• TABLE OF CONTENTS
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 Title Page
 Acknowledgement
 Table of Contents
 Abstract
 Introduction
 Strategies for research
 The organization of personnel:...
 The model for social order
 The model for action
 The literature on social order...
 Conclusions
 The sample
 Outline for coding and analysi...
 Bibliography
 Biographical sketch














Group Title: Educational congruency in a stratified society : a Bolivian case study, by Andrew W. Miracle
Title: Educational congruency in a stratified society
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080572/00001
 Material Information
Title: Educational congruency in a stratified society a Bolivian case study, by Andrew W. Miracle
Physical Description: vi, 87 leaves. : illus. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Miracle, Andrew W., 1945-
Publication Date: 1973
 Subjects
Subject: Education -- Bolivia -- 1965-   ( lcsh )
Textbooks -- Bolivia   ( lcsh )
Latin American Studies thesis M.A
Dissertations, Academic -- Latin American Studies -- UF
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 82-85.
General Note: Typescript.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00080572
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000580670
oclc - 14071993
notis - ADA8775

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
    Acknowledgement
        Page ii
        Page iii
    Table of Contents
        Page iv
    Abstract
        Page v
        Page vi
    Introduction
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
    Strategies for research
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
    The organization of personnel: an interactional analysis
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
    The model for social order
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
    The model for action
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
    The literature on social order in Bolivia
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
    Conclusions
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
    The sample
        Page 75
        Page 76
    Outline for coding and analysis
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
    Bibliography
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
    Biographical sketch
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
Full Text











EDUCATIONAL CONGRUENCY IN A STRATIFIED
SOCIETYs A BOLIVIAN CASE STUDY













By

Andrew W. Miracle, Jr.


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS










UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1973















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Many people have contributed their time and skills

to the completion of this thesis. I am thankful to all

of them for their kindness and consideration.

My committee has shown great patience and understanding

through the years, especially my chairman, William E.

Carter. Dr. Carter encouraged me in the development of

the concept of this thesis he made continuous suggestions

and allowed me access to his personal library.

My interest and research efforts in Aymara studies

have been stimulated by the teaching and guidance of M.

J. Hardman-de-Bautista, head of the University of Florida

Aymara Project. In addition, my friendship with Juan de
Dios Yapita M., Juana Vasquez and Pedro Copana Y., the

teaching assistants for the Aymara Project provided much

insight.
Solon T. Kimball's counseling and advice has been

invaluable in the progress of my academic career. Richard

R. Renner, first exposed me to the variety and complexity

of the world's formal educational systems.

Dr. Lindsey Smith and Ann Smith took the time to

select Bolivian textbooks from the bookstores in La Paz

and mail them to me. And Betty Wyatt was extremely patient
in typing the manuscript, showing great courage and

ii








perseverance in the face of many obstacles. Finally, I

wish to thank my family -- my wife Christine, and my
daughter Rebekah Laurel -- for taking a long vacation

which allowed me to completely devote myself to finishing
my writing chores,


iii








TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgment . . ii
Abstract ., . . v
Chapter It Introduction . 1
Chapter II: Strategies for Research . . 7
Content Analysis as a Research Technique. 7
The Sample. 9
Coding: Techniques and Criteria .. 10
Chapter III: The Organization of Personnel An .
.Interactional Analysis. . 16
Introduction. . . . 16
The World of Children . . 16
The World of Adults ., . 18
The Family. . . . . 20
The School. . . . . 21
Interactional Analysis. . 21
Notions of Others . . . 24
Summary . . . 26
Chapter IV The Model for Social Order. . 29
Introduction. . . . 29
Individual Traits and Values. . . 29
Family Responsibilities . 31
Social Mores and Patriotic Goals . 34
Summary . . . . 36
Chapter V, The Model for Action . . 37
Intorduction. . . . 37
Problems to be Overcome and Goals to be .
.Achieved . . . 38
Appropriate Means for Overcoming Specific
.Obstacles. . . 41
Violence and Illegality: Six Case Studies. 42
Summary . . . . 48
Chapter VIs The Literature on Social Order in .
S. .,Bolivia . 56
Introduction. . . 50
Hispanic Social Order . . 52
Aymara Social Order . . .. 56
Chapter VII: Conclusions. ,. . 64
Summary of Textbook Analysis. .. 64
The Content Analysis and the Social Science .
Literature Compared. . . 66
Hypothesis Considered . 71
A. Final Consideration: On the Design of. .
.Textbooks. . . 72
Appendix A: The Sample . . 75
Appendix Bt Outline for Coding and Analysis . 77
Bibliography . . . . . 82
Biographical Sketch. . . . . 86








Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts


EDUCATIONAL CONGRUENCY IN A STRATIFIED
SOCIETY: A BOLIVIAN CASE STUDY

By
Andrew W. Miracle, Jr.

December, 1973
Chairman: William E. Carter
Major Departments Latin American Studies

This study explores the hypothesis that any school

system will be congruent with the structures and values

of the governing elite -- i.e., those within society who

decide, fund and enforce educational policy -- whether

or not these structures and values are shared with every

person in the society or even with a majority of that

society.

Specifically, the study focuses on the interrela-

tionship among existing Bolivian social structures,

values and educational materials used in the public

schools. The materials analyzed are four primary school

readers approved by the Bolivian Ministry of Education.

A method for utilizing interactional analysis was

developed specifically for these materials. This

included the following categories: setting, events,

personnel, and interaction. In addition, the stories

in the readers were coded for stated values, examples
of problem solving, and format. Empirical subcategories

v








were elicited from the materials themselves.
Results of content analysis of the primary school

readers are compared with statements from the social
science research on Bolivian society. The hypothesis
that educational materials, specifically primary school
readers, will reflect the social order of the decision-

making elites, is confirmed for the case of Bolivia.







Chairman













CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Many social scientists have argued that in modern
nation-states, schools and educational materials are a
reflection of the society as well as the principal

vehicle by which the young are socialized or prepared

for life in adult society (Sarason 1971:7). Others
have said that, even in societies where the schools

play a peripheral role in the education and socialization

of the young, they nevertheless remain congruent with the
general social structures and values. (For example, see
Howard 1970). Fernando Diez de Medina, a Bolivian

educationist reflected the latter line of thinking when
he stated, "Education is a phenomenon which results
from the social structure" (Hohenstein 1970s42).

Implicit in such approaches is the question of the
relationship between formal education and the social

order. The question is particularly relevant when one

deals with a segmented society, in which may be found
two or more cultural divisions, with differing structures

and value systems. In looking at education in Bolivia,
Lambros Comitas has stated

In any social system, those institutions
integrally involved with education can have but
one of two basic social functions. The first

1.








and most significant function is to maintain
and to facilitate the existing social order.
This function appears to have been operative
in the overwhelming majority of societies known.
Education, in these cases, provides a fundamental
mechanism for maintaining the sociocultural
status quo through systematic and culturally
acceptable training of the young for effective
participation in the system (1968t935).
If Comitas is right, one may expect that any school
system will be congruent with the structures and values

of the governing elite -- i.e., those within society
who decide, fund and enforce educational policy --
whether or not these structures and values are shared
with every person in society or even with a majority of

that society. To test such an assertion, one may hypoth-
esize that, in a highly stratified or culturally segmented
society, the nature of the schools and school materials
will reflect the specific social structures and values
of the decision-making elites to a greater degree than
they do those of the subordinate subculture(s).
The hypothesis will be tested by examining some
educational materials used in one such stratified society --
Bolivia. It is assumed that, from such an examination,
it will be possible to see the extent to which school
materials for children do or do not reflect social struc-
tures and values for Bolivia.
The materials selected for analysis were primary
school readers. It was felt that these provided both

practical and theoretical advantages. They are easily
accessible and usually present a readibly analyzable








format. The books' government approval and their wide

use indicates the degree of cultural acceptance of the
values, as well as, the extent of influence (de Charms
and Moeller 1962s137).

A great deal of work in the analysis of children's
readers has been done by David C. McClelland. Convinced

of the worth of this medium for social science research,

he generalizes about the stories found in children's
readers.
Such stories are simple, short and imaginative .
They tell about imaginary situations, sometimes
fantastic (from the world of fairies, giants and
dwarfs) and sometimes realistic (from everyday
life), but the intent is everywhere the same -- to
provide something interesting and instructive for
the child to read. In this sense the stories are
projectivee" and tend to reflect the motives and
values of the culture in the way they are told or
in their themes or plots .
Children's stories have many other advantages
for our purpose. The same ones are read by nearly
all school children of the same age, since textbooks
are widely standardized in most countries. They
represent therefore "popular culture" -- what is
considered appropriate for all children to read,
not just those from a special social class .
Children's stories are also less subtle, more
direct in their "message," than many other forms
of literature. As Margaret Mead (1951) has put it
so successfully, a culture has to get its values
across to its children in such simple terms that
even a behavioral scientist can understand them
(McClelland 1961:71).
McClelland has used children's readers and other
texts to try to demonstrate a relationship between high

n Achievement or motivation levels in children's readers
and a subsequently more rapid economic development.
However, he is quick to point out that n Achievement
levels in the readers are more a reflection of the mood








or motivational level of a nation at the time than an
educational influence which is affecting the next

generation (McClelland 1961sll1).
The readers, then appear to reflect more the
motivational level of the adults at the time
they are published, perhaps particularly of
the adults responsible for the education of
children, rather than the motivational level
that the children reading the books are going
to have ultimately when they grow up (McClelland
1961:102).
If McClelland and others are correct, then the contents
of primary school readers ought in some way to reflect
the existing structures and values of a society, or at

least a segment of that society.

One of the basic problems faced was how to devise
a method of analyzing the contents of Bolivian primary

school readers that would not be subject to the problems

and ambiguities inherent in translating from one language

to another, and that would avoid the imposition of the
analyzer's own cognitive categories and cultural values.
Essentially it was a problem of how to adhere to the

natural history method of investigation (Arensberg and
Kimball 1965)t that is, how to allow the data to speak

for themselves and to define their own categories.

In dealing with such a problem, one possibility is
to employ universalistic, behaviorally-based constructs.
This has long been the ideal for some content analysts.

a satisfactory analytical technique must
be premised upon the establishment of relative
units -- ones defined in terms of the contexts
within which they are found, rather than determined








in accordance with the criteria of an external and
arbitrarily postulated system. The desirability
of such a procedure seems so apparent as to recommend
itself (Armstrong 1959,155).
The relational systems approach to investigation
suggested by Arensberg and Kimball provides the researcher
with universal categories, and the interactional theories
of Chapple and Coon (1947) provide a means of analysis
free of values and ethnocentric constraints. All human
systems consist of personnel that have certain patterned
relationships with each other under particular conditions
in specific space at definite times. Therefore, the

interaction of the actors in an event can be understood

in terms of the patterns of interaction based on age, sex,
and status. That is, within any society there are prescribed

behaviors which work to insure that in any given event,

under like conditions, all actors of the same age, sex,
and status will behave similarly toward other actors of
a given age, sex, and status. Thus an analysis indicating
which actors initiate action toward which other actors
in particular events and under specific conditions will
reveal much about the nature of the social order.

The research design and methodology will be discussed
in greater detail in Chapter II. Chapters III, IV, and V
offer the results of the content analysis of four Bolivian

primary school readers; Chapter III addresses itself to

the organization of personnel -- who does what? when?;
Chapter IV deals with the values ascribed to different








actors or their roles as stated in the books; and Chapter

V examines the patterns of behavior and their implications

for problem solving. Chapter VI presents statements from

current literature on the existing social order in Bolivia.
This capsule review of social science research on Bolivian
society can be used to further assess the results of the

content analysis of the readers. Finally, Chapter VII

compares the results of the analysis with the statements
from the social science literature, and offers the con-

clusions of the study.













CHAPTER II
STRATEGIES FOR RESEARCH
Content Analysis as a Research Technique
The first step in analysis was to gain a working
acquaintance with the materials; with familiarity came
an awareness that certain ideas, themes and values

seemed to recur. The second step was to utilize an

analytical method that would be as universally signif-
icant as possible -- rendering it as free from ethno-
centric bias as possible.

Content analysis has been defined by Bernard
Berelson as "a research technique for the objective,
systematic, and qualitative description of the manifest
content of communication" (1952:18). In recent years,

many researchers have expanded the application of content
analysis to cover the latent, as well as the manifest,
content of texts. That is, content analysis has been
used both to describe the characteristics of communication
and to make inferences about the causes and effects of

communication (Holsti 1969sChapters 3-4).
Content analysis has been used by social scientists
in a variety of ways. Some of the materials investigated
in this manner include folktales (Saporta and Sebeok 19591
Armstrong 1959), periodicals (Ginglinger 1955), and

7.








children's readers (McClelland 19611 de Charms and Moeller
1962). While it has been suggested that the use of content
analysis could be extended to a systematic application of
the testing of general behavioral principles (Webb and
Roberts 1967), to date the primary focus of content analysis
investigations has been on values and motivations.
It has been stated that if a research hypothesis
involves an inference from the actions described in a

text to some other social variable, the action itself
should be the appropriate unit for analysis (Pool 1959
205-206). Robert Plant Armstrong (1959) utilized behavioral
units in his analysis of folk tales. Armstrong conceived
an act as consisting of three parts: an actor, an act,
and an additional actor (or recipient) toward or against
whom the action was directed (1959,163).
Armstrong's construct is similar to that developed
for this study. The interactional model can be utilized
to describe events as involving initiators of interaction
and terminators of interaction. In addition, an attempt
is made to relate the event to conditions in the setting
which may affect the interaction.
The framework of a theory and method for interactional
research was first outlined by Chapple and Arensberg (1940),
expanded by Chapple and Coon (1942), and applied by
Arensberg and Kimball (1965).

.It holds that group life is the outcome of
interaction (communication in biology) among
animal organisms (including men). These interactions








(communications) are events of stimulation and
response between one animal and the next, taking
place in time, one animal initiating or originating
either in reaction to the environment or acting
spontaneously from internal physiological stim-
ulation) the behavior of such an event, the others)
responding to the prior behavior, thus "terminating"
the event with behavior of his own. Such events
give one one's definition of the social; they are
thus a particular class of happenings in the life
of living beings, conditioned by the properties of
the organisms and their environment, but still a
demarcatable class of natural phenomena The
theory holds, out of the evidence of psychology and
anthropology, that the properties of the physiological
facts of interpersonal stimulation in events of
interactive (communicative) behavior are both wider
spread and more general, ontogenetically as well as
phylogenetically, than are those of the occurrences
of language, words, meanings, signs, symbols, and
attitudes, now appealed to in definitions of the
social and attempts at interpretation of social
behavior. These latter, then, should be subordinated
in description and interpretation to the former;
and they are to be understood, ultimately only in
their semantic connection to the events of inter-
personal interaction (Arensberg and Kimball 1965,
318-319).
The Sample

Four primary school readers served as the basis for
the study. Two of the books, Mi Libro and Primeras Luces,

are intended for use in the first year of school and are
designed to help teach beginning students how to read.

Progresando is intended for the second grade and Julito

for the fourth and fifth grades. All four books carry
the explicit approval of the Ministerio de Educaci6n.

The books were obtained in 1971. At that time these
books were popular readers used in schools in La Paz.

The books themselves were printed between 1966 and 1970,
although Progresando was first authorized by the ministerio


in 1940 and Primeras Luces in 1955.






10.


The four textbooks vary in complexity and format,
reflecting the expected differences in levels of the
students for whom they are intended. Mi Libro and

Primeras Luces contain pictures and words to be used

in teaching simple vocabulary items. All four books
contain passages of prose and poetry which are segmentally
presented as stories, poems, songs, prayers or riddles.

Each of these segments or items is marked by a title and

generally is accompanied by a picture. The items con-
stitute the units of analysis and are commonly referred
to as "stories" throughout this study irrespective of

the item's specific format or content.

Mi Libro has only 31 items or stories. Primeras
Luces and Julito have 46 and 45 respectively, and
Progresando has 96 units for analysis. From each of
the textbooks a proportional sample of 20 percent of

the total stories or units was drawn. This type of
sampling procedure appears valid since it is the overall
impact of a book that is of concern. Each of the 218
units in the four textbooks was numbered, and a table
of random numbers (Edwards 19671201-202, 396-400) was

used to select six stories from Mi Libro, nine each from
Primeras Luces and Julito and 19 from Progresando.
Codings Techniques and Criteria

Saporta and Sebeok cite the report of a seminar in
psychology and linguistics which found three weaknesses

in the methodology of most content analysis. \.






11.


(a) The units of sampling have generally been
based upon expediency .
(b) The categories employed in deciding when a
certain type of content is present or absent in
a given unit have been largely arbitrary .
(c) Existing methods of content analysis are
limited to simple comparisons of frequencies
rather than measuring the interval contingencies
between categories (1959:143-144).

Holsti has voiced these same concerns, but considers

all of them to be problems of coding.

Coding is the process whereby raw data are
systematically transformed and aggregated into
units which permit precise description of
relevant content characteristics. The rules
by which this transformation is accomplished
serve as the operational link between the
investigator's data and his theory and hypothesis.
Coding rules are thus a central part of the
research design, and in preparing them the analyst
makes a number of decisions:
How is the research problem defined in terms of
categories?
What unit of content is to be classified?
SWhat system of enumeration will be used? (1969:94)

A conscious effort has been made to avoid these

pitfalls, and adopting Holsti's terminology, the three

interrelated coding decisions have-been considered.

Categories. The major categories were derived from

the interactional model. Thus the categories were those

necessary to provide the data needed for interactional

analysis. These were:

Setting space and time
Events type or nature of event
Personnel identified by age, sex, status
Interaction identifying originators and terminators

It was also decided that the stories should be coded for

stated values and for examples of problem solving (in
terms of goals, barriers, means and outcomes). In






12.


addition, the format of each unit or story was coded,

The sets of empirical sub-categories were drawn from

the insights and familiarity gained from having re-read

the materials and taken extensive notes over a long

period of time. (See Appendix B.)

Coding for each story, therefore, included: setting,

nature of events, characters, nature of interaction,

stated values, and format. In addition, 25 stories that

presented a clear-cut use of means to overcome specific

barriers in order to reach a given goal or solve a

particular problem, were coded for goals, barriers,

means and outcomes. The appearance -- presence or absence

-- of each code was noted and punched on a key sort card

assigned to each unit (or story). This use of key sort

cards allowed easy reference, as well as cross-indexing

of the data.

Unit of Analysis. In considering the stories for

analysis, the text and any accompanying pictures) were

treated as complementary parts of the same unit. For

instance, if a text about playing with a doll did not

specify the identity of the actor or narrator, but the

picture showed a girl with a doll, it was judged that

the reader would understand that the story was about a

girl and her doll.

Systems of Enumeration. In coding a story's format,

a unit was first judged as either prose or poetry on the
basis of rhyme. Only if it was stated in the title or






13.


otherwise specifically indicated was the unit coded as

a song or prayer.

In coding the setting of a story, the time was

determined by the tense or tenses used, while space

was judged on the basis of the stated or pictured locale.

Similarly, the nature of events and the characters of

the stories were determined by the presentations of the

text and any accompanying pictures.

Ascertaining values was not quite as easy as

determining other qualities of the stories. However,

as intended pedagogical devices for children,'even in

the realm of values, the stories in primary school

readers are generally explicit and seldom very subtle.

Admonitions and direct, nominal value statements are the

-most obvious instances of value stress. Value-laden

modifiers and those modifiers which tend to evoke emotions\

are slightly more vulnerable to subjectivity. In deter-

mining the presence of values discussed in Chapter IV,

every effort was made to avoid the grossly subjective

decisions inherent in "reading between the lines."

However, in dealing with the subject matter contained

in Chapter V, it was not possible to avoid subjective

judgements in many cases. Therefore, the researcher urges

caution in interpreting the discussion on problem-solving.

While they may prove insightful, the conclusions are

necessarily ambiguous since it was difficult to operation-
alize exact criteria for making judgements and identifying






14.


different types of goals, barriers and means.

The methodology used in Chapter V was suggested

by Gerbner.

Elements of plot and characterization common to
most, if not all, fiction and drama are the basic
ingredients of dramatic action; they make stories
comprehensible and interesting .
A story is generally an account of characters
in action. Reasons (goals, values) causing or
motivating the action are usually stated, or are
inherent in the action itself. A problem, barrier,
or difficulty standing in the way of a course of
action provides the ingredient of tension or
conflict. Action becomes a way of dealing with
the problem. Means used to overcome the problem
may succeed or fail, or may succeed in certain
respects and fail in others, or may leave the
problem unresolved.
Goals, barriers, means and outcomes are, then,
the basic elements of dramatic action (Gerbner
1964:Appendix IV, E-l).

In addition to providing dramatic action, it can be

hypothesized that these elements also provide the reader

with a model for action in identifying and achieving

goals and solving problems. We are not suggesting that

these models are always adopted by the readers, but

certainly they are presented in a formal learning situation

by appropriate authorities, and they carry the stamp of
approval of the society's governing elite (e.g., the

ministry of education).

Finally, it should be noted that frequently more

than one code is needed for any sub-set of conditions.

For example, the setting of a story may take place at

home and at school; or past, present, and future tenses
may all be used in a text. In such instances, all signif-

icant conditions were coded, with presence in 20 percent






15.


of the lines of the text, or visibility in the picture,

the determining criteria for significance. In considering

goal achievement and problem solving, sometimes different

characters in a story had separate goals, encountered

different barriers, and used different means; in such

cases the different instances were recorded for the

single story. Five stories each detailed two cases of

problem solving (one such story is described in detail

in Chapter V). This often occurred when the unit being

analyzed contained a story within the story.













CHAPTER III
THE ORGANIZATION OF PERSONNEL
AN INTERACTIONAL ANALYSIS
Introduction

The characters of the stories, according to our
hypothesis, should reflect an image of some members of

Bolivian society. By analyzing the relational systems

between the characters in the stories, it is possible
to construct a model of the organization of Bolivia's
social system. This can be accomplished by examining

the bio-cultural attributes of age, sex, and race, and

the socio-cultural attributes of status and social class
within the contexts in which they are found.
Most generally the human characters in the stories
are divided into two dichotomous groups of children and

adults., Each of these groups is then divided by sex,
yielding four general categories of characters: boys,
girls, men, women. These will be discussed separately.
The World of Children

Children are specifically involved in 38 of the stories

(88.4 percent*) in the sample. In some stories specific



*All percentages are computed on the total sample of 43,
unless otherwise indicated.

16.






17.


child characters are referred to by name (41.9 percent);
in others they are noted by ninos, nino, nina, chicos,

chico, or "yokalla" (one story only). Twelve of the

stories involve children, but do not make specific

reference to them.

Children constitute the only human characters in

17 (39.5 percent) of the stories. In these, children
are seen in three types of settings: play or recreation,

make-believe, and learning situations. Three stories

depict children playing with dolls or at a party. Six

stories involve children with anthropomorphized animals,

And eight stories show children on the way to school, or

informing or explaining something to other children or

to the reader.

In 22 stories children appear with one or more

adults. Primarily, children appear in stories with

familially related adults (13 stories, or 30.2 percent),

or with a teacher (seven stories, or 16.3 percent. In

only a single story does a child interact with an adult
who is neither familially related, nor a teacher.

Boys are the only child characters specified in 12

(27.9 percent) of the stories. In five of these a boy
is presented as the protagonist. Twice a boy is shown

telling about or interacting with his servant. And once

each, a boy is depicted as a hero saving a helpless

animal; presenting his grandmother with a gift; or as a
school boy riding his horse to school in the countryside.





18.


In three stories, one or more boys ask questions in a

class about geography or history. In four stories a boy

is present, but the character does little except observe

or listen.

Girls are the only child characters six times (13.0

percent). Four of these indicate that the character is

a girl only through an accompanying picture; only two

texts specifically mention that the character in the

story is a girl. In these stories, a girl is shown

playing with dolls (twice), eating breakfast, and writing

on a chalk board. In one story the girl protagonist is

caring for her sick father, and in another, a girl gives

her "sweets" money to a poor old man, an anciano.

.Nine stories (20.9 percent) depict boys and girls

together, and 11 stories do not specify the sex of the

child or children involved. In four stories'a boy informs

or explains something to a girl. Once a boy asks a girl

to recite a lesson and she does so perfectly. In four

stories, a girl is present, but does nothing, says nothing.

Those stories where the sex of the child or children who

are characters is not specified involve child-parent

relationships, or are set in a school situation.
The World of Adults

Adults appear in 24 stories (55.8 percent) in the

sample. In addition, three stories depict anthropomorphized

animals taking adult roles either as a mother animal, or as
an old wise one. Of the 24 stories where human adults








appear, children also appear in 21 cases; adults are the
sole characters in only three stories (7.0 percent).
Adults are depicted in familial roles (14 times or
32.6 percent of the stories), or as teachers (seven
times or 16.3 percent of the stories). Adults are
mentioned in relation to their position, occupation,
or for their historical importance. The specific
occupations mentioned are sawmill operator, mechanic-
pilot, carpenter, missionary, and medical doctor. Adult
biblical characters are depicted in stories within

stories, and adult historical figures are mentioned
by teachers in classroom situations. Eleven adults are
mentioned for their historical or patriotic importance.
Two other instances of adults are included in the samples
as an anciano receiving a handout, and as indios living
in the Oriente.
In two stories a patriotic hero, Bolivar, is the
only character. Another story mentions a man who treats
a sick horse; the story is told by an unidentified ego.

These are the only three stories that mention adults
without specifically including children in the setting.
Twenty-five male adults are specified in the stories.
Nine of these men are specified as familial relatives
(father, grandfather). Ten men are mentioned as historical
or patriotic figures. Men are also cast as professor or
other professionals four times.
Female adults are specified 17 times. In ten cases,


19.





20.


the woman is a familial relative (mother, grandmother)
and six stories deal with la maestra. One woman is
mentioned as a historical figure.
The Family
The family is a central theme in 13 stories (30.2
percent) and familial members are mentioned in an
additional 10 stories (23.3 percent), for a total of

23 stories or 53.5 percent of the sample. The extended
family proto-type is described in one story as living
in a little pink house. The members of the family are
specified the grandparents, Margarita and Robertol
the parents, Roberto and Josefina; and two little sisters,
ages five and three, Carlota and Neira. An accompanying
picture shows a boy, who apparently is the one relating
the story. He states that the youngest sister is the one
most loved (mimada) in the house. However, there is no
doubt that the membership of the family includes all
sevens "All together we form a family" (Primeras Luces,

p. 65).
Mothers are presented as characters in six stories.
In two other stories, girls are shown with dolls and
playing a mother's role. And in another story, an
anthropomorphized sheep is described as a mother with
children (ninos). Fathers are mentioned in five stories.
A grandmother and a grandfather are depicted in one
story each.
Siblings are shown interacting in six stories. All





21.


six occur in the same book, Progresando, and all deal

with the same brother-sister pair, Carlitos and Susana.

The School
Another recurring theme is the school (15 stories,
or 34.9 percent). The setting for ten stories (23.3

percent) is in a school, on a school field trip, or
enroute to school. Five of these stories include the
word "escuela" in the title. Three additional stories
mention school or the importance of school. Two other

stories are school related: one is concerned with the
care of books and the other has a picture showing a
girl writing on a small chalkboard or slate.
A composite picture of school, as described in the
various stories, is easily drawn. The teacher (six of
the seven teachers mentioned are female) lectures the

students, with wand in hand. The teacher "dictates"
the instruction and the students "learn" (memorize) the
lessons. The major topics discussed by teachers in the

stories were history and geography. However, many of
the classroom lectures also contained passing reference
to cultural heritage (3), civics (3), religion (2), and
science (1). The importance of literacy and reading are
stressed. One assignment is to memorize a poem. The

model student would be industrious, diligent, orderly,
and prompt or bright.
Interactional Analysis

In 17 stories, two or more human characters interact.






22.


These stories can be analyzed utilizing the interactional

model of Chapple and Coon. Eight different roles are

cast as initiators, and eight roles are cast as recipients
of initiation. The eight initiators of interaction areas

boy, brother, grandson, girl, man, grandfather, mother,
and teacher. The eight examples of terminators of inter-
action are: servant, sister, grandmother, beggar, sick

father, grandchildren, son, and students. (See Table I.)
Six times a brother is depicted explaining or telling

something to his sister. In one story, a boy yells at
his servant. In another, a grandson talks at length to

his grandmother while presenting her with a birthday gift.
Once a girl is shown caring for her bedridden father.

She tells him not to move, brings him water and reads to

him. In another story, a girl gives an old man, a beggar,
some money.
A man, the father of the story-teller, sends his

servant to school, an escuela fiscal, so that he might
become literate. In another case, a grandfather is shown
smoking his pipe and telling stories to his grandchildren.
A mother orders her son not to sleep with his cat in one
story, while in four different stories la maestra lectures

to her class.
From these cases, two generalized patterns are

evident. Older persons initiate to younger ones (seven

times), and among peers males initiate interactions to
females (six times). There are only four exceptions to '..





23.


Initiators of
Interaction

Boy

Brother

Grandson

Girl

Girl

Man

Grandfather

Mother

Teacher


TABLE I

FREQUENCY OF INTERACTION

Terminators of
Interaction

Servant

Sister

Grandmother

Beggar

Sick Father

Servant

Grandchildren

Son

Students


Number of
Instances

1

6

1

1

1

1

1

1
4





24.


these patterns, and all involve special conditions or
additional status factors,

The grandson initiates to the grandmother, but it
is her birthday, and he makes his speech while presenting
her with a bouquet of flowers. The girl initiates to
her father, but he is too ill to care for himself and
must be looked after. Both of these cases involve
special or extraordinary circumstances that allow a

younger person to initiate to an older one.

In the third case, a girl initiates to an old
beggar, un anciano, who sits in the doorway of a refuge
(asilo). There are no special conditions in this setting,

rather the beggar has less social status. Therefore, the
schoolgirl can initiate to him. And, indeed, "This good
action ought to be imitated by all generous girls."
(Esta buena accion deben imitar todas las ninas bondadosas,
Primeras Luces, p. 57.) A difference in status also allows

the boy in the fourth case to yell (gritar) at his servant
in making sure the servant's duties have been properly
discharged.
Notions of Others

Amerinds are mentioned in five stories, or 11.6
percent of the sample; and all of these occur in one
book, Julito. Three types of treatment are accorded
Amerinds in these stories as a historical people and

culture; as contemporary peasants (campesinos); and as
barbaric Indians (indios bArbaros).






25.


Two stories treat Amerinds historically; both settings

have a teacher lecturing the class. One states that
Christopher Columbus' discovery of the New World revealed

the advanced civilizations of the Aztecs and the Incas.
The story ends with the teacher's comment: "We are half
indios, half espaEoles. We speak Spanish. The mother

country (madre patria) is Spain. We are Catholics and

believe in God" (Julito, p. 23).

In a second instance, the teacher has taken her class
to the shores of Lake Titicaca, which she describes as
the cradle of advanced civilizations. "Aymara was mother
of the Incas" (Julito, p. 65). La maestra cites the

creative genius, the wisdom, and the marvelous traditions
of Manco Capac and the legendary figures Pachacutec,
Inca Roca, Huayna Capac, Huascar, and Atahuallpa.
Two stories have peasants as characters. While they
are not specifically identified as Amerinds, the features
and dress of the characters indicate that they are. One

story shows a young boy wearing a poncho, on horseback
riding to school in the countryside, "singing like a bird."
(Echando a volar sus coplas/como si fueran canarios .

Julito, p. 24.) Another story in Julito shows an obviously
Amerind boy in his white school uniform (delantal) ready
for school. The reader is informed that he is now a

servant with a family in the city, but he is from the

sub-tropics. When he arrived in the city, he lacked

confidence, he couldn't read, he was timid and retiring;





26.


he was barefoot, and kept his head down. In fact, he was

"a little savage" (un pequeno salvage). The family he

stays with sent him to a public school (Escuela fiscal)

where he has learned to read. The reader is told that
the campesino is of normal intelligence but abandoned to

his own fate by the selfishness and ignorance of others.

(Cree que, el campesino, es de natural inteligente, pero

abandonado a su propia suerte, por el egoismo y la

incultura de los demas, Julito, p. 31.) The reader is

then told what a difference schooling has made in this

boy. Now he is very studious and makes good grades.

In his school uniform he looks like any other boy in

the neighborhood.

The third treatment of Amerinds is as indios
barbaros in the Yungas. An accompanying picture shows

machete-wielding men dressed in loin cloths, working

under the watchful eyes of three monks with tonsured

heads, dressed in habits. The reader is told that the

missionaries try to convert these indios to Christianity

and to teach them -- but it is long and patient work.
The missionaries live in the midst of constant dangers

and great sacrifice.
Summary

It has been shown that the world of these books is

largely one of children, with children appearing in

88.4 percent of the stories. Moreover it is a world

in which most events occur either at home in familial






27.


settings or at school. When combined, these two settings
clearly account for 74.4 percent of all stories in the

sample. And, without doubt, it is a world dominated by

boys.

In the stories, girls ask boys questions or are
told things by boys. Only boys inquire of adults; no

girl is ever depicted asking a teacher a question in

school. And only boys deal with animals. In no story
did a girl have an animal as a pet or interact with an
anthropomorphized animal like boys did.
Certain insights are also provided regarding peer

groups and friendship associations. Girls appear either

alone in a story or in a mixed group which includes the
girl's brother. No story or picture depicts two or more
girls alone together. Not only are there no instances

of girl-girl friendships, there is only one mention of

a "friend" at all. At a party given by Carlitos and
Susana in Progresando, the first to arrive was "el amigo

de Jorge a quien Carlitos no conocla" (p.82). And this
"friend" of Jorge's tries to steal the pet parrot of

Carlitos and Susana.
While the world of children includes some make-
believe, the world of adults does not. Six stories (14.0
percent) show children enjoying cartoon characters or

having an adventure in "the world of the animals."

Adults never encounter anthropomorphized animals or

experience dream-like situations.





28.


Finally, it can be noted that the world of these

books does not include many Amerinds. Furthermore, the

few that are included tend to be cast as legendary

heroes, servants, or indios bgrbaros. The only other
minority group member mentioned in the stories is a
Jewish boy. As a new student at school he is stereo-

typed as very diligent and orderly, and a little suspect
because he alwyas keeps his hands on his supplies, and

never puts down his satchel, not even at recess. ( .
poraue tiene siempre sus manos, sobre sus tiles, y no

deja la carpeta, ni en la hora del recreo.) The reader
is told that Salom6n is the son of an honored immigrant,
a victim of the war who came to Bolivia.














CHAPTER IV
THE MODEL FOR SOCIAL ORDER
Introduction

S. The national schools aim to incorporate the
child into the nation. Like the rites of passage
described by van Gennep, schools act -- over an
extended period -- to separate children from their
households, isolate them together with their peers,
and then incorporate them into the wider Guatemalen
citizenry (Moore 1973,122).
If Moore is correct, then we can expect the textbooks

used in public schools to function as an anvil used to

forge a solid citizenry. If chaos is to be avoided,

then a single value system must be shared by a substantial
majority of those with access to political and economic

power. If our hypothesis is correct, the state-approved

Bolivian texts should present the most commonly-held

values of those established in the power bases.

In this chapter we shall examine some of the social
values represented in the analyzed stories. Specifically

we want to investigate the expressed social values as

they relate to individuals, family responsibilities, and
social mores and patriotic goals.

Individual Traits and Values

The composite value system of the textbooks emphasizes

three areas that relate directly to individuals. These

are the necessity for maintaining health and safety, the

29.






30.


value of schooling and knowledge, and a means ethic

based on diligence and persistence.

Health and safety are themes found in four stories

(9.3 percent) of the sample. Two stories are concerned
with traffic safety; one involves crossing streets with
the signals, the other with riding a bicycle. One story

deals with the nursing and subsequent recovery of an

injured father. One story focuses on preventative
measures -- the avoidance of germs.

School is valued as a noble (solariega) and sacred
institution; a temple of knowledge. Children are happy

to go to school to study, to learn what the professor
dictates. Books are also valued, for a book's knowledge

can show one the world.

My knowledge is easy,

My knowledge is not hard;
child, give me your hand
and I will show you the world (Progresando, p. 9).

School can shape a life or re-make an individual.
The case of the campesino servant whose life was changed

by literacy and a little schooling was described in
Chapter III.
Let's learn the lessons

they teach us to be good,
they teach us nothing less

than the path of knowledge.
These games of youth






31.

fortify our souls

and strengthen our bodies

and they shape our being (Progresando, p. 10).

The Incas of history and the peasants of today

work the land; in addition modern peasants may also

work at household chores as servants. And animals

work in order to serve man. There is no other discussion

of work in any of the stories, except for the references

to occupations of fathers and others. The stories use

the adjectives industrious, curious, and diligent to

describe model behavior. The implication is that persis-

tance, perhaps coupled with "a little bit of work," will

yield success.

One story tells of a squirrel chewing on a nut.

The outer layers are bitter, but the squirrel persists

in his endeavor, and when he reaches the inner part of

the nut he finds it to be sweet. At that instant, an

old squirrel appears and pronounces that, "Work is often,

bitter and hard in the beginning, but the reward it brings

is sweet and compensatory." (Convencete, ahora, que el

trabajo es a menudo cosa amarga y dificultosa en sus

comienzos, pero el provecho que trae es dulce y compensador

Progresando, p. 46).
Family Responsibilities

One story describes the many roles of the mother.

In a poem, the child says to the mothers

You are my good guide,






32.


you are my great love,

you are all my happiness,

you are of my life sun.

You are my sweet friend,

my counseling teacher;

you always carry me with you

like a tender companion.

You are simple .. and brave!;

you are tender and loving

you are wise, intelligent,

you are great and beloved (Primeras Luces, p. 103)!

While this may serve as a romantic ideal, the one

responsibility of the mother that is reiterated through-

out the stories is that of loving and nurturing the child.

The term madre appears in nine stories, and in eight of

these the mother is clearly described as loving or

nurturing the child. Five times the mother is said to

love her child or is shown caressing her baby. Two

instances deal with a mother feeding her child; this

includes one case of an anthropomorphized animal. And
one story deals with a mother's attempt to keep her son

healthy by teaching him to avoid germs.

Fathers are mentioned in seven stories and a specific
paternal role or duty is associated with five of these

stories. Three times a father is discussed in connection

with his occupation -- role of breadwinner, and once the

father is said to have fixed the daughter's doll. All








f-Ur 6of these cases' are in the area of responsibility
6f p~dvidi-ng for the material things of family life.
i- the fifth story,p the father expounds a philo-
gophiial point of view to' his son, Thus the father is
916- Shown assuming some responsibility for the intellectual
des'opment of his son(s).. It is worth noting that two
6th ge stories where the father is mentioned by occupa-
tft i O CUlvr in. classroom settings. In these two stories, \
Mt* father's acts have stimulated the son's interest in
Ss66ihol subject., For example,, one son flew with his
fthWfe to C(dvendo,, arfd the dlasE discussion in the story
6t6ues on the development of the Rio Bopi area.
Male chi:dren- have two areas of responsibility --
ft ~at of sonAi and that 6f brdther.. Sons are to love their
i~6~the- aid y their' parent ad ording to the stories
i, 6thS sample., And brothers are to act as instructors
*foS- their sisters.. In ev~ry' case where a brother and
sistr' appear- together in: a story (six- times), the brother
l4 always depicted: as teaching the sister;, Once the
t9rthi6e checks the sister"'& homework, once he shows her
6W- to r&ido a bicycle safely,- and four times he explains
a sory' or phenomenon to her..
g'h4 female child, as a- daughter,, is to love and
ar f6or her- father when needed.- AS a- sister she is to
V6 her- Birthe-O r' s tudent.- Bort. mal- and female children
&# to6, consider' how their' imprudent actions might adversely'
affect their parents. "What great pain we would cause our






34.


parents if we suffered some accident as a result of our
imprudence" (Progresando, p. 123).

In a discussion of the full range of roles and
responsibilities in an extended family, the grandparent-

grandchild relationships must also be considered. The
sample provides one story of a grandmother and one

about a grandfather. Both are tellers of tales and the

grandmother is said to reminisce about the good old days

when children were more curious and more industrious.

In one story, the grandson loves his grandmother and

remembers her birthday with a bouquet of flowers. In

the other, grandson and granddaughter both sit at the

feet of grandfather and listen to his story of Cain and

Abel.
Social Mores and Patriotic Goals

Social mores serve to reduce social friction and
provide some order for a society. The textbooks present
these values in two manners: as simple admonitions; and
within a motivational context.

The admonitions are of two types -- positive and

negative. The negative ones are "Don't kill or harm

others" and "Don't steal." These generally occur in an

illustrated format where a wrong-doer is caught in the

act and then suffers an unhappy consequence. The positive

admonitions vary from a simple "Be good" to more specific

behaviors. The stories illustrate that one should be
generous and help the poor, and that one should help the






35.


defenseless in order to promote justice.

In the stories, two types of motivation are ascribed
to social moress service to God, and service to society.

Religious motivation may stem from dedication. For
example, the reader is told that the Incas built beautiful
sanctuaries dedicated to the sun. Contemporary mission-

aries are said to work at great personal sacrifices and
in the midst of danger because of their faith.

However, religious motivation may also stem from a

fear of retribution. One story states that, "God does

not forget good souls." In another, when told that God
sent the flood because men were very bad, the little

girl says, "Then we ought to be good always so God won't

send another Flood" (Progresando, p. 26).

There is only one case where motivations for good
acts were seemingly ascribed to a desire to serve society.

That is the discovery of the New World by Columbus.
However, even this story ends with the statement. "We

are Catholics and we believe in God, by means of the
historical events beginning with the discovery of America."

(Somos catilicos y creemos en Dios, por obra de los
acontecimientos hist6ricos, y a partir del Descubrimiento
de America, suceso transcendental Julito, p. 22).

Six stories (13,2 percent) deal with patriotic goals.
These appeals serve to unify the citizenry to work for

the achievement of the goals: the development of human

and material resources. Some of the specifics of the




36.


general goal are to preserve the cultural heritage and
traditions, the nation's mineral wealth, and the nation's
freedom. There is an expressed desire to populate and
develop the Oriente and improve transportation by building

a railroad through the Yungas to the Beni. In addition
there is the hope that the people can be removed from
backwardness, ignorance and poverty.

Summary

The purpose of.schools seems to be the formation of
wise, healthy, and moral individuals who are capable of

fulfilling their familial and patriotic responsibilities.
However, the primary responsibility of the individual is

toward one's self. The student has a responsibility to

maintain his health. By remaining persistent, the

individual can become wise by learning the school lessons

and reading books.
Familial responsibilities are stated explicitly in
the stories. A mother has the responsibility for nurturing
her children and a father is to provide for their material
needs. Children are to be obedient and loving. Grand-
parents are to maintain a continuity of values by reminiscing
and by telling Bible stories. Familial love should govern
all family relationships.
Motivation to meet social responsibilities is often

provided by religious beliefs, i.e., to avoid the fate
assured evildoers. Specifically, individuals should be
good in order to avoid the unhappy consequences of God's
displeasure.












CHAPTER V
THE MODEL FOR ACTION
Introduction

In Chapter III we viewed the characters of the stories

as the personnel in the textbooks' universe; and we tried

to relate these characters to the environments in which

they were found and the nature of the events in which they

were participating. Chapter IV outlined the stated values

in the stories and categorized those values into three

areas of focus, the individual, the family, the society,

and the nation. However, not all values are explicitly
.stated. Rather, some may be presented subtly.

Chapter V is an attempt to examine the models for
solving problems or for working toward specified goals

that are presented in the textbooks. Those stories in
which an individual is faced with a clearly stated problem

or goal were analyzed by asking the following questions:

What is the nature of the problem or goal? What obstacles

or barriers must the individual surmount in order to be

successful? What course of action or what type of means

is used by the character in his efforts? Is the character

successful in fulfilling his goals or solving his problem,

or do these efforts result in a happy ending for the
character in the story? Twenty stories, 46.5 percent of

37.




38.


the sample, were found to contain one or more problem-

solving or goal directed situations. A total of 25 such

events were analyzed.

Problems to be Overcome and Goals to be Achieved

The problems and goals in these stories can be

grouped into three categories. Self-centered objectives

are those which, if achieved, will primarily benefit the

actor. Family oriented objectives may affect one or

more members of the actor's family. Social mores and

patriotic goals have import for the nation and society

as a whole.

There were nine cases of self-centered objectives

(36 percent) of those examined. These were the following:
to get to school safely
to keep healthy

to steal another's pet parrot

to shape a good life (for one's self)

to kill (Abel) out of jealousy

to kill and eat a bee (by an anthropomorphized hen)

to kill and eat young frogs (by an anthropomorphized
snake)

to eat a nut (by an anthropomorphized squirrel)

to separate a mother and her son out of jealousy
(by a bad fairy)
The five examples (20 percent) of family-oriented objectives

were

to remain close to son despite efforts of a bad fairy
to keep son healthy







to care for doll like a mother (by a girl)

to care for sick father (by a girl)

to teach sister elements of traffic safety (by a
brother)
Eleven actions (44 percent) were undertaken or specified

directly affecting others outside the family. These are

of two general kinds, and the examples of both are cited.

Social mores:

to help the poor with alms

to seek justice and punish evil (by anthropomorphized
frogs)
to rescue a defenseless bee from an anthropomorphized
hen
Patriotic goals

to discover the New World for King, Queen, and
,madre patria

to gain freedom from Spain

to preserve the country's freedom and resources

to develop the country's natural wealth
to build a railroad in order to develop the country

to advance the country from poverty and ignorance

to improve the lot of campesinos through education
to convert the indios barbaros to Christianity
Barriers to Success

The stories depict four types of obstacles or barriers
that must be overcome if success is to be realized.

1. Society, or impersonal authority

2. Nature, illness, physical hardship or danger
3. Individual weakness, poor reasoning or lack of
knowledge, jealousy, envy


39.




40.


4. Evil, either impersonal or inherent, in another
specific individual
The obstacles of society occur in 16 percent of the
situations, the barriers of nature in 52 percent, those
of self in 20 percent, and evil is the primary obstacle

in 12 percent of the cases.
Means

Seven types of means are used in efforts to overcome

the barriers listed above.

1. Perseverance or hardwork

2. Deceit, trickery, or cunning

3. Knowledge, intellect, or information
4. Kindness, or personal appeal

5. Force, power
6. Persuasion or argument

7. Magic or appeal to the supernatural; prayer
The use of knowledge, intellect, or information

and perseverance or hardwork are the means used most
frequently in overcoming obstacles. Knowledge is used
in eight cases (32 percent) and perseverance is a factor
in seven (28 percent). The two appear in combination

three times. Magic is used four times (16 percent);
deceit.and force each three times. Persuasion is the
means in one example.

The analysis indicates that specific barriers are
to be expected in the pursuit of certain objectives.
That is, two or three of the barriers are associated

with each of the categories of problems and goals




41.


throughout the sample.
In pursuing self-centered objectives, actors
encounter either the obstacles of nature or those of
self. The latter are most frequent, occurring in five

(55 percent) of the nine examples of self-centered
objectives; nature provides the barriers in the
remaining four (44 percent).

Family-oriented objectives are blocked by nature
in four of the five cases (80 percent) present in the
sample. Evil has to be surmounted in the remaining
instance (20 percent).

Three types of obstacles are presented in the
various cases involving social morality and patriotic
goals. Nature is the most common, occurring in five of
eleven examples, or 45 percent of the time, while society
itself or impersonal authority occurs four times (36
percent). Evil is the barrier twice, or in 18 percent
of the cases.
Appropriate Means for Overcoming Specific Obstacles

In analyzing the use of specific means for specific
obstacles, two criteria may be used for judging appro-
priateness. We can look not only at the selection of
means for each obstacle, but also at the effectiveness
of the means chosen. Effectiveness can be measured by
the results produced success (or failure) of overcoming
the barrier and accomplishing the task, or by the achieve-

ment of satisfaction or happiness. The means are effective




42.


if they are clearly successful or produce a state of
happiness on the part of the user.

Faced with the barriers of society, four different
means were tried in the examples. A combination of

perseverance and knowledge was clearly successful on

one occasion, and force proved effective on another.

Kindness and magic were each tried once, and the results

in both cases were mixed or unclear.

Five of the seven means were used in various stories

when nature provided the encountered obstacles; only

deceit and persuasion were not attempted in dealing with

nature. Perseverance and knowledge were each used four

times, being clearly successful twice each and yielding

mixed or unclear results in the other half of the cases.

However, in two additional situations, both perseverance

and knowledge were used together very successfully.

Deceit proved unsuccessful all three times that it
was used when the barriers were those of self. Persuasion

also failed in the single instance where it was tried.

Only the use of knowledge did not yield obvious failure;

in the one example it gave mixed or unclear results.

Evil was the barrier present in three cases. It
was overcome successfully twice by use of magic, and

once by persuasion.
Violence and Illegalityi Six Case Studies

The use of violent or illegal means are special

cases that ought to be considered in a study of social












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45.


TABLE III

SUMMARY OF RESULTS BY ACTORS

Actors Results

Children Positive

Negative
Unclear
Mother Positive

Father Positive

Historical Figures Positive

Negative


Anthropomorphized Animals &
Fairies


Others


Frequency

5
1

3
2

1

2

1


Positive

Negative

Positive

Negative




46.


order. We need to inquires when is violence condoned?

and when is illegality acceptable? One case is illegal

and non-violent (stealing) and one is both illegal and

violent (killing). Five others employ violent means

with no illegality being implied. (however, in the

instance of violent revolution one could question the

legality of the means, though this was not done.)

Case I. At a party, a boy, unknown to the hosts,

tries to steal the prized pet parrot. When no one is

looking he hides the bird in his pocket. He is given

away when the bird talks. Embarrassed, he flees as

others give chase. The reader is not told if he is

punished, but clearly his attempt was unsuccessful.

Case II. Grandfather tells the story of Cain and

Abel. Mad and envious of his brother, Cain tricked

Abel into taking a walk with him. Cain killed Abel

.with bloody, terrible blows. Later, Cain despaired and

sought pardon; but he remained unhappy for the rest of

his life.

Case III. In the world of animals, an anthropomor-

phized hen tries to eat a hapless bee who lies on his

back, unable to right himself. A boy happens along

just in time to save the bee. Embarrassed, the hen

repents and offers some of her eggs to the youth.

Cases IV and V. The setting is the world of the

animals. The adult frogs are practicing their concert

while their children play nearby. Sure that no one can




47.


see him, a snake eats all the young frogs. (Case IV)

Later, the parent frogs are very grieved when

they cannot find their children. The frogs -- who
have never done any harm to anyone -- spy the snake
with his swollen belly. They resolve to punish the

evil doer. The frogs surround the snake, who thinks

these inoffensive little animals can do him no harm.

The frogs encircle the snake with their saliva. The

snake is unable to crawl away because the ring of
saliva burns his body. The snake dies. The sadness

of the frogs has endured, and even today, whenever

they find a sleeping snake, they sentence him to death

in this manner. It is said that animals as bad as the

snakes ought not to live. (Case V)

Case VI. Bolivar, the celebrated general, freed
the country from Spain. He is called Libertador.

.Under his direction the patriots won the battles of
Junin and Ayacucho which resulted in freedom for nuestra

patria. In his homage the country is called Bolivia,

Bolivar was the first president.

All of these cases conform to one of two basic models.
The first four cases follow a model in which all of the
objectives are of type 1, i.e., self-centered. All of

them also involve barriers of self-envy, jealousy, poor

reasoning. Deceit and cunning are the means used in

three of the cases. Force is attempted in one. All

four cases end unsuccessfully or unhappily for the actor.




48.


Cases V and VI follow a different model. The
objectives in both are of type III, social morality

and patriotic goals. In case V, the frogs use magic

as the means for overcoming evil. In case VI, Bolfvar
used force to battle the impersonal authority of Spain.

In both cases the results were successful.

The implications of this analysis are that illegality

and violence are not condoned for self-centered objectives.

Furthermore, the means of deceit and force do not yield

successful or happy results when the objectives are self-

centered. It may also be concluded that deceit and force

are ineffective in overcoming the inadequacies of one's

self.
Violence, however, is acceptable for achieving

certain social objectives. The frog's use of magic to

overcome the evil of the snake produced bloodless violence

that was quite effective. Similarly, Bolfvar's use of

force proved successful in overpowering a segment of

society in an impersonal manner. It can be noted that

the texts in both of these cases, while obviously approving

the ends, minimize the depiction of force -- the frogs
never touch the snake in causing his death; and the bloody

and gory aspects of war are not mentioned.
Summary

Objectives that will benefit others (family-oriented

or social) are the ones with the greatest potential for

success. In these areas one is most frequently confronted




49.


with the obstacles of nature (56 percent of the cases
involving family -- or society -- oriented objectives).
Knowledge and persistence, especially in combination,
are clearly successful most of the time (57 percent).
Females realize 100 percent success in the areas of
family-oriented and social objectives. While no failures

are noted in these two areas of objectives, the results

of males are not always clear.

Self-centered objectives are seldom realized

successfully (only twice, or 22 percent of the time)i
once by persistence, and once through knowledge. Though

these two means never fail, they produce unclear results

50 percent of the time in this objective area. Deceit
as a means always fails to produce the desired results.
Magic, however, can be used successfully to achieve

family oriented or social objectives; only when magic
is used for self-centered ends does it fail.












CHAPTER VI
THE LITERATURE ON SOCIAL ORDER IN BOLIVIA

Introduction

After the conquest of the indigenous populations of
Bolivia by the Spanish in the 16th century, a sharply

segmented society developed and continues to exist

today. The descendents of the Conquistadores, augmented

by Spanish and other European settlers, constitute the
superordinate Hispanic (or Western European) segment,

while the subjugated Amerinds were forced into subordinated

roles. Although numerically small, the closed Hispanic

sector has dominated Bolivian politics and economics

since independence from Spain. This has occurred in spite

of the fact that the Amerinds are in the majority about

70 percent of Bolivia's population are racially and
culturally identifiable as Aymara or Quechua.

The division of Bolivian society into two distinct

cultural groups is a simple view of a rather complex

pluralistic system. The fact that intermediate segments

of mestizos and cholos can be identified and defined in
no way detracts from the correctness or significance of

the two main dichotomous groups. The Hispanic elite and

the Amerinds (i.e., the Aymara and Quechua peoples) may

by viewed as the basic cultural models, and both mestizos
50.




51.


and cholos are most easily defined in terms of their
variance from these two models.
For present purposes, it is not necessary to
find the precise sociological label for traditional
Bolivia. It suffices to state that rigid strati-
fication was at the root of the system, that aspects --
of cultural and social pluralism were evident and
that the structure successfully inhibited social
mobility. Status in traditional Bolivia was character-
istically ascriptive, based on birth into a particular
social stratum and community (Comitas 1968:938).

This chapter, then will focus on the Hispanic elite

and one of the major Amerind populations. These efforts

are restricted in that much of the social science research
in Bolivia has focused on the effects of the 1952 revo-

lution and the subsequent problems involving land tenure.

There are a few studies, however, which do provide bits

and pieces of information on Bolivia's social order, but
most of these concern the indigenous populations of the

country. The Hispanic culture of Bolivia has been largely
ignored by social scientists. Even among the Amerinds of
Bolivia, the available literature is uneven. By far the

majority of it focuses on Aymara communities. The Bolivian
Quechua remain largely unstudied, and there is little
specific literature about their social structures and
values. Therefore, this survey is necessarily restricted

to considerations of the Aymara as representatives of the
Amerind populations.
Both Aymara and Quechua populations have held roughly

equivalent positions in the social hierarchy of Bolivia
and have received more or less the same treatment at the





52.


hand of the Hispanic elites. Furthermore, in the text-
books analyzed, no ethnic distinctions were made regarding
campesinos or Amerinds (except in the case of indios

barbaros living in the Oriente). Finally, compared with
the Aymara and Quechua populations other Amerinds are,
indeed, small minorities.

Hispanic Social Order

The Individual. Traditional Mediterranean personalism,
marked by a highly developed sense of amor propio, is the
singular trait of the individual Hispanic Bolivian. This

sense of inner dignity or personalismo is primary in

determining individual action and social value.

Most central in the Hispanic value tradition
is the complex of strongly held beliefs regarding
,the individual and his place in society subsumed
under the concept of personalismo. With regard
to the individual, personalismo represents, on
the one hand, a conviction that every person is
unique and endowed with an innate dignity--
independent of social status--which is worthy of
universal respect and, on the other hand, a
preoccupation with the expression of personal -.
worth through the embodiment of highly stereotyped
personality ideals. In social life, personalismo
is reflected in a tendency to emphasize personal
qualities and interpersonal relationships over
substantive achievement and purely formal roles
in forming judgments of men and in establishing
bonds of trust and loyalty with them (United States
Army 1963:275).
Such egoism produces conflicts and contradictions.

Basic to the model personality of Bolivia's
Hispanic peoples are egocentrism, hypersensitivity,
and capriciousness. Self-love is considered good,
and anything that threatens it is taken as an
insult. Teamwork is difficult Constructive
criticism is thought to be a contradiction in terms.
Because it questions a person's worth, integrity or
knowledge, criticism cannot conceivably be constructive
(Carter 1971l150).




'53.


Though such a high degree of personalism may
seem anit-social, paradoxically it can.also work for

social cohesion.

The capriciousness, distrust, and vengefulness
found so frequently in Bolivian society are, then,
nothing more than the logical outgrowths of an
intense felling of personal value. But if a highly
developed sense of personal worth leads to such
anti-social attitudes behavior, it is fully as
conducive to intense loyalties, confidences, and,
consequently social cohesion (Carter 1971:152).

Another force regulating the individual's behavior

and values is the concept of respeto. Respeto, analogous

to the idea of saving face, is also in the Mediterranean

cultural tradition. The dynamics of respeto not only

influence the individual's self-concept but also his

relationships to others.

Associated with the idea of inner dignity is
that of respeto (respect), which to Spanish speakers
means specifically respect for a person's inner
dignity and a studied attempt to avoid giving
offense. The behavior involved in respeto is
expected of all people, regardless of social rank.
Although a person of superior station is not expected
to imply equality in his behavior toward those of
lower rank, he is expected to avoid all behavior
which might, in any way, slight the latter's unique
qualities or injure his self-esteem (United States
Army 1963t279).
The Family. The Hispanic cultural traditions of
Bolivia are similar to those of Hispanic cultures every-

where. Great emphasis is placed on motherhood, and the

mother's role as bearer and nurturer of children. The
father is expected to support the family.

Even though the child lives basically in an adult
world, the "children of the upper Hispanic-oriented




54.


sector of Bolivian society are incorrigibly pampered"
(Carter 1971:138). They are "encouraged to show their
individuality and authority, to the point of ordering
around the adult nursemaids and servants hired to care

for them" (Carter 1971,138). Boys develop intense
friendships with other boys, especially with school-

mates, and spend much of their time away from home in
adventures with their companions (Carter 1971:140-141).
Girls are kept under close scrutiny, and are jealously

guarded by their fathers, brothers, and female relatives.
(Carter 1971,140-141).

Society. Bolivia's rigid hierarchical social system
can best be comprehended as it relates to the personal
value system. An understanding of amor propio and
.respeto provides insight to this system. Carter has
stated that the personalistic tradition of Hispanic
Bolivians explains the intrinsic justice and logic of
their hierarchical social system.

All men deserve respect for what they are, whether
they stand high or low on the social ladder. Even
simple artisans and truck-drivers are given dignity
by being addressed as maestro or master (Carter
1971:152).
However, the amount of respect that one is accorded
in life is a function of his age, wealth, and ascribed
social position. "In most cases the younger set defers
to the older set except in the case of a young affluent
person with social power who will be deferred to by an
older, poorer person" (Good 1971:37).




55.


In terms of social values and concerns, Carter cites
the 20th century passion of Bolivia's literati for social
justice and national identity (1971,148-150). At the
same time, expressions of a deep sense of cultural
inferiority tends to immobilize action by instilling
fatalism -- even though there exists intense regional
and national pride (Carter 1971:153).
The School. The Ministry of Education has direct
authority for all urban schools, i.e., those in the
capitals of departments and provinces, and other large
population centers. Provisions are made for pre-school,
primary, secondary, technical-vocational and university
cycles. The ministry has the responsibility of training
teachers for its own school system, as well as setting
academic and administrative policies (Comitas 1968:942).

Philosophically, the objectives of urban education
have changed little since pre-Revolutionary days (Comitas
1968:942). Education in Bolivia continues in the Hispanic
humanistic tradition, emphasizing grace, an appreciation
of beauty and spiritual values, and traditional book-
learning (Carter 1971:141-142, 154).
Schools employ authoritarian and traditional methods.
They use an extreme form of rote instruction, dic-
tating lessons for the child to copy into a note-
book, which is graded on the basis of neatness,
accuracy, and artistic quality. At the end of the
term, the pupil is expected to have memorized its
contents and to feed them back in an oral final
examination (Carter 1971,145-146).
Finally, Carter points out that "sex distinctions





56.


become crucial in the school experience" (1971:139).

Although increasing numbers of Hispanic women
work outside the home, the ideal is still that
of an elegant leisure, with the woman overseeing
the servants who care for her house and tend her
children. She is expected to fill most of her
waking hours with works of charity, visitations
with friends and relatives, and involvement in
private clubs and associations. For such
activities, she must learn to be a lady; proper
behavior is stressed above all else . All
these refinements are more important than
excellence in scholarship (Carter 1971:139).
Aymara Social Order

The Individual. It is impossible to separate the
individual or personal values of the Aymara from the

social -- for they are two perspectives on the same
value system. The Aymara individual is expected to

minimize self-assertion and to serve as a responsible,
contributing member of society (Carter 1971t135).

Of all of Bolivia's ethnic groups, the highland
Indians are the most socially oriented. Prestige
accrues not to those who have force of character or
are aggressively competitive; but, rather, to those
who serve their fellow man. Self-expression and
self-preoccupation are disparaged, while self-
control, responsibility, and trustworthiness are
extolled (Carter 1971130).
In terms of personal attributes, Harry Tschopik

(1951:295-297) has described the Aymara as irresponsible
and disorderly. Not only have these attributes been
questioned by others (.,g., Carter 19681258), but such
judgments are necessarily ethnocentric.

While Hispanic society expresses a concern for social
values, the presence of strong individualistic values,
such as amor proprio, prevent much action towards those





57.


social values. Although the Aymara have a strong sense
of personal identification, they do not evidence a
separate and socially antagonistic set of egoistic
values.
The Family. Carter has stated that the family is

the most important social unit (1968t248) and that
family factors have as much influence as macro-social
factors in the development of values in the Aymara
personality (1966:377). John Hickman has concurred.

The overwhelming impression is one of great
persistence of cultural forms that emphasize
family, land, and animals, and their relationship
to the supernaturals that control them .
The quality of life is one of general "amoral familism"
that places the family as the only center of concern
and effort (1963:3498).
Like its Hispanic counterpart, the Amerind world is

adult oriented. Women do much of the work -- at home,

in the fields, and at the market -- while men are expected
to deal with the outside or non-Amerind world. The family
model consists of three generations; often including

married sons and their wives living in the father's house.
While kinship is reckoned through both sexes, paternal
kinsmen develop especially close ties due to land tenure
patterns (Carter 1971,134).
In some areas, even young children share in the
economic activities of the family, especially girls
(Carter 1971:131-132). Boys have more time for school
and music, and often accompany their fathers on trips.
It is not surprising that the few children's games that




58.


exist replicate adult activity (Carter 1971:132).

When children fail to fulfill a duty or are deemed
irresponsible, they are ridiculed or punished. Carter
states that by the time children are six, they are
convinced that people are constantly watching them,

waiting for the opportunity to criticize their faults
(Carter 1971:131, 132, 133).

Descriptions of child-rearing practices
among both the Aymara and the Cochabamba Quechua
indicate definite attempts to inculcate quiet,
circumspect behavior and conformity to established
custom, along with a tendency to discourage
exuberant self-expression and over-exercise of
initiative. To control his child's public behavior,
the parent lays great stress on shame and public
scrutiny. For example, the most common form of
admonition issued to an Aymara child, according to
one writer, is "People are watching you." The
result is the reinforcement of the strongly social
orientation in the values which define personality
ideals. Such warnings of public scrutiny are
generally cast in negative terms--admonitions
against socially undesirable behavior--and do not
contain any element of promise that outstanding
characteristics of the child will receive public
praise. The emphasis is on conformity for the
avaoidance of disapproval rather than on personal
excellence for the accrual of prestige (United
States Army 1963:287).
Society. Socially approved behavior, for the Aymara,
is behavior which contributes to the smooth functioning
of society. It is in this vein that decisions are made
by consensus, and after much consultation (Buechler and
Buechler 1971054-60). Democratic practices are also
valued.

A remarkable democracy prevails. People may
differ in the ephemeral attributes of property
and wealth, but essentially everyone is born equal.
Even women are given a voice rarely found in
Hispanic groups (Carter 1971:135).




59.


The authority of males generally increases with
age, and is held until death (Carter 19681250). Even
though the authority of the elderly tends to prevail,
it is often resented. In addition to age, knowledge
is also respected. Consequently, economic power tends

to concentrate in the hands of the elderly and those
with considerable formal education (Carter 1968:252).

Social solidarity is attributable to mutual
sacrifice, conformity and patterned submissiveness to

authority (Carter 1968:254, 256). Eating and drinking
together is the basis for sociability (Carter 1968:254).
Moreover, it is accepted that social ties demand self-
sacrifice (Carter 1971s133). For example, not only are

strangers welcomed into the house, but food and drink
must be offered and accepted before meaningful social
relations can begin. This hospitality provides one with
some control over interpersonal demands, keeping them
within prescribed limits (Carter 1968s256).

Carter interprets the Aymara world as basically
competitive and vengeful; even close friends and relatives
may turn against one another (1968s250, 252).

One must read the signs in order to know who wishes
him harm and what one's predicted successes and
failures might be . Through such knowledge,
one can learn how better to live with reality and
perhaps even to manipulate it (Carter 1968:250).
Though he emphasized anxiety, hostility, utilitarianism,
and the use of magic, Tschopik agrees with Carter and Weston

La Barre on the fatalistic outlook of the Aymara.





60.


The role of the fate is seen in the fact that
success is often blocked or terminated despite
social rank, merit, and other predictable natural
causes. Deterioration in human relations is
interpreted in the same fatalistic light.(Carter
1968s256).
The School. The informal education of the Aymara
is more by example than precept, with primary emphasis

being given to obedience, steady industry, and proper

etiquette (Carter 1971:132). This is in sharp contrast
with the formal schooling which is patterned after the

Hispanic model.

Teaching is done by demonstration with charts and
by letting children copy from the blackboard.
Considerable attention is devoted to rote learning.
Children are examined orally and in written form
by outside examiners in the presence of their
families (Buechler and Buechler 1971:30).
The Ministry of Asuntos Campesinos, not the Ministry
.of Education, is responsible for the education of rural

populations. Since the educational needs of campesinos
are perceived as different from those of urban Hispanic
children, the objectives are basically different. Carter
states that the rural schools attempt to inculcate

Western style living habits, combat the use of alcohol
and coca, and teach the Spanish language, as well as
literacy in Spanish (1971:144-145). The schools are
generally marked by a lack of adequate furniture and in-
sufficient teaching materials.

The rural normal schools lack laboratories and
libraries; the few industrial schools lack
machinery for practical lessons and, as a
result, students and student teachers learn
only theory without practical experience .
(Comitas 1968:944).




61.


Comitas views this dualistic Bolivian system as
socially functional -- it perpetuates the traditional

divisions and separations of the society.

While it is a system designed for the cultural
and economic uplifting of the campesinos,
significantly it provides no mechanism for the
movement of the rural student into the secondary
and university cycles. Structurally, except
for the possibility of limited training in the
rural normal schools or through migration to the
cities, the campesino terminates his education
at the end of the primary cycle, if he is
fortunate enough to reach that stage (Comitas
19681943).

Despite rudimentary facilities, lack of materials,
poorly trained teachers, and a structure that discourages

Amerind participation and achievement, the great desire

of the Aymara for schools has been widely noted (e.g.,

Schweng 19661 Hohenstein 1970).

the educational aspirations of the campesinos
are very high. Many campesinos perceive education
as the catalyst for social mobility, as the means
by which they or their children will escape from
the hard and unremitting toil on the land. .
Others see education as a general panacea for
their life condition but have little idea as to
what specifically can be gained from it .
There are even a few campesinos who view education
as necessary for the preservation of a traditional
way of life (Comitas 1968:944).
For whatever reasons, Aymara communities tend to
take great pride in their schools. Not infrequently
these schools have been built with community funds and

by volunteered community labor. It is not surprising,
then, that one of the major offices in Aymara communities

is that of school mayor. The Buechlers state that formal
education is so central in Compi-Llamacachi that there





62.


are four important leaders who treat educational problems

(1971*29).
The Hispanic and Aymara subcultures of Bolivia are
dissimilar in many important aspects including world
view and the definition of social roles and familial

responsibilities. Within the Hispanic subculture,
individual egoism in the form of amor propio is in
constant tension with a passion for social justice and

regional and national pride. The Aymara, however,
minimize self-assertion, and through mutual sacrifice
and conformity to social norms contribute to social

solidarity.

While the family is the most basic social unit for

both Hispanic and Aymara Bolivians, individual family
roles and responsibilities differ considerably. These
differences, which reflect differing world views, can
be ascribed, at least in part, to economic necessity

and ecological adaptations. The Hispanic elites place
great emphasis on the sanctity of motherhood, and cast
the father in the role of sole provider for the family.
Such systems are incongruous to the traditionally
agriculturally oriented Aymara. Everyone in the family
must work and fulfill their duties if the family is to
survive. Men and women, boys and girls, all toil in
the fields. In addition, the women and girls do most

of the marketing of the produce. Thus, females play an

important economic role in Aymara communities.





63.

The schools which serve Hispanic and Aymara children \
are also different. The system for Hispanic urbanites is

administered by the Ministry of Education and provides
different programs and services than the schools for
rural Aymara children which are administered by the
Ministry for Peasant Affairs. This dualistic system
tends to perpetuate the traditional divisions and

separations of Bolivian society.












CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSIONS
Summary of Textbook Analysis

It was shown in Chapter III that the world of the

textbooks is largely a male oriented one, with boys

dominating girls, just as it is adult oriented with
adults dominating children. Boys participate in adven-

tures, ask questions of the teacher in school, and look

out for their sisters. The activities of girls are

largely confined to playing with dolls, except for the

one instance of caring for a sick father.

The social perspective of the stories appears to
be that of a monolithic urban society which occasionally

deals with outsiders who exist on the periphery. These
others are treated as exceptions. Indigenous American
cultures are significant for their cultural heritage,

but contemporary Amerinds are only viewed as servants

or as potential converts to Christianity. Only one
story discusses a minority group, that is, Jews. The
Jewish boy in the story is at least a little odd, if not

suspect. It is certain, however, that he is different --

a special case.
Chapter IV dealt with role definitions and individual
values. Individuals have a responsibility to themselves.

64.




65.


This is most clearly stated in terms of an individual
maintaining his personal health and safety. Moreover,
one ought to be persistent in his efforts, especially
in obtaining the knowledge and wisdom offered by schools
and books.

The three generation family is the model described
in the textbooks. The mother's role is to nurture her
children, while a father is to provide for the material
wants and needs of the family. In addition, the father
may also provide intellectual stimulation for his son(s).

Grandparents maintain traditions and provide continuity.

And in all cases, familial love governs all family
relationships.
Chapter V demonstrated that the goals most often

successfully achieved are those which are related to

one's family or are socially oriented. Nature provides
most of the obstacles which must be overcome if success
or happiness is to be realized. And a combination of

knowledge and persistence always yields success in any
endeavor.

Although the 43 texts in the sample did not yield a
complete picture of a social order, they do provide

certain basic information regarding the individual's

role in society, the nature of the family and familial
responsibilities, as well as social mores and ideals.
Probably owing to their nature as school textbooks, the
stories in the sample also provide much information about





66.


school and the nature of formal education. These four
areas of focus can now be compared with analogous data
derived independently from the reports of social science

research currently available.
The Content Analysis and the Social Science Literature
Compared
The Individual. The social science literature
indicates that the role of the individual in Hispanic

and Aymara societies are diametrically different. The

Hispanic Bolivian is supposed to be concerned with
himself, to project his own ego. The Aymara individual
is expected to subjugate individuality to social responsi-

bility. This results in a large degree of conformity.

A direct comparison with the literature is difficult,

but the results seem to indicate that the sample is more
congruent with Hispanic personalism, than with the Aymara
concern for social solidarity. For example, Chapter IV
illustrated one area of responsibility to self stressed

in the texts -- the importance of maintaining one's own
health and safety. In Chapter V an analysis of self-
oriented objectives indicated that success can be achieved

if the appropriate means are utilized. Knowledge and
persistence never yield negative results even with self-

oriented objectives. (See Table II.)
The Family. The family is of central importance to

both Hispanic and Aymara Bolivians. The individual roles
and responsibilities, however, differ immensely. The
literature depicts the father as provider, and emphasizes




67.


an overwhelming concern with motherhood. For the Aymara,
the mother is shown to contribute along with the father

to the economic well-being of the family. Hispanic

children are pampered, and Hispanic girls are zealously
protected. Aymara children are expected to work from
an early age. And while Hispanic girls are kept home

to protect them from Hispanic boys, Aymara girls have

restricted freedoms because they must work. Children of
both cultures imitate adults in their play and recreation.
The analysis of the sample seems to indicate congru-

ency with the Hispanic family model. Mothers are actors

or subjects in nine stories or 20. 9 percent of the

sample, with the majority of these (eight of the nine)
involving her in a loving or nurturing role. Mothers

never work. Fathers appear in seven stories (16,3 percent),

and three of these deal with the father's occupation --

his role as provider.
While the analysis does not indicate any pampering
of the children, there is not a single case of a child

being reprimanded or disciplined. There is, however,
one example of a boy yelling at his servant.
The stories are curiously vague about peer interaction
and friendship groups. There are several cases, however,

where classmates are discussed and it is assumed that

they are friends. The primary associates of girls in the

stories are their brothers, supporting Carter's observation
that brothers "jealously guard" their sisters.




68.


Society. The model of Hispanic society presented
by the literature is a rigid hierarchy. By accident
of birth one is placed on a particular rung of the
social ladder. One should respect his own place in

society, and in turn others should show him proper
respect. It is considered improper to try to rise

above the level of one's birth. Those who do try to
climb the social ladder are ridiculed. For the Aymara,

however, an essentially democratic social model prevails.

Access to Hispanic authority is mostly through
ascribed social status and age. Aymara authority is

based on age and wealth. .Both the Hispanic and Aymara
segments provide for sharp divisions of labor, and both

provide more relative social prestige to males than

females. While Hispanic Bolivians talk of social justice
and national identity, the Aymara actually evince a high
degree of social solidarity and a consequently high
degree of social justice. Both the Hispanic and Aymara
world views are fatalistic.

The analysis of the sample texts reveals a few
ambiguities -- reflecting the few social aspects of the
Hispanic Bolivians and Aymaras that are similar, e.g.,
closed, fatalistic societies. However, the majority of

those data clearly indicate more congruency with the

Hispanic social model than with the Aymara social model.
The expressed concern for social justice in the
sample of stories was demonstrated in Chapter V. Eleven




69.


of the 25 stories (44 percent) analyzed for problem
solving involved societal goals, such as social justice.

Eight of these stories (32 percent) were explicitly
patriotic. At least one story stressed the negative

aspects of poverty and ignorance in the country,
illustrating the cultural inferiority complex cited
by Carter.

Chapter III clearly identified the axes of authority

and status through interactional analysis. In the stories
males dominate females and older persons dominate younger
ones -- except under certain special conditions. One of

the special cases was a young girl on her way to school,

who initiated to the old beggar. This is analogous to
Good's generalization about respeto: the younger set
defers to the older set except in the case of a young
affluent person with social power who will be deferred

to by an older, poorer, person.

The School. Urban schools are administered by the
Ministry of Education while rural schools are in the
charge of the Ministry of Asuntos Campesinos. The social

structural significance of this is that it coincides, to

a considerable degree, to the geographic dispersement of
the different segments of Bolivian society (Comitas 1968:
942). The Hispanic elites, the small middle class, and
the cholos tend to inhabit those areas served by urban
schools. Amerinds tend to inhabit those areas served by

rural schools.





70.


The urban system continues the Spanish humanistic
traditions, emphasizing classic, academic education for

the socially and economically privileged segments of

the nation (Comitas 1968s642). The rural schools try
to teach literacy, inculcate "good living practices,"
and develop technical and vocational skills.

While rural and urban schools are administered by

separate bureaucratic ministries and have different
stated objectives, the instructional methodology tends
to be the same for both. Teachers dictate lessons

which students copy into notebooks and memorize for the
purpose of passing the examinations. This method may

be congruent with Hispanic educational traditions, but
it certainly varies from the informal education of Aymara!

children where instruction is more by example than by

precept.

In fact, the analysis of the sample texts revealed
a picture of education and the classroom that corresponds
perfectly with this Hispanic ideal. There are references

to learning what the teacher dictates (see Chapter IV)

and the case of the boy who asks his sister if she can

repeat from memory the poem that the teacher had taught
them. ("IPodrfas repetir de memorial la poesfa que nos
enseP6 la maestra?" Y Susana que es muy lista, se la

respite sin olvidarse una sola palabra Progresando, p. 10).

According to Carter, education in Bolivia has followed

the Spanish humanistic tradition, emphasizing grace, an




71.


appreciation of beauty and spiritual values, and traditional

book-learning (pp. 141-142, 154). These values have appeared

frequently in the texts. For examples, there is the poem

on books cited in Chapter IV and another poem entitled,

"La Violeta Y La Golondrina seamos sencillos" (Julito,

p. 64).

Carter also emphasized the important sex distinctions

in education. Girls are not expected to excel in aca-
I
demics; there are other more necessary things for girls

to learn. In the analysis of the readers, it was noted

that no girl ever asked a teacher a question; girls never

participated in a single classroom setting in any of the

stories. Girls appear alone in only six stories, and in

two of these the girl is playing with dolls and emulating

her mother. In a third story a girl performs an act of

charity by giving her "sweets" money to a beggar.

Finally, it has been stated that rural schools attempt

to inculcate Western style living habits in Amerind children.

It is interesting to compare this goal with the story of

the campesino servant described in Chapter III. The

campesino is changed from a savage to a boy who looks

like any other in the neighborhood -- all by education.

Hypothesis Considered

The stated hypothesis of this study has been that the

contents of primary school readers currently used in
Bolivia will reflect the existing social order of Bolivia's
governing elite. Comparisons as general as those offered





72.

here can yield only approximate conclusions. However,
there can be little question that the structures and

values depicted in the textbooks are congruent with

the nature of the social order attributed to the Hispanic
elite of Bolivia. Thus the hypothesis that educational
materials, specifically primary school readers, will

reflect the social order of the society, or at least

the perspective on social order of the decision-making
elites, is confirmed for the case of Bolivia.

A Final Considerationt On The Design of Textbooks

Even though Amerinds constitute 70 percent of the
Bolivian population, they were mentioned in only 11

percent of the stories in the sample. It was obvious
that the textbooks were written from the perspective of

the white and urban Hispanic members of Bolivian society,
not from that of the largely rural Amerind populations.
However, the potential impact of these texts on Amerind
school children is of considerable interest, and is the
focus of this epilogue.

It should be noted that books are scarce in rural

schools (Hohenstein 1970:47-48), with most teachers
relying on the method of writing lessons on the black-
board. In addition, illiteracy is high, with most
students never gaining functional literacy in Spanish.

The hypothetical question may be posed: What effect
might these textbooks have if they were made widely

available to Amerinds? How would they be viewed by







Amerind communities and Amerind school children?

Using the information gleaned from available literature

on social order presented in Chapter VI, we can make a
tentative statement regarding the Aymara and the text-

books. If Aymara school children were literate and if

they read the stories in these books, certainly they

would find them a little strange to say the least.

Stories about children who do not work and are never
disciplined would seem unrealistic. While stories in

which older characters dominated younger ones would seem

normal, stories where all the male characters dominated

the female characters would seem rather strange. The

general role of fathers as providers would make sense

to Aymara youths, but mothers who never worked would

probably be incomprehensible. Finally, the treatment of
strangers with distrust, rather than by receiving them
with food and drink, would make no sense.

To be sure, there are a few points in the textbooks

that would seem logical to an Aymara student. And perhaps,

in contemplating the design of textbooks which might be

used in both urban and rural schools, these congruencies

should be emphasized.

Stories emphasizing the family or social goals should

be readily received by both Hispanic and Amerind readers.

Similarly, stories which connote the use of knowledge and
persistence to overcome obstacles and reach success should
also be acceptable to both groups.


73.




74.


An awareness of linguistic factors is crucial in
designing textbooks for a culturally plural society

such as Bolivia. The Aymara time-space orientation
and the required marking of data source distinctions

are exotic by Indo-european standards. The Aymara is
always looking into the past. The future is unknown

and uncertain while by contrast the past must seem
familiar. This grid undoubtedly affects the transmission

of knowledge. For example, some written texts are

incredulous to the Aymara student studying Spanish:
"Columbus discovered America" (was the author actually

there?). New and unseen ideas such as the presence of

astronauts on the moon are also incredulous to the native

Aymara speaker.

In considering the design of textbooks and other
educational materials, the basic problem iss Can materials
be designed that will be acceptable to both cultures and
yet maintain and promote cultural differences? In a
very real sense, the future stability and tranquility of
Bolivia may hinge on the ability to make a unified edu-

cational program equally accessible to all segments of
society while providing for cultural diversity.







APPENDIX A

THE SAMPLE


Book
Mi Libro









Primer Luces














Progresando


Page

30
34
43

73
94
106

23

57
65

73

74
94
102

103
104

9
10
10

25

33

36
40
42


Title
Mece la cuna

Una Muneca
El Desayuno
Rumbo a la escuela*
Mi esuela
Bollvar*
Mama
Bondad*
Mi familiar
La Yeguita
Ronda*
Mamita*
La Cabrita
A Mi Madre
Oracion por la bandera*

El ruego del libro
La escuela*
En la escuela
El cuento de Carlitos
Un Amigo de Carlitos,
Rat6n Mickey
Animals que nos visten

Animales que nos alimentan

La Gallina y la Abeja*


No.

3
4

6
11

17
29

32
42
44

49

50
66

71
72
73
80
81
82

91

97
99
101

102


75.




76.


46 La ardilla y la nuez* 105

73 La Serpiente ajusticada* 102
82 En la casa de Carlitos y
Susana* 126
86 Una Charla 128
88 Primavera 130
95 Invierno 136
96 El Hermano Malo* 137
99 Los Meses del Ano 138
123 El transit* 151,
129 Los Padres de Patriat
Bolivar* 156
140 Mi Abuelita 167
Julito 22 Nuestra America* 179
24 La escuelita de campo 180
31 Carlitos* 184
62 Poblemos Nuestra Tierra* 199
64 La Violeta Y La Golondrina 200
65 Nuestro Lago 201
70 "Singo" se llama mi Galito* 204
74 Papa esta enfermo* 206
89 Rios y Misiones* 214







*Indicates stories that were analyzed for problem solving
models in Chapter V.




77.


APPENDIX B

OUTLINE FOR CODING AND ANALYSIS


I. Setting

A. Space

1.

2.

3.

4.




5.
B. Time

1.

2.

3.
I1. Events


Educational

Home

Urban

Rural

a. Highlands

b. Lowlands

Other


Present

Immediate past

Future


A. Historical

1. Pre-Columbian

2. Wars of independence

B. Mythical

1. Biblical

2. Folktale & fables

3. Fairytales & cartoons

4. Dreams

C. Contemporary

1. School
2. Familial




78.


3. Play & recreation
4. Duties & chores
III. Personnel

A. Characters

1. Male child

2. Female child

3. Child, sex unspecified
4. Male adult

5. Female adult

6. Adult, sex unspecified

7. Animal, plant or natural phenomenon

8. Anthropomorphized animal, plant or natural

phenomenon

9. Fairies, elves, & fictional characters
B. Roles


1. Familial

a. Mother

b. Father

c. Children

d. Siblings

e. Grandparents

2. Educational

a. Teacher

b. Classmates, students

3. Friends, peers
4. Military, police, or revolutionary hero
5. Non-military patriotic hero





79.


6. Amerinds

7. Professionals
8. Workers

9. Others
IV. Interaction

A. Children

1. Boy as originator of interaction
2. Boy as terminator of interaction

3. Girl as originator of interaction
4. Girl as terminator of interaction
B. Adults

1. Male as originator of interaction

2. Male as terminator of interaction
3. Female as originator of interaction
4. Female as terminator of interaction
V. Values

A. Personal values

1. Hygiene, health & safety
2. Kindness to animals
3. Pride
4. Persistence, diligence

5. Thrift
6. Bravery
B. Social values

1. Charity, generosity
2. Food, eating, gluttony
3. Manners, etiquette




80.


4. Play & recreation

5. Religion
6. Veracity, justice

7. Value of work
8. Value of education

9. Patriotism

10. The aged

11. Strangers

12. Thief, evil person

13. Shame, guilt
14. Values of nature

15. Humor
16. Traits of animals
VI. Model for Problem Solving

A. Goals

1. Self-centered

2. Family, affectionate

3. Social morality, patriotism
B. Barriers

1. Society, impersonal authority

2. Nature, illness, physical hardship & danger

3. Those of self: poor reasoning or lack of
knowledge, jealousy, envy
4. Evil: inherent in certain others

C. Means

1. Perseverance
2. Trickery, deceit, cunning




81.


3. Knowledge, intellect, information

4. Kindness, personal appeal

5. Force
6. Persuasion, argument

7. Magic, prayer
8. Illegal

9. Violent

D. Outcomes

1. Achievement

a. success

b. failure

c. mixed or unclear

2. Results

a. happy

b. unhappy

c. mixed or unclear
VII. Format

A. Prose

B. Poem

C. Song

D. Prayer












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Arensberg, Conrad M. and Solon T. Kimball
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Buechler, Hans C. and Judith-Maria Buechler
1971 The Bolivian Aymara. New York, Holt,
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Carter, William E.
1964 The Aymara Communities and the Bolivian
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Chapple, Eliot D. and Conrad Arensberg
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de Charms, Richard and Gerald H. Moeller
1962 "Values Expressed in American Children's
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1967 Progresando. Ilustro por Jorge Coimbra 0.
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Good, Dale Warren
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1961 The Achieving Society. New York: The Free Press.

McClelland, D. C. and G. A. Friedman
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/'












BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Andrew W. Miracle, Jr. was born in Avon Park, Florida
in 1945. Having lived in various parts of the United States,

he returned to Avon Park and graduated from Avon Park High

in 1963. He received an A.B. degree in religion from

Princeton University in 1967. After completing requirements

for an M.A. in Latin American Studies, he hopes to obtain

a Ph.D. in anthropology at the University of Florida.

Mr. Miracle has worked on two research projects while

attending the University of Florida. He was a full-time

research associate on the Change Process Study investigating

educational innovation for 11 months in 1973. Prior to

that he worked for the School and Community Project studying

the effects of racial desegregation in two public high
schools. For two years he taught science in Florida public

schools.

The recipient of a Fulbright-Hays dissertation research
award, Mr. Miracle will study perception patterns of Aymara

pupils in bilingual classrooms in Bolivia and Peru. Mr.

Miracle is a member of the American Anthropological Association

and the Council on Anthropology and Education. His primary
interest is in applied anthropology, especially as it relates

to education. His academic career has also focused on the

field of language and culture, and the geographic areas of

86.





87.


Latin America and the southeastern United States.
Mr. Miracle has travelled, studied and worked in
Canada, Mexico and Bolivia. He speaks Spanish and
Aymara, and has also studied Quechua.
Mr. Miracle has delivered papers at the Southern
Anthropological Association (1973) and the American
Anthropological Association (1973). In addition, he
has co-authored one article with his wife, Christine

A. S. Miracle -- "The Anthropologist and the Educator --
A Helping Relationship," (New Voices in Education,

Winter 1973, pp. 18-19.)







I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.


I,' !;


/ .~,!-'


William E. Carter,- Chairman
Director, Center for Latin American
Studies

I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of-Master of Arts. "


"^ 'lartha J. Hardman-de-Bautista
^ Pross fessor ofAnthropology


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.


Solon T. Kimball
Graduate Research Professor of
Anthropology

I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.


Richard R. Renner
Professor of Education

This thesis was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of
the Center for Latin American Studies in the College of
Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the degree of Master of Arts.


December, 1973


Dean. -Gradlua&e Sch'lol




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