africa
supports this view. In Nigeria and the Gold Coast it is common in the northern
dry savannah tracts, and is rare or absent in the southern forest regions.
Punctatum is not recorded from the dry coastal Accra plain, to which it seems
ecologically suited. In the Gambia, on the other hand, it is well established
near the coast. Apparently, therefore, the first introduction was on the Gambia-
Senegal coast, and it spread thence to the Sudan and as far as the Red Sea. It
has recently been collected in western Arabia.
In West Africa punctatum has almost completely supplanted G. herbaceum
in native cultivations. Chevalier (quoted by Wouters, 1948) has given informa-
tion that dates the change fairly closely. He states that Adanson remarked on
his specimen of G. herbaceum var. acerifolium from Senegal c. 1750 that it was
" the better of the two cottons of Senegal ". Since Adanson refers to two types
only, it is probable that the second was G. arboreum, and that the punctatum

cottons had not then reached West Africa. About 1825, however, Perrottet
remarked that the variety acerifolium is not cultivated in Senegal ", but was
removed from fields of punctatum as an undesirable weed.
At the present time, considerable fields of a long-lived perennial form of
punctatum are to be seen in northern Nigeria in the areas north and west of the
commercial Upland tract. They are situated for the most part on sloping land
running down to black soil swamps, or 'fadamas', where moisture conditions
are rather better than on the general run of farming land, and as the country
becomes drier northward, cotton is more and more strictly confined to the
moister fields. In the Gold Coast annual cultivation is the general rule, and a
local early form is used. The Gambia, French Soudan and Chad punctatums
are also very early types suited to annual cropping.
In the Sudan, in house-yards and gardens outside the commercial cotton-
growing tracts, punctatum is about as common as G. arboreum race soudanense,
but only perennials are found, and there is not the same wealth of forms as in
West Africa. The punctatums of the Tanganyika coast, and those of Madagas-
car, may well be derived from a distinct introduction from the New World.
The' Hindi weed' cotton, which has, in the past, been a source of consider-
able trouble in Egyptian cotton crops, is a form of punctatum. It is not typical
being annual in habit, and having larger bolls, and larger seeds, than are usual
in punctatum. Its rather distinctive characteristics may be ascribed to selec-
tion for survival as an annual weed in the Egyptian crop.
The Caribbean tree cotton, G. hirsutum var. marie-galante, has not hitherto
been recorded outside the New World. It cannot be separated with certainty
from G. hirsutum var. punctatum in herbarium material, since the essential
distinguishing features are its tree-like habit, as opposed to the bushy habit of
punctatum, and the photoperiodic control of fruiting. The absence of records
of marie-galante from the Old World may, therefore, be due to failure to recog-
nize it. Nevertheless, sufficient living material has been studied to justify the
conclusion that it does not occur in India, British territories in East Africa, the
Sudan, or Nigeria. In the Gold Coast, on the other hand, it is common, and it
has recently been received from the Ivory Coast under the name of Koronini.
It was probably introduced into the Gold Coast by the Basle missionaries, who
brought Christian negroes from the West Indian islands of Antigua and Jamaica
in 1843 and settled them in Acrapong, about 40 miles north of Accra. The
Mission took a great interest in the trial of new plants in West Africa, and advised
the negro immigrants to bring their crop plants with them. The marie-galante
cottons in the neighbourhood of Acrapong are very similar to those of Antigua
and Jamaica (see Hutchinson, 1943, and Hutchinson and Stephens, 1944), and
it is there that the variability is highest, so there is good evidence that this was
the point of introduction.
G. hirsutum var. marie-galante is now widely distributed in the Gold Coast.
Small field crops, and rather bushy thickets of half a dozen plants or so, are
common on the relatively dry Accra plain. Large shrubs or small trees may
be seen in house-yards or open spaces in villages in forest country. In the
orchard bush and long grass savannah country of northern Ashanti and the
southern part of the Northern Territories, small plots of marie-galante are to be

found, up to an acre or so in extent. They are sometimes allowed to grow into
a great thicket of overgrown shrubs or small trees, and sometimes cut back
annually. The northern types are more uniform than the southern, and possess
a degree of hairiness that must provide at least some protection against jassid
attack. Their most striking feature, however, is their resistance to blackarm
disease. Blackarm resistance has only once previously been recorded in marie-
galante, and two types tested from the southern Gold Coast were susceptible,
as are the marie-galantes of the West Indies and South America. Four types
tested from northern Ashanti and the southern part of the Northern Territories,
on the other hand, were highly resistant.
G. barbadense has been introduced almost all round the African coast. It
is widely spread in the forest regions and orchard bush country of West Africa,
and has provided the stocks on which the extensive irrigated cotton crops of
the Nile valley have been founded. Typical West African barbadense cottons
are large shrubs, up to 8 ft. or 10 ft. tall, with large leaves and rather large,
pitted bolls. Where they have light and space they usually develop a number
of strong, ascending vegetative branches, but these are often suppressed by the
heavy competition in the mixed crops in which they are grown. An early form,
said to have come from French territory, is common in annual cultivations in
the northern Gold Coast.
In many areas G. barbadense is no more than a house-yard cotton, or an
occasional component of secondary vegetation. Its position in Angola was
described by J. Gossweiler (in litt.) as follows: "' Algodao indigena de Catete',
of which some people talk, is nothing better than the old Brazilian kidney cotton,
persistent during half a dozen years and often found in thickets in the littoral
region of Luanda." Its status is similar in the Belgian Congo, Northern
Rhodesia, coastal Tanganyika and the southern Sudan, and it is to be found
occasionally in British Somaliland and western Arabia. On the east coast
both kidney and free-seeded forms were spread inland by the Zanzibar Arabs.
Its penetration into the Congo from Angola and the lower Congo valley on the
west and from Tanganyika on the east has been described by Wouters (1948).
G. barbadense is of some importance in West Africa. In southern Nigeria
it provides raw material for a considerable local hand-spinning and weaving
industry, and though, on the crop standards of cotton-exporting countries, yields
are quite uneconomic and pest damage enormous, it has a permanent place in
the agricultural economy. It is generally grown as an annual in mixed cropping
with yams, maize, and beans. No other cotton would stand up to the smother-
ing competition of the yam vines, yet these barbadense types survive and produce
a modest crop after the vines have died down. They are not uprooted, but are
left as supports for the following years' yams, or to perish in the regenerating
bush. There are three main types. The important ones are those formerly
known as G. vitifolium and G. peruvianum. Both are typical G. barbadense
as the species is now understood. The third type is the kidney cotton, G. bar-
badense vaf. brasiliense. All three inter-cross freely where they meet, but the
distinction between vitifolium and peruvianum has been maintained by a differ-
ence in their ecological preferences. Vitifolium is the cotton of the forest
region, and peruvianum that of the orchard bush country. The improved

Ishan A was selected from vitifolium in the forest region, and has been distri-
buted by the Nigerian Department of Agriculture. It is ill-suited to the orchard
bush country, and in the absence of regular seed introduction is soon replaced
by peruvianum. Ishan A has been fairly extensively grown in the southern
Ivory Coast, but its replacement by Upland is now being considered videe
E. O. Pearson, in litt.).
G. barbadense was encouraged in Togoland by the Germans, and is well
established in the forest belt, though it is of no commercial importance. It
was called Sea Island, but it shows no signs, in either plant habit or lint quality,
of Sea Island ancestry. Kidney types are common, and from leaf and boll size
and shape, and the amount of kidney to be seen, Togo barbadense may be
described as a hybrid swarm of vitifolium x brasiliense ancestry. The crop is
generally grown as a perennial, and though rarely grown pure, does not suffer
from overwhelming competition in the first year and is usually kept clear in
the second. Consequently a longer lived perennial type has been developed
in Togoland than in Nigeria.
Barbadense spread from the forest region of southern Nigeria to French
Equatorial Africa, where, according to Gautier (1946), cottons are to be found
scattered along the old invasion and slave routes between the Nile and the Gulf
of Guinea. The common one is evidently an Asiatic, but he says that another
rarer type only found on good alluvial lands, especially in Mayo Kebbi, gives
a long lint (40-42 mm.) with a pointed, very waxy capsule, like that of Egyptian
cotton, the seeds sometimes black with a little fuzz at the tip, sometimes covered
with a green or white fuzz; the types are very numerous, all with a strong
appearance of relationship with the Ishan of Nigeria (trans. from the French).
This is evidently a barbadense and has just the characters that must have been
possessed by the progenitors of the Egyptian cottons.
The modern cotton industry of the Nile valley dates from Jumel's dis-
covery of a perennial G. barbadense in Maho Bey's garden in 1820, and its
establishment as a field crop (Dudgeon, 1917). Jumel's success led to the
introduction of many other types for trial in Egypt. Nearly all failed, but Sea
Island was grown on a small scale for a long time. Being a race of G. barba-
dense closely related to the Jumel cotton, extensive hybridization took place,
and it was out of the resulting hybrid swarm that the modern annual, high
quality Egyptian cottons were selected.
The earliest African people known to have used cotton were the men of
Meroe in what is now the northern Sudan, c. 500 B.c. to c. A.D. 500, and the
common Asiatic cotton of the Sudan to-day, G. arboreum race soudanense, is
no doubt the modem representative of their stock.' Presumably the soudan-
I Bond (1925) has given an interesting account of the establishment and growth of
perennial cotton near the River Nile in Dongola, northern Sudan. Holes were dug in
the sand down to the level of the river alluvium, and were filled with silt dug from a nearby
well. Seedlings were established in these holes by hand watering. In dut course their
roots penetrated to the level to which water seeps through the alluvium from the river.
Thereafter, no further attention was required. The trees, mulched by blown desert sand,
and kept free from weeds by the aridity of the surface, flourished for ten years or longer.
It is not unlikely that this method of cultivation was used in Meroitic times.

ense cottons spread across the savannah tract to West Africa from the original
introduction that gave rise to the Meroitic industry.
The similarity of the G. arboreum cottons of Madagascar and the East
African coast to those of western India (race indicum) leaves little room for
doubt that they were brought from India by the Indian Ocean trade routes,
probably more recently than the introduction of the soudanense cottons to the
Sudan. The industry in Zambesia and Nyasaland, described by Kirk, may be
related to that of Madagascar, since they both used the same cottons. It was
probably distinct from that south of the Zambesi, where the only Old World
cotton known is G. herbaceum var. africanum.
G. herbaceum was introduced into northern Africa from the Levant and
Arabia by the Moslems. The annual typical form came from Syria and
Turkey, and was widely distributed round the Mediterranean (Watt, 1907).
Dudgeon (1917), who has given the best account of the pre-Jumel cottons in
Egypt, states that the annual form "certainly occurred in the delta in Egypt as
a field crop after the middle of the sixteenth century, and perhaps very much
earlier ". The perennial var. acerifolium appears to have come from western
Arabia, and its presence in the desert oases of Egypt and Libya indicates the
probable route by which it spread to the savannah regions of West Africa. It
was never a crop in Egypt or the Sudan, presumably because the Meroitic
cotton G. arboreum race soudanense (the Senaar tree cotton of Egyptian
literature) was well established. In West Africa the Moslem invaders built up
their own empires, and the cotton they brought flourished with their flourishing
textile crafts. So it came about that in the Moslem area of West Africa the
soudanense cottons were replaced, and acerifolium provided the raw material
for cotton spinning until it was supplanted by introductions from the New
World. In the pagan areas beyond the limits of the Moslem invasion, on the
other hand, herbaceum is rare and the earlier introduced soudanense remains
the commoner Asiatic species.
In these days the populations of G. arboreum and herbaceum in the north
African region are so small that they must rarely occur together, and no crosses
between them have been observed. When they were the sole sources of cotton
for the local spinners, and in particular when acerifolium was spreading through
the soudanense area, frequent opportunities for crossing must have occurred.
In this connection Stephens drew attention to the similarity between' crumpled'
(Hutchinson, 1932) and the 'corky' type found in F, hybrids between certain
types of G. barbadense and G. hirsutum var. marie-galante (Stephens, 1946).
At the time of his report the distributions of the Asiatic species in Africa were
not sufficiently understood for the significance of 'crumpled' as an isolating
mechanism to be apparent. It can now be seen that the complementary
crumpled genes are so distributed as to complete the species barrier between
G. arboreum and G. herbaceum in just those parts of their range where they
have been longest in contact-namely, western India (see Bhola Nath and
Govande, 1943) and the Sudan and West Africa.
The South African G. herbaceum var. africanum is fully established in
natural vegetation, and the only available record of the utilization of cotton in
this area is the statement by De Barros (c. 1560), quoted by Kenyon (1931),

that cotton goods were manufactured in the country of the Monomotapa.
Quintanilha et al. (1948) have recently discussed the status of the variety in
Portuguese East Africa. They found that its northern limit at the present day
is the Save River, though there is ample herbarium material to prove that it
formerly extended as far north as the Zambesi. They point out that the Save
River marks the vegetational change from open forest and grasslands domin-
ated by Panicea, to closed forest and savannahs dominated by Andropogonee.
In the open forest and grasslands to the south there is ample open space between
the small and scattered Panicee for the establishment of the light-loving cotton
seedlings. In the northern closed forests, and grasslands with a dense cover
of tall Andropogonewe, they would be choked. Moreover, Quintanilha et al.
report that the cottons still to be found south of the Save River "belong
to G. herbaceum, but with characters intermediate between the varieties
acerifolium and africanum-longer, more abundant, and whiter lint than in
africanum" (trans. from the Portuguese). The persistence of var. africanum
in the area of closed vegetation up to the middle of the nineteenth century,
and the variation in lint quality in the present wild population, are good evidence
that var. africanum was until recently a cultivated plant. There is nothing to
show the source whence it came, or the time of its introduction, but primitive
perennials, that might well represent a type ancestral to both acerifolium and
africanum, are still cultivated in the Mekran region of southern Baluchistan
(Ansari, 1941).
Among the New World cottons, the African forms of G. hirsutum var.
punctatum are similar to those found on the coasts and islands of the Gulf of
Mexico and in the Bahamas. The people with the best facilities for introduc-
ing them to the Senegal-Gambia coast were the Spaniards and the British.
The Portuguese had no New World possessions within the punctatum area, so
they are not likely to have been responsible. The French introduced punctatum
into Reunion, or Bourbon, and this line may well have given rise to the puncta-
tums of Madagascar and the Tanganyika coast.
The introductions of G. hirsutum var. marie-galante and of the Upland
cottons are comparatively well documented, and both dates and sources can
be given with some confidence. It is, therefore, possible to observe the nature
of the changes that have followed establishment in Africa, and to form a good
estimate of the rate at which they proceeded.
The simpler case is that of marie-galante, which is almost certainly des-
cended from introductions by the Basle mission. In the southern Gold Coast
forest region, and especially where it was first established, the types found are
very similar to those of the West Indian islands from which they came. The
population is uniformly almost glabrous and, so far as it has been tested,
blackarm susceptible, therein resembling the parental type. The variety spread
through the forest region to the orchard bush and long grass savannah country
of northern Ashanti and the Northern Territories, where jassid is a pest and
blackarm a serious disease, and acquired genes for resistance to both that were
apparently very rare in the original stock. Crossing between marie-galante
and punctatum is reduced by the fact that in the region where they meet one is
grown as a long-lived perennial and the other as an annual. Nevertheless,

they do sometimes occur together, and their vigorous Fi hybrids and fertile
later generation segregates can be seen in the field. Blackarm resistance was
probably acquired from punctatum by gene transference through such hybrids,
and an observation by officers of the Gold Coast Department of Agriculture
at Tamale, that there is considerable variation in fruiting habit in the northern
marie-galantes, indicates the presence of other genes from punctatum also.
Hairiness, on the other hand, must have been built up by the natural selection
of genes in the original stock.
The marie-galante cottons are large, long-lived perennials, which do not
go through a generation every year. Nevertheless, since their introduction in
1843 they have spread through the forest belt and into the savannah country,
and have there evolved a locally adapted type. This indicates a remarkably
rapid adaptive change, which may be contrasted with the failure to establish
Upland cottons in the same area, in spite of an intensive and well-directed
programme of research. Following orthodox plant-breeding principles, selec-
tion in the Uplands was limited to a rather narrow range of types, and it can
now be seen that such a policy would effectually prevent the acquisition of
blackarm resistance by introgressive hybridization from punctatum.
The northward spread of the marie-galante cottons brought them in con-
tact with barbadenses from Togoland as well as with punctatums from the
north. The interspecific hybrid between marie-galante and barbadense occurs
freely, and F1 hybrids, which exhibit considerable hybrid vigour, can easily be
found in fields containing a mixture of the two types.' A most convincing
demonstration of hybrid vigour is given by the occurrence of abandoned fields
bearing a heavy growth of tall grass, in which a few flourishing F, hybrids
overtop the grass cover, and the only other evidence that the field carried a
cotton crop is provided by a few miserable, smothered individuals of the
parental types. Later generation segregates are rare, and when found are
small, often morphologically abnormal, and generally unfruitful, and the cross
has contributed nothing to the development of the local cottons.
The introductions which gave rise to the Upland crops of the African
savannah regions were made in the early years of the present century. Local
adaptation has gone on for about forty generations, and the types now grown
are distinct from the modern commercial cottons of the American Cotton Belt
in a number of important agricultural characters. They have, in general,
rather smaller bolls than American types, and tend to set their crop slowly and,
given favourable conditions, over a long period, thereby ensuring better recovery
from pest attacks than is possible for quick-cropping varieties. They are of
superior quality, both on account of the high quality of the varieties originally
introduced and because of the standards set by those who have worked on them
since. Their content of jassid resistant and blackarm resistant types is rela-
tively high. These characters distinguish them as a definite geographical race,
with sufficient adaptive advantage to enable it to withstand competition from
more recent introductions of other races. Other cottons may, by hybridization,
I Though Stevens (1946) reported that the two West African strains of G. barbadense
tested were corky carriers ', no corky rogues were seen in the Gold Coast, though many
hybrids were examined, and a lookout was kept for them.

contribute useful characters to the commercial Uplands of the African
savannahs, but it is unlikely that any of them will prove well enough adapted
to be used in direct replacement of a local African Upland stock.
There have been two main contributions to differentiation in Africa:
hybridization with punctatum and adaptive response to natural and human
selective forces. Hybridization with punctatum has been common in West
Africa. When Upland was first introduced, punctatum was already well estab-
lished, and it was only replaced gradually, so in the early years seed mixing
was unavoidable. At the present time, though punctatum has been banished
from the commercial Upland area, it still supplies the native textile industry in
adjacent districts, and some seed mixing still occurs. The intervarietal hybrids
and their segregating progeny are fully viable, and rapidly cause serious
deterioration in the quality of the Upland crop unless careful control is exer-
cised over seed supply. Nevertheless these hybrids have been valuable in the
past. Knight and Hutchinson (in press) have shown that the blackarm resis-
tance of such commercial West African varieties as N'Koruala in the Ivory
Coast and Allen in Nigeria was acquired by gene exchange with punctatum.
The chief consequences of natural selection have been the increase in the
crop of types resistant to blackarm and jassid, and the main successes of plant
breeders have followed from the further development of these natural adaptive
trends. The isolation of resistant strains has provided such successful crop
varieties as U4 in southern Africa, BAR SP84 in the Sudan, 26C in Nigeria
and the new Ukiriguru stocks in Tanganyika. Concentration on high quality
has given BP52 in Uganda.
Cotton growing in the Congo was established on modern American varieties
such as Triumph and Stoneville. These are of lower quality than those of the
British colonies, and are of the big-boiled, quick-cropping type. They are not
resistant to blackarm and have little of the hairiness that gives protection
against jassids, but in the Congo cotton areas, especially those of the forest
belt, neither blackarm nor jassid assume the importance they have in the
savannah tracts.
The Uplands of the African savannahs resemble those of India. Both
are descended from introductions of the pre-boll-weevil American cottons, and
both have preserved the rather slow fruiting habit that makes possible a good
recovery from pest attack. Resistance to blackarm and jassid attack is impor-
tant in both, and was early developed in the Indian stock. The Indian varieties,
however, are of lower quality than the African, and this is the main obstacle
to their use in Africa.
In G. barbadense the types to which the names peruvianum and brasiliense
have been given are common in Brazil and the West Indies, and they were
probably introduced into Africa by the Portuguese. The vitifolium race
resembles the cottons of western South America, and is therefore more likely
to have come into the hands of the Spaniards. There can be little doubt that
they were introduced by the early European traders on the Nigerian coast
adjoining their present distributions. The vitifoliums came in by the Niger
delta direct to the forest region. The peruvianums are known to have been
the cottons of the Abeokuta-Meko region until Meko was taken over as an

Ishan A multiplication area, and they probably reached the Abeokuta-Oyo
region from the coast in the neighbourhood of Badagry. Crossing between
the two races is reduced by the difference in their ecological preferences, but
where they meet, and where the Ishan A selection from vitifolium has been dis-
tributed in the peruvianum area, free hybridization occurs. The third form of
G. barbadense, the kidney-seeded var. brasiliense, has not become established in
a distinct area, and gene exchange between it and the dominant vitifolium and
peruvianum races has gone so far that the kidney gene is the only distinguish-
able relic of the variety still to be found.
The chief importance of the barbadense cottons of West Africa lies in their
contribution to the ancestry of those of Egypt (Dudgeon, 1917). The develop-
ment of the Egyptian cottons from vitifolium x Sea Island hybrids ranks among
the great agricultural achievements of modern times. Jumel's vitifolium was
a perennial, and its establishment in Egypt as a commercial crop made
perennial irrigation necessary. Canals were deepened to maintain the flow
of water at low Nile, and sagias (Persian wheels) erected to raise it to the level
of the cotton fields. The possibility of a barrage and high-level canal system
was considered, and the wealth brought in by the new crop provided the
necessary capital for investment. So the transformation of Egypt from flood
to perennial irrigation began. Once started, it continued despite the replace-
ment by annual varieties of the perennial cottons which first made it necessary.
Moreover, the market continued to expand, and to absorb the expanding crop
at prices that made possible even greater capital investment, so that not only
has Egypt been equipped with perennial irrigation, but its benefits have been
extended to the Sudan Gezira, and even more ambitious projects for the
control of the Nile waters are now under consideration. All these develop-
ments were interdependent. They were started by the establishment of the
cotton crop in Egypt, and financed by the wealth it brought to the country,
yet the modern Egyptian cottons could never have been developed without a
revolution in Egyptian agriculture, and a vast extension of the market for
fine cottons.
The Egyptian race is par excellence the cotton of heavy-cropping irrigated
land. It has been a failure whenever it has been tried under rain-fed condi-
tions, but given regular watering, high soil fertility, and comparative freedom
from major pests and diseases, it has no competitors. In this it reflects the
conditions under which it was evolved. In other respects, its ancestry is
evident. It is susceptible to blackarm, leaf curl, and jassid, as are the two
parent races, The annual habit, and much of the quality of the lint, came
from Sea Island, but something of its lint character came from vitifolium.
Taxonomically, Egyptian cotton belongs to a New World species, but although
the introduction of G. barbadense into Africa is such a recent event, the race
is, by all evolutionary criteria, native-one might almost say endemic-in the
Nile valley.
It has been argued elsewhere (Hutchinson and Stephens, 1947) that cotton
was developed in domestication to meet man's need for a textile raw material

adapted to growth and use in the tropics. Evidently its spread in Africa in
the last few centuries has been goverftd by the same interdependence between
man and his crop plants that first brought it into being. Races that were
brought in early and abandoned in favour of later, more profitable, introduc-
tions persist as insignificant occupants of his house-yards and clearings, or as
weeds in his crops of more favoured types. Those that suit him best have
been spread over wide areas, and have added to their variability by gene
exchange with related types from which they were formerly isolated. Under
the selective forces, natural and human, that operate in their new areas, they
have evolved distinct locally adapted forms. So fast has this development
proceeded that the Egyptian cottons, which are the most advanced, may justi-
fiably be described as native in Africa, though the species to which they belong
was introduced from America in recent times. On the other hand, the
successful spreading, developing species have at times broken the bonds of
domestication and established themselves, first in the ruined vegetation that
marks the trail of man's agricultural progress, and then as full members of
natural plant communities.

1. Two types of G. arboreum are established in Africa, race soudanense
in the Sudan and West Africa, and race indicum on the Tanganyika coast, and
formerly in Zambesia.
2. Of G. herbaceum, the annual typical form was the first cotton -of the
Nile Delta. The perennial var. acerifolium was the cotton of the Moslem
empires of West Africa until the introduction of New World species. The
perennial var. africanum is established in natural vegetation in South Africa,
but reasons are given for believing that it was formerly cultivated.
3. G. hirsutum var. punctatum is well established throughout the West
African savannah region, and is also to be found on the Tanganyika coast.
Var. marie-galante is common in the Gold Coast and is recorded from the
Ivory Coast. G. hirsutum proper, Upland cotton, is the commercial cotton of
the rain-fed regions of Africa.
4. G. barbadense occurs sporadically in most parts of Africa, but is only
of importance in the forest regions of Southern Nigeria and Togoland, and in
the Nile valley. In the Nile valley, the development of the Egyptian cotton
crop has involved a revolution in Egyptian agriculture and the evolution of a
new, annual race of G. barbadense.
5. The development of distinct African races of introduced cottons is
discussed, and compared with the development of the acclimatized race of
Upland in India.
6. The interdependence between man and his crop plants is emphasized,
but it is pointed out that some cottons still retain the capacity to escape from
domestication, and to establish themselves in suitable situations in natural

This interpretation of the dissemination of cotton in Africa was developed
in discussion with Dr. R. L. Knight and Mr. E. O. Pearson. Their contributions
of information and criticism are gratefully acknowledged.

Ansari, M. A. (1941): 'Survey of Cottons in Baluchistan' (Ind. J. Agric. Sci.,
xi., p. 59).
Bhola Nath and Govande, G. K. (1943): On the Occurrence of the Complementary
Gene for Crumpled Cp, in Rozi Cotton' (Ind. J. Gen. and PI. Br., iii.,
p. 133).
Bond, W. R. G. (1925): Some Curious Methods of Cultivation in Dongola Province'
(Sudan Notes and Records, viii., p. 97).
Chevalier, A. (1936): 'La systdmatique des Cotonniers originaire de l'Ancien Monde'
(Rev. Bot. Appl. Agr. Trop., xvi., p. 546).
Dudgeon, G. C. (1917): 'History, Development, and Botanical Relationship of
Egyptian Cotton' (Min. Agr., Egypt., 1916, No. 3a).
Gautier, J. (1946): 'La culture du Cotonnier en Afrique Equatoriale frangaise'
(Rev. Bot. Appl. Agr. Trop., No. 279-280, p. 3).
Hutchinson, J. B. (1932): '"Crumpled": A new Dominant in Asiatic Cottons
produced by Complementary Factors' (1. Gen., xxv., p. 281).
---- (1943): 'The Cottons of Jamaica' (Trop. Agr. T'dad, xx., p. 56).
,Silow, R. A., and Stephens, S. G. (1947): In The Evolution of Gossypium.
(Oxford University Press.)
(1947): In The Evolution of Gossypium. (O.U.P.)
and Stephens, S. G. (1944): 'Note on the "French" or "small-seeded"
Cotton grown in the West Indies in the Eighteenth Century' (Trop. Agr.
T'dad, xxi., p. 123).
and --- (1947): In The Evolution of Gossypium. (O.U.P.)
and Dodds, K. S. (1945): 'The Seed Hairs of Gossypium' (Ann.
Bot., N.S., ix., p. 361).
Kenyon, M. (1931): 'Sketch of the Exploration and Settlement of the East African
Coast.' In Caton-Thompson's Zimbabwe Culture. (O.U.P.)
Knight, R. L., and Hutchinson, J. B. (in press): The Evolution of Blackarm Resist-
ance in Cotton.
Quintanilha, A., Beatriz, M. G., and de Eca, L. S. (1948): 'Variedades de Algodao
Cultivadas em Mocambique' (Trabalhos do Centro de Investigacao
Cientifica Algodoeira, i., p. 6). Lourengo Marques.
Stephens, S. G. (1946): 'The Genetics of Corky "' (J. Gen., xlvii., p. 150).
Watt, G. (1907): The Wild and Cultivated Cotton Plants of the World. (Longmans,
---- (1926): 'Gossypium' (Kew Bull., 193).
Wouters, W. (1948): 'Contribution a l'Etude Taxonomique et Caryologique du
Genre Gossypium' (Ministere des Colonies de Belgique).

Readers of Dr. Hutchinson's synopsis of some three decades of work on cotton
species may wish to put certain of the questions raised at the meeting of the Uganda
Society at which he gave a lecture based on this paper. It was asked: "What is

the origin of the common Luganda word for cotton, pamba, derived from Swahili,
since in the standard Swahili dictionary this word has an asterisk indicating that,
in the compilers' opinion, the word is of foreign (i.e. non-African) origin ? After
discussion, Dr. A. N. Gulati, of the Technological Laboratory, Matunga, Bombay,
has put forward the opinion (based on Chapter I of Sir George Watt's Wild and
Cultivated Cotton Plants of the World (Longmans, 1907)) that the word is derived
from a Persian rendering of the word bomba changing 'b' into 'p' (a common
characteristic of the Persian language) and that it was in this form probably intro-
duced to the East African coast by early Shirazi settlers, and thence suffered a vowel
change from pomba to pamba. If this be the case then the original reference was
probably to the Bombax malabaricum, the silk-cotton tree of the Indian coast, or to
the tree cotton Gossypium arboreum to which Dr. Hutchinson makes reference early
in his paper. It is noted that as early as 450 B.c. Herodotus mentions these trees,
which, by Sanscrit writers, are usually called samali or semul, the word now used
for the Kapok tree. Marco Polo (A.D. 1290) speaks of the cotton trees of Gujerat
"which are of great size, and attain an age of twenty years ". He adds that the
cotton of such old trees is used rather for stuffing mattresses and quilts than for
weaving. He also mentions that both Socotra and Albash (Abyssinia) possess
much cotton and manufacture fine buckrams ". This reference to Abyssinian
cottons may be to the interior, but it is more probably to the Benadir coast, where
the growing of cotton in the lower Webbi Shibeli valley, and its weaving in the
coastal towns of Mogadishu, Merka, and Brava, is certainly of ancient date.
A second point raised in discussion was the persistent tradition (recorded by
John Nyakatura in his Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara) that the Abachwezi immigrants
introduced cotton as a plant for certain ritual purposes into Bunyoro. It would be
valuable confirmation of this tradition if botanists, particularly in the Northern and
Western Provinces, would keep their eyes open for old cotton types still persisting
as 'escapes' from former cultivation.
One of these, Gossypium arboreum, is reported from the Kawanda herbarium
to have been found at the foot of Chiawanti rock in Lango district by Messrs.
Badcock and McEwen of the Agricultural Department and subsequently grown
from seed taken from this plant at Serere and Kawanda Agricultural Stations.

Senior Entomologist, Empire Cotton Growing Corporation
THE objects of this paper are to point out the chief insect pests of cotton in
tropical Africa, to relate their distribution and importance to the ecology
of the crop, and to review some of the problems of their control.
Cotton is grown in three main climatic zones in tropical Africa (see Fig. 1).
There are first the semi-arid regions on the southern fringe of the Sahara or
Libyan deserts where cotton is grown under irrigation. The great plain of the







FIG. 1
Distribution of Cotton Growing in Tropical Africa.
I This paper was prepared by Mr. Pearson for the 1948 meeting of the British Associa-
tion and was read, in an abridged form, to Section D at Brighton on 10 September 1948
by Dr. R. C. Rainey, whose additional note is included. It is reprinted by permission of
the Editor from The Empire Cotton Growing Review, Vol. XXVI, No. 2, 1949.

Gezira is the most important of these areas; a similar but as yet much less
developed irrigation scheme exists on the Niger in the French Sudan, and in the
Gash and Tokar regions of the Sudan cotton is grown on inland deltas relying
on seasonal flood water.' All these areas are characterized by centralized
control, an intensively organized system of cultivation, and a high level of yields.
The second and the most extensive of the climatic zones in which cotton is
grown is that with a monsoon climate, the rainfall varying from about thirty to
forty-five inches a year, sharply confined to the hot summer months, the rest of
the year being very dry, at first cool and then, just before the break of the rains,
becoming often exceedingly hot. In this zone to the north of the equator there
is a great cotton-growing belt which stretches through the southern French
Sudan and the northern Ivory Coast, northern Nigeria, and the Chad Province
of French Equatorial Africa, with an outlier in the province of Kordofan in the
Sudan. In the comparable zone south of the equator the cotton-growing areas
are more scattered and diversified, because much of this part of the continent
consists of plateaux or mountains which are not warm enough for cotton.
There are thus the cotton areas of Zululand and the low country of the eastern
Transvaal, central Southern Rhodesia, the coastal plains of eastern Tanganyika,
the Ruzizi valley in the Congo, at the north end of Lake Tanganyika, and the
Lake Province of Tanganyika along the southern margin of Lake Victoria.
There is a western outlier in Angola. These are the great tree savannah areas
of Africa, with a ground cover of grass, and an upper storey which varies from
scattered trees, giving a park-like aspect to the landscape, to close woodland
or even thicket.
The third climatic zone where cotton is grown is the moist equatorial,
characterized by two separate rainy seasons in the year. These regions lie on
the outer fringe of the Guinea rain forests, roughly within 5 degrees on either
side of the equator, and their vegetation has probably been derived from these
forests by the action of fire and cultivation: they are dominated by high grass,
with forest relict trees and gallery forest along the watercourses. Cotton is
grown in such regions in the southern Ivory Coast and southern Nigeria, the
Oubangui Province of French Equatorial Africa, the Equatoria Province of
the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, the Nyanza Province of Kenya, the Belgian Congo
and-most important of all-Uganda.
What has just been said gives the picture of the commercial cotton crop as
it is to-day: to appreciate the distribution of insect pests in this it is necessary
to know something of the history of cotton in Africa (see Fig. 2); for the
whole of the information in the account which follows, I am indebted to J. B.
Hutchinson (1).
Briefly, the situation is that there exist in Africa three indigenous, wild
species of Gossypium, which have a discontinuous distribution, being found in
South-West Africa and also in a long belt just south of the Sahara stretching
from Somaliland on the east to the French Sudan on the west. None of these
is cultivated, for none possesses lint hairs: they are, in fact, like the rest of the
wild cottons, ancient relic species confined to extremely arid habitats. Africa
I Cotton was also grown on the irrigation schemes of the Juba and Webbi Shibeli
(Uebi Scebeli) in Somalia, and of the Orange River in South Africa.


FIG. 2
Distribution of Indigenous Cottons and of Early Introductions from the
Old and New Worlds (see Hutchinson, 1947).

has been invaded by the linted cottons from the east and also from the west.
The oldest cultivated linted cottons are the Asiatic species, brought across from
India by man, which have followed two main trade routes, one across the sub-
Saharan region and the other down the east coast as far as Zululand, and across
the savannah regions to Angola. To-day these are not often cultivated for
other than medicinal or fetish purposes, and exist chiefly as perennial com-
mensal plants or wild escapes.
A second and much later invasion came as a result of the first trading and
slaving contacts between Africa and the New World and has consisted of the
two species which originated in the New World, G. barbadense and G. hirsutum.
The former is the species to which the Egyptian and Sea Island cottons belong,
the latter includes the American Upland cottons. Probably the earliest invader
was the punctatum variety of G. hirsutum, which spread right across the sub-
Saharan dry belt from the west coast, where it is still extensively cultivated for
the native spinning and weaving industry. Another early arrival must have

been the coarse linted types of G. barbadense, now distributed as commensal
cottons throughout the coastal regions of West Africa,' while the so-called
kidney cotton, G. barbadense var. brasiliense, has penetrated right into the heart
of Central Africa from both the east and the west coast along the old slave
routes. Finally there has been, since the beginning of the present century, the
introduction of the American Upland cottons, locally selected derivatives of
which now comprise the whole of the rain-grown export cottons of Africa.
It was, therefore, mainly the semi-arid or savannah regions which were
first invaded by cultivated cotton, and these were in contact with the very arid
areas which are the home of the African wild species. Since the start of cotton
growing for export at the beginning of this century, cotton has been carried into
much higher rainfall areas than it had existed in before, except for the G. barba-
dense which had been established in the forest regions of the west coast and at
isolated points along the slave routes stretching in from the east coast.
The most important fact about the rain-grown cotton crop is that it is
almost exclusively grown by African peasants, farmers whose farms are limited
to the area of land which can be cultivated by one man and his family. Hired
immigrant labour is sometimes used in parts of West Africa and Uganda, and
one occasionally finds a kind of collective system in which certain cultivations
are done by the whole community, but these are the exceptions. The individual
fields of cotton are consequently small, varying between a fraction of an acre
and two or three acres. If an area is thickly populated, the whole countryside
may be cultivated and the density of cotton may be high, but even so it will be
separated by patches of other crops, by homesteads, by uncultivated areas and
by resting land. In less densely settled areas the proportion of natural vegeta-
tion is greater, and patches of cotton may be relatively isolated amongst
surrounding bush. These circumstances have a very important influence on
the attacks of insect pests and they will be mentioned again later.
The connection between cotton and peasant farming is an economic one:
it is difficult to pick cotton by machinery and consequently a lot of labour is
required for harvest, which is a protracted affair. Cheap labour is essential,
and it is therefore a crop well suited to the peasant farmer, whose womenfolk
and children pick the crop as it ripens. The Upland cotton crop has really
always depended upon African labour. In the past the African was taken to
the American cotton: latterly the American cotton has been taken to the African.
Cotton is an important crop in tropical Africa from two points of view-
as a source of supply of raw cotton, and as a source of wealth to the Africans.
The importance of Africa as a source of world supply is perhaps not very
great: over the last three years the whole continental production has been
fairly steady at 10 per cent of world production, and only 3 per cent if the crops
of Egypt and the Sudan are excluded. On the other hand, the most important
producing countries are also the largest consumers: the United States have of
recent years actually consumed more than they produce. So that if we com-
pare the consumption of cotton in the United Kingdom, France, Belgium and
I An interesting recent discovery is that of G. hirsutum var. marie-galante in the
Gold Coast and French West Africa. Evidence suggests an importation from Jamaica
by missionaries during the nineteenth century.

Portugal with the production of their dependencies in tropical Africa, including
the Sudan, we find that the latter amounts to 30 per cent of the former. To-day,
when the countries of Western Europe must depend as much as they can on
sources of raw materials in their own economic zones, the importance of cotton
from tropical Africa is increasingly emphasized.
If African cotton is of importance to Europe as raw material for her indus-
tries, it is of even greater importance to Africans as a source of wealth. In
many places, especially in the semi-arid and the savannah regions, cotton is
the only export cash crop which the peasant grows, and although in some parts
ground-nuts or tobacco may be more valuable, on the whole cotton is of premier
The other export crops of these regions, such as tea, sugar and sisal, are
all grown on plantations: they enter into the African's agricultural economy in
so far as they provide a market for labour and for local foodstuffs, but they are
not directly part of his farming system.
In the moist equatorial regions cotton is perhaps less important-although
it dominates parts of Uganda and the Congo. But the other main African cash
crops of this zone, notably coffee, cocoa and oil palm products, are all orchard
crops, and stand outside the ordinary arable farming activities.
It is these two facts-that cotton is and must be treated as an integral part
of the farming system and that it is one of the most (often the most) important
cash crops-which set cotton apart and make its problems of such importance
to Africa.
That these problems are serious can be realized by comparing the yields
of cotton in tropical Africa with those of other cotton-growing countries.' The
U.S.A. crop to-day averages something like 250 lb. of lint per acre. Accurate
figures for rain-grown cotton in tropical Africa do not exist, but in the best
areas such as Uganda the yield is barely half this figure, and over tropical
Africa as a whole it probably does not exceed one quarter.
These low yields can be accounted for partly by poor soils and inefficient
methods of cultivation. African peasant crops are still largely cultivated by
hand, and this makes heavy demands on labour at certain periods. This is
especially so in climates with a single rainy season, when the first weedings of
food crops coincide with the time when cotton should be cleaned and thinned.
The farmer properly thinks first of his food crops, and cotton suffers in
But apart from purely agricultural factors keeping yields low, there is a
very heavy loss from insect pests, greater perhaps than in any other crop.
Recent years have seen the development of statistically adequate methods for
the estimation not only of pest populations but also of the corresponding crop
losses. By such means an investigation, for example, of the shortcomings of
the Lower River crop in Nyasaland, variously attributed to almost everything
from bad seed to over-population, demonstrated clearly that the main trouble
was in fact Red bollworm (2). Several hundred species of insects are recorded
as attacking cotton in Africa (3), but the vast bulk of the damage is due to seven
pests and our real problems reduce to the control of these. They are:

The Pink bollworm (Platyedra gossypiella), a Tineid.
The American bollworm (Heliothis armigera), a Noctuid.
The Red bollworm (Diparopsis castanea), also a Noctuid.
All the above are moth larvae which eat the flower buds and fruit.
The Cotton Stainers (Dysdercus spp.), Pyrrhocorid bugs which suck the
seeds and green bolls, causing mechanical damage and also transmitting a
yeast-like fungus which kills the lint hairs.
Jassids (Empoasca spp.), leafhoppers which suck the leaf vessels, causing
'Scorch' and checking growth.
Helopeltis sanguineus, a Capsid bug which sucks all green tissues, pro-
ducing lesions and cankers which stop the plant growing or even kill it.
Lygus vosseleri, also a Capsid, which sucks the very young buds and so
prevents the proper formation of leaves and fruit.
The first four are thus pests of the reproductive parts of the plant and do
not affect its structure, the last three attack the vegetative parts and may there-
fore prevent or delay the formation of fruit. The first two are introduced pests,

DYSDERCUS present in .
all tropical African. "
cotton areas except"
H 1 H4 H



H =LOPLT ---- f DTLimitps rof
H = HELOPELTIS I- ( I Diparopsis

Present southern ......
limit of Platyedra

FIG. 3
Distribution of Chief Cotton Pests in Africa.

the rest are species confined to Africa-though some of the genera to which
they belong attack cotton elsewhere in the tropics. The present distribution
of these major pests is shown in Fig. 3.
The ecology of these insects is interesting as showing the different ways in
which insects can become pests of cultivated plants. Two extremes are illus-
trated by Pink bollworm and American bollworm. The former is virtually
restricted to Gossypium. It seems likely that it is indigenous in India, having
been primitively associated with the Asiatic cottons, which originated in the
Sind province, under a semi-arid climate with a short rainy and a long hot, dry
season. Under these conditions Platyedra has a larval diapause: this is usually
passed inside the hollowed-out seed, and it is an obvious adaptation for span-
ning a long dry season when the host plant is not fruiting. But the value of
the diapause was enormously increased when the host plant became domesti-
cated and its seed started to be carried by man. The insect has now spread
with seed to almost every part of the world where cotton is grown, and in
Africa only the Union and the Rhodesias are still free. This extraordinary
success thus'depends on a very close adaptation to cotton and to the conditions
under which primitive cottons existed.
An example of precisely opposite reasons for success is shown by the
American bollworm, Heliothis armigera, whose status as one of the most widely
distributed of all pests is due, not to any close adaptation to one genus, but on
the contrary, to its ability to breed on a very large number of hosts, including
many of the most important crop plants.
The other five pests are all wholly African species. The Red bollworm,
Diparopsis, has, like Platyedra, a very limited host range. It only breeds on
Gossypium, on the closely related Cienfugosa, and, less freely, on Gossypioides
kirkii, also a near relative. The African wild species of cotton occur in such
unfrequented places that their insect fauna is still unknown, but the distribution
and habits of Diparopsis suggest that wild cottons may be its original hosts.
Diparopsis has a discontinuous distribution. It is almost entirely absent
from the equatorial zone, but it occurs in the semi-arid regions, and in the
savannah regions with a well-marked dry season, both north and south of the
equator. It is very well adapted to this type of climate, for the dry season is
passed as a long-term pupa, formed in an earthen cell in the ground. One may
suppose that it moved first from its primitive, indigenous host plants to the
earliest-introduced linted cottons, namely the Asiatic species brought from
India, and spread amongst these across the sub-Saharan zone and also across
the southern dry savannahs. Its present importance as a pest is because modern
commercial cultivation has been taken actually into, or into contact with, the
areas where the insect was already living and to which it was highly adapted.
Red bollworm is thus important right across the sub-Saharan and savannah
belt of the northern hemisphere and, in the southern hemisphere, from Angola
on the west to Mozambique on the east, and in the territories south of these.
Under the more equable conditions of the moist equatorial zone, Diparopsis
does not form resting pupae and consequently depends on a continuous food
supply. In West Africa the New World cottons have been long and widely
established as perennial crops, the punctatum spreading down from the north

to meet the barbadense types coming up from the coast. This chain of peren-
nial cottons has allowed Red bollworm to break out of its original semi-arid
areas and come down, even in the absence of a long-term pupal stage, to the
moist equatorial regions. In East and Central Africa the perennial cottons
have never been widely enough cultivated to allow the infiltrations of Diparopsis
into the moist equatorial zone;' the expansion of cotton cultivation in the
present century has been entirely of annual crops, and the combination of the
close season with the absence of long-term pupae has prevented the insect's
The remaining four pests are all Hemiptera: they have no resting stage
and therefore depend on continuous supplies of food and moisture. Of these
the Cotton Stainer, Dysdercus, is the most widely spread of all the African pests.
This genus has a world-wide distribution in the tropics in association with
plants of the order Malvales, on whose seeds they feed and which are essential
to their breeding. Cotton belongs, of course, to this order, and it is therefore
commonly invaded by stainer populations derived from the wild host plants.
These include several common weeds of cultivation and a very large range of
herbs and trees, many of which are specially abundant in the savannah regions.
There are half a dozen species of cotton stainer of importance in Africa, all
confined to that continent, and all with different climate and host preferences
which determine their distribution and their importance as pests.
Lastly there is the group of pests which attack the vegetative parts of the
plant, of which those most widely distributed in Africa are the leafhoppers of
the genus Empoasca. These jassids attack cotton elsewhere in the tropics,
but the Africa species are indigenous and have a number of hosts amongst
the Malvaceae and other families. They damage the leaves of cotton by feed-
ing on the vessels and interfering with the transport of plant food. They tend
to be more numerous, and their damaging effect more severe, when the plant
is living under difficult conditions, so that they are pre-eminently pests of the
semi-arid or savannah zones. In the moist equatorial zone, and especially in
the extreme form of this-that is, the Belgian Congo and the Guinea forests-
they are not serious pests.
The other two pests have an exactly opposite distribution. Broadly speak-
ing, Helopeltis and Lygus are pests of cotton in the moist equatorial zone,
although both of them do occur where higher altitude and rainfall create
special conditions outside it. Neither cotton nor genera closely related to it
occur naturally in this region, and neither of these Capsids is therefore pre-
adapted to cotton, nor, indeed, do they breed particularly freely on it. They
seem to include it, as it were accidentally, in their food range, and their physio-
logical connection with it has not yet been studied. Comparatively little is
known about Helopeltis sanguineus: it attacks a large number of plants unre-
lated to cotton, and closely related species attack cocoa and tea. Helopeltis
feeds on green tissues, the saliva setting up an intense reaction, producing
1 Recent investigations in Southern Tanganyika suggest that there may be a danger
of Diparopsis moving into cotton in that area via Gossypioides kirkii, which occurs in a
very narrow strip along the east coast of Africa from Kenya to Zululand, and on which
Diparopsis has been found breeding, though in exceedingly small numbers (Author's
note, January 1949).

cankerous lesions, and sometimes killing the plant. Broadly speaking,
Helopeltis is associated with secondary tree savannah derived from tropical
forest: it is not found in dry savannah or more arid types, nor to any
great extend in the purer grasslands. Its peculiarity is that its appearances
are very sporadic: but every few years sees a really devastating outbreak.
The other Capsid, Lygus vosseleri, also a purely African species has a
still more restricted range. It is predominantly a pest of cotton grown towards
the upper limits of altitude of the crop in the moist equatorial zone, that is, in
the grass savannahs of the eastern Congo and Uganda, at altitudes of 3,000 to
4,000 feet. Under the warmer conditions of lower altitudes, in the moist
equatorial zone, as for example in West Africa, it is not a serious pest. Its
range of host plants is incompletely known, but the most important, from a
practical point of view, are Eleusine, or finger millet, and Sorghum, which are
staple food crops. Under certain circumstances these build up very large
populations of Lygus which disperse to cotton when the grain is harvested.
Elsewhere a reservoir of infestation is provided by some of the common weeds
of cultivation or of resting land. On cotton, Lygus feeds exclusively on the
very young bud tissues, causing a reduction of the leaf surface and, in severe
attacks, wholesale distortion of the plant structure. It remains for the
physiologists to explain the connection between this feeding habit on cotton,
and a diet of developing grain on the main hosts.
I want to follow this very much compressed review of what the chief
pests are, and how they arise and are distributed, by dealing briefly with the
problems of their control.
Jassids might be taken first, because they have been, or can be, most
satisfactorily controlled. It has been known empirically for many years that
hairy varieties of cotton are less attacked by jassid, and it has recently been
shown that the size of the jassid population is inversely correlated with the
length and the density of the hairs on the leaf surface (4). It is significant
that the wild cottons, and also the semi-wild Asiatic species of the drier
savannah areas, are all strongly pubescent. The success of commercial cotton
growing in the dry savannah areas depends entirely on the use of hairy varieties,
and the plant breeders' task-which has been largely achieved-has been to
produce these. The Egyptian types of Gossypium barbadense grown in the
Sudan are rather a different case. These do well, although they are almost
glabrous, possibly because their foliage is in some way tougher than that of
Upland cottons, and also because, being grown under irrigation, they do not
suffer the same water-strain as the crops of the savannah regions, where the
rainfall is uncertain. Nevertheless, jassid attack is nowadays recognized as
serious in the northern Gezira, and here the unusually favourable conditions
of large-scale plantation farming have allowed the only successful commercial
use, to date, of insecticides on cotton in Africa. Even here it is likely that
transference of major genes for hairiness will eventually give a permanent and
cheaper solution.
I want now to consider the cases of the Pink bollworm and the Red boll-
worm-both practically limited to cotton as a host, and both equipped with
resting stages in the life cycle. In the former, Platyedra, the very closeness

of the adaptation which has enabled the pest to spread has also exposed it to
the possibility of control. The larval diapause is induced by high temperature
and low humidity, and in the semi-arid Sudan and the savannah regions of the
West African cotton-growing countries, Platyedra normally spans the dead
season as a resting larva inside the seed. Control therefore depends upon seed
treatment, which is a relatively simple matter where the whole crop passes
through ginning factories. Machinery can be used there to raise the tempera-
ture of the seed to such a degree as will kill any larvae inside without affecting
germinating capacity. Efficiency of control depends on the whole crop actually
reaching the ginnery: where a flourishing hand-spinning industry exists, depen-
dent on hand ginning, control breaks down.
In the regions with a less extreme climate, notably the equatorial zone,
control is effected by a double change from the original conditions to which
Pink bollworm was adapted. The diapause is not induced, so that the insect
can only survive by means of a succession of short-term generations, and this
has been made impossible by the substitution of the annual for the perennial
habit of growth in the cultivated cottons.
Such controls as exist for Red bollworm also depend on manipulating the
time and length of the growing season so as to limit the production and the
survival of long-term pupae. Complete control can be got where, as in
the Sudan or in northern Nyasaland, the use of irrigation or controlled flooding
enables one to delay planting until after the time that the last of the long-term
pupae have emerged. This method could be used on the Niger scheme in the
French Sudan, and also in the Shire Valley of Nyasaland if river control proves
feasible there.
A quite different approach-that of growing cotton in the climatic condi-
tions which only allow short-term pupae to be produced, coupled with a strict
close season-is, in effect, in operation in the central and east African moist
equatorial regions, from which Red bollworm is thus excluded, in contrast to
West Africa, where perennial cottons enable it to flourish. To confine crop
production to the moist, equable portion of the year in a strongly marked
monsoon climate is a much more difficult job, because it results in cotton
competing with food crops for the producer's labour at critical times of the
year. In most of its range Red bollworm is therefore very hard to control.
The problems just dealt with are to some extent simplified because both
the bollworms are confined to cotton. We now face the more complicated
cases of pests with many other hosts, amongst which is the American bollworm,
Heliothis. This owes its success to its ability to breed on a range of hosts
which includes many of the most important crop plants, but it is possible to
turn this to account in controlling the pest. Heliothis larvae need to feed on
a succession of developing fruits, and egg-laying consequently coincides with
flower production. Not all crops, however, are equally attractive, and cotton
is not one of the most favoured. Consequently serious infestations only occur
on cotton when there is a gap in the succession of more favoured plants. For
this reason, Heliothis is usually most serious in places like Texas, South Africa,
or the Rhodesias, where large-scale farming is carried on, involving big areas
of-particularly-maize and cotton planted about the same time. The maize

flowers first and produces a generation which then invades the cotton. Cotton
can, however, be pretty well protected by suitably timed successions of maize
and leguminous crops. This may be why, under African peasant farming,
where the numbers of crops, and their dates of planting, are greatly diversified,
this pest is much less troublesome, and epidemics rare.
Problems of even greater complexity are presented by cotton stainers.
These also depend on the place of cotton in the sequence of other food plants,
and in the case of Dysdercus these are wild hosts, instead of cultivated ones,
and consequently involve studies of the ecology of the natural vegetation, and
of stainer populations in it. These populations show a strong tendency to
disperse from their breeding site when they reach maturity, a tendency which
is of course intensified if those sites at the same time are becoming unfavourable,
either through lack of food or lack of cover. Where such a gap in the wild
host sequence is filled by cotton, the latter is invaded. Often this invasion does
not come until the first bolls are opening, in which case control depends on
producing, by agricultural and plant breeding methods, a crop which matures
most of its bolls in a limited time, so that they will pass through the early stages
when they are most susceptible to the disease carried by stainers, before the
latter have had time to multiply within the crop.
The magnitude of the stainer invasion depends on the crop area in relation
to the size and proximity of the wild host populations. Stainers are therefore
usually least serious in places where the density of cotton growing is very high,
and worst in places where cotton growing is still in the experimental stage.
The remedy for serious stainer damage in cotton is thus, in a sense, to grow
more of it. But in several parts of Africa it has been found that the host
sequence is such that cotton is bound to be invaded at an early, susceptible
stage, so that one has either to avoid such places or attempt to eradicate their
wild host population.
In the case of Helopeltis, partly because its outbreaks are sporadic and
partly because it has a very limited distribution in the main cotton areas of the
British territories, we lack the detailed knowledge that we have of other pests.
But over very large tracts of the North Congo, French Equatorial and French
West Africa, it is extremely serious, and work on it is urgently needed.
Finally we come to Lygus, whose distribution is limited but which is of
such great importance because it affects the Uganda and, to a less extent, the
Congo crop. Here again it has been suggested that crop timing may give a
chance of control: early-planted cotton tends to be invaded at an early and
susceptible stage by Lygus populations derived, in certain areas, from weeds of
the grass fallows and, in others, from the maturing grain crops grown in the
first rainy season. Early plantings, despite Lygus attack, eventually give bigger
yields of the varieties at present grown, but it is possible that one could breed
shorter-term varieties, suitable for later planting, and avoiding insect attack.
These would probably fit in better to the farming system. Our principal need
is for more information on the bionomics of Lygus under different conditions.
In this review of cotton pest problems emphasis has been laid on control
methods which depend on detailed knowledge of the ecology of the pests and
their wild and cultivated hosts, and on the place of the latter in the farming

system. This knowledge is fundamental to a proper attack on the pests, from
whatever angle.
But there are evidently strict limits to the use of 'control by evasion', limits
imposed by the place of cotton in systems of African peasant farming. It is
becoming increasingly clear that we have got to look to other methods. The
first is the search for resistance, which requires the testing not only of different
varieties already in cultivation, but the examination of the primitive wild species
and of the reservoir of genes, so far only partially tapped, which may exist in
the centres of variability of the prototypes of the cultivated New World cottons.
Thanks to the work of the geneticists, this material can now be explored in an
orderly and informed manner. The search for resistance will involve both
direct tests and more indirect physiological studies.
The second method is that of direct action by insecticides. So far these
have been little used because of their limitations in African peasant farming.
DDT has been successfully used on cotton in the Sudan because the crop there
has an intrinsically high yield and value, and because its cultivation is so
efficiently organized that spraying costs can be kept low. There are urgent
economic and political reasons for accelerating the transformation of African
peasant farming. One method exists in the development of mechanical
cultivation on a contract or a co-operative basis, thereby automatically giving
a more orderly, regular arrangement of land units, a better control of time of
cropping, and the possibility of organizing insecticidal treatments and even of
carrying them out mechanically. I think the next few years may see big
changes on these lines, and work on the technique of using insecticides under
the usually very difficult conditions of the tropics must be pushed on to be
prepared for it. There are already encouraging preliminary results from this

(1) Hutchinson, J. B., Silow, R. A., and Stephens, S. G. (1947): The Evolution of
Gossypium. Oxford University Press.
(2) Pearson, E. 0., and Mitchell, B. L. (1945): A Report on the Status and Control
of Insect Pests of Cotton in the Lower River Districts of Nyasaland. Zomba:
Government Printer.
(3) Hargreaves, H. (1948): List of Recorded Cotton Insects of the World. London:
Commonwealth Institute of Entomology.
(4) Parnell, F. R., King, H. E.. and Ruston, D. F. (In press.)
In addition to the above, I have drawn freely upon the results of observations,
largely unpublished, made during the course of travels which have covered all the
principal cotton-growing areas of tropical Africa in the last few years, and upon
research work carried out by the Empire Cotton Growing Corporation's staff over
the past twenty years and recorded in reports from Experiment Stations and in
ancillary papers. I should like to express my thanks to my colleague, Dr. Rainey,
who at very short notice took over the task of editing and abridging this paper and
delivering it to the British Association meeting, which I was prevented from attend-
ing by my recall to Uganda.-E.O.P.

The problem to which I personally should like to draw attention is the
search for resistant varieties. This method of control has already been out-
standingly successful in dealing with jassid in southern and eastern Africa, and
is likely to deal similarly with blackarm, a bacterial disease, in the Sudan. It
must be admitted that neither of these examples owes much to entomologists
or bacteriologists; resistance was in fact stumbled on practically ready made,
and brilliantly exploited by the plant breeders at Barberton and the geneticists
at Shambat. The methods used depend in the case of the bacterial disease on
the development of a satisfactory field method of uniform mass inoculation
(which is difficult to envisage for insects), and in the case of the jassid on
the discovery of a measurable plant character (leaf hairs) which provides an
accurate estimate of its resistance.
I suggest that detailed studies of the relationship between the plant and
other pests and diseases might demonstrate other less obvious factors associated
with resistance and susceptibility. Besides direct observations on the widest
possible range of wild and cultivated cotton, indirect methods also show some
promise. Thus, for example, the cotton boll shows marked changes in suscepti-
bility to pests and diseases in the course of its development; and it has been
found that attack by the fungus Nematospora is most damaging at the stage
which is richest in sugars, while young bollworms of all the species appear to
feed selectively upon the stages which represent the richest source of protein
available to them. We cannot, of course, ask the plant breeder to produce
cotton bolls deficient in that sugar or protein; but, where pests and diseases
are limiting factors of such importance to the development not only of a single
crop but of whole African territories, analysis of factors affecting resistance
might well produce results comparable with those given by the chemical studies
of factors affecting yield.


T HE medals awarded by the British South Africa, the Royal Niger, and
the British North Borneo Companies are well known to medallists and are
described in current works of reference. But the existence of a medal issued
by the Imperial British East Africa Company seems almost to have escaped
attention even by the British Museum and the Royal Mint: nor is it referred
to among the Uganda Medals and Decorations described by Sir Edward
Twining in Uganda Journal, Vol. 2 (1935), p. 209.
SThrough the kindness of Lady Jackson it is possible to give an illustration
of the medal from among the decorations of the late Sir Frederick Jackson,
K.C.M.G., C.B. Lord Lugard is known to have possessed this medal which
must accordingly have been awarded for his services in Uganda, since virtually
the whole of his service with the Company was spent in the Uganda Expedition
of 1890-2. Another recipient was Mr. S. S. Bagge, the last survivor of Lugard's
expedition, who died in 1950 at the age of 91.
The medal, which is of silver, has a diameter of 3-9 cm. and hangs from
an ornamental swivelling suspender with a dark-blue ribbon, 3-7 cm. in width,
of a shade similar to that of the Royal Humane Society's medal. The obverse
displays the badge of the Company, a sun in splendour surmounted by a royal
crown: below in a scroll is the Company's motto, "Light and Liberty ", with
an Arabic inscription which may be rendered as "The Reward of Bravery ".
Surrounding all on a fillet are the words: The Imperial British East Africa
Company ". The reverse of the medal is plain except for a wreath of lotus
flowers 2-8 cm in diameter. The recipient's name, F. J. Jackson ", is engraved
on the edge. No medal roll or regulations for its issue have been found. The
London archives of the Chartered Company, in which these would probably be
recorded, have disappeared, and diligent search has, as yet, failed to locate
them, if they still exist.

Sir Frederick Jackson (1860-1929), who was in East Africa from 1884 to
1917, and was Governor of Uganda from 1911 to 1917, held also the East and
Central Africa Medal 1897-99 (the 'Uganda Mutiny Medal') with clasps
'Lubwas' and 'Uganda 1897-98': and the King Edward VII Africa General
Service Medal with clasps 'Uganda 1900' and 'Nandi 1905-06'. Jackson
also took part, as a civilian of the I.B.E.A. Company's service, in the Witu
operations of 17-27 October 1890, under the command of Admiral Fremantle,
then commander-in-chief of the East Indies Station, for which the East
and West Africa Medal 1887-1900 (the mis-called 'West African Medal') with
clasp' Witu 1890' was awarded, but apparently to naval personnel only. Later
he was in Uganda as Acting Commissioner during the 1895 operations against

FIG. 4
The Imperial British East Africa Company Medal.

[face p. 28

Kabarega for which the East and Central Africa Medal 1891-8 was issued;
but, being perforce tied to Government headquarters at Kampala, he did not
qualify for the award.
It is remarkable that Jackson should have been engaged in three Nandi
expeditions-that commanded by Major Trevor Ternon in May/June 1897:1
the abortive operations of July to November 1900, in which he was Chief
Political Officer, under Lieut-Colonel J. T. Evatt (covered by A.G.S. clasp
'Uganda 1900): and the final 'show-down' under Lieut.-Colonel E. G.
Harrison from October 1905 to February 1906. The Nandi country had, by
this last date, become part of the East Africa Protectorate, which fact probably
accounts for the clasp not being mentioned by Twining (op. cit., p. 217), though
certain 4th K.A.R. details from Uganda seem to have been attached (see Jenkins
History of the 4th The King's African Rifles [1911], p. 20). There had been an
earlier punitive expedition against the Nandi-that under Major G. Cunning-
ham in November-December 1895 (see Vandeleur, Campaigning on the Upper
Nile and Niger, 1898): and a very minor affair with one section of the Nandi
tribe by a force under Colonel A. H. Coles in November 1899 which is referred
to on page 31, post.

Since this note was prepared Messrs. A. H. Baldwin Ltd., Numismatists,
3 Robert Street, Adelphi, W.C.2, have drawn my attention to an offer of this
medal at Glendining's on 14 December 1951. This specimen, which bears
no name, hangs from a ring and not from an ornamental suspender. It was
catalogued as "extremely rare" and fetched 10. The auctioneers hazarded
the view that only three specimens of this medal were in existence. This seems
unlikely. P. L. McDermott's British East Africa, 2nd edition, 1895, gives a
list of European staff who served the Chartered Company in Africa. This
comprises some 120 names. Many of these doubtless never saw active service.
But if only one third of them qualified there may have been an issue of forty
medals. It would be of great interest if any reader of the Journal who knows
the present whereabouts of any specimens would inform the Editors. We do
not know, for instance, if it was issued to other than Europeans. Information
as to the whereabouts of the Chartered Company's London records is also much
to be desired.

1 Although this is commonly referred to as a Nandi Expedition (see, Jackson, Early
Days, p. 304, and Cook, Uganda Memories, p. 64), operations were largely directed
against the neighboring Kamasia tribe. No medal seems to have been issued for this
expedition. The clasp Uganda 1897-98' runs from 20 July 1897, the date of the battle
in Buddu against Mwanga (Twining, op. cit., p. 215). The clasp 1898' illustrated by
Twining was awarded for the Ogaden Campaign under Major Quentin.


AMONG the earliest records remaining in the Accountant-General's Office
at Entebbe is the Nandi Station cash book for the period 2 April 1896 to
31 December 1899. Nandi was at that time a part of the Uganda Protectorate:
but it was, from 1 April 1902, incorporated in what is now Kenya Colony.
Transactions in this cash book are recorded almost entirely in the value
of merchandise such as Drill, Americani, Hendesi, Bombay, Kunguru, Gumpty,
Karniki, Blankets, Beads, Cowries, Iron Chains, Iron and Brass Wire, and
Buckets; but odd cash items are recorded for the sale of stamps and game
licences, and for cheques received in settlement of merchandise disposed of to
private individuals. The currency in use at this time was rupees, annas and
pice. Livestock also was dealt with, as the revenue side of the cash book
records the receipt of cows and calves from the Station herd in addition to
sheep and goats received as presents from chiefs. In December 1899 the
receipt of 1,117 sheep and goats valued at 2 rupees 8 annas each is recorded,
with the note, "taken in Nandi Expedition". Of these 164 were distributed
as presents to native allies.
Goods entered on the revenue side of the cash book were acquired either
from merchants or by transfer from other stations such as Ravine, Mumias,
Port Alice and Naivasha. Settlement for these purchases was presumably
effected by payment through Headquarters' account, since, although cheques
were received from private individuals for merchandise taken by them, these
cheques are only noted in the cash book as having been passed to the Chief
Accountant and form no part of the cash book transactions. There is no
indication whether merchandise was purchased at a less price than that at
which it is entered, but issues in payment of services are charged out at the
same rate at which they are entered as received on the revenue side. Any rise
or fall in the value of merchandise held in stock is adjusted through the cash
book. Transactions during a month do not occupy more than three pages and
each month is balanced by the addition of the value of stock in hand. There
is a break in the cash book from 1 August 1897. For this the mutinous
Sudanese troops were doubtless responsible. In the last days of September
1897 they made the civil commandant, Captain Bagnall, a prisoner and looted
the fort, before passing on westwards towards Kavirondo and Busoga. The
next entry in the cash book is dated 11 February 1898 with a record of the
value of goods found buried in Nandi Station.
The expenditure side of the cash book details payments for station labour,
police staff, mail runners, presents for chiefs and purchases of food in the
form of brass wire, beads and cloth: for instance, an issue for police staff pay
consisted of 81 lb. of brass wire at two rupees a lb. and 68 yards Americani at
ten annas a yard.
Other Protectorate account books indicate that from 1900 onwards the use

of merchandise as a currency medium in Uganda tended to diminish until by
1905 cash book entries were entirely in currency. Annas and pice were replaced
by a subsidiary central coinage from 1 April 1907 in both East Africa and

As related on p. 29, there are four reasonably well-recorded Nandi Expedi-
tions, 1895, 1897, 1900, 1905-6; and the mention of a Nandi Expedition at the
end of 1899 brings to light an almost forgotten incident, the story of which is con-
tained in an unpublished despatch to the Foreign Office, dated from Ugowe Bay
I December 1899, by Sir Harry Johnston, the recently appointed Commissioner,
then on his way to Entebbe.
A section of the Nandi tribe had robbed a small Government caravan proceed-
ing from Eldama Ravine to Mumias of 65 goats and sheep besides capturing two
police askaris and the wife of one of them. Major W. H. Cooper, the civil officer
in Nandi, called upon the assailants to restore the stolen people and animals, and
to pay a fine for this and two earlier unpunished raids. But the raiders were in no
mood for submission, though a loyal Nandi chief procured the release of the
Thereupon Johnston authorized Lieut.-Colonel A. H. Coles, with Captain
(later Major-General Sir Cecil) Pereira who had recently been put in charge of
Lumbwa Post (Fort Ternan), to move into the territory of these disaffected chiefs.
This punitive force traversed and retraversed the country. In one or two small
engagements six Nandi were killed without any British casualties; the villages most
concerned were burnt; and 50 head of cattle and 1,100 sheep and goats captured.
These operations extended from about 13 to 20 November 1899.
But the Nandi were not yet tamed; the raiding of railway construction parties
and thefts of telegraph wire continued; and, even after the 1900 operations, it was
necessary, in May 1903, for the District Officers, under the Deputy Commissioner,
Mr. C. W. Hobley, to proceed against the Kamalilo section of the Nandi (see,
Africa. No. 15 (1904), p. 8: and Hobley, From Chartered Company to Crown
Colony, pp. 114-16). Not until after the considerable campaign of 1905-6 did the
Nandi settle down.


AFTER the departure of Selim Bey with Lugard from the west side of Lake
Albert in September 1891, Fadl-el-Mula, the leader of the 1888 mutiny
against Emin Pasha, had remained in the Equatorial Province. In the interval
since Stanley and Emin's withdrawal in April 1889, Fadl-el-Mula had made an
unsuccessful expedition to the west of the Nile, and thereafter decided to estab-
lish himself and his followers on the banks of the river between Dufile and
Lake Albert. He constructed eight small military posts along the banks and
also re-occupied the abandoned station at Pabo. Fadl-el-Mula himself settled
in the most northerly of the river posts, which was not far from Dufile. Shortly
after his arrival the Mahdists appeared before the post and called upon its
garrison to surrender, but they were driven off with loss. Fadl-el-Mula, how-
ever, decided to abandon this post and to move south to Wadelai. He was
suspected of treacherous dealings with the Mahdists and in about March 1891,
eight hundred of his armed followers deserted him and went south to join Selim
Bey at Kavalli's. After that Fadl-el-Mula himself took up his residence at an
island in the river near Wadelai which was known-after the brother of the
chief of that place-as Gimoro's island. A garrison of about twenty men
occupied the old fort at Wadelai (77).
In the meantime a Belgian expedition under the command of Commandant
van Kerckhoven had left Leopoldville in.the Congo Free State on 4th February
1891, to make its way to the banks of the Nile. Kerckhoven himself was
accidentally shot on 10th August 1892, but one of his columns, commanded by
Lieutenant Milz, reached Wadelai on 9th October in that year (78). Milz at
once got into touch with Fadl-el-Mula, who, together with his adherents, agreed
to enter the service of the Congo Free State and accompanied Milz on an
expedition to the west of the Nile. Afterwards they were sent back by Milz
lo occupy posts on the banks of the Nile in the name of the Congo Free State.
One party, three hundred strong, under the command of Fadl-el-Mula himself,
was attacked by Mahdists, apparently at or near the former post on Gimoro's
island (79). Fadl-el-Mula and half his men were killed and the remainder
were taken prisoner. Prior to this a small party of about thirty Sudanese was
attacked and cut up by the Mahdists near a place referred to as Legufin by the
late Brigadier-General Ternan and which may have been in the same locality
as Miani's Galuffi (80). Another party of Fadl-el-Mula's Sudanese was in the
vicinity of Wadelai in February 1894 (81). It appears to have comprised the
remnants of the force that had taken service with the Congo Free State. Find-
ing that food supplies in the region of Wadelai were insufficient, they moved
south along the west bank of the Nile to Mahagi Saghir on the shores of Lake
Albert, where they were found some three months later by Captain Thruston,
transported by him to Bunyoro, and there disbanded. Thruston tells us that
the Alur chief of Mahagi begged and implored him to rid him of this gang of

ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 33
thieves who had eaten him out of hearth and home ". They had received only
one year's pay from the Belgians and the number of slaves and cattle, which
Thruston found in their possession, clearly indicated some of the methods
adopted by them to supplement that pay (82). It is therefore easy to imagine
how Fadl-el-Mula and his mutinous companions had behaved when left to their
own devices in the Acholi country.
Belgian activities in the regions of the upper Nile had by this time given
the British Government some anxiety. Consequently, when Colonel (after-
wards Lieutenant-General Sir Henry) Colvile was appointed Commissioner of
the Uganda Protectorate, he was instructed to protect British interests in the
Nile basin ". As he explained to the British Consul-General at Zanzibar, it
would be necessary (inter alia) to occupy Wadelai, if he was to carry out these
instructions. Accordingly, on 1st February 1894, Major 'Roddy' Owen was
instructed to proceed in a steel boat from Kibiro on Lake Albert to occupy the
place. Owen set out the next day and reached Wadelai two days later. He
found that Pishua alias Wadelai was dead, but he concluded a treaty with the
deceased man's son, Ali, whereby the latter placed himself under British
protection and undertook not to cede his territory or enter into any other
arrangement with any foreign state. The British flag was hoisted on the east
bank and was also planted on the site of Emin's old fort on the west bank.
Owen also entered into an agreement with Adid, "the right hand man of the
Sheikh ", whereby Adid was placed in command of a force of fifty Alur, who
were to garrison the place (83).
Owen found that the Alur at Wadelai had succeeded in falling on small
parties of Nubians and possessing themselves of their rifles; in addition, they
trade largely with Kabarega, King of Bunyoro, giving ivory for guns and
powder ". Though the Alur had co-operated with the Acholi to some extent
against the Sudanese, they were at the time of Owen's visit at war with that
tribe (84).
The military post at Wadelai did not last long. A few months later
Thruston proceeded in the steel boat to Wadelai to pay the men of the garrison.
On arrival he discovered that there was not the slightest pretence of maintaining
a garrison or the least semblance of any military discipline. He accordingly
returned to Bunyoro without paying the men and, on reporting this affair to
Colonel Colvile, he declared the garrison to be disbanded and instructed me to
send a message to Ali to tell him that we did not want to have anything to do
with him" (85).
By an agreement of 12th May 1894, between the British Government and
Leopold II, King of the Belgians, the Lado Enclave on the west bank of the
Nile was leased by the former to become part of the Congo Free State during
the king's reign (86), and thereafter Emin's old station at Wadelai ceased for
the time being to be within the British sphere.
On 9th January 1895, Major Cunningham and Lieutenant Seymour Van-
deleur embarked in the steel boat for a reconnaissance down the Nile (87).
After leaving Lake Albert, they found "there were no villages near the old
fort" at Wadelai and also experienced the greatest difficulty in obtaining
provisions. Proceeding downstream, they stopped to buy chickens and grain

at a place referred to as Unigwe, where the people complained much of being
raided by a chief from the interior called Abu Kra ", who, as will be seen, must
undoubtedly have been Ogwuk, Rwot of Padibe, appearing under a Sudanese
alias. On 14th January the boat reached Dufile and the party camped on the
west bank on the site of Emin's old fort. Wadaw (or Wador), the chief of the
district, came in and on the 15th concluded a treaty with Cunningham whereby
he placed his territory under British protection. The British flag was then
hoisted on both banks of the river. Next day, having again hoisted the flag
at the rapids ten miles farther down stream, Cunningham started on his return
voyage. The boat called at Umia's, a few miles above Dufile on the east bank
of the river. Here the party once more heard of Ogwok. "A man dressed
in a white shirt-hitherto every one had been naked-turned up, saying he
had been sent by Abu Kra, chief living at Fadibek, three days east of Dufile,
to give his salaams. I gave him a small present for his chief, and a letter
informing him that he was in the British sphere of influence (88).
Proceeding upstream proved slow work. Wadelai was not reached until
21st January, where Cunningham had to report that they received a distinctly
hostile reception .... The people said Wadelai ordered them to have nothing
to do with us, as we had abandoned the country, and he feared communication
with us would bring the Mahdists down on him." Cunningham also reported
on the desolate state of the countryside. "Between Wadelai and Dufile the
banks of the river are very little cultivated and sparsely populated. The
people seem in a miserable state, and complain of being constantly raided by
tribes frbm inland. One village we camped at consisted only of men. The
women and children had all been carried off a few days before by a chief called
Balula, said to live two days inland from the east bank, and the chief of the
village had a large spear wound in his back. All along the banks complaints
were made about this Balula. The people were all naked, except a few who
wore skins. The whole way we only encountered three men who wore clothing.
Their arms are chiefly spears; a few guns at Wadelai" (89).
Captain (afterwards Brigadier-General) Ternan visited Wadaw at Dufile
on 9th September 1895. He reported that Wadaw was in an extremely isolated
position. Four months previously the Mahdists had raided a village two
marches north-east of Dufile and Wadaw had little or no communication with
nearby villages downstream. His people were liable to be raided from the
west by members of the Kuku tribe and the danger was nearly as great from
his neighbours on the east bank of the Nile.
On his return voyage Ternan was met at the village of Ayara, on the west
bank of the river, by the brother of the principal Shooli chief Abura. He
said Abura wished to be friendly with the English, and had refused to allow
Kabarega into his country. I am sending Abura a present of cloth, and suggest
making a treaty with him as soon as it can be arranged (90).
On 13th February 1896 the treaty was signed at Faquat" (Pakwach) by
Ternan and marked by Abura, who lived at Keterah. Ternan was given
to understand that he is one of the three or four principal chiefs whose people
make up the Shuli tribe" and that he had a following of two hundred guns of
various kinds. He had "for some time had a feud with Kabarega, whose out-

ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 35
lying herds of cattle occasionally suffered by the raids of Abura's people."
Abura also promised to report any movements by the Mahdists towards the
south. In November of the same year he paid a visit to Ternan at Fajao and
subsequently proceeded from there to Entebbe (91).
All the boat expeditions just described were no more than reconnaissances
made for the purpose of ascertaining what were the activities of the officials of
the Congo Free State and of the Mahdists in the regions of the upper Nile.
The few treaties, which were concluded with local chiefs, were made more
with the object of establishing look-out posts, whence information could be
transmitted to the nearest military headquarters, than with the object of assum-
ing direct or indirect administration of any territory in those regions.
No Belgian officers were encountered during any of these reconnaissances,
though a Belgian officer had paid a flying visit to Wadelai in 1891 and others
eventually established themselves farther down the Nile at Rejaf and Lado.
The European personnel of the Congo Free State were few in number and the
government of that State was hard put to it to consolidate its position in the
extreme limits of its territory.
Similarly, though the British reconnoitring parties not infrequently received
alarmist reports of Mahdist forces alleged to be somewhere in the close vicinity,
it is clear that the Acholi country did not suffer much at the hands of the
Mahdists. The Mahdi himself died in 1885. Shortly afterwards signs began
to appear indicating that the movement started by him was beginning slowly to
spend itself. His successor, the Khalifa Abdullah, was frequently in conflict
with the Nuer, Shilluk, Latuka and other tribes, whose territories lay between
Khartoum and the Acholi country. It was only by way of the river that the
Khalifa's forces could penetrate any distance to the south. Even then their
depredations did not take them very far from the river banks. Their very brief
raid on Dufile in November 1888, and their three subsequent attacks on Fadl-el-
Mula and his followers would seem to have been the only raids which they
made into any part of what is now the Uganda Protectorate. Dangers on the
other side of Khartoum and rebellions in Darfur and other provinces kept the
Khalifa far too occupied to permit of any organized or large-scale operations
in the south.
Individual soldiers in Emin Pasha's forces undoubtedly did desert to the
Mahdists, but there do not appear to have been any wholesale desertions. A
few seem to have joined Kabarega before he was driven out of Bunyoro.
Latterly there was much discontent amongst Emin's soldiers, but, as the case
of Fadl-el-Mula shows, many of those most inclined to mutiny would have
nothing to do with the Mahdists.
In after years a number of individual members of Emin's garrisons and
their sons were found settled amongst the inhabitants of the districts in which
the garrisons had been stationed, but the majority kept together as military units
either under Selim Bey's leadership or else that of Fadl-el-Mula. As seen, the
last of these organized bodies was removed from the vicinity of the Acholi
country by Thruston in 1894 and for some years thereafter the Acholi them-
selves were left to their own devices.
It is evident that after the departure of Emin Pasha there was a good deal

of fighting not only between the Acholi and neighboring tribes, but also
within the tribe itself. In particular, Ogwok, Rwot of Padibe, and Awich, son
of Ochama, the former Rwot of Payera, were constantly at war. Ochama had
been succeeded as chief by his son Labongo, who is alleged to have died by
poison in 1888. He was in his turn succeeded by Awich, another son of
Ochama, who almost at once made war upon Ogwok's people. Reuben
Anywar tells us that: "In 1889, shortly after Awich became Rwot, Atoro the
Rwot of Labongo, came to Awich and suggested that they should make a
raid on a certain field of beans where the Padibe were harvesting their crop,
and as a result the Paira and the Labongo joined forces and attacked the
Padibe; at that time Latigo Luyang was Awich's general. They surrounded
the bean field, cut off the line of retreat to the hills, and killed the Padibe in
great numbers, Awich earning the killer-name of Lutanyomi in the course of
the fight" (92).
But despite setbacks such as this Ogwok, who could still put a hundred
rifles in the field as late as 1900 (93), was able to find the time, means and oppor-
tunity to make war on the Madi near Dufile. Similarly, Awich was able to
indulge in raids on others besides the Padibe. Bere tells us that at this date
he "was busy establishing himself as head of his large and scattered clan,
achieving skill with the rain-stones or taking omens from the entrails of goats
or chickens as circumstances demanded. He led many successful raids against
neighboring clans less numerous than the Payera and too independent to join
forces with them. The Payera lands at this time stretched from Kitgum
to Pakwach and the Murchison Falls (94).
This raiding and fighting was not confined to the two clans just mentioned.
Other clans were likewise indulging in the same pastime and all this belligerency
was greatly stimulated by the fact that practically every Acholi chief of any
consequence was possessed of a number of rifles. Thus, as already seen, Abura
of Patira, who was by no means as important a chief as he made himself out to
be, claimed to have two hundred guns at his disposal. It was reported in 1899
that Awich of Payera could put four hundred to five hundred guns and five
thousand fighting men into the field. When in 1913 the Uganda Government
called in all guns in the Acholi country, it was found that they numbered over
five thousand. Some of the weapons had been obtained in the early days as
presents or by legitimate purchase from the Khartoum traders, but latterly a
considerable number was acquired in fighting with Emin's troops or by purchase
from deserters. They were of varying calibres and efficiency; and though
powder and shot, which appear to have been acquired from Bunyoro in
exchange for ivory and other commodities, were never very easy to obtain, the
existence of these firearms undoubtedly accentuated the tendency to indulge in
internecine vendetta.
The Acholi were, however, not left to their own devices for long. In 1897
reports as to French projects in the regions of the upper Nile led to a change
in the policy of the British Government. In June 1896 Captain Marchand left
France with secret instructions to lead an expedition from the Senegal to the
Nile valley. About the same time other Frenchmen were in Abyssinia, osten-
sibly engaged in the task of exploration, but in reality preparing to make their

ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 37
way down the Sobat and to join forces with Marchand at that river's confluence
with the Nile. Meanwhile, an Anglo-Egyptian army under the command of
Sir Herbert (afterwards Earl) Kitchener began in 1896 its advance southwards
for the conquest of the Sudan. In Kitchener's hands the final result of that
expedition was regarded as a foregone conclusion, but its ultimate success was
a question of time. It was realized that Marchand might be able to achieve

FIG. 5
Map to illustrate events in Acholi Country 1898-1901.

what in fact he did achieve, namely, to forestall Kitchener at Fashoda. It was
therefore decided to despatch another expedition to reach Fashoda from the
south. This expedition was entrusted to the command of Major (afterwards
Major-General Sir) J. R. L. Macdonald, who received orders to make his way
northwards from the region of Mount Elgon.
Macdonald's expedition had, however, to be postponed owing to the mutiny
which broke out among the Sudanese troops in September 1897. For the next
seven months Macdonald, with the aid of all the loyal troops in Uganda, was

fully employed in coping with that situation. The mutineers eventually with-
drew by way of Busoga and Bugerere across Lake Kyoga into the Lango
country, where they made common cause with Kabarega, who had been driven
out of Bunyoro, and with Mwanga, Kabaka of Buganda, who had rebelled
against the Uganda Government in July 1897 and, after being defeated in
Buddu, had made his way across Bunyoro to join forces with Kabarega.
There appeared to be every possibility that the Sudanese mutineers and
their newly-found allies would invite the Mahdists to come to their assistance.
Reports had periodically reached the Uganda Administration to the effect that
this or that Acholi chief was acting as an intermediary between Kabarega and
the Mahdists and had invited the latter into his own country. But as many
of these reports emanated from rival chiefs, who had obvious motives for
spreading false reports, very little reliance can be placed in them. Doubtless
individual chiefs from time to time toyed with the idea of invoking Mahdist aid
for the settlement of their own personal quarrels and some of them may have
been quite ready to conciliate Kabarega by passing on his messages to the
Mahdists. But there appears never to have been any serious rapprochement
between the parties. Certainly, if messages were ever exchanged, nothing of
any moment resulted from them.
There is, however, clear evidence that in 1898 shortly after the junction of
the forces of the Sudanese mutineers and those of Kabarega, one Acholi chief
did make serious approaches to the Mahdists. From 1893 onwards Kabarega,
Mukama of Bunyoro, had been in a state of more or less perpetual war with
the Uganda Administration. At about the time of the commencement of these
hostilities it is said messengers had come to Kabarega from the Mahdi, offering
him assistance, assuring him that he had successfully driven the white man
from his land, and would help Kabarega to do the same. Kabarega had
jeered at the suggestion at the time, but now that his fortunes were so precarious,
he determined to ask for his aid" (95). In the Acholi country there were
chiefs with whom he claimed distant kinship through a remote ancestor called
Labongo. The most important of these kinsmen was Awich, Rwot of Payera
(96). Though in European eyes this tie might be regarded as exceedingly
remote, in both Acholi and Banyoro eyes it was close enough for the Acholi
to feel that they were under a duty of offering an asylum to Kabarega, who
accordingly made his way into the Acholi country and got into touch with
Awich. Kabarega recalled the offer of assistance which he had spurned a few
years before and decided that he must make an appeal for aid to Khartoum.
A mixed party of Acholi and Banyoro were accordingly sent from Alokolum
to get in touch with the Mahdists. We are told that the Banyoro emissaries
were chiefs of impressive stature" and were accompanied by a large retinue.
The Acholi were under the leadership of Okelomwaka and consisted of about
fifty persons. The party appears to have come in contact with the Mahdists
at Panyikwara in what was then Bari territory. We are told that on arrival
"they were quartered a little apart like strangers. When Okelomwaka saw
how they were guarded it seemed to him that their death was being plotted,
and he fled, returning to Acholi two years later in the year 1900." Only two of
Kabarega's emissaries are said to have escaped, the rest being enslaved (97).

ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 39
It was not until May 1898 that Macdonald was able to turn his attention
once more to the arrangements for his expedition to the upper Nile. As
Kabarega and his allies were still raiding spasmodically across the Nile into
northern Bunyoro, a large body of troops had to be retained in Uganda. The
result was that the Uganda Government was unable to supply Macdonald with
as large an escort as had originally been allotted to him. Macdonald had
based his original plans upon the supposition that he would have 330 troops
as an escort. Eventually he had to set out with an escort of only one hundred
to attempt to carry out his original programme with the added danger that he
might find his way blocked by Sudanese mutineers as well as by the Mahdists
and by indigenous tribes, who had the reputation of being warlike and extremely
hostile to Swahili traders who from time to time had visited them.
Macdonald's instructions from the Foreign Office were to endeavour to
secure by treaty a continuous tract of territory between the Uganda Protectorate
and the tenth degree of north latitude. In order to forestall any French expedi-
tion from Abyssinia, he despatched a flying column under the command of
Captain (afterwards Brigadier-General) Herbert Austin to make treaties along
the shore of Lake Rudolf. Macdonald himself took charge of the headquarters
column, an advance party of which left the foothills of Mount Elgon on 27th
July 1898 and made its way in a north-westerly direction across what is now
the Karamoja District. On 21st August the column reached Gule at the foot
of the southern aspect of the Rom Hills. The inhabitants, whom Macdonald
calls "Langus ", but who were in reality Lango-dyang (98) and not inhabitants
of the modern Lango District, proved quite friendly and on 25th August
Macdonald concluded a treaty with the local chief (99). Having been informed
by some Sudanese ex-soldiers, who visited the expedition at Gule, that a strong
body of Sudanese mutineers was somewhere in the close vicinity of Gule,
Macdonald decided to return and bring up the remainder of the column with
the heavy baggage, leaving a small garrison at Gule.
During Macdonald's absence Captain McLoughlin was visited at Gule by
Kilamoyo, Rwot of Kiteng, who showed himself to be well disposed and willing
to sell the expedition some much-needed food. McLoughlin accordingly took
a small party to Kiteng, where he "was visited by the Sultan of Turkan to
whom the chief of Kiteng was subject and whose authority extended over a wide
tract of territory ". On 24th September 1898 McLoughlin concluded treaties
with the Rwot of Turkan. In the meantime information reaching the British
officers at Gule indicated that the Sudanese mutineers were in close proximity
to that place and that the movements of the expedition were being constantly
spied upon by their emissaries. As food appeared to be scarce at Gule and
an advance in that region seemed likely to lead to a clash with the mutineers,
Macdonald recalled the advanced post to Titi, where food was more plentiful.
As Gule was so situated that the mutineers could easily obtain news
regarding any force stationed or passing through there, Macdonald decided to
make a detour farther to the east by continuing his advance from Titi by a pass
through the Solian range. The column set out on 4th October and reached
Solian at the foot of the pass on the western side on 10th October. Next day
Macdonald made a treaty with the local chief. Kiteng was reached on 13th


October. According to Macdonald, Kiteng was the site of an old Egyptian
post, but nothing remained to mark it in any way. The natives were, however,
most anxious that a post in this country should be re-established." Here also.
he found a deputation from Ogwok, Rwot of Padibe, "who had, on hearing
of Captain McLodghlin's former visit to Kiteng, sent his brother with a small
party to make friends. The small embassy, on arriving at Kiteng, found that
the British force had returned to Titi, but waited in hopes of their return."
This time the deputation was not disappointed. On 13th October Macdonald
concluded a treaty with Ogwok's brother and also another treaty with Kilamoyo
of Kiteng. Ogwok's brother undertook to deliver a letter to the commander
of the Anglo-Egyptian gunboats, which were believed to be proceeding up the
Nile from Khartoum to Lado. In that letter Macdonald wrote: Sheikh Aggo,
of Fadibek, the principal chief of the northern Shuli, has made a treaty with
me and answers for Odek, Mile and Achye, and the Bari of Kirri and Rejaf.
He undertakes to send this letter to await your arrival at Lado, and I have to
request that you will reward the bearer with a present of 500 piastres, or their
equivalent in goods."
Rwot Kilamoyo of Kiteng volunteered to accompany the column into the
Latuka country. As he could speak Arabic, his services proved of great value.
The column reached Akol on 14th October and a village called Mozingo at the
base of the Tereteinia Mountains on the following day. At each of these places
Macdonald made a treaty with the local chief. In each case he described the
local inhabitants as "Langu ", that is to say, Lango-dyang. On 21st October
the expedition reached Tarangole in Latuka territory.
Thereafter, in Macdonald's words: "The question arose as to the possi-
bility of a further advance as far as Lado now arose. From questioning the
Sultan and his people it appeared evident that the British gunboats could not
have arrived at Lado. Moreover, there was reason to fear that sudd had
closed the Nile."
"The question of food supply offered an insuperable difficulty. Men
unaccustomed to a diet of groundnuts, the only food to be obtained, soon sicken
and die; there yet remained enough of the reserve rations to feed the column
on its march nearly as far as Lado, but not enough for any part of the return
journey. Our trade goods were nearly exhausted and thus we could not subsist
at Lado or procure food for our return journey unless the gunboats were there
to help us, and to our great disappointment nothing was known of their
approach even."
In these circumstances I decided that, as no useful object could be attained
by reaching Lado, I would not subject my men to unnecessary hardships from
Accordingly, after making a treaty with the Sultan of Latuka, the column
began to retrace its steps. Before setting out Macdonald established in the
Latuka country the first of a chain of posts which he called levy posts ". As
he explained in a despatch of 31st July 1899 to Lord Salisbury, Macdonald had
great hopes of opening up the country by means of such posts. In exchange
for a payment in trade goods the local chief undertook to provide a certain
number of askaris, who were to be available at all times for the work of Her


ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 41
Britannic Majesty's Government, and for the protection of parties trading under
the British flag ". Macdonald advocated that these posts "should be super-
vised by a well-equipped patrol under European officers, which should
periodically visit them from a base in Save (Sebei). The activities of the
(Swahili) traders would thus be under supervision, friendly relations with the
tribes maintained without undue interference, intelligence be gained, and a
great impetus be given to trade and commerce which would further affect the
revenue of the Uganda Railway, and indirectly benefit the Uganda Protec-
torate" (100).
After leaving Tereteinia, where he established a levy post, Macdonald
made a detour from his previous route in order to explore the Kuron Hills.
On 30th October the column reached the "Langu" (Lango-dyang) village of
Lofus at the foot of those hills, where Macdonald made a treaty with the local
,chief. The following day, after a long and arduous march in heavy rain through
the bamboo jungles covering the lower slopes of the Kuron Hills the column
reached the village of Lugutio. Here Rwot Kilamoyo appears to have left
them and to have returned to Kiteng. Before taking his leave, Kilamoyo
entered into an agreement with Macdonald whereby he undertook to maintain
a levy post of twelve askaris in exchange for an annual payment of four loads
ot trade goods. On the same day Macdonald concluded a treaty with the chief
of Ukuti (?Lugutio). On 4th November the column reached the village Loma-
thenik near the southern extremity of the Nangeya Hills, where another treaty
was concluded with the local chief. The column then made its way across
Karamoja to the foothills of Mount Elgon (101).
Whilst Macdonald was thus trying to make his way overland to Lado,
another party was endeavouring to reach the same point by water. On 7th
July 1898, Mr. (afterwards Sir) Ernest Berkeley, Commissioner of the Uganda
Protectorate, addressed two letters to Major (afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel)
Cyril Martyr. In the first he recommended to Martyr the fostering of the
friendly relations already existing between the Acholi and the Uganda Govern-
ment and the establishment for the purpose of posts at Wadelai and Dufile. In
the second letter he ventured to suggest the possibility of activity on our part
still farther north ".
"In regard to this question," he wrote, "I must inform you that I have
no instructions, but I feel convinced that, with foreign expeditions reported
to be making for the Upper Nile, and the advance of the British and Egyptian
troops on Khartoum, it could not fail to be satisfactory to Her Majesty's Govern-
ment that we should obtain closer touch with the Nile to our north."
"I am, therefore, prepared to take the responsibility of requesting you, if
you find you can do it with all reasonable safety, and can overcome the natural
obstacles of the river, to endeavour to reconnoitre and make treaties with local
chiefs as far as Fashoda, which I mention as being our extreme limit to the
"It is unnecessary that, in the conditions above stated, I should specially
urge upon an officer of your experience the importance of avoiding anything
like a disaster, or proceedings or results that might create embarrassments for
Her Majesty's Government. You should in no case but that of self-defence

come in armed collision with the emissaries of a foreign Power or with Abysin-
nians, should you meet any of the latter."
Martyr was also reminded that under the 1894 Agreement with the King
of the Belgians the Congo Free State was entitled to occupy the territories on
the left bank of the Nile and that these rights must accordingly be respected.
After making a number of preliminary land reconnaissances, Martyr
divided his force into three columns. One of these under his own command
was to proceed by water from Fajao, close to the Murchison Falls. The second
was to make its way overland from Fajao to Wadelai. The third under the
command of Captain (afterwards Brigadier-General) F. M. Carleton was to
proceed overland from Foweira by way of Patiko to Dufile. Carleton had
instructions to hoist the British flag at Patiko and to make a treaty with the
local chief.
The river party was provided with an extremely mixed assortment of craft.
Captain (afterwards Brigadier-General) Clement Sykes describes it as follows :
" Our means to this end consisted firstly of a few Baganda canoes brought from
their country in sections on men's heads and sewn together with fibre at Fajao ;
secondly, of a few dug-outs we found at that place which had been handed down
for ages from one generation to another, and which included one patriarchal
tree capable of conveying fifty men at a time; thirdly, of a steel boat which
had been sunk in the Albert Lake, about 25 miles off, some years previously,
and which was at the time being sought for; and lastly, of a steam launch
which had been brought from England in sections."
The baptismal name of the steam launch was the Kenya, but she was known
to the majority of the officers who sailed in her as the Nellie, a name which
more than once crept into official correspondence. She was a very small
launch, capable of carrying not more than ten persons and a limited number
of loads, but she rendered useful service during the next few years and eventually
succumbed to sheer overwork. The steel boat was the same boat as had taken
Owen, Thruston, Cunningham and Ternan to Wadelai and Dufile in previous
years. Sykes was given the task of discovering its resting place and of salving
it. When it was finally resuscitated, Martyr had to report that it was "very
frail and badly in need of tar". The canoes-dug-out and sewn-numbered
only eleven.
This heterogeneous flotilla set out from Fajao on 3rd September 1898 and
reached Wadelai three days later. Martyr found Ali to be "a willing old
man ", though much addicted to drink ", which may perhaps partially explain
the cause of the trouble between him and certain of Martyr's predecessors.
Both Ali and other local chiefs proved to be quite friendly and brought in a
large quantity of supplies. The Union Jack was hoisted with due ceremony
on the east bank of the river. A fort was also constructed on that bank and
handed over to Lieutenant Gage on his arrival overland from Fajao with the
second column consisting of two officers and 115 men.
Martyr then pushed on downstream to Dufile, where he arrived and hoisted
the Union Jack on 13th September. In reporting this, he stated that "the
tribe in this district is Madi and all villages have welcomed our men, in many
instances old friends being recognized ". As he could find no suitable site for

ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 43
a post on the east bank of the Nile, Martyr crossed over to the west (or Belgian)
bank and established a temporary post there on a site adjoining the ruins of
Emin Pasha's old fort. There were no Belgians in or near Dufile at the time.
Consequently, the temporary occupation gave rise to no international incident.
Meanwhile the third column under Carleton was making its way from
Foweira to Dufile by way of Patiko. On arrival here Carleton found no
inhabitants in the vicinity of Baker's old fort and consequently no food supply.
He therefore decided to erect a stockade in the Lamogi valley, above twelve
miles south of Pabo and about sixteen miles west of Patiko in a more populous
and cultivated district. He occupied this position on 16th September 1898
without opposition. Four days later Lieutenant (now Major-General Sir)
Neill Malcolm made a treaty at this new post with three of the neighboring
chiefs. That treaty was in the printed form prescribed by the Foreign Office.
In forwarding it to Lord Salisbury, Berkeley had to report that no more printed
forms were left. Perhaps this may explain why Malcolm and these three chiefs
all joined to execute a single document. It may also explain why no other
treaties were drawn up by the officers of Martyr's expedition. The document
gives the names of the three chiefs as "Alagoyn (Shuli)", "Wirwira (Madi)"
and "Wirjogo (Madi)"--a somewhat curious combination of signatories in
the light of what we know of the history of the two tribes concerned. Alagoin
(otherwise Lagony) lived at Koich, about twenty-five miles north of Foweira
on the way from Foweira to Patiko. He will be mentioned again in these
pages, as also will Wirwira. This last-named was later described by Captain
Delm-Radcliffe as an extraordinary little man ". He lived on the slopes of
the Guruguru Mountain, which overlooked Lamogi, and had been living there
on the occasion when Emin's troops unsuccessfully attacked the place. In
that fighting Wirwira had been severely wounded.
Martyr's column was delayed for some time at Dufile, partly by the
necessity of making arrangements for the establishment of a military station on
the east bank of the Nile and partly because navigation of the Nile between
Dufile and Rejaf was impeded by rapids. It was eventually decided to dis-
mantle the steam launch and transport the sections overland to a place below
the rapids, where they could be reassembled and the vessel relaunched. Her
sections were accordingly carried to Rejaf, where Martyr found Lieutenant-
Colonel Chaltin in command of some Congolese troops. In the previous June
Chaltin had warded off an attack by a strong force of Mahdists, who had fallen
back to Bor. A combined force of Anglo-Belgian troops proceeded from
Rejaf to dislodge them from Bor only to find that the Dervishes had once more
retreated and that further progress downstream was impossible owing to the
sudd. Very clearly it was out of the question for Martyr to reach Fashoda or
to get in touch with any Anglo-Egyptian gun-boats which might be making
their way upstream. The expedition accordingly returned to consolidate the
position farther to the south (102).
Both Macdonald and Martyr had failed in accomplishing the primary
objects of their expeditions, namely to reach Fashoda before Marchand.
Fortunately, the situation which consequently arose was handled on the spot by
Kitchener with consummate tact and due consideration for the susceptibilities

of the gallant and intrepid French commander, who behaved throughout
with a quiet dignity and a soldierly bearing. Thereafter, back in Europe, the
British and French Governments laboured conscientiously to prevent an open
rupture and eventually the latter Government, with admirable grace, surrendered
all claims to an unknown and desolate swamp in Central Africa ".
Macdonald's levy posts were not maintained and for some years no attempt
at direct administration was made in the territories in which he had concluded
treaties. Nevertheless those treaties and the contacts made by him with the
dwellers in those parts provided invaluable foundations upon which others were
later able to build.
Martyr's labours came earlier to fruition. On his return from Bor he
established a station at the north end of the Bedden rapids, which he named
Fort Berkeley. As already mentioned, in his hurried advance northwards he
had temporarily established another post on the west bank of the Nile at Dufile.
As for international reasons this post had to be removed to the other bank,
Martyr transferred it to Afuddu on the west bank of the River Unyama about
eight miles from its confluence with the Nile and close to the spot where Miani
had carved his name upon the tamarind tree nearly forty years before. The
other stations, as already mentioned, had been established by Martyr during
the course of his advance at Wadelai and Lamogi. As Martyr subsequently
explained, these headquarters were set up with the object of combining each
district with one of the principal tribes, namely, the Bari (Fort Berkeley),
Acholi (Afuddu), Madi (Lamogi) and Alur (Wadelai). Each of these stations
was garrisoned by a company of just over one hundred men under the command
of two European officers.
Martyr's instructions had been to press forward to the north as quickly as
possible. Naturally, therefore, he had no time to do more than establish a
chain of military posts along his line of advance. When that advance came to
an end, his troops were very fully employed in constructing buildings at their
new stations. Except for the purpose of maintaining communications, there
was little or no patrolling in the newly-occupied country. Such patrolling as
there was took place for the most part between stations. The sphere of British
influence at this date was virtually limited to the territory west of a line drawn
between Dufile, Afuddu, Lamogi and Fajao (Murchison Falls). East of that
line there were several chiefs who were far from well disposed to the British
administration. Prominent amongst these was Awich of Payera.
In an article entitled 'Christmas under Arms', which appeared in Black-
wood's Magazine for December 1900, Major-General Sir Neill Malcolm gives
an account of how, as a subaltern seconded to the Uganda Rifles, he spent
Christmas of 1898 alone in a fort in the newly reoccupied Shuli country ".
"Three months ago ", he relates, "only the older men in the district had
seen a white face; now a considerable force has marched through and estab-
lished itself in these distant provinces, annexed by Sir Samuel Baker to Egypt
many years before. Some there are who remember the benefits of law and
order established under his strong rule, but there are more who look on us with
suspicion and fear; with the former friendly relations are easily entered into,
but time and more intimate acquaintance with European methods can alone

ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 45
conquer the distrust of the latter. The task of gaining the confidence of the
natives is rendered infinitely more difficult by the fact that after the outbreak of
Mahdism, when the Sudanese troops who now form part of the Uganda Rifles
were cut off from Egypt, they [sic] maintained themselves in these provinces by
force of arms alone. Gleefully will they relate how they drove one chief into
the hills to the west and carried off the whole of his livestock; or how they
fought for two days in the hills to the south and held their own against a com-
bined attack of the Shuli and Madi tribes. Now and then one meets with a
man with an old wound or a shattered limb, who tells you with a grin, that it is
the result of a fight in which he joined against the soldiers who form your escort,
but that now he no longer fears them, and is prepared to let bygones be bygones.
Unfortunately, such reconciliations are rare and cannot altogether be trusted;
but time will work on our side."
The same thing was to be said by others again and again. Memories of
the all too recent past led the inhabitants to look upon the return of the Sudan-
ese soldiers with profound mistrust, if not with absolute terror. The only
saving grace was that they were officered by men of the same race at Baker
Pasha. If only those officers came up to that high standard which Baker Pasha
had once set there might still be hope that there was a good time coming, but
as to this time alone could.tell.
But the revival of law and order was not the only thing which the Acholi
needed to assure them as to the good faith of the new administration. They
wanted protection from the enemy without as well as within the gates. As
already seen, Kabarega, relying upon his claim to kinship with a number of
Acholi chiefs, had taken refuge in their country. With Kabarega were a large
contingent of his many sons as well as other Banyoro adherents, a number of
the Sudanese mutineers, and Mwanga of Buganda with a small remnant of his
adherents. Awich and Kabarega had foregathered in about August 1898,
when, as already stated, an unsuccessful attempt was made to enlist the aid of
the Mahdists. Kabarega was in the habit of moving about with large herds
of cattle, which made him a difficult guest. At the end of 1898 he had to move
on in search of fresh pastures and accordingly made his way into what is now
the Lango District, accompanied by a number of his sons, Mwanga and a small
party of Sudanese mutineers. The main body of the mutineers separated from
him and moved into the north-west corner of the Lango country, not far from
the confines of the Acholi country, where they set to work to build themselves
a strong stockade.
Until these disturbing elements could be rounded up, peaceful adminis-
tration in the Acholi country was out of the question. Early in 1899 Lieutenant-
Colonel (afterwards Brigadier-General) J. T. Evatt undertook the task of dealing
with Kabarega. His force consisted of an Indian contingent, detachments from
Nos. 4 and 13 Companies of the Uganda Rifles and a contingent of Baganda
auxiliaries under the command of Semei Kakunguru and Andereya Luwandaga
Kimbugwe. Learning that Kabarega was on the banks of Lake Kwania, Evatt
set out from Mruli across the Nile. Proceeding by the Maruzi Hills he reached
Chiawanti on the north shore of Lake Kwania on 27th March 1899. Here he
was met, by previous arrangement, by a flotilla of Baganda canoes under

Kakunguru and Kimbugwe, which, in Evatt's own words, "arrived with com-
mendable promptitude ". The canoes were used to ferry the majority of the
force across the lake to Chakwara on the south bank. A landing was effected
there after only a slight resistance on the part of a few of the Sudanese. It
then transpired that Kabarega had fled eastwards with all his cattle and
followers. He was closely followed by Evatt's force. During the next few
days' pursuit some six thousand Banyoro, mostly women and children, but
including some fifty or sixty of Kabarega's family and servants, came out of
hiding in the papyrus swamps and surrendered. As it appeared more than
probable that Kabarega would retreat round the eastern shores of Lake Kwania
and make his way thence to the north, Evatt decided to cross the southern arm
of the lake so as to prevent him. On 7th April some Lango chiefs came and
said they wished for peace. They expressed the strongest animosity against
Kabarega and volunteered to lead the British force to where he was encamped.
Though Evatt felt dubious about their protestations, the Lango kept their word.
On 9th April 1899 Kabarega was surprised as he was leaving the village of
Oyom, near Kangai in Dokolo county of the Lango District.
After a sharp engagement lasting about twenty minutes it was all over.
Kabarega and his party were caught leaving their camp in a dense body and
driving a large herd of cattle. Outflanked they were forced to retire into the
Abalang swamp whither they were followed by their assailants. Kabarega
and two of his sons were captured by Kakunguru. All three had fought
desperately and all three were severely wounded. Kabarega himself had been
shot in one arm and wounded in the other hand. Eventually the arm had to
be amputated. One of his sons (Jasi) died of his wounds three weeks later.
Mwanga was caught unscathed. After his capture he said that he had been
anxious for some time to surrender himself, but the Banyoro would not allow
him to do so. A dozen of the mutineers (including a Sudanese effendi) were
also captured, but a number of the Sudanese and some of Kabarega's sons
managed to get away (103).

(77) Stuhlmann: Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika, pp. 331-3 ; Lugard: Rise
of our East African Empire, ii., pp. 201-6.
(78) Fox Bourne: Civilization in Congoland, pp. 148-50; Boulger: The Congo
State, pp. 125-9.
(79) "At a spot called Gemurra, opposite to Teepa's village on the west bank "
(Ternan: Some Experiences of an Old Bromsgrovian, pp. 215-6).
(80) On the east bank at a place called Werkeh Burra, a mile north of Gelufin "
(Ternan: op. cit., p. 216).
(81) Africa. No. 7 (1895), p. 64.
(82) Thruston: African Incidents, pp. 161-70; Africa. No. 7 (1895), pp. 64-5.
(83) Africa. No. 7 (1895), pp. 47-50.
(84) : p. 62.
(85) Thruston: op. cit., pp. 194-7.
(86) Hertslet: Map of Africa by Treaty, ii., p. 579.

ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 47
(87) Vandeleur: Campaigning on the Upper Nile and Niger, pp. 28-36 (who, at
p. 47, calls the emissary met at Umia's a representative of Abu Sulla,
an important chief living one day's march below Dufile on the right
bank ").
(88) Cunningham to Colvile, 27th January 1895 (Zanzibar Archives).
(89) Vandeleur: op. cit., pp. 47-9; Cunningham to Colvile, 27th January 1895
(Zanzibar Archives).
(90) Ternan: op. cit., pp. 204-19; Ternan to Berkeley, 29th September 1895
(Zanzibar Archives).
(91) : op. cit., pp. 249, 270; Ternan to Berkeley, 24th February and 27th
November, 1896; Berkeley to Lord Salisbury, 3rd November 1896
(Zanzibar Archives). Keterah would appear to equate with Patira,
shown on Delmd-Radcliffe's map on the east bank about eight miles
south of Pakwach.
(92) Anywar: 'Life of Rwot Iburaim Awich ', U.J. 12 (1948), p. 74; cf. Pellegrini:
Acoli Macon, p. 112.
(93) Driberg: 'A Preliminary Account of the Didinga', Sudan Notes and Records,
v., p. 210.
(94) Bere: 'Awich-A Bibliographical Note and a Chapter of Acholi History',
U.J. 10 (1946), p. 77. Awich may have been the Balula of Cunning-
ham's reports.
(95) Fisher: Twilight Tales of the Black Baganda, p. 175. Mrs. Fisher's informant
was Andereya Duhaga, former Mukama of Bunyoro and son of
(96) Bere: 'Notes on the Origin of the Payera Acholi', U.J. 1 (1934), pp. 65-7;
Crazzolara: 'Lwoo People', U.J. 5 (1937-8), pp. 12-21; Pellegrini:
op. cit., pp. 14-24, 45-61.
(97) Anywar: op. cit., p. 76; Fisher: op. cit., pp. 175-6; Lucy Olive Katyanku:
Obwomezi bw'Omukama Duhaga II, pp. 19-20.
(98) The Lango-dyang came into the Acholi country from the north-east or north-
west and appear to have Madi or Bari affinities. The inhabitants of
the modern Lango District are called "Omiru" by the Acholi, sc.,
Emin Pasha's Umiro "--Bere: 'Outline of Acholi History', U.J. 11
(1947), p. 5.
(99) For list of Macdonald's treaties see Appendix A.
(100) For a list of levy posts and the form of agreement in connection therewith
see Appendix B.
(101) Full accounts of Macdonald's expedition are to be found in Austin: With
Macdonald in Uganda; also in Africa. No. 4 (1899): 'Papers relating
to Lieut.-Colonel Macdonald's Expedition', and Africa. No. 9
(1899): 'Report of Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonald, R.E.'
(102) Martyr's expedition is referred to in Africa. No. 4 (1899); Sykes: Service
and Sport on the Tropical Nile; Grogan: From Cape to Cairo; a
letter from The Times correspondent, dated Dufile, 14th September
1898 and published in the Zanzibar Gazette of 10th January 1899;
and an article in the Times of India of 20th February, 1899.
(103) Jackson: Early Days in East Africa, pp. 274-5, and Driberg: The Lango,
p. 34, make brief references to these operations. Fisher: Twilight
Tales of the Black Baganda, pp. 176-8, and Roscoe: Soul of Central
Africa, pp. 138-40, Twenty-five Years in East Africa, pp. 251-2,
Bakitara, p. 89, give accounts from information supplied by Andereya
Duhaga, Kabarega's son and successor, who shared his father's

fortunes after his flight from Bunyoro (Lloyd: Uganda to Khartoum,
pp. 194-5). These accounts in no way conflict with those by Evatt
in his reports. J. W. Nyakatura: Abakama ba Bunyoro-Kitara,
pp. 211-2, and P. Bikunya: Ky 'Abakama be Bunyoro, pp. 74-5,
give short but reliable accounts in Lunyoro. Sir Apolo Kagwa:
Basekabaka be Buganda, pp. 284-8, gives a very full account in
Luganda. But the fullest and most interesting account is that of
Kabarega's grand-daughter, Omubitokati (Princess) Lucy Olive
Katyanku in Obwomezi bw' Omukama Duhaga II, p. 26-37. The
authoress obtained her information from her father, Andereya Duhaga.
It appears that, when finally brought to bay, Kabarega told Kakunguru
to kill him. This Kakunguru refused to do. He had, in fact, great
difficulty in saving Kabarega from the fury of the Baganda and
Sudanese. After his capture Kabarega persuaded his son, Duhaga,
to tear the bandages from his injured arm so that he might bleed to
death, but the attempt was frustrated.


No. County District By whom made Date
1. Save1 Save Capt. H. H. Austin, R.. 15th Dec.
2. Suk2 MaritchCapt. H. H. Austin, .E. 28th Oct.
3. Karamojo3 Manimani Lt A. Hanbury-Tracy, R.H.G. 18th Sept.
4. ,, Bukora4 f 15th Sept.
5. Dodosi 13th Nov.
6. Rom5 Gule 25th Aug.
7. ,, Nangiya Major J. R. L. Macdonald, R.E. 4th Nov.
8. ,, Ukuti9 31st Oct.
9. ,, Solian 1th Oct.
10. Chua6 Chua Capt. G. S. McLoughlin, R.A.M.C. 24th Sept.
11. ,, Kiteng7 13th Oct.
12. Shulis Fadibek8 13th Oct.
13. Langu9 Akeli 15th Oct.
14. ,, Teretenia'o Major J. R. L. Macdonald, R.E. 16th Oct.
15. ,, Kuron 30th Oct.
16. Latuka" Latuka 21st Oct.
17. ,, Logire9 18th Oct.
18. Turkana12 Ngaboto 23rd Oct.
19. ,, Ngamatak 12th Oct.
20. ,, Laramett 5th Oct.
21. ,, Mokode's 2nd Oct.
22. ,, Maraka 2nd Oct.
23. ,, Erikan Capt. H. H. Austin, R.E. 2nd Oct.
24. Marle12 Komogul 24th Sept.
25. ,, Lumian 22nd Sept.
26. Donyiro' Amite 19th Sept.
27. ,, Nakua 17th Sept.
28. Murle'3 Murle 17th Sept.

ACHOLI HISTORY, 1860-1901 49
1 "Region near Mount Elgon-No actual treaties were made, but three [sic] posts
were established on the north side of Mount Elgon at Save and Mbai. The expedition
made friends with the chiefs of the following districts: Kamuni, Bwara, Lukoba, Konde,
Sewatu, Mbai and Save. The people of Ngoko and Sore made friends after first fighting
us. The people of Muhasa and Neia had to be punished for unprovoked attacks"
(Memorandum by Macdonald, dated 9th December, 1898). Captain Austin's treaty with
the chief of Save was concluded six days after the date of the Memorandum.
2 Transferred to the East Africa Protectorate (now Kenya Colony) in 1902.
3 This large country and tribe was [sic] secured by treaties at its principal centres,
Manimani, Bukora and Dodosi. A levy post of six local askaris was established at Titi
where twenty-five days' rations for 300 men have been stored. To show the friendship
of this tribe, I may mention that at Titi the chiefs tried and put to death, without reference
to us, one of their men who threatened one of ours with a spear."
"Jiwe (or Adje)-A section of Karamojo at war with their kin, but who will come
under our influence (Macdonald's Memorandum).
4 The name of the chief was Losherro ".
5 A mountain tribe" (Macdonald's Memorandum).
6 "A semi-Shuli state ruled over by the chief of Turkan, and embracing Turkan,
Kiteng, Umia and Padara (?Pader), secured by treaties with the permanent (?paramount)
chief (of Turkan) and with the chief of Kiteng (Macdonald's Memorandum). Presum-
ably the treaty made by Captain McLoughlin with the chief of the district of Chua is the
treaty made with the paramount chief of the country.
7 The name of the chief is given by Macdonald as Kilamoyo.
8 A Shuli state, secured by treaty with its chief (sc., Ogwok), who sent his brother
as his representative to make a treaty with us. The Bari opposite Rejaf and Kirri
were by request included in the treaty with the chief of Fadibek."
Lira-A Shuli tribe, chiefs of which visited us and made friends, although no actual
treaty was made. Lira is said by some to be friendly to the Uganda mutineers (Mac-
donald's Memorandum). At the foot of the schedule of the treaties Macdonald appends
a note to the effect that this treaty include Odek, Mile and Achye.
9 "A Langu tribe (sc., Lango-dyang), secured by treaties at Akol, Teretenia, Kuron
and Ukuti. A levy post of six local askaris is established in Seretenia [sic] of Teretenia.
A treaty was also made with Logire, a Langu district under Latuka (Macdonald's
10 Transferred to the Sudan in 1926.
11 Transferred to the Sudan in 1914.
12 Transferred to Kenya Colony in 1926.
13 Recognized by the British Government as forming part of Abyssinia by a boundary
agreement of 1908.



Strength Goods
No. Place of Post per annum Date
Men Loads
1. Latuka 35 20 23rd October 1898
2. Sarao 6 2 26th October 1898
3. Teretenia 6 2 28th October 1898
4. Kiteng 12 4 31st October 1898
5. Titi 6 2 13th November 1898
Total 65 30

"I, the undersigned, Lomor Moya, King of Latuka, in consideration of a
six monthly payment of the ten* loads of trade goods mentioned in the margin,
and for the development of trade, do hereby undertake to set aside for the use of
Her Britannic Majesty's Government, within the limits of my kingdom and its
tributary states, a force of thirty-five askaris, to be available at all times for the work
of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, and for the protection of parties trading
under the British flag, always under the proviso that the said force of thirty-five
askaris revert to my own proper services when Her Britannic Majesty's Govern-
ment sees fit to establish regular garrisons in Latuka.
Signed at Loggouren, this the 23rd day of October, 1896.
(Signed) LOMOR MOYA, his X mark."

"I, the undersigned, Major J. R. L. Macdonald, Royal Engineers, on behalf of
Her Britannic Majesty's Government, do hereby undertake that the above mentioned
Lomor Moya, King of Latuka, shall, in consideration of his setting aside the above
mentioned party of thirty-five askaris for the service of Her Britannic Majesty's
Government, receive the six monthly payments detailed above for such period as
Her Britannic Majesty's Government may require the services of the said askaris.
Signed at Loggouren, this the 23rd day of October, 1898.
(Signed) J. R. L. MACDONALD, Major."

I swear the above was truly interpreted in the Arabic language."
(Arabic signature.)
"Witness-to signatures:
(Signed) G. S. MCLOUGHLIN, Surgeon, Captain, A.M.S.
C. E. PEREIRA, Lieutenant, Coldstream Guards.

"Three loads of Americani; one load Bandera; one load Vikoi, Kangas
and Kungurus; two loads brass wire; one load fancy beads; two loads posho



THE control and conservation of the elephant population of Uganda has
been an important part of the work of the Game Department since its estab-
lishment (originally as a department specifically for Elephant Control) in 1925,
and a considerable number of elephants, usually between 600 and 1,000, has
been shot each year in the course of this work. In 1946 I was invited to work
in Uganda for two years to make use of some of the biological material thus
made available, and provision was made for the study of collected material in
England afterwards. For although the elephant has always excited interest,
surprisingly little was known about it beyond the scattered and often fanciful
descriptions of its habits published by hunters. There is very scant knowledge
of the details of the anatomy of the African, or even the Indian, elephant, and
still less of its physiology or of its habits in the wild state. This research owes
its inception to Professor P. A. Buxton, of the London School of Hygiene and
Tropical Medicine, and Captain C. R. S. Pitman, who was then Game Warden
of Uganda. The expenses of the work in Uganda were borne by the Adminis-
tration, while the Colonial Office granted me a Research Fellowship, the
trustees of the Percy Sladen Memorial Fund provided equipment and apparatus,
and an expendable grant was made by the Royal Society. The work would
not have been possible without the ready help of many people in Uganda, not
only European and African members of the Game Department staff, but mem-
bers of administrative and other departments both at Headquarters and up-
country, and the good-natured co-operation of the local population in the
districts where operations were carried out.
It must be remembered that this investigation necessarily had a specific
aim and a restricted field. It would be little use to send one man out into the
spaces of Africa with vague instructions to 'study elephants'. The starting-
point was the fact that control work was making available the carcases of
elephants, and as they are too big to move, the zoologist who would study them
must get himself and his equipment to the dead animal as soon after its death
as possible, and he must have a clear idea of what he wished to do when he
got there. In this case the aim was to study the condition of the reproductive
organs; for examination of the ovaries, uterus, etc., and determination of their
status at the time of death, tell something of the events preceding that moment.
It is a great advantage to be able to combine an examination of the whole
reproductive tract at the time of dissection with the study of selected organs
afterwards in the laboratory. If one can examine enough animals, at different
stages of the life cycle, one can elucidate the pattern of the reproductive cycle,
and reconstruct the sequence of events which constitute the life history of an
average individual. In some measure too, one can understand the physiological
mechanism which governs these events, and compare it with what is known

of other animals, and when one is dealing with an animal as little-known as the
elephant, one is treading new ground nearly all the time.
First catch your elephant: it soon became evident that dead elephants were
not going to be 'laid on' with quite the facility one might have hoped, since
Capt. R. J. D. ('Samaki') Salmon had been compelled by illness to retire
from active hunting. In the event, I was almost entirely dependent upon the
activities of some of the African game guards and my own hunting in their
company. In two years I examined 114 elephants, and when I paid a second
short visit to Uganda in 1950 in the dry season, working under similar conditions
but with the advantage of previous experience, added a further 36 animals in
seven weeks. Altogether, the elephant material upon which this research is
based comprised 150 animals, of which 81 were females. Of these latter 67
were adult, 12 were juvenile, and 2 were very young calves, which have been
of special value in studying the stages of development of the reproductive
organs. Thirty-one of the adult females were pregnant. The conditions under
which the dissections were done allowed little opportunity for extending the
investigation beyond its main objects. Figs. 6 and 7 give some idea of the
scene when a dissection was in progress.
A considerable amount of material was collected beyond what I myself
expect to be able to utilize, and this has been distributed to other zoologists.
My own investigations cover certain aspects of the reproductive cycle, the
structure and development of the reproductive organs, the breeding-season,
fertility, and the role of the ovary, particularly during pregnancy. This part
of the work, which includes what is of most general interest, is now completed,
and will be published in full in an appropriate technical journal. The present
account is an attempt to give the gist of the findings as plainly as possible in
non-technical terms. A start has also been made upon the study of the placenta
and foetal membranes of the elephant; the interest of this study lies in a com-
parison of the means by which different mammals achieve the all-important
end of maintaining the young in the uterus, in the fact that previous knowledge
of the relevant structures in the elephant was virtually nil, and in the light which
all new information of this kind sheds upon these structures in general.
Although scientific accounts of the African elephant are remarkably scanty,
there is a considerable though scattered literature of the species as seen by
hunters and naturalists. It is hoped that this research will not only supplement
the technical accounts with information based upon far more material than
was previously available, as well as much that was previously not available at
all, but that it will also help to clear away the haze with which a host of unsup-
ported and often contradictory statements have surrounded the subject. Nearly
every one of 150 elephants, including infants, juveniles, adults, and ancients,
male and female, has been measured (height, length, feet, tusks, etc.) and the
measurements related to the sex, condition and age of the animals. These
measurements are given in an Appendix to the present account, together with
a description of the way in which they were made. In summarizing the
principal findings that have emerged, we may start with certain facts of practical
importance about tusk growth which are now more clearly known than formerly
because they are now established objectively.

FIG. 6
An early stage in a dissection.

Copyright Plioto by J. r. Ferry
FIG. 7
A later stage of dissection.
[face p. 52


FIG. 8
Upper molars of a big elephant. There are two teeth on
each side. Molar V has eight cusps or laminae on the left
side and seven on the right, while five laminae of Molar VI,
the last of the series, are in use on each side. The tape is
marked in inches.

Copyright Photo by J. S. Perry
FIG. 9
Lower jaw of very old cow elephant showing the last molar teeth (VI) in an
advanced stage of wear.

There is no means of knowing the actual age of a wild animal which cannot
be kept under observation, but the molar teeth of the elephant afford a means of
placing specimens approximately in order of age. There is a succession of six
sets of molars (one on each side of each jaw) and replacement is from behind,
not from beneath. Each of these teeth is made up of a number of laminae or
denticules, each of which is regarded by many authorities as representing a
separate tooth, the molar being, according to this view, a composite structure.
If the jaw is opened, to reveal the developing tooth behind the one which is in
use as the time, it is seen that the laminae are at first separate. They form a
row of thick plates which fuse together during development and when the
crowns begin to wear away the enamel protrudes above the dentine to form
the characteristic diamond' pattern seen in Fig. 8. In general, the later teeth
have a greater number of laminae and are bigger, but this is not a clear guide
to the identity of an individual molar, especially as the anterior laminae are
shed one by one as the tooth is worn. A better guide to the identity of a
particular tooth is the average size of the individual laminae. In the present
work the grinding surfaces of the molar teeth of upper and lower jaws were
photographed, and prints have been prepared to scale so that the thickness of
the laminae can be measured from the diamond-shaped patterns of enamel
exposed at the grinding surface. This, in conjunction with other characteristics
of the teeth, the body measurements, and the comparison between two successive
teeth when two are in the jaw together, made it possible to identify the teeth
with considerable certainty, and the number of laminae still present in the
anterior tooth, with the number in use in the posterior one, made it possible to
arrange the animals in order of the state of the succession, and the degree of
wear of the molar teeth, to form a series which must bear a close relation to
the true order of age.
The animals for which both body-measurements and tusk weight were
known were arranged in approximate order of age as described above, in the
scatter-diagrams shown in Figs. 10 and 11. The symbols indicate body-size,
using the single dimension most clearly related to body-length, and tusk weight,
and the sex of each animal. The diagrams bring out the following points:
Males are in general bigger than females of about the same age, and as
this appears to be true of foetuses and young calves as well, the difference is
evidently characteristic of all stages of growth. In spite of the scatter of the
points a general trend of increasing size with age is evident in both sexes
throughout the series. The degree of scatter is not great, considering the
nature of the material, and indicates a comparatively uniform growth-rate
and adult size among the elephants of Uganda. Few of the immature animals
are included in the diagrams (they are not graphs because the base-line is not
a time-scale but a series of specimens arranged in order), but it is evident that
body growth slows down soon after puberty in the female and probably in the
male also. Thus the animal at 'a' in Fig. 10 was immature while that at 'b'
had borne a calf. The tusks of an adult male are in general very much bigger

160 2
i 400-
z z

350- 4g 4 0

2 0, -20

30 99
" 9 9 o


200 0
I _-----------------

FIG. 10
Body size in relation to sex and age. Each symbol represents one individual elephant.
Solid circle with arrow=male; open circle with cross=female. The animals are
arranged in order of age from left to right, as indicated by the molar teeth. Size is
measured as the length of the body, measurement A of Appendix.

than those of a female of similar age or similar size. Those of the female
appear to cease to grow soon after puberty, while those of the male usually
continue to grow, but at a reduced rate relative to the body. Whereas no
females have very big tusks, those of some males remain small and a male with
small tusks may be quite an old animal. But in some males the tusks appear
to continue at a high rate of growth after puberty so that two bulls of approxi-
mately the same age may, in middle life, have tusks of very different sizes.
There is no evidence that the animals carrying the biggest tusks were older than
some others with tusks of half the weight. On the contrary, it is clear that the
biggest tusks within this series were the product, not of extreme longevity but
of unusually rapid tusk growth. It must be remembered that tusks of a com-
bined weight of more than 200 lb. are not rare, and these very fine specimens
are presumably the product of an unusually rapid tusk growth maintained to
a considerable age. Thus when one shoots a big tusker one is not necessarily
killing a particularly venerable animal. If this were so, indeed, big tuskers
would be much rarer than they are, as Captain Pitman has remarked in the
Game Department Reports.
The food of the elephant appears to consist mainly of the most easily
available fresh vegetation, eaten in enormous quantities but not very thoroughly
digested, with whatever variety offers. In Uganda the diet is predominantly


of grass. The alimentary canal is of a simple pattern and the animal evidently
relies upon a big through-put of material. Internal parasites are relatively
few in number, some thread-worms being almost invariably present and a small
flat-worm (fluke or trematode) occurring in many specimens and being shared
with the buffalo.

This investigation was not directed towards the social structure of elephant
communities: their wandering habits and, particularly in most parts of Uganda,
the difficult terrain they inhabit, would make continual observation difficult.
It is doubtful whether it would be possible to keep a group of elephants under
observation for a long period, but if it could be done it would yield most inter-
esting information from the point of view both of the biologist and the game
warden. I am sceptical of accounts of the separation of bulls from the cows
and calves for parts of the year, with a well-defined pattern of migration related
to breeding, but it is obvious that elephants have some sort of social structure,
while their movements are probably controlled by water requirements.

There is in the London Zoo a young female elephant from Kenya called
Dicksie. She is, for an African elephant, remarkably docile, and with the
co-operation of the Scientific Director of the Zoo and with her keeper's help,

- 125




X x C


. a 0

FIG. 11
Tusk weight in relation to sex and age. Same individuals in same order as Fig. 10.
Crosses represent males, squares represent females.




u. 30-


- 100

- 75 O


- 0so

- 25


it has been possible to measure Dicksie as she stood or lay in different attitudes,
and to examine her teeth from time to time. Dicksie was captured on the
31 October 1940 and was then thought to be 6 to 9 months old. She was
measured a few days later and found to be 80 cm. high at the withers. This
is less than the largest foetus or the smallest calf in the present series, and
although Dicksie was not weighed at the time, her first owner says that he could
lift her clear of the ground. As her birth weight would be about 250 lb. it
is evident that she must have been younger than was thought. It seems likely
that the age of many very young elephant calves has been similarly over-
estimated. As Dicksie's age was known to within a few months and as it was
possible to compare the molar teeth with those of the animals from Uganda, a
useful indication of the age of some of these animals was obtained and it was
shown that the wild elephant usually begins to breed at 10 years old or less,
although some do not breed until they are rather older.
The dentition also made it possible to determine that the female may
continue to breed until extreme old age. Fig. 9 shows the condition of the
molar teeth of a very old cow. Only the last remnants of the last molar (VI)
were present in the lower jaw, but this animal was lactating. By the nature
of the material it is not possible to say how long-lived the wild elephant
normally is, but other workers have estimated that 'extreme age' probably
means about 70 years. The reproductive life of the female, if she survives to
old age, is therefore about 60 years. Perhaps it should be stressed that it is
unwise to base the statistical calculation of expected births, etc., on this informa-
tion in the absence of data about the actual expectation of life of the animal
in whatever place or circumstances are under consideration.
This depends upon the length of the gestation period and the interval
between calving and the next conception. No record of an observed pregnancy
in the African elephant has been found, and estimation of the gestation period
is outside the scope of the present work, but it is probably similar to that of
the Indian elephant, which is known to be, as a rule, 21-22 months. This
investigation has shown that there is a considerable interval between calving
and subsequent mating and conception, and indicates that the interval is, on the
average, similar to the gestation period. The interval is a lactation anoestrus;
that is to say, the cow is suckling a calf and does not come on heat during this
period. Lactation continues beyond this period and overlaps the subsequent
pregnancy. No instance was encountered where a female had come into heat
but had failed to mate and become pregnant. Thus it appears that the female
elephant in the wild state in Uganda calves fairly regularly at intervals of
about 4 years.
Mating occurs at all times of the year, and although it is probably more
frequent about the period of December to February, during the dry season,
there is no well-defined mating season. This statement is not based upon
observed matings but on the times of year when embryos at various stages of

FIG. 12
Illustrating the position of the female reproductive organs in the
adult elephant. The outline was traced from a photograph.

CP ,pyr7g
FIG. 13
Elephant foetus, estimated conception age three to four months.

[face p. 56

gestation were found in pregnant animals. Several in early stages, i.e., not
long after conception, were found at widely different times of year, and the
same is true of others near term, while the fact is further borne out by those
in intermediate stages although the evidence derived from them is by its nature
less conclusive. One of the younger embryos is shown in Fig. 13.
The nature of the phenomenon of' musth' and the function of the temporal
gland secretion remains a mystery. The glands function, at least over a con-
siderable part of the year, not only in adult males but also in juvenile males and
in juvenile and adult females, pregnant and otherwise. Confusion has been
caused, in accounts of both the African elephant and the Indian species, by the
occurrence of musthh' in the male and the absence of marked symptoms of
oestrus or heat in the female, so that it is often stated that "In the elephant it
is the male, and not the female, that comes on heat." This is nonsense. Mating
occurs only at oestrus-that is, when the female is on heat-and the relation
of musthh' to breeding is still obscure. It is not even clear that the musthh
glands' have the same function in Indian and African elephants.
In spite of the warning given about unwarrantable statistics, it is tempting
to speculate about what happened before the rifle came to Africa. It is certain
that elephants were then much more abundant over most parts of Africa, and
in the absence of obvious predators, and the plenteous food-supply, what check
was there to fabulous increase of the elephant population ? Probably the
answer lies in water-supplies. In the dry season enormous numbers may have
gathered in the areas where water was available and the dense concentration
may have resulted in epidemics of anthrax, a disease to which the elephant is
known to be susceptible in Africa. It should be added that the elephant
population was quickly decimated and was very much lower in East Africa in
1900 than it was in 1925 after a quarter of a century of protection. Their
spread was also helped during the years 1900-25 by the reduction of the human
population in the great outbreak of sleeping sickness, while great tracts of
country were abandoned to them as a result of rinderpest outbreaks in the last
years of the nineteenth century. Sir William Gowers, in correspondence with
the writer, raised the question of the effect of hunting upon the numbers,
particularly of bulls. Calculations based on figures given in the Game Reports
showed that the number of bull elephants must be getting perilously low
unless there is a surprising amount of immigration from surrounding territories.
In the writer's opinion, now endorsed by Sir William Gowers, the explanation
probably lies in the mistaken report of a cow elephant as a bull when it is
shot by game guards. This mistake is surprisingly easy to make and the game
guards often reported a bull as a cow, never a cow as a bull. It is not implied
that the game guards are making purposely false returns, for in this work they
were well aware that they should report a cow if they would 'aim to please'.
It must be emphasized that this investigation cannot be expected to yield
information about the actual number of elephants in Uganda, although facts

about the fertility, breeding season, etc., do provide a basis for calculating the
amount of loss which a given number of breeding elephants may be expected
to support.
A few accounts of the anatomy of the elephant have been published, but
nearly all were prior to 1900 and were based on the dissection, under difficult
conditions, of a single animal. Dr. N. B. Eales's detailed monograph on the
anatomy of a male foetus is an exception. The reproductive organs of the
adult male have also been described fairly recently. The present work allowed
of the description of the structure and development of the female reproductive
organs, various stages and a number of animals being available, although as
regards the adults dissected in the field, the conditions of work were hot and
A striking peculiarity of the female reproductive tract is the long canal by
which the female genital and urinary opening is carried round to open under
the belly in a position similar to that of the male. The arrangement is shown
in Fig. 12. Early writers doubted whether, during copulation, the penis could
reach into the vagina proper, because of the length of this outer passage and
the narrowness of its opening into the vagina. The writer has shown that the
vagina is in fact closed in the foetus and opens progressively as puberty
approaches; the difficulty caused to earlier workers was due to their having
only captive animals to study, which retained in some degree the infantile
character. This explained also the variation between individuals described
by earlier writers. Formerly attributed to the fact that the elephant is, as it
were,' at the end of a line' of evolution, the explanation now advanced is that
captive elephants vary in the degree to which they fail to develop normally
like the wild animal.
The testes of the elephant, which are situated inside the abdominal cavity,
near the kidneys, are large, but the ovaries are not particularly so, each being
rather less than the size of one's fist. The ova, or eggs, are minute, and
similar in size to those of all other mammals, even the smallest. The ovary
lies in a capsule, which helps to collect the ova and direct them down the tube
which leads to the uterus. This tube is relatively short, a fact which may be
significant in that the ova appear to take about the same length of time (about
3 days) to travel from the ovary to the uterus in all mammals, and this time is
used in preparing the uterus to receive them. If they slip through too quickly,
or if they take too long on the way, they arrive in the uterus at the wrong
moment and cannot develop.
A capsule around the ovary is found in many mammals, and its formation
in most follows a particular pattern, varying chiefly in the degree to which the
ovary is enfolded. Its development in the elephant is somewhat unusual, and
it was interesting to be able to elucidate its structure with the help of foetal
stages and young animals.
From the physiologist's point of view, the centre of interest of this research
lies in the ovary and the changes which occur in it, especially during pregnancy.

It may be said that previous knowledge of the physiology of reproduction in
the elephant was nil. The number of animals was not large for this purpose,
but the bulk of the individual specimens presented a problem in itself. The
processes were found to be of a unique type and were puzzling for a long time.
The second visit to Uganda for supplementary material, however, made it
possible to prepare what is believed to be a fairly complete account of the
sequence of events in the ovary throughout life.
The central fact of the reproductive physiology of mammals is the reten-
tion of the embryo within the body of the mother during its early development,
and interest is lent to this part of the work by the fact that of all mammals
the elephant has the longest gestation period. There is considerable variety
in the mechanisms that have been evolved for the maintenance of pregnancy,
so the animal which maintains it longest is specially interesting. At first the
investigation pointed to a similarity to the mare in this respect, but this proved
rather misleading, and when the supplementary material became available, a
different picture emerged. It is the picture of an endocrine system (that is,
a system of hormones, or internal secretions) of yet a different pattern, though
resembling that of the mare, and no other animal, in certain important respects.
This is another instance of the fascination of the elephant as the animal that
"does everything differently ".
For pregnancy to continue, it is apparently necessary (in all mammals) for
a particular hormone to be continuously produced and released into the blood
stream. The same hormone is required right from the moment the ovum is
released from the ovary, although fertilization may not occur for some little
time, and it is produced by a gland formed within the ovary, from the tissue
which surrounded and nourished the ovum up to the time of its release. There
is usually one such glandular secreting organ (the yellow body or corpus luteum)
for each ovum released, and animals which, like the elephant, normally produce
one offspring at a time, usually release only one ovum during the heat period,
and only one corpus luteum is formed in the ovary. Among animals of this
type the elephant is, as far as is known, unique in that it normally releases
more than one ovum at a time. Now in some animals the yellow body lasts
throughout pregnancy and appears to be necessary for pregnancy to continue
normally. Its continued activity is dependent on another hormone mechanism
controlled through the pituitary gland at the base of the skull, and operating
of course through the blood stream. But in other cases, the production of the
pregnancy-maintaining hormone is taken over at some point in gestation by
the placenta itself-as happens in man-and the yellow body declines and
disappears long before parturition. In the mare, there is a curious arrange-
ment whereby the original yellow body is supplanted by a set of new ones
about six weeks after conception. This is perhaps a way of contriving the
production of a greater total amount of glandular tissue (of the yellow body
type) than is contained in the single original one. But near mid-pregnancy
these yellow bodies in turn decline and the production of the pregnancy-
maintaining hormone is taken over by the placenta.
The ovaries of a pregnant elephant, at all the stages of gestation that have
been examined, contain not one but a number of yellow bodies, and the

sequence of events deduced from this material is as follows. A number of
ova is released when the female is on heat and each of the ovarian follicles
from which an ovum has been released forms a yellow body and produces
pregnancy-maintaining hormone. One ovum is fertilized and develops, the
rest are wasted. Thus several such glands are produced in the ovaries, and
the number is augmented by the transformation of further follicles without
their first releasing their contained ova. These glands carry the pregnancy,
so to speak, to about half term, and then they are supplanted by a complete
new set, formed in a similar manner, with the wastage of further ova, and this
set lasts until the end of pregnancy.
If it should be asked what use there is in knowing about such mechanisms
in the elephant, or in any animals other than humans and their domestic animals,
it should be remembered how rudimentary our present knowledge of these
fundamental processes is. We have only the crudest idea of what 'causes'
ovulation, and no idea at all of how the attachment of the early embryo to the
wall of the uterus is brought about, or of what controls the other critical stage
in mammalian reproduction, the actual birth of the young.
Mention has already been made of the way in which the embryo is carried
and nourished, the form of the placenta and foetal membranes. Here, the
elephant, while different from all other known mammals except one, is strikingly
similar to that one, which is Hyrax, the Rock Dassie. In spite of the difference
in size and general form, some basic similarities between Hyrax and the elephant
have long been known, showing that both evolved from similar ancestral forms.
That the form of the embryonic membranes should be so similar can hardly be
a coincidence. The resemblance is the more intriguing because, of all the
organs, these are perhaps the most variable between closely related species. I
collected Hyrax from the Ruwenzori region and examined the reproductive
organs for other signs of similarity to the elephant but they are only conspicuous
by their absence.

The investigation was mainly focused upon the reproductive processes in
the female, and less attention was paid to the bulls. It is evident, however,
that they reach puberty at about the same age that females do, and they appear
to remain capable of fertile mating thereafter, and are ready to breed at any
time of year.
Perhaps it may be said that we now have some solid evidence about certain
aspects of the life of a species whose habits have often been described with
more enthusiasm than accuracy, but the writer would not suggest that the
elephant is other than a fascinating animal, or discredit all the stories about it
as travellers' tales. On the contrary, he is convinced that the elephant is unique
in its ways as well as in its physiology, and will retain our interest without the
element of conscious or unconscious invention which has undoubtedly contri-
buted to the content of some of the stories.


The carcases of 144 elephants were measured after death, the animal usually
lying relaxed and upon its side. The measurements taken were selected as being
the least likely to be affected by chance flexure of the head or limbs, as representing
truly linear growth of particular parts of the skeleton, and as providing a basis for
comparison with other records. It was necessary, too, that each should be made
from some well-defined and easily-located point on the surface of the carcase. With
regard to the comparison of this series of measurements with those of others,
measurement C is of particular importance, and its relation to the height at the
withers is discussed below. A tusk which is said to be so many inches long has
usually been measured along the outer curve, corresponding with measurements
K and L. The specimens were all obtained in Uganda, and the particular locality
from which each came is indicated in the table. The localities are numbered 1 to 5,
as follows:
1. North of Gulu, in Acholi District.
2. Toro District, east of Fort Portal.
3. Bwamba Forest, near the Semliki River.
4 and 5. The area adjoining the Lake Albert Game Reserve, to the south-east
of the Reserve, bounded to the north and east by the Victoria Nile and the Kafu
River. Area 4 includes part of the Budongo Forest and is separated from area 5
by the Masindi-Atura road, area 4 being to the north-west and area 5 to the south-
east of the road.
Measurement A. The length along the surface of the skin from the crest of the
occipital region of the skull (the supra-occipital) to a point near the base of the tail
dorsal to the post-anal notch. The latter is well-defined and is about the junction
of the 7th and 8th caudal vertebrae. The ridge of the back of the skull cannot be
seen easily but it can easily be felt as the place where the neck muscles attach to the
skull. This is a good measurement in that it is relatively little affected by the position
of the animal except in a few cases, and it bears a close relation to the length of the
vertebral column.
Measurement B. A caliper measurement from the ear orifice to the post-anal
notch. This is clearly related to A but it was found to be more subject to alteration
with the position of the animal. Both A and B are very much less valuable when
the animal lies in a couchantt' position.
Measurement C. Along the skin from the crest of the scapula (shoulder-blade)
to the sole of the foot. This measurement is closely related to the length of the
fore-limb and has the advantage that the crest of the shoulder-blade is easily located.
It has been found, by measuring living elephants, that this measurement is greater
than the true height at the withers when the animal is standing, but less than the
caliper measurement of the 'height at the withers' of a recumbent animal, as some-
times recorded by hunters. Thus the elephant, Dicksie, at the London Zoo, was
about 220 cm. at the withers in a standing position in May 1949. When she lay
down, measurement C was about 226 cm., while the caliper measurement of the
'height at the withers' in this position was nearly 230 cm. If the line of the limb
skeleton is followed when measuring, the result does not vary greatly with the degree
to which the leg is bent.
Measurement D. The girth, or, in most cases, the distance from the ridge of
the backbone to the mid-ventral line was measured, but in most cases it was found
that distention of the belly by the rapid accumulation of gases after death destroyed

the value of this measurement. This does not apply to foetuses, or when it was
possible to make the measurement soon after death, and only such cases are given
in the table.
Measurement E. Width of the pelvic girdle, across the anterior extremities of
the iliac processes. This is only possible after the skeleton has been exposed and
the meat removed. The pelvic girdle is relatively wider in cows than in bulls.
Measurements F to I. Foot measurements: F, round the edge of the base of
the forefoot (a measurement frequently made and a very good indication of the
animal's size); G, the length of the forefoot, front to rear along the sole; H and I,
similar measurements for the hindfoot.
Measurement J. Width across the skull, from the posterior and ventral corners
of the zygomatic arch (the jugal bone). This is a caliper measurement, made after
the flesh has been removed.
Measurements K to R. Tusks, after extraction: K, length of r. tusk, along
the convex ventral curvature; L, ditto for 1. tusk; M, length of r. tusk, along the
concave dorsal curvature; N, ditto for 1. tusk; 0, girth of r. tusk at level of gum;
P, ditto for 1. tusk; Q, weight of r. tusk in lb.; R, weight of 1. tusk in lb.
It will be seen from the table that the different linear body measurements are
closely related to each other. One or two individuals were noticeably long in
proportion to shoulder height, but in general the relation of height to length was
fairly constant, without any clear tendency to vary with the age or sex of the animal.
The 'circumference' of the forefoot (measurement F) is often said to be 'half the
height at the shoulder' and it will be seen that the two measurements are in fact
closely related. The area of the forefoot evidently increases in proportion to the
weight (or volume) of the body rather than to its linear dimensions, so that the area
of the foot is relatively greater in full-grown animals than in small calves. Another
change during growth is that in the foetus and the very young calf the area of the
hindfoot is greater than that of the forefoot, while the opposite is true of all the older
animals. This is perhaps related to an increase in the size and weight of the head in
proportion to the rest of the body.



Date Loc. Sex

16.1.47 1
16.1.47 1
7.2.47 1
10.2.47 1
10.2.47 1
21.3.47 2 1
21.3.47 2 1
21.3.47 2 $
30.3.47 2 i
30.3.47 2
4.4.47 2 c
11.4:47 2
11.4.47 2 2
11.4.47 2
14.4.47 2 y
10.5.47 2 y
10.5.47 2 y
10.5.47 2 ?
15.5.47 2 ?
15.5.47 2 y
24.5.47 3 9
24.5.47 3 ?
15.7.47 4 0&
28.7.47 4
28.7.47 4
2.8.47 5 ?
2.8.47 5 ?
2.8.47 4
6.8.47 4 d
9.8.47 4
11.8.47 4 ?
11.8.47 4 &
14.8.47 4
17.8.47 5
18.8.47 5 i
9.9.47 5

A-- -

322 267 252
317 269 247
292 247 191
332 272 284
312 264 254
317 279 284
267 237 214

344 284 279
334 294 254
304 249 -
317 274 264
297 249 259
314 289 274
319 294 224

297 259 -

309 269 244
324 297 249
259 239 214
264 242 217
339 302 304
324 274 239
279 272 229
319 302 237
214 178 162

309 284 239
322 297 267
344 292 272
334 292 284
363 322 309
259 204
289 267 252


209 107
- 120
- 120
- 97 130
- 110 145
214 112
- 97 110


41 122
41 122
41 107
46 122
41 112
46 117
33 97

51 140
51 130
39 117
41 117
41 117
44 115
41 115

35 107
41 112
30 86
33 91
51 135
35 102
35 102
41 115
28 79

35 105
42 115
44 115
44 125
52 132
41 110
39 105



Tusk w

P Right

M N 0

100 105 35
66 66 18
56 56 15
142 120 49
- 112 -
79 81 24
81 81 23
91 91 30
86 89 30
84 84 24
79 84 26
84 84 21
86 86 23
79 79 26
102 105 25
56 56 16
66 64 16
115 110 42
96 100 21
79 79 21

89 97 33

81 75 25
110 107 33

142 140 i 47
89 94 31
79 84 26

) 0



11 O
6 6

10 ,


14 S












Date Loc.

9.9.47 5
9.9.47 5
21.9.47 5
24.9.47 5
24.9.47 5
24.9.47 5
26.9.47 5
28.9.47 5
28.9.47 5
28.9.47 5
10.10.47 4
10.10.47 4
27.10.47 4
4.11.47 4
22.11.47 4
22.11.47 4
23.11.47 4
23.11.47 4
23.11.47 4
24.11.47 4
24.11.47 4
6.12.47 5
8.12.47 4
10.12.47 4
24.3.48 6
24.3.48 6
25.3.48 6
25.3.48 6
25.3.48 6
25.3.48 6
25.3.48 6
25.3.48 6
25.3.48 6
28.3.48 6
28.3.48 6
28.3.48 6


S 302 277
$ 329 292
2 289 259
S 353 299
$ 353 292
& 400 332
9 339 302
9 324 274
2 259 237
$ 314 287
o 327 274
g 282 247
? 309 252
& 365 312
' 299 279
o 307 274
? 314 279
$ 188 176
? 252 209
9 307 282
Y 368 329
S 319 277
$ 304 267
Y 307 269
y 304 269
& 284 244
$ 317 244
$ 277 262
( 317 264
& 327 282
& 319 272
& 360 317
& 322 274

& 304 282
& 322 274



257 -
259 -
254 -
302 -
244 -
319 -
274 -
254 -
214 -
274 -
262 -
284 -
264 -
254 -
160 -
222 -
252 -
274 -
249 -
244 -
257 -
239 -
234 -
237 -
274 -
294 -
277 -
312 -
282 -

267 -
274 -





97 117 41 115
- 120 41 115
91 108 39 103
105 132 46 127
95 112 39 107
117 142 50 135
100 122 45 117
95 117 40 115
86 100 35 96
100 125 44 115
97 120 42 115
84 100 33 97
86 105 35 100
- 122 44 117
- 112 41 110
- 112 40 110
91 110 39 107
- 67 23 67
79 96 33 95
97 107 36 105
102 127 45 122
98 115 42 112
100 106 40 103
97 105 33 102
- 112 40 110
89 107 37 102
- 105 35 105
- 115 40 107
- 127 45 119
- 132 45 122
- 117 41 112
- 135 49 130
- 127 45 117

- 125 46 122
- 125 45 120


Tusk weight








161 130 135 39 39 32 33
130 107 112 33 34 24 25
- 84 29 16 -
157 118 132 41 39 35 36

134 122 122 33 33 24 23
117 95 102 31 31 20 21

86 85 79


28.3.48 6 9 279 247 232 -
7.4.48 6 5 287 244 242 -
7.4.48 6 9 294 254 244 -
7.4.48 6 [ 214 181 168 -
7.4.48 6 9 294 252 232 212
7.4.48 6 9 319 264 249 227
7.5.48 6 d 267 239 234 209
7.5.48 6 & 304 252 257 219
7.5.48 6 5 259 214 219 198
11.5.48 6 9 317 287 264 -
11.5.48 6 ? 254 227 202
11.5.48 6 9 319 274 -
11.5.48 6 9 317 284 254 -
11.5.48 6 d 299 247 -
11.6.48 6 9 322 272 267 -
11.6.48 4 d 327 284 269 -
16.6.48 4 S 294 259 239 -
16.6.48 4 9 297 264 254 -
16.6.48 4 T 324 319 -
30.6.48 5 5 307 274 262 -
10.7.48 5 S 322 284 267 -
10.7.48 5 9 314 279 262 -
15.7.48 4 9 312 282 257 -
23.7.48 4 S 327 292 274 249
26.7.48 4 S 327 272 282 237
6.8.48 4 5 339 287 259 -
6.8.48 4 & 332 282 274 244
6.8.48 4 S 319 284 264 244
6.8.48 4 324 294 267 254
6.8.48 4 S 347 312 289 262
9.8.48 4 5 344 297 292 249
9.8.48 5 S 304 287 -
9.8.48 5 S 347 307 294 -
15.9.48 5 S 383 329 319 -
20.9.48 5 S 299 269 244 -
20.9.48 5 S 297 267 242 -
20.9.48 5 S 337 304 294
5.10.48 4 5 304 259 247 222
5.10.48 4 S 355 307 292 -
5.10.48 4 S 319 274 244 234
16.10.48 5 o 342 304 309

84 106 37 100 41
81 110 40 107 44
86 105 39 102 41
61 79 28 76 31
86 107 37 102 42
87 112 39 107 45
86 107 37 105 44
91 117 43 110 45
76 100 35 95 41
86 122 43 116 47
76 91 33 93 39
87 -
86 117 41 115 46
- o o -
100 120 44 -
100 122 43 115 46
87 106 35 105 42
97 108 39 107 44

95 117 41 115 46
97 122 44 115 46
100 112 39 107 44
97 110 39 107 44
105 135 47 130 51
96 120 41 115 49
- 122 42 115 48
97 125 42 117 46
97 124 41 117 47
95 120 41 116 46
101 125 45 117 49
- 131 44 122 50
137 46 131 49
131 45 127 50
115 145 49 133 56
86 110 39 105 44
86 112 39 107 44
132 45 127 49
112 39 107 44
140 49 132 54
115 39 111 46
142 51 130 54

52 87 88 79 81 19 20 8
52 111 102 102 91 26 28 15
51 86 66 76 56 20 20 7
39 54 54 49 49 18 18 3
51 115 105 23 12
54 110 1071 97 97 25 25 13
47 91 99 81 86 23 23 7
55 132 120 120 107 33 31 21 :
46 110 91 94 79 25 25 12
54 117 117 100 102 28 28 18
46 61 64 54 56 16 15 3
52 97 95 86 81 22 22 8
54 120 112 105 95 28 25 20
49 99 99 91 86 25 25 12
57 107 109 95 95 26 25 15
56 99 99 84 86 33 33 16
50 87 87 79 79 25 25 10
- 101 107 99 95 23 23 13
54 105 99 95 95 29 29 17
55 86 76 29
54 83 86 71 76 23 24 10
51 83 87 79 81 21 21 9
54 116 114 101 100 31 31 18
56 123 124 107 110 39 38 30
60 132 134 115 117 35 35 27
54 124 121 110 107 35 35 26
55 106 109 89 94 30 30 16
59 124 124 105 102 335 5 27
- 166 168 150 142 40 42 46
137 137 118 125 41 40 35
- 141 146 122 125 41 39 34
51 99 102 84 89 26 26 12
60 142 157 120 132 40 41 32
51 99 107 86 91 26 26 14

,_______________________ _,__ r_.- ----_ __--,__- -



Tusk weight

K L N M N 0 P Right Left

No. Date




FIG. 14
Rwagimba: general view of hot spring.

FIG. 15
Rwagimba hot spring: some out-patients.

[face p. 67



T HE spring, Rwagimba, literally ".that which pushes or jets out ", is situated
not far from Kisomoro and Kabale in Bunyangabo County.' It is widely
known for the healing powers of its hot sulphurous waters, which are used
both for washing and drinking, so that people, particularly those suffering from
skin diseases, come from far off to get the benefit from them. By local tradition,
this has been the practice for generations. The Mukama of Toro himself took
a 'course' there in March 1949, and the mud huts and fences then erected are
still standing. The healing powers of the spring are believed to be under the
spiritual sway of Ndahura, that famous Muchwezi warrior whose career ended
so disastrously with defeat and smallpox, that his name for long was used as a
pseudonym for smallpox (Ndahura's disease). The hot waters of Rwagimba
spring run into two rock-pools which lie, one below the other, within a few
yards of the ice-cold trout-stocked waters of the Ruimi river. For the bather,
the change from one water to the other is pleasantly stimulating.
The spring is owned jointly by two large peasant clans, the Bachwamba
and the Basambu, and its keeper is always a man, a Muchwamba clansman,
married to a woman Musambu. At present the keeper is a Muchwamba
named Maliziku, but he cannot exercise full powers, for it is the woman who
is the actual 'priestess' of the spring. In her, from time to time, when she
becomes 'possessed' the spirit of the Muchwezi Ndahura is believed to become
immanent. This balance of male and female functions is a common type of
ritual pattern found not only in Uganda, but in many other parts of the world.
Many readers will be familiar with 'grottoes' dedicated to this or that saint,
which are found all over southern Europe as survivals of similar practices
and beliefs.
All the tombs or shrines of the divine kings of Uganda have (or had)
their female medium of this type, what the Greeks would call a pythonesss ',
who interpreted the wishes of the spirit (the agathos daimon) and gave oracles
from time to time. It may be noted that Ndahura's spirit is not normally
regarded as being immanent in the spring Rwagimba itself, but in the shrine
maintained nearby the keeper's house, where small offerings of food and beer
are made. It is said that at certain times of the year, at the rising of the new
moon, it was customary to offer a young lamb to Ndahura. This was formerly
provided by the Mukama of Toro, who sent it as an offering for his health, just
as the Mukama of Bunyoro used each year to send a black bull to be thrown
into the great chasm of Fajao (Murchison Falls) as an offering to the spirit of
Kiyira the Nile for the prosperity of his people. The spirit of Ndahura only
becomes immanent in the spring Rwagimba when the waters are 'troubled',
I Lat. 0* 28' 30" N, long. 30 06' 30" E: see map Africa 1:250,000, sheet North
A36/S, Fort Portal (1927).

and in this connection it is interesting to compare these beliefs with those
described among the Jews relating to the pool of Bethesda.1
Shortly after the Mukama's visit in May 1949, a man died while bathing
in the large fenced-off pool below the spring, and this was taken as evidence
that Ndahura was angry, and it was felt that to purify the pool it was necessary
that some special sacrifice should be made. This has led to some trouble, for
the present keeper of the shrine has been unable to find a suitable woman of
the Basamba clan ready to marry him, to'take on the duties of medium and to
perform the necessary sacrifice of lustration. (It is not improbable that material
considerations of cash-that he is not prepared to pay enough-are involved.)
The Bachwamba consider that the pool should not be used until a proper
sacrifice is made, but this does not stop people bathing in it today, though a
slight sanction of fear may tend to increase their offerings.
As a precautionary action, the pool has been dammed to prevent the hot
water flowing into the lower pool. There is also supposed to be a tabu on
sexual intercourse anywhere near the pool except by the keeper and his wife.
This is of course a normal ritual safeguard.
The hot springs bring in a small but regular revenue of offerings to the
keeper from peasants when seeking permission to bathe. It will be interesting
to see whether in a developing economy-the site of the terminus of the projected
railway to serve the Kilembe copper mine is less than 25 miles distant-this
hot spring turns into a Spa, like Buxton or Harrogate, where (under the eye of
a keen African medical officer) future local ladies and gentlemen will reduce
their figures and their aches and pains by sipping of the sacred waters of

1 "Now there is at Jerusalem by the sheep market a pool, which is called in the
Hebrew tongue Bethesda, having five porches. In these lay a great multitude of impotent
folk, of blind, halt, withered, waiting for the moving of the water. For an angel went
down at a certain season into the pool, and troubled the water: whosoever then first after
the troubling of the water stepped in was made whole of whatsoever disease he had."--
John v. 2-4.

THERE was recently held in Karamoja, a great ceremony in which all the
tribes took part. It was the occasion of the killing of what I have decided
to call an 'ox of invocation'.' Some Europeans call this special ox a dancing-
ox', a title which is apt to mislead a stranger into imagining an animal possessed
of unusual physical powers. It is the custom at Karamojong dances for each
man to simulate acts of bravery, invoking the while the aid of his special ox, by
calling out its name, and brandishing his spear. For instance, a man who owns
a white ox may shout as he charges towards his real or imaginary enemy,
"Aber ng'olotimong akwangan!" Aber is not translatable, but the general
meaning of the phrase may be taken as Strength through the great white ox."
This invocation so increases the owner's courage that it would be quite unthink-
able for him to run away, however great the danger.
If a man kills a fierce animal or an enemy, after having invoked the aid of
his ox, he is entitled to make a number of slits in his ox's ears, and it is suggested
that an ox is inclined to despise a master who is unable to decorate him in
this way.
Occasionally a man exchanges his special ox for another of different colour
or horn-shape. Such oxen are named according to a special list of clan names,
or descriptively on account of the shape of the horns (which are beaten into
shape with a stone while still immature), or on account of their colour.
It is easy to imagine how greatly the Karamojong prize these special oxen.
In fact they are more highly esteemed than parents, wife, children, or any other
possession, and the relationship becomes almost a religious one, as of a man to
his guardian angel. It is considered most unpropitious for an ox to die before
his master. Should it do so, the owner will take off all his ornaments and
mourn for many days. If the owner should die first, the ox will be killed to
accompany its master on his last long journey.
Some men, when they see that their oxen have become old and feeble, may
decide to kill them, and this is what happened on the occasion which is described
below. But only men belonging to the two elder age-groups, the Ng'itukoi and
the Ng'imoru, would be allowed to do this.
A man announced recently that on a certain day he would kill his special
ox, and the news of this spread rapidly through the countryside. On the date
fixed, representatives of all the five counties (Pian, Bokora, Dodoth, Mathiniko
and Jie) were gathered on the ceremonial ground used for local and inter-tribal
feasts and dances. The elders, as is the custom, were seated behind the circle
of leaves prepared for them, while the sticks, on which the hind legs of the oxen
would be placed, were laid in the centre before the chief elder. Then the ox of
1 The animal here referred to as an 'ox of invocation' is presumably the creature
referred to by Mr. Gulliver in the following article as a 'bell-ox'. Mrs. Clark's account
is given first as it describes the phenomenon as a visitor might see it. Mr. Gulliver's
subsequent article puts the matter into its social context.-[ED.]

invocation was slaughtered with much shouting and charging, the owner, dressed
in full ceremonial dress of ostrich feathers from head to toe, standing by but
not himself spearing the animal. When the carcase was cut up the hind legs
were carried and laid upon the pile of prepared sticks. Then followed more
leaping and charging as other animals were slaughtered for the guests, fifteen
or more beasts on the ceremonial ground, and still more later on at the village.
While the slaughtering was going on many mimic feats of bravery were
performed before the elders, but they remained sitting on their stools around
the circle, listening with nonchalance to the recitation of the great deeds done
in the name of this or that ox, and were quite unmoved by the continual
charges and threatening attitudes adopted by the young warriors. This was
not altogether surprising as all dancing was done with sheathed spears.
After the slaughtering of the animals, the serious dancing began. It was
not true dancing in the sense of a formal rhythm and step; but was more of a
series of mimed interludes, which were performed by almost everyone present,
both sexes joining in. It is said that each clan has its own special dance or
mime, which it alone has the right to perform, though others may, of course,
join in support.
The following 'acts' were seen:
Nitomei (Elephants)
(a) The Elephant dance. An imitation of elephants walking with their
trunks upraised, heads waving and one hand outstretched for the trunk,
accompanied by roaring and squealing.
(b) Baboon dancer Most realistic, with the scratching, eating and nursing
actions well done.

Ng'ipyan (Spirits)
(a) Spirit dance, with actions as of blowing up a fire and smoke rising.
(b) Grass dance. Holding hands and spreading out as the ubiquitous grass
(c) Flood dance. This was an imitation of a winding river in flood, sticks
held horizontally in the hands, and raised as the flood increases.
(d) Crocodile dance. Jumping as if into water, then bending with mouths
open, and snatching at fish.
Ng'matheniko (from Ng'imaniko =bulls)
(a) Cattle dance. This consisted of leaping and frisking like young cattle,
shaking heads like bulls or staring.
(b) Giraffe dance. Each person carried a stick raised for the head and
neck, and the peculiar gait of the giraffe was very well imitated. Indeed
it was one of the few dances that could be guessed by a stranger without
the help of an informant.
Ng'ibokora (Claws)
(a) Tortoise dance. This was not a particularly interesting performance,
being merely a slow procession and a croaking like frogs.

Ng'imothing'o (Waterbuck)
(a) The Waterbuck dance. This was a trifle more exciting, the waterbuck
rushing to attack two spearsmen, who stood ready with spears raised.
(b) The Hyena dance. This was another well-imitated performance,
especially the laugh of the hyena. Here again, however, as in all the
others, there was not much else to it but walking round and round.
During these various 'acts' the elders were given the choicest bits of meat
which had previously been thrown on the fire and scorched.
The representatives of visiting tribes were all lodged in the neighboring
villages of the clan to which the killer of the invocation ox belonged, and the
revellings and feasts continued there for several days after the initial ceremony.
The man concerned has since taken a new young ox, and it is hoped that
it will stimulate him to fresh deeds of valour. He has at any rate the satisfaction
of having gained great local prestige by his generosity, and the occasion of the
slaughter of his special ox will be the talk of the countryside for a long time
to come.



T HE Jie form an independent tribe of the Karamojong Cluster in the Kara-
moja District. At the 1948 Census they numbered about 18,200. They
have a mixed economy of agriculture and animal husbandry, with a strong
emphasis on the latter.
Apart from the ordinary herds of cattle, which are severally owned by
groups of full-brothers, every male has several bell-oxen of his own. A boy
is given his first ox at the age of three or four, and most adults have at least
five, often more. These animals always live in the cattle camps. Although a
boy will be given his first bell-ox by his father or brother, in later adult life he
usually begs them from other men. It is a method of beginning or strengthen-
ing a bond of friendship. Thus if a man sees a castrated male calf which takes
his fancy, an attempt is made to beg it from its owner. Bell-oxen are also
sometimes taken from one's own herd-there is no bar to this-but it is
preferred to beg it and thereby to create a friendship. The owner will return
the compliment later, and exercise the right to demand an animal when he
himself wants another ox-bell, or when he is assembling a bridewealth payment.
A bell-ox is distinguished in various ways from ordinary oxen. Firstly, it
is usually a large sleek beast, being chosen as a calf for such qualities. A
bell-ox which is large-boned, fat, and with a large hump is an object of pride.
Secondly, the horns of a bell-ox are worked into one of the many conventional
curved patterns instead of being allowed to grow normally. Being castrated,.
these animals usually grow long horns.' These are worked so as to curve over
the head, in front of the head, backwards over the neck, downwards near the
eyes, and so on. Each type has a name. Some men try to cultivate a particular
type of worked horn, others choose a variety. It is entirely at the personal
choice of the owner. The operation is performed by beating the horns with a
large stone in the required direction. Sometimes leather thongs are tied between,
the horns to pull them together. It must be very painful for the ox, sometimes
causing bleeding, and lasting many months. Thirdly, a bell-ox should wear
a plaited leather collar round its neck, from which is usually hung a metal
bell, or occasionally one made from the shell of a tortoise. It is very seldom
that no collar is worn, and, except for those of boys and youths, iron bells are
most generally used. These are obtained from Labwor smiths at a cost today
varying from three shillings for a small one to ten shillings for the largest.
Many of these are obtained by bartering goats and sheep. Bells are one of the
many things that Jie constantly beg from one another.
Apart from a very real pride in their own special oxen, no ritual or sacred
I Some veterinarians would not support the author as to the implied cause and effect

attributes are attached to these oxen, as is the case amongst many pastoral
people. There are songs about specially favoured types of bell-oxen, but these
are in general use on such occasions as dances, and are not appropriated to one
individual. There is no spiritual connection between a man and his oxen, nor
any bar against killing and eating them. Whereas among some pastoral tribes
-the Turkana, for instance-the seizure of a man's bell-ox (or dance-ox) by
enemy raiders would be regarded as a great disaster, demanding instant reprisals
on the pain of being dubbed a coward, in Jie there was no such attitude.
Naturally, a man feels the loss of a bell-ox keenly, because it is always a fine
animal; but such a loss is not a cause of specific reprisals nor of accusations
of weakness. Such animals can be killed for ritual sacrifices, just like any
ordinary ox. They are normally included in bridewealth. Because of their
distinctiveness in size and appearance at least three or four should be included
in a bridewealth payment as a mark of respect and generosity. These are
immediately slaughtered by the bride's father, and cannot be reclaimed in case
of divorce. In such a transaction they are known as the' big oxen', ngimongin
luarpolok, to distinguish them from ordinary cattle. A man cannot refuse to
give up one or more of his bell-oxen if required by his father or elder brother
for bridewealth. Nor can he very easily withstand the demand of the elders
if they want one of his oxen for a ritual sacrifice. If a bell-ox does reach a ripe
old age-and few do-its slaughter is the occasion for a big feast and dance.
When a man dies, his surviving bell-oxen must be slaughtered and eaten by
the men of his clan and district. They cannot be inherited. If such an ox
dies, either through disease or slaughter, its collar and bell are removed, but
the owner cannot put them on another of his animals, and must give them
away to a friend. In these days, however, quite a number of bell-oxen are
sold for cash at the official monthly cattle sales.
OX-NAME (ekero emong). According to the colour of its hide, shape of its
horns and other features, an ox gives a name to its owner. Not all of a man's
bell-oxen do this, and sometimes such a name, the ox-name, is that of a long
dead ox, which was a great favourite when alive. Throughout the years a
man has several ox-names in succession as his favourites change. Such a
name is used in addition to a man's personal name, nicknames, and grand-
father's names or attributes. It is always couched in the conventional way,
" father ...", apa ... (giving the name derived from the ox in question). Such
names have a usage equivalent to Christian names and indicate that one knows
the man fairly well, or is trying to ingratiate oneself in order to seek a favour.
As between clansmen and others who see each other daily, they are most
commonly used the whole time. In some cases, old men are known by their
ox-names to the almost complete exclusion of their personal names.
Some ox-names are straightforward, simply being the colour of the hide
of the ox. Thus I have recorded:

Apa-longor greyish-brown hide.
Apa-lomerimug brown spotted hide.
Apa-loputh grey hide.
Apa-lokori blotched hide.

Sometimes the shape of the horns provides the name. Thus:


horns curve and meet over the head.
one horn forward, one horn backward.
one horn forward, one horn curving overhead.

Sometimes an individual attribute of the ox is taken. Thus:


the ox which bellows a lot.
the ox which is very fat.
the ox with slit ears.

But the most common method is to make a name from some apt simile. Thus:


Apa-barua or

its hide is like the dust (epua).
its hide is black as a burnt pot.
its hide is like that of a wild dog.
its hide is like that of a dik-dik.
its hide is red like a certain tree.
its hide is like the feathers of a shrike.
this ox is not decorated by its owner with collar or
bell (akiboi-to sit or remain, and do nothing).

the markings on its hide are like writing.
its widespread horns catch in the bush as it walks.

OX-COLOURS. Shortly after birth a boy is given his personal name by an
old woman, his father's mother if possible. This name must be that of one of
his grandparents, real or classificatory. It need not be a grandparent's personal
name, however, but can be a nickname or ox-name. With the name is coupled
automatically the ox-colour of that grandparent, who originally got it from a
grandparent of his. According to what that colour is, one must take bell-oxen
of the same colour and no other throughout life. A man's own colour is passed
on to any grandsons who take his names. Ox-colours are those most usually
found amongst Jie cattle. Thus black, white, red, brown, and grey are very
common: but there are also black-spotted, red-blotched, red and white, black
and white, and so on. Within an extended family or a homestead there will be
several different men with the same ox-colour, for more than one name carries
a single colour. For instance, a man named Longoli has as his ox-colour,
black; not only will his personal names be given to his grandsons, but also
perhaps his nickname and ox-name. Each such grandson, however, takes
black as his ox-colour. This is one of the many links between a man and his

WOMEN'S OX-NAMES. Women similarly have an ox-name (ekero emong)
but it usually refers not to an ox but to some aspect of gardening activities.
Agriculture in Jie is chiefly the work of women. The people say sorghum is
the cattle of women ". Names can refer to a thing or characteristic specifically,
or to some activity or occurrence. For example:

Apa-longwa white sorghum.
Apa-lorionkimait black eleusine.
Apa-loputh greyish grain.
Apa-namuru stony ground (for her gardens).
Apa-lopetangama wide opening ears of sorghum.
Apa-lomugerukwen grain coloured like a brown leather strap.
Apa-bilikwanga broke a hoe whilst gardening.

Note that a woman's ox-name is also conveniently styled in the form,
'father. .' (apa .).
Occasionally a woman does have an ox-name which refers to an animal.
It is not common, but after marriage when a woman moves to her husband's
homestead, she may take with her an ox or cow. Her father gives it to her,
but it is always said that it is one of her grandfather's animals. It becomes one
of the herd attached to her children, and is controlled by her husband like any
other beast. The wife may be given a name after this animal.
In either case, whether the ox-name refers to agriculture or to an animal,
a woman only assumes it when she becomes a well-established wife at her
husband's homestead. Normally she moves there after she has borne two
children at her mother's home. After a third child, she is completely a wife
and mother in Jie eyes, and the giving of an ox-name is an outward sign of
that status.
For both men and women there is no specific time or place when an ox-
name is given. Like a nickname, it grows on to a person by its aptness and
usefulness. A man does not choose to be called apa-loputh any more than an
English boy himself elects to be called 'Ginger' or 'Nobby'. It gradually



SINCE this discussion was opened by Mr. Wright' I have pursued the subject
with the help of various Italian authorities, in particular of Professor Carlo
Tagliavini of the University of Padua, and of the Enciclopedia Italiana (latest
edition). The following notes include some of my own enquiries, and as this
material may not be readily available to readers of the Uganda Journal, it is
presented here.
The word mahiz or maiz is claimed to be of Arawak origin, i.e. the language
of the most primitive residents of the Carribean Islands, sometimes referred to
as Caribs. All authorities agree that it was taken by Spaniards from Hispaniola
or Cuba. The date of introduction of the grain itself to Europe seems definitely
to have been in 1493 on the return of Christopher Colombus from his voyage
to America.
The original name used in Spain, where maize was first introduced into
Europe, was trigo de India, i.e. 'corn of the Indies'. As is well known, it was
for long believed that Christopher Colombus had actually discovered the East
Indies by sailing westwards. The word trigo is derived from Latin triticum
(wheat); but the term 'de India' must have had a connotation somewhat like
foreign'; for even today, in Spanish the phrase cosas de Indias still survives
with the meaning 'foreign matters', although the name trigo de India has now
quite disappeared from common parlance, being replaced by the word maiz.
I find that trigo de Turquia was also used in the past in Spain in the same sense
for maize, but I have not yet been able to find proof that either of these terms
was used in old Portuguese, though I strongly suspect it. I have established
that the name grano d'India was an old name for maize occasionally used in
Italy ; but it was replaced by granturco (shortened from granoturco, a term also
still current), the name in commonest use today.
The Enciclopedia Italiana explains the reasons for the name grano turco
as follows: At the period in which this cereal came to be known in Italy, about
the year 1500, the word turco' (Turkish, Turk) was commonly used to refer to
anything foreign, anything brought from far away or from an unknown place.
Thus to the common people the word granoturco simply meant 'foreign corn'.
By this wrong designation even some learned men were led into error as they
thought that this plant had its place of origin in Asia." Leo Spitzer2 compares
the parallel of the false indications of the origin of the Turkey-cock names for
a specifically American bird, which was easily domesticated and brought by
sailors to Europe, where it was known familiarly either as 'the fowl of Turkey'
I 'Maize Names as Indicators of Economic Contacts' by A. C. A. Wright, Uganda
Journal, 13 (1949), p. 61.
2 'Die Namengebung bei neuen Kulturpflanzen im Franzosischen' in the review,
Worter und Sachen, Vol. IV (1912), pp. 122-64.

or 'the fowl of India'. (French dindon-a turkey-is merely a shortened form
of 'coq d'Inde '.) So far as is known the first turkey-cock to reach India was
actually a bird presented by an envoy of Queen Elizabeth of England to the
Great Mogul of which a beautiful painting by an Indian artist is still extant.
One Italian writer actually gives this reason as a derivation from the maize
name granturco, i.e. that maize was the 'corn fed to Turkey-cocks' and that
from this use it spread from England to the rest of Europe; but this suggestion
is clearly fanciful. Spitzer states that the term ble de Turquie or simply
Turquie is widely used in France and his suggestion is that the connotation of
'foreign' was accentuated in a particular direction by the bearded character of
the cob which was held to resemble a Turk's beard. Hehn states that an impor-
tant reason for popularizing the general use of the name 'Turk's corn' was the
early spread of the cultivation of this grain to the territories of eastern Europe
under Turkish domination. Nevertheless in Turkey itself the grain is still
known as 'Egyptian corn '-esh-er-Rif-which probably explains the wide use
of this term in the Sudan, which was long under Turkish domination.
In addition to the name dura shami quoted by Mr. Wright as used in Egypt,
the following four names are, I understand, in common use locally, though I
am not in a position to discuss their derivations. They are baladi (indigenous,
rustic, rural), naab-ag-gamal (something of the camel), sineebra (?), and moorali
(connected with the Moors).
As regards the Swahili name muhindi or mhindi, I incline to the view that
it was so much called trigo de India by the early Portuguese settlers (to whom
Sir John Gray refers) that the local people got the idea that it was a grain
actually derived from India. The Portuguese were of course referring to the
West Indies, but I suggest that the name stuck in Swahili translation. As Mr.
Wright has shown, the actual Indian names for maize point rather to an intro-
duction through the Meccan pilgrimage probably from Egypt into Arabia and
thence to India.
Regarding maize cultivation in Italy the Enciclopedia gives the following
information: "From Spain maize was introduced into northern Italy (the
Veneto region) shortly after the year 1500, but the first important cultivation of
which definite detail is available was in the Polesine region and in the plains
around Verona about 1554. Maize cultivation spread slowly. It remained
limited to the Veneto region up till the latter half of the seventeenth century
when it spread to Lombardy and Piedmont. Thence it was dispersed to all
the other regions of north and central Italy during the eighteenth century." In
southern Italy maize seems to have been introduced directly from Spain into
the Campania region at an early date ; but it spread there slowly, so that even in
the eighteenth century it was by no means in general use. (It will be recalled
that southern Italy was under Spanish domination in the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries.) In other European countries the use of maize seems to have
spread even more slowly. The first records of cultivation of an extent worth
mention are found in the eighteenth century referring to southern France.
Curiously enough, after the initial cultivation of this crop in Spain in the
fifteenth century, the use of maize seems to have been almost entirely given up
there until it was re-introduced during the eighteenth century.

I have collected by correspondence through my friends some Italian
dialectal names for maize. It is clear that the term granoturco was not origin-
ally a general term. It was however adopted in Tuscany (whose headquarters
is Florence) and, as the Toscana dialect became the literary language of all
Italians, so the term passed into general use for newspapers, official reports, etc.
Nevertheless, as a term of speech by the common people, granoturco is used
only in Toscana dialect, where indeed frumentone is almost equally common.
The following list of names indicates the remarkable extent to which Italy has
remained a country of distinct local areas. The much longer period during
which maize has been a staple crop in Italy than in.other European countries
has also given time for these local names to become established usage.

Veneto Region (where maize was first cultivated): blWve (Udine Province,
Friuli Section), frument6n (Padua Province), sorgo (Vicenza Province),
polenta (Verona Province). It should be noted that in literary Italian
polenta means the stiff porridge made from maize flour, but in Verona
dialect it definitely can mean the maize grain itself as well as the porridge.
Trentino Region: zaldo literally 'yellow' (Trento Province), formentaco (Val-
di-Non, Trento Province), formentasso (Levico and Pergine Counties of
Trento Province), turkis (Val-di-Fassa and Val-di-Fiemme, Trento
Lombardia Region: furmentin (Valtellina, Como Province), carltn, literally
stout Charles' (Come Province), furmentuium (Milano Province), formintd
(Brescia Province), melgos from meliga, a kind of sorghum (Bergamo
Piedmont Region: melia, also from meliga sorghum (Cuneo Province), melga
(Vigevano and Pavia Provinces).
Liguria Region: granun, literally 'thick grain' (Imperia Province).
Emilia Region: furmintdn, grandne (Ravenna and part of Reggio-Emilia
Provinces), forment6un, furmentfun (Reggio-Emilia Province), furmint6un
(Forli and Bologna Provinces), melgoun from meliga sorghum (on the
boundaries between Reggio-Emilia and Parma Provinces).
Abruzzo Region: randinii (Chieti Province on the Adriatic shore).
Puglie Region: radinii (Foggia Province, on the southern Adriatic), grandini,
grandinio (Potenza Province, Lucania County).
Campania Region: ranuinio (Naples and Evellino Provinces).
Sardegna Region: triticu moriscu (Sardinia Island, Nuoro Province).

Some notes on these names may be of interest.
The first important group of names are those connected with the Latin
word frumentum. These occur in Veneto, Trentino, Lombardia and Emilia
Regions. The word frumentum is actually a shortened form of frugimentum,
derived from fruges-' any fruit of the earth'. Hence in Latin it came to mean
any plant carrying its fruit on the top of a stalk, thus including all the cereal
crops. In Italy as wheat (triticum) was the commonest cereal, the word frumento
was used to refer to 'wheat' much as I understand English people use the word

'corn'. The augmented form of frumento is frumentone and it was this word
meaning' big or thick corn' which was used in various dialects to indicate maize.
There is a complication that in Trento Region the related word forment6n is
used for the seed called in English 'buck-wheat', in common Italian grano
saraceno, French sarrasin. This is a quite different cereal which derives from
central Asia, and may have actually been introduced into Europe by contact
with the Turks or Syrians (Saracens).
In another group are names derived from Latin granum, a grain or seed.
This again in its usual Italian form of grano was commonly used to mean
' wheat' and as an alternative to granello or chicco to mean grain' or seed'.
In its augmented form grandne, meaning 'big or thick corn', it was used in
some areas such as the Liguria Region for maize.
Sorgo which is found in some areas requires little explanation. The name
was presumably given to maize out of its general growing habit which resembles
the millet sorghum.
Meliga and its dialectal varieties. This word properly means a kind of
coarse sorghum. Nowadays in Italy its heads are used for making brooms and
its seeds, which are called saggina, are used for feeding chickens. Presumably
the name was transferred to maize on account of its general resemblance to
that plant.
Carlin is an augmented form of the personal name Carlo or Charles, hence
meaning 'stout Charles'. This suggests an introduction of maize into Lom-
bardy about the time that the French power in northern Italy was broken and
replaced by Spanish authority after the battle of Pavia in 1525, when the
Emperor Charles V of Spain defeated and captured Francis I of France.
Turkis in the Val-di-Fassa is probably due to French influence being
merely a local form of ble de Turquie.
Randinii is a shortened form from grandini (used in Lucania County, in the
western Puglie), which in its turn, according to a local explanation, is derived
from grandindio, i.e. grano d'lndia.
The Sardinian name triticu moriscu, i.e.' Morisco corn', suggests that there
may be something in Mr. Wright's suggestion that Spanish Moriscos were
responsible for spreading maize to other parts of the Mediterranean.
Bldve. This word is derived from an old Aryan root meaning originally
the leaf of the growing corn. It occurs in the Low Latin forms blada or blava
as well as in the Anglo-Saxon blaed and modern English blade. It is found in
standard Italian in the form biada. In French the word bli, which derives
from the same root, can mean both 'the growing corn' and 'the grain'. In
modern Italian biada means simply' grain'-as given to horses, while the plural
biade means any kind of cereal corn whether growing, reaped or threshed.
As regards Mr. Wright's argument as to anuagi1 meaning 'grain of the
Anywak', I agree that it is attractive, as it would offer an explanation of the
Uganda Acholi term for maize; but I do not feel able to give up my opposition
to such a derivation for the following reasons:

1 Rev. Fr. Crazzolara writes as follows, viz. 'Anywaah' for 'Anuak' (tribe); 'any-
wagi, anyogi' for 'anuagi' (maize).

the historically proved fact of the date when maize reached the Lotuko and
Loppit from Arab sources via the Bari, which is known to have been about 1870;
the close contacts (only sixteen miles of plain) between the Loppit and Pori
people, and their constant internal trade contacts. The fact that there was at
Father Vinco's time a strong Bari colony amongst the Pori (so much so that
the Pori actually still use Bari numbers alternatively with Lwoo numbers in
counting) is another important argument. Surely if the Pori had maize at an
earlier date, the Loppit would have had it also, and hence presumably would
not have used a derivative Turkish name (oserri from esh-er-Rif) for it, and
even less admitted an Arabic source for this crop ;
the fact that the Pori of Lafon do not call maize anuagi, but use the Bari
word for it, suggests the Pori got it from the Bari;
the fact that Father Vinco, a keen observer and an Italian (and hence
very familiar with maize) stayed alone among the Pori for two and a half
months in 1852 eating local food and never noticed this cereal, is in my opinion
the strongest negative evidence that it was not cultivated there in 1852.
If maize was brought through from western Abyssinia, as Mr. Wright
suggests, to Acholiland by this route, it must have been brought in small quantity
and quite unknown to the Pori of Lafon hill and at a period well before the
time of Father Vinco's visit because at that time this particular route had
already fallen into disuse.
There is, however, an alternative possibility suggested by Father Vinco's
evidence as to the presence of copper rings and sea-shells (i.e. cowries) among
the Pori in 1852. This receives some support from the occurrence of the
words duluma for maize among the Owudo (10 miles north of Torit, about
50 miles from the Pori) and koor (' acholized into o-koor-o) for cowrie shells
among the Acholi of Pajok (southwards just beyond the Lotuko), although, as
far as I know, not among the Pori. It is known that Swahili caravans seeking
ivory came up from the region of Lamu on the coast across the Guaso Nyiro
area of the Northern Frontier Province of Kenya' and then travelled via Moroto
and Nangeya to Lotuko. Now if, as Mr. Wright suggests, duluma indicates
the Waduruma, a coastal agricultural tribe, and koor is equivalent to Swahili
kauri, there is a possible suggestion that part of this old trade route to which I
referred did not always go due south through the Mua (Ganda) country, but
south-eastwards to the coast. Unfortunately this argument is not a strong one
for the root koor exists only among the Acholi in its 'acholized' form okooro
(shell), as well as in the name Lokooro for Pori; and the present evidence
points towards a very recent appearance of the word duluma for maize, because
this stands not for maize in general, but for a particular variety of maize, distinct
from the -common one and introduced from the south in the near past by some
Owudo people who travelled to Uganda for work. But this alternative possi-
bility must not be forgotten in view of new facts that may come to our notice
in future.
If the Acholi got maize from the Pori region after 1870, they might still
call it anuagi if this is the name used in central Acholiland to indicate the Pori.
But the present evidence seems to exclude this, because according to Fr.
1 See W. D. M. Bell, The wanderings of an elephant hunter, London, 1923.

Crazzolara' the term Nywagi means Anywaah, and not Pori: "The Anywaah
country is very well known to the Acooli as Nywagi ... it is the country from
which the ancestors of the Lwoo came keen Acooli who travelled recently
to Pajook and Lepfool (i.e. Lafon hill), in order to make further inquiries
about their country of origin, returned more convinced than ever that it is
The hypothesis that maize was received by the Acholi from the Pori after
1870 would make the introduction of maize into Acholiland, Bunyoro and
Buganda a much more recent affair than Mr. Wright's initial arguments would
suggest. And this would raise the question, why did they not get maize from
the Arabs and Turks, great spreaders of maize cultivation, who were already
in their countries before this time ?
As a matter of fact I cannot myself attach great importance to the word
lokooro as meaning 'people of shells' or alternatively as meaning the people
of a leader named 'Koor',2 though it is to be noted that in his dictionary3
Father Crazzolara states that okooro means a local snail's shell used for weed-
ing. Popular etymology is a very insecure basis on which to build an
argument as it is never conclusive. For example, the tribal name Lotuko
(Lotuxo) is explained by the members of that tribe as meaning 'the deaf
people', yet the word for 'deaf' is ttuxo while tuxo is the word for 'finished'.
The Lotuko explain that they call themselves 'The Deaf' because it was a
name given to them by God for their disobedience, or alternatively that they
received it for trying to obtain food from the Pori in famine time, even though
they were slaughtered by them. Their explanation does not get over the
grammatical difficulty of the doubled consonant.
A last small point, the word mbamu used by the Baka of the Sudan for
maize is evidently of Bangala origin. It is a well-known fact that the Baka
of the Sudan mostly know and use the Bangala lingua franca of the Congo as
a trade language.
This paper is not conclusive. It supports a number of Mr. Wright's general
hypotheses as to the ways in which maize names are often formed and it
provides a good many additional examples. As regards the particular migra-
tional theory in which he was interested, the linguistic evidence as I see it is
rather negative than otherwise; but the historical evidence in favour of this
western Abyssinian-Uganda route is fortunately-thanks to Father Vinco's
records-quite conclusive in itself, although as regards the maize as introduced
into Acholiland from Pori we still need, I think, some facts that may solve the
difficulties noted above which oppose such an hypothesis. The two facts we
have in favour of it, viz. the trade route western Abyssinia-Uganda and one
possible common root (anywaah, people, and anywagi, maize), seem not to be
strong enough by themselves to remove the opposing difficulties. Further
inquiries into the facts upon the spot may bring forth something more conclusive.

I The Lwoo, Part I, by J. P. Crazzolara (Verona, 1950), p. 51.
2 The Lwoo, Part II, by J. P. Crazzolara (Verona, 1951), p. 159.
3 A study of the Acooli language, London, 1938.



STUDENTS of Uganda history owe a great debt to Father Crazzolara, and
to the Istituto Missioni Africane which has supported his enterprise, for
producing this volume,' which is understood to be the first part of a three-
volume work covering the history and customs of the Lwoo people and their
widely separated tribal divisions. The research which Father Crazzolara has
put into this work has covered a lifetime of missionary service in the Anglo-
Egyptian Sudan and northern Uganda and represents a collection of traditional
evidence which can never be repeated since the generation of old men who
supplied the greater part of this evidence is now fast disappearing. It is under-
stood that Father Crazzolara has had to rely for the englishing of his text
upon a series of translators; but the simplicity and clearness of his expression
has been well conveyed. In its general scope the book may be compared to
the Reverend A. T. Bryant's Olden Times in Zululand and Natal which records,
by the same methods which Father Crazzolara has used (i.e. traditional oral
evidence), the story of the original southward migration of the abaNguni people
into the territory of what is now the Union of South Africa, their internecine
wars and the various expeditions northwards, which gave rise to the present
tribal groups known as Zulu, Swazi, Matabele and Angoni in South and British
Central Africa.
Father Crazzolara's theme is as broad as Bryant's, since it covers the
origins and diverse migrations of the million and three-quarter people who now
speak one or other form of the Lwoo languages. His original premiss, that
the Lwoo are one section of the three Jii-speaking 'nations', the other two
being the Jiaang (Dinka) and the Naath (Nuer), follows generally accepted
contemporary views. The fact that the name Lwoo, Lwowo or Lwo occurs
also in the form Lao or Lou as a group name among the Dinka and Nuer is
suggestive of the former existence of a larger Lwoo group in the Bahr el Ghazal
area, whose remnants (after migration of the main body) were probably absorbed
and acculturatedd' by these two other powerful tribal confederacies. Father
Crazzolara supports his arguments as to the linguistic identity of these three
groups, the Lwoo, Dinka and Nuer, by an exhaustive comparative list of
names for the parts of the body in these three languages. He gives an inter-
esting hypothetical reconstruction of the process of expansion of the Jii-speaking
people in the Bahr el Ghazal area and locates the Lwoo place of origin (the
podhi Duwat or podhi Lwoo of Shilluk tradition) in a small area some 50 miles
south-east of Rumbek called 'Atwot'. He derives Atwot by an elision from
pa-Duwat forming pa-Dwaat or pa-Dwot with a final loss of the possessive p'.
This suggestion of a Lwoo origin for the somewhat 'aberrant' Atwot Dinka
has been welcomed by some Nilotic experts as a convenient and probable
I The Lwoo, Part I Lwoo Migrations, by the Rev. Father J. P. Crazzolara, F.S.C.J.
Museum Combonianum, No. 3. Verona: Missioni Africane, 1950, 112 pp.

explanation. It would be helpful to have it supported by a local study of the
Atwot speech-forms to see if they support this hypothesis, which, as it stands,
is based, it seems, largely on similarity of external nomenclature. The descrip-
tion of the area of the podhi Lwoo (as recorded by Father Hofmayr) being
" beside a great lake with many crocodiles would actually seem to apply much
more closely to the Lake Albert region than to a small lake in the neighbour-
hood of Rumbek.
Father Crazzolara rejects entirely the views previously put forward by
Father Hofmayr in Die Schilluk' and by Professor Westermann in The Shilluk
People2 of an origin of the Shilluk in the area of what is nqw western Acholiland.
His description of the splitting off of the Anywah or Wat Gilo from the Shilluk
and the subsequent occupation by the Anywah of the valleys of the Sobat,
Akobo and Gilo rivers, however, is in accordance with previously accepted
views. The subsequent derivation from the Anywah of a large block of the
Acholi, who followed the route nearby Khor Veveno from Wi-pari to Got
Lepful (Lafon Hill) and thence reached the Nile on both sides of the river at
Nimule is well described, as are the subsequent minor sub-migrations of the
various clans of the Acholi, Alur, as well as the Jo-pa-Wir and Jo-pa-Dhola.
In view, however, of their very large numbers compared with all the other Lwoo
groups, it cannot be said that Father Crazzolara has done justice to the Jo-pa-
Owiny, the Lwoo community who form the dominant social group of Nyanza
Province of Kenya. It is to be hoped that this gap will be filled in the not far
distant future by the publication of Mr. A. Southall's researches there.
Father Crazzolara gives in fine detail the traditional Lwoo story of the
quarrel between the brothers, the loss and finding of the spear, the swallowing
of the bead by the young child and the recovery of the bead by disembowelling
the child. This story, which actually appears at the head of most Lwoo
traditional histories, appears here as Chapter II since the traditional location
of the events nearby Pubungu or Wadelai fits the stage of the migration story
which Father Crazzolara has reconstructed. He states clearly, however, that
he does not believe the story to be of Lwoo origin, because it is found among
the Lwoo of Wau (the Jur) and also among the Bari and the people of Pajok.
He suggests that it is probably of Madi origin, and has been taken over by the
Lwoo. In view, however, of the very high regard paid elsewhere by him to
the factual authenticity of Lwoo tradition, it is hard to understand the force of
this argument; for the events are of a sufficiently dramatic nature to have
imposed themselves upon the imagination of Lwoo peoples as far apart as those
of Wau and Kisumu. The fact that the story is found also among the Bari is
surely far more easily explained by the process of intermarriage between Lwoo
and Bari, which certainly occurred between these groups in the past; and
probably on some scale, if the similarity of a number of clan names is to be
taken as any indication. There seems little doubt that the centre of the area
of diffusion of this story is the land triangle formed by the villages of Atura,
Pakwach and Nimule, which was subsequently depopulated by administrative
action in 1912 as a method of control of sleeping sickness.
I Wilhelm Holmayr. Miinster in Westfalen: Verlag Aschendorff, 1925.
2 Diedrich Westermann. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Mission, 1912.

While investigating the same information some years ago in Bunyoro, I
was informed by John Nyakatura (the author of Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara)
that the yearly sacrifice of a Nyoro baby, which was thrown into the Nile as
an act of propitiation, had continued along the Somerset Nile at least until the
end of the last century and probably later. In no other region (so far as I
know), where this story is told, does it form the basis of a continuing cult,
though it is frequently used as an explanation for a past tribal separation.
Father Crazzolara writes of the Lwoo invading Bunyoro. John Nyaka-
tura, describing the same set of events, writes of a voluntary occupation, in
which the dynasty who had previously occupied the territory moved south-
wards, and deliberately left people behind who knew the royal magic for
the safeguarding of the country so as to make things easy for the new
In the opinion of the reviewer, when Father Crazzolara starts to deal with
the Bantu-speaking tribes of the Western Province, he falls into errors as serious
(but of a different nature) as those made by his predecessor in this area, the
Reverend J. Roscoe, some thirty years ago. The reasons are also similar;
for neither investigator had time to do prolonged field work in the Western
Province area; but had to rely upon the experience gained in other tribal
areas to provide the basis of extensive theoretical generalization as to origins.
Roscoe's deus ex machine to explain all the cultural origins in the lake area
was the Hamitic invasions ". As is well known, this idea was originally put
forward by Speke in his Journal. Speke at least had the advantage of having
seen a few Hamites in his abortive visit with Burton to Somaliland. His com-
parison made between the Galla and the Hima was therefore a valid comment
upon a striking similarity of human type, which is obvious on the most cursory
visit to Ankole, Ruanda and Karagwe, if one has previously been acquainted
with the human types to be found within the Ethiopian borders. Roscoe used
(so I am informed on good authority) a Hima interpreter while studying
Bunyoro. It is to this cause that may be attributed his amazing theory of the
presence of "Nyoro slave freedmen which he put forward in The Bakitara.
(The racial snobbery of the Hima is well known and their reference to both
Bantu and Nilotes as Bairu-i.e. serfs, is normal.) Roscoe did, however, make
a tolerably complete list of the resident clans in this area, which, on grounds of
their differing type of totems, he divided into three groups-Hima with milk
taboos, Nyoro with bushbuck totem and Bantu serfs with mixed small animal
totems. He drew attention to the curious fact that the Mukama himself had
a bushbuck totem similar to that of the Nyoro clans. This was inexplicable to
him in terms of his ideas of Hamitic dominance, and he admitted as much.
The present reviewer, having had the good fortune to serve both in
Bunyoro and in the Acholi area, became aware a good many years ago of the
'overlap' of Lwoo speech into Bantu which was demonstrated in a previous
review in this Journal2 of Father Crazzolara's Study of the Acooli Language
and of Miss Davis' Lunyoro-Lunyankole-English Dictionary. This over-
lap, which includes a wide range of speech-forms and place-names, extends
I cf. 2 Kings xvii. 24-29.
2 Uganda Journal, Vol. 7 (1940), pp. 195-201.

through Bunyoro, Toro and to a lesser extent into Buhwezu and Bukoba, but
no farther south than that. It is interesting to recall that as long ago as 1922,
Dr. Alice Werner, in a review' of W. A. Crabtree's Manual of Luganda, pointed
out that contrary to that author's belief, the Luganda language was not a pure
Bantu tongue but was permeated with as many foreign loan-words as was Zulu
or Xhosa. These foreign words in Lunyoro and Luganda have, on further
investigation, proved to be mainly Nilotic. These linguistic influences operat-
ing on the lacustrine Bantu dialects are largely explained in Buganda by the
traditional history of the coming of the Nilotic hero Kimera to Buganda, and
elsewhere by the traditional records of invasions from Bunyoro into, for
instance, Ruanda and Karagwe by people of Nilotic type and culture. The
dating of these invasions is sufficiently exact to make it possible to attribute
them to the reigns of specific Bakama of the Babito dynasty of Bunyoro. The
present dynasty of Ruanda, the Abanyinginya (according to Pere Pages) actually
owes its position to the leadership given by it to the mixed resident community
of Bantu agriculturists and Hima pastoralists in the repulse of the last Nilotic
invasion from Bunyoro.2
In Chapter 22, Father Crazzolara has made a notable contribution to the
understanding of this linguistic situation by his interpretation of the Nilotic
meaning of the series of mpako praise-names found in Bunyoro and Toro,
which are held by every member of these mixed Nilotic-Bantu populations.
He is, however, apparently unaware that these names are not used at all by the
pure aristocratic Hima of Ankole, Mpororo, Karagwe, Uvinza and Ruanda.
These names are a hallmark of the Bantu-Lwoo mixture, as also is the clan
totem of the bushbuck and a large number of Bantu clan-names with Nilotic
roots. These names do not occur in the areas of pure Hima dominance, where
such clans as the Abanyinginya and Abeja of Ruanda, the Abashambo of
Mpororo, and the Abahinda of Ankole and Karagwe hold sway. Being
unaware of these facts, Father Crazzolara goes on to argue on quite inadequate
grounds of the identity of the words 'Abacwezi' and 'Abacwa'. The latter,
it may be remarked, are a clan of accepted Lwoo origin resident in Bunyoro,
whose derivation from a Nilotic ancestor Cwa or Cuaa may be accepted with-
out cavil. The Abachwezi, however, are a very different proposition and the
distinction is very clearly made by John Nyakatura in his excellent and well-
balanced history, Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara. It is appropriate that Nyaka-
tura should have received his early training and derived his interest in history
from Uganda's major historian, Sir John Gray, when the latter was Assistant
Resident in Mubende.
The meaning of the name Bachwezi has never been explained. It is
traditionally a name which a small group of dominant light-skinned invaders
called themselves, when they entered the area of what is now the Western
Province of Uganda. The root of the name is therefore clearly a foreign word
and among the various possibilities, the most probable has always seemed to
be the derivation from the Bantuized plural of the Ethiopic word, Tschewa "
or "Chewa "-" a soldier ". No great significance need be attached to this,
1 Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, 1922.
2 See Pere Pages, Un Royaume Hamite au centre de I'Afrique, Bruxelles, 1933.

but it is an interesting parallel which might be a pointer. Nyakatura states
(a) there were Hima in the country before the Bachwezi arrived there;
(b) the Bachwezi were outstandingly different in culture from the rest of the
inhabitants of the area;
(c) the Bachwezi dominance in Bunyoro lasted only for a short period and
ended with a voluntary migration southwards which left a political vacuum;
(d) the Babito (i.e. the Nilotics) who followed the Bachwezi as the dominant
dynasty of northern Kitara were comparatively uncultured folk and had
to learn a great deal of the kingship ritual from instructors deliberately left
behind by the Bachwezi;
(e) the reason for (d) is explained by the fact that there was an admitted
dynastic relationship between the last of the Bachwezi and the first of
the Babito.
The sharp physical and cultural distinction between the Hima and the
Lwoo is nowhere mentioned in Father Crazzolara's work. Yet it is funda-
mental to an understanding of the ethnic situation in this part of Africa. The
Hima differ from the Lwoo in head shape, in skin colour, in pattern of sexual
relationships, in material culture and in dress; in social organization and in
economic organization. The recent work on blood comparison (serology),
though as yet incomplete, indicates also major differences.
Having made this clear, an important modification of Father Crazzolara's
migrational theory looms up. Of all the Lwoo groups that which most closely
resembles the Hima, in the physical appearance of its members in their material
culture and in social organization, is the aristocracy of the Shilluk tribe, yet
geographically they are farthest from the Hima. In terms of physical anthro-
pology the Shilluk are regarded as a fairly typical group of Nilotes, possessing
an aristocracy with marked Hamitic physical features. (This was demon-
strated by Professor C. G. Seligman in his Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan.)
It is quite unlike that of any other Lwoo group excepting those who occupied
Bunyoro. Their kingship ritual is an elaborate one of which several accounts
have been given; the most recent and detailed being that of Mr. Howell in
Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XXVII (1946) and of Professor E. Evans-
Pritchard in his 1948 Frazer Lecture.
Thus, as regards the reconstruction of tribal tradition into a consolidated
'history', it is really more economical to follow Hofmayr in regarding the
separation of the Lwoo from the Nuer and Dinka as a process which took place
first and led the Lwoo to spread gradually southwards from the Bahr el Ghazal
area towards northern Uganda. There appears to be a strong probability that
at some point in their southward spread they came into contact with Hamites
having an elaborate kingship ritual which showed traces of Meroitic cultural
influence. This is not found among the Dinka or Nuer. Contact was followed
by inter-marriage with the Lwoo. The Lwoo legend of Ocak-'the milk
drinker', a light-coloured stranger who seduced the Lwoo girl Kilak, from
whom sprang Nyabongo, the founder of the Babito family-is in my opinion

the traditional justification of these events. The area where this process of
miscegenation is traditionally believed to have occurred is the Atura-Pakwach-
Nimule triangle at a time when there were Hamitic movements still in progress
probably between western Abyssinia and western Uganda. The presumed
result was first a Lwoo-Hamitic mixture giving rise to the Shilluk aristocratic
tribal organization, and second, a Bantu-Hamitic mixture, giving rise to the
aristocratic kingdom of Kitara.' This hypothesis provides a much more valid
explanation of the existing tribal situation and from Father Crazzolara's point
of view merely requires an extension of the distance of the march of the Shilluk
leader Nyakang from, shall we say, Kilak or Pakwach to Rumbek and thence
to Fashoda, rather than from the place named Atwot selected as source. In
this event, the migration story which Father Crazzolara has given in his book
would be largely unaffected, except that it would be seen as a great circle coming
back to the original homeland in Acholiland. The fact that the Jo-pa-Owiny
of Nyanza Province have no aristocracy and no migration story beyond the
north side of Lake Kyoga and yet are familiar with the tale of the bead and the
child is thus readily explainable, if we regard the Jo-pa-Owiny as having been
simple Nilotics practically unaffected by the Hamitic admixture and the king-
ship ritual, which was responsible for the constitutional structure both of the
Shilluk tribe in the Sudan and of the Babito Kingdom in Bunyoro.
Father Crazzolara has made no attempt to explain the name Nyoro. It
is clearly of Nilotic origin and in Bunyoro itself is still used as a title of honour.
Thus a man will speak to his superior as munyoro wange meaning 'My Lord'.
The organization of the Shilluk tribe gives the easiest explanation of this title.
The tribe is divided into three groups:
(a) the children of the monarch (Ret or Reth), who are called Kwa Reth;
(b) the children of previous monarchs, who are called the Ororo ;.
(c) the rest of the tribe, lacking aristocratic distinction, who are called Lwak,
the Herd.
Now the name Nyoro is, I suggest, merely an elision of Nyi-Ororo mean-
ing literally' Children of Princes'. Hence the people who were 'Nyoro proper
were those who could claim descent from, or relationship with, previous Nilotic
leaders. Thus the name Mu- or Ba-Nyoro is derivately an equivalent in
Lunyoro speech of the Luganda word Mu- or Ba-Langira, meaning' the children
of previous Kings (Basekabaka)', except that the word Balangira is of still older
derivation; for its root ngira is a Bantuized form of ker, royal, which is prob-
ably not (as Father Crazzolara believes) Nilotic but Meroitic in origin, as it is
found in one form or another in all the dialects derivative from Meroitic culture
(see Sir Richmond Palmer, The Bornu Sahara and Sudan).
It may be felt that this review is unduly long; but in view of Father
Crazzolara's high authority, it seemed well to deal in full with his re-statement
of Uganda history. His contribution is of great value, but as has been shown
here, it is seriously weighted in a particular direction, i.e. over-emphasis upon
1 The word Kitara found to-day in Luganda and Lunyoro simply means 'a sword'.
Its derivation as the name of a kingdom is probably to be found in the Bantu prefix Ki-
added to a Meroitic word Tar, which (according to Professor Sayce in Garstang's Meroy)
means a 'king'; hence its literal meaning is 'The Kingdom'. It thus forms the most
likely root of a large number of Bantu words meaning to rule or ruler'.

the Lwoo, as the originators of all local culture. Provided that this is under-
stood and his book is used only by students who are capable of making due
reservations it is highly to be commended. It is not suitable for teaching in
schools, and we shall have to wait still longer for a balanced picture of the
many complicated factors which have created the present tribal situation.
The Uganda area has been for centuries (and possibly for millenia) an area of
mingling of peoples of different cultures. No single cultural explanation will
provide an adequate answer to explain all the varied artifacts and incidents
found in it. In any explanation it will be necessary to take into account, not
only the traditional evidence of the old men, but also the material evidence
of field, farm-yard and forest, which being dumb cannot lie-though it may
certainly be misunderstood.



K. de P. Beaton, in his A Warden's Diary, mentions that a tame Ant-Bear
when wandering round its enclosure uttered a soft moaning sound which was
rather uncanny. Its piggy eyes shine red in lamp-light.
Since writing my notes on the distribution of the Buffalo in Karamoja I
have had occasion to climb Lorosuk Mountain and in the forest which clothes
the summit I found unmistakable tracks and signs of Buffalo. My Suk guide
also confirmed that there are one or two herds in these mountains which water
at the few permanent springs found thereon. Odd Buffalo have also recently
appeared in Teso in somewhat unlikely localities, including Kateta etem.
I have never seen the Topi any distance north of Maru hill in Jie, although
I would have expected them in the Kidepo valley. Another form, D. k. tiang,
occurs in the south-east corner of the Sudan where I have seen them in
hundreds on what appeared to be some form of migration.
A Dikdik is known to have lived in captivity for nine years and two
months. A female, with a full-grown foetus, was shot in Karamoja in mid-
October 1949. K. de P. Beaton states that he believes that the Dikdik mates for
life and when seen in threes the pair is accompanied by a grown fawn.
GAZELLA GRANTI BRIGHT Thomas. Bright's Gazelle.
I saw a female in the act of parturition in June 1950 at the eastern end of
the Lorienatom Mountains in northern Turkana. In this district the Gazelle
appears to lack the black markings almost entirely.
I recently received the skin of a male Common Bushbuck from the vicinity
of Lolelia. This is the common plains Bushbuck of Uganda.
Lt.-Colonel C. H. Stockley, in Nature in East Africa, Series 2, No. 3, notes
that out of a large number of adult boars which he himself has shot in Kenya,
very few had tusks under 11 inches in length.