• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Half Title
 Title Page
 Foreword
 Preface
 Abbreviations
 Table of Contents
 The land and the people
 Akbar's accession and early...
 Bairam Khan's rebellion
 Husain Quli Khan & Shan Quli...
 Said Khan, 1578-1585
 Lahore as the imperial headquarters,...
 Jahangir's accession
 A note on the law of successio...
 Khusrau's rebellion
 Conquest of Kangra
 Mahabat Khan and Nur Jahan
 The punjab under Shah Jahan
 The punjab and the war of...
 Development of Sikhism
 Aurangzeb and the Sikh Gurus
 Guru Govind Singh
 The feudatory states of the...
 Economic and cultural life
 Appendix
 Bibliography
 Index














Group Title: Punjab under the Mughals
Title: The Punjab under the Mughals
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080568/00001
 Material Information
Title: The Punjab under the Mughals
Physical Description: xvi, 325 p. : ; 22 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Akbar, Muhammad
Publisher: Mirza Muhammad Sadiq
Place of Publication: Lahore
Manufacturer: Ripon Printing Press
Publication Date: 1948
Copyright Date: 1948
 Subjects
Subject: History -- Punjab (India)   ( lcsh )
History -- Mogul Empire   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Pakistan
India
 Notes
Bibliography: Bibliography: p. 312-314.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00080568
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 04383614
lccn - sa 66005981

Table of Contents
    Half Title
        Page i
        Page ii
    Title Page
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Foreword
        Page v
        Page vi
    Preface
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
    Abbreviations
        Page xii
    Table of Contents
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
    The land and the people
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
    Akbar's accession and early difficulties
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
    Bairam Khan's rebellion
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
    Husain Quli Khan & Shan Quli Khan
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
    Said Khan, 1578-1585
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
    Lahore as the imperial headquarters, 1585-1598
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
    Jahangir's accession
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
    A note on the law of succession
        Page 138a
        Page 138b
        Page 138c
        Page 138d
    Khusrau's rebellion
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
    Conquest of Kangra
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
    Mahabat Khan and Nur Jahan
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
    The punjab under Shah Jahan
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
    The punjab and the war of succession
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
    Development of Sikhism
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
    Aurangzeb and the Sikh Gurus
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
    Guru Govind Singh
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
    The feudatory states of the Punjab
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
    Economic and cultural life
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
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        Page 243
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        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
        Page 265
        Page 266
        Page 267
        Page 268
        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 271
        Page 272
        Page 273
        Page 274
        Page 275
        Page 276
        Page 277
        Page 278
        Page 279
        Page 280
        Page 281
        Page 282
        Page 283
        Page 284
    Appendix
        Page 285
        Page 286
        Page 287
        Page 288
        Page 289
        Page 290
        Page 291
        Page 292
        Page 293
        Page 294
        Page 295
        Page 296
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        Page 305
        Page 306
        Page 307
        Page 308
        Page 309
        Page 310
        Page 311
    Bibliography
        Page 312
        Page 313
        Page 314
    Index
        Page 315
        Page 316
        Page 317
        Page 318
        Page 319
        Page 320
        Page 321
        Page 322
        Page 323
        Page 324
        Page 325
        Page 326
Full Text





THE PUNJAB
UNDER THE MUGHALS







By the same author
THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE BY THE MUGHALS






THE PUNJAB

UNDER THE MUGHALS



by
MUHAMMAD AKBAR, M.A.
Lecturer in History. Government College. Lahore


RIPON PRINTING PRESS
BULL ROAD LAHORE
































First Published, December. 1948.


Printed and Published by Mirza Muhammad Sadiq
at the Ripon Printing Press, Bull Road. Lahore.










FOREWORD


The Land of Five Rivers constitutes the back-
bone of Pakistan, and deserves to be closely studied
by competent scholars in all its aspects. The his-
torical aspect is not the least important of them,
and the present treatise by Professor Muhammad
Akbar on the Mughal Period of its history should,
therefore, be welcome to a large circle of readers.
As there is a regrettable dearth of good books on
the subject, Mr. Akbar's work fills a real need.
Amongst the earlier works on the Punjab, the
Tahqiqat-i-Chishti by Nur Ahmad Chishti is frag-
mentary and mainly of archeological interest ; while
the History of the Puniab by Sayed Mohammad Latif
and the History of the Punjab by Munshi Kanhaya
Lal, though useful, are inaccurate and antiquated in
certain respects. The inadequacy of these books left
ample scope for further research work on the sub-
ject, which the talented author has undertaken with
conspicuous success.

The writer has made use of a large amount of
fresh material, which had hitherto been unknown to
students and had consequently remained unused by
them. It redounds to the credit of the writer that
he has tapped new sources of historical information
and has utilized them with critical skill. I think, he
deserves to be congratulated on the thoroughness of
his investigations and the technical competence,
which he has shown in selecting and presenting his
material. He has done a piece of sound, scholarly
work and I hope his labours will be widely appreciat-
ed. I have no doubt that his valuable treatise will
be read with interest by the scholar as well as by
the general reader alike.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


I have known Mr. Muhammad Akbar from his
student days, when he attended my lectures at the
Islamia College, Lahore. He always impressed me
as a young scholar of great promise and with his keen
and genuine interest in historical studies, ,gave pro-
mise of making useful contributions in the field
of historical research. I am glad to say that in this
belief I have not been disappointed. He has not
only proved a successful teacher of the subject but
has also found time to publish a number of valuable
essays and books, which bear witness to his wide
reading, his freshness of mind and his ability to
present the result of his researches in a lucid style.
The present book is an excellent contribution to the
subject with which it deals and I have every hope
that if he is afforded the opportunity to exercise his
talents, he would produce many more books of great
historical value.


STAYED ABDUL QADIR

Lahore :
27th November, 1948.










PREFACE


From time immemorial, the Punjab-the Land of
Five Rivers-has been the first to receive outside
influences. It has witnessed the pageant of
civilisations, the march of ideologies in the wake of
invaders swooping over its rich plains. For better or
worse, it has played an important part, and in the
dust and din of the past, we see this land exercising a
tremendous influence in moulding the course of the
History of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent. By
natural situation it has been the connecting link
between the nomad-breeding grounds of Central
Asia and the rich, alluvial plains of the Gangetic
Valley. It was an easy gateway and as such
through it poured the swarms of the Aryans, the
Scythians, the Greeks, the Mongols and the Turks
into the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent in successive
waves. Geographically it was the only defensive
barrier, and once passed, the conqueror had India
at his feet. The fate of the great dynasties like
that of the Ghorids the Khaljis, the Tughlaks, the
Lodhis and the Mughals was decided on its plains.
The Mughals understood this and were sensible
enough to convert it into an active ally and its
martial resources were harnessed to the chariot of
the Mughal greatness.
It is a pity that no historian ever attempted to
devote to the history of this important province
the care and labour it deserved. In the present work
an attempt has been made to present only a part of
this vast spectacle. The survey covers a brief period.
It begins with Akbar and comes down to the end of
the reign of Aurangzeb. It is hoped this will throw
a light on earlier as well as on subsequent periods.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


The work is quite difficult, as there is no such
thing as a provincial history of the Punjab by any
contemporary. The student has to work his way
through the whole mass of the available material and
patiently collect the relevant information scattered
all over them. A sentence here and a clause there,
a hint here and a word there are picked up patiently.
That this exercise requires much labour is evident.
The nature of the task makes it inevitable that
there should be omissions, of which I am most con-
scious. My picture must be general and diffuse.
Some scholars may even quarrel with my conclu-
sions; I shall not argue with them. They will
no doubt find many shortcomings in these pages,
but even these will be useful, for by stimulating
research, they will serve to advance our knowledge
of the subject. For my part, I may humbly add
that I shall always value criticism.
This attempt of mine is designed to meet the
needs of the student as well as the cultivated lay-
man. I may claim to have supplied information
which has hitherto been inaccessible to them.
But the attempt does not pretend to be complete.
I have consulted all available sources and spared
no pains to base my conclusions on sound evidence.
I have not neglected any material which I was able
to find. The work is based on primary authorities;
but I have not ignored the writings of later scholars
who have been of considerable help.
The European travellers who visited the Indo-
Pakistan Sub-Continent in this period have written
long accounts of the country. Their works are of
great value, as they throw light on the condition of
the people, the state of trade and industry and the
history of the Christian churches. Moreover, their
observations have a freshness and weight all their
own. But apart from the events in which they






Preface


participated or which they personally witnessed,
their report merely reproduced the bazar rumours
and the stories current among the populace, and
cannot be set against the evidence of contemporary
Muslim or Hindu historians.
In the use of the material sufficient care has
been taken. It is rarely that any second-hand author-
ity has been given preference over the contemporary
writers. As far as possible all the known original
authorities have been carefully examined. This will
be illustrated by the numerous foot-notes and the
bibliography. In the case of works which were,
however, not easily accessible, the best translations
have been resorted to. No preconceived notions or
time-honoured traditional beliefs have been allowed
to interfere with the pattern the facts naturally
fall into. I know the more exhaustive evidence
puts complexion on some facts very much different
from the traditionally accepted notions of Sikh his-
tory. But it is the duty of a historian to let the
facts speak for themselves. I know I am making a
break from the history writers of the last 100 years
who allowed their imagination and bias to write
much of their history for them. I hope that
in my small way I will have initiated an at-
tempt at a more honest survey of our past. It
is a pity that as far as the history of the Sikh
Gurus is concerned, we cannot rely on any original
authority for an impartial account. Almost all such
authorities happen to be either Sikhs or Hindus, and
they often have given prejudiced views. As I have
stated, I have let the facts interpret themselves.
I have also given an account of the land and the
people of this province along with its important
towns, sacred places, rivers, shrines, etc. For these
we are very fortunate in having a first-hand informa-
tion in the Khulasatu-t-Twarikh, written by






The Punjab Under the Mughals


Munshi Sujan Rai of Batala. It also deals at length
with the mineral and agricultural resources, economic
conditions, industries and other similar statistics
about the Punjab in that period. I have tried
to reproduce all these things, fully in the first
chapter and the appendix of this book. The
chapter on History of the Feudatory States is
based on sources which cannot be called original or
primary, and those, who have any experience of
historical research, would overlook this shortcoming
as they can easily understand how difficult, and even
impossible, it is to get access to those sources.
It would have been impossible to complete this
thesis without the help and guidance given me by my
Principal at the Government College, Jhang, Chaudhri
Muhammad Sadiq, M.A, (London). I can never
repay the debt of gratitude that I owe him; he
has been much more than a friend to me and took
a paternal interest in my welfare during my brief
stay at Jhang. He shared my enthusiasm and en-
couraged me at every step to complete the work
uninterrupted, particularly in those critical moments
of storm and stress when I was being relentlessly
persecuted by my anti-Muslim Departmental boss "
and felt inclined to discontinue the work due to
mental anguish. Besides helping me out of my
departmental difficulties, Chaudhri Muhammad Sadiq
most cheerfully came to my rescue whenever I re-
quired his help and felt baffled by a problem, as he
himself is a great scholar of Indo-Muslim history.
I am under deep obligation to Professor
Namdar Khan, B.A. (Hons.), (London), my chief
in the History Department at the Government
College, Lahore. He has helped me by his sugges-
tions and criticism, and evinced constant interest
in the progress of my work. I am grateful to






Preface


my colleague, Dr. Muhammad Sadiq, M.A., Ph.D.,
Professor of English who has given me the benefit
of his very helpful criticism and guidance. I am also
indebted to my colleagues Professors F. A. Awan,
S.G. Raza and A.A. Bhattye, who very kindly read
through the manuscript and saved me from many
errors of language. To Mr. Gul Muhammad Butt,
B.A. (Hons.), LL.B., Advocate and Councillor, Lahore
Corporation, I am deeply indebted for help in
procuring manuscripts from various quarters and
also for affording me facilities in consulting
manuscripts from his valuable library. I am
grateful to my teacher, Professor Syed Abdul Qadir,
M.A. for writing the Foreword. I owe thanks
also to Sh. Ikram-ul-Haq, and Khwaja Mushtaq
Ahmad Haroon of the Punjab Education Department
for helping me in preparing the Index.
Lastly I have to thank the Proprietors of the
Ripon Printing Press, Lahore, for having rescued this
thesis from oblivion and undertaking its publication
in spite of numerous difficulties.
As the book was printed at a time when I was
busily engaged in the College and University work,
I could not do full justice to the reading of proofs.
The absence of diacritical marks and the disparity in
the spelling of certain words will no doubt cause
inconvenience to the reader, but I hope to remove
all these blemishes in the next edition.


MUHAMMAD AKBAR
Government College, Lahore
31st Dec., 1948











ABBREVIATIONS


1. A.N. Akbarnama.

2. T.A.I.E. Takmil-i-Akbarnama.

3. A.A. Ain-i-Akbari.

4. M.B. Muntakhab-ut-Twarikh.

5. T.A.E. Tabkat-i-Akbari.
6. F. Firishta.

7. Z.T.E. Zubdat-ut-Twarikh.

8. F.E. Akbarnama by Faizi Sirhindi.

9. D.S.T. Dabistan-ul-Mazahab.

10. K.S. Khulast-ut-Twarikh.

11. A.T. Adi Granth.

12. C.M. Commentary.
13. D.L. De Laet's Empire of the Great Mogol.
14. E.T. Early European Travellers.

15. S.A. Akbar by Smith.

16. H.L. History of Lahore.

17. H.P. History of the Punjab.

18. H.S. The Sikh Religion.

19. P.H.S. History of the Punjab Hill States.
20. J.G.M. The Jesuits and the Great Moghal.

21. H H.L. History of Hindi Literature.

22. H.P.L. History of Persian Literature.

23. S.P. Suraj Parkash.

24. C.A.M. Ancient Geography.

25. A.S. Agrarian system under the Moghals.

26. I.E.L. Indian Economic Life.

27. I.G. Imperial Gazetteer.













CONTENTS
Pages
FOREWORD ... ... ... ... ...
PREFACE ... ... ... ... ... vii
ABBREVIATIONS... ... ... ... ... xii
CHAPTER I
The Land and the People
The Doabs-A Bird's Eye-view of the People-Extent-Divis-
ions-Area and Revenue-Places of Note : Lahore. Jalandhar
Bujwara. Sultanpur, Patti, Batala, Kangra, Nagarkot, Jawala-
mukhi, Sialkot, Dhonkal, Purmandal, Sodhra, Gujrat, Kheora,
Shaplsabad-Crops, etc. -Industries-Mines ... ... 1-22
CHAPTER II

Akbar's Accession and Early Difficulties
The condition of the Punjab on the eve of the accession of Akbar-
The arrest of Shah Abul Ma'ali-The expedition against Sikan-
dar Sur ... ... ... ... ... 23-32
CHAPTER III
Bairam Khan's Rebellion

The Rebellion of Bairam Khan-The Invasion of Raja Ganesh-
The Reduction of the Gakhars-March upon Kabul-The
Invasion of Mirza Hakim-The Qamargah Hunt ... 33-47
CHAPTER IV

Husain Quli Khan and Shah Quli Khan

The Emperor's visit to the shrine of Sheikh Shakarganj-The
siege of Nagarkot-Arrest of Ibrahim-Arrival of Mirza Sulai-
man of Badakhshan-Akbar's visit to the Punjab-Expedition
against the Bilochis-Reforms-The removal of the Governor. 48-60
CHAPTER V

Said Khan 1578-1585

The war of succession in Kashmir-Mirza Hakim's Invasion
-March of Akbar and Death of Mansur ... ... 61-72







xiv The Punjab Under the Mughals

CHAPTER VI
Lahore as the Imperial Headquarters, 1585-1598
Mirza Hakim's death and Akbar's march towards the Punjab-- Pages
North-West Frontier Policy and the Punjab-The conquest of
Kashmir-Akbar's visit to Kashmir-Death of Raja Bhagwan
Das and Todar Mal-Death of Mirza Sulaiman-Expedition
against Northern Hill States -The second Expedition to Kashmir
The first Mission at Lahore-The second Mission at Lahore-
-The Rebellion of Northern Hill Chiefs. Famine and pestilence
-The death of Faizi-Fire at Lahore-The third visit to Kash-
mir-Expedition to Turan-Arrival of the Persian Ambassa-
dor-The Administrative Reforms-The Social Reforms-
Akbar's departure from Lahore-Death of the Kotwal of Lahore
-Campaign against the Northern Hill Chiefs-Death of Akbar 73-114

CHAPTER VII
Jahangir's Accession

His Edicts-Said Khan-Children of Danyal-Siege of Kandhar
-38th solar day of the King-March to Kabul Murtza Khan
-Rebellion of Raja Suraj Mal-Horses from Kabul-New Year's
Feast-Visit to Kashmir in his death ... ...... 115-138

CHAPTER VIII
A Note on the Law of Succession 138 a-d

CHAPTER IX
Khusrau's Rebellion

Relations of Akbar and Jahangir-Law of Succession-Sultan
Khusrau-His flight-Mother of Khusrau-Jahangir's measures
in Khusrau's pursuit-Dilawar Khan-Fortifications at Lahore-
Khusrau at Lahore-Fight between Khusrau and Royal armies-
Flight of the prince-His capture-Punishments-His death ... 139-148

CHAPTER X
Conquest of Kangra

Position-People and worship of the goddess-Jawala mukhi-
Raja Tilok Chand-Raja Suraj Mals revolt-Raja Suraj Mal
and Murtza Khan-Suraj Mal and Taqi-Suraj Mal and
Bikramajit-Raja Jagat Singh-Siege of Kangra-Conquest-
Emperor's visit ... ... .. ... ... 149-158









Contents


CHAPTER XI
Mahabat Khan and Nur Jahan
Mahabat Khan-Nur Jahan's and Asaf Khan's instigation- Pages
Orders of the king-His measures-Mahabat Khan's son-in-law
to the king-His assault-Treatment to the king-Nur Jahan-
Attack-Fight between Mahabat Khan and the Royal armies-
Defeat of Royal army-To Kabul-Nur Jahan's measures-
Back to the Punjab-The release of the king-Retreat of
Mahabat Khan-Release of Asaf Khan ... ... 159-168
CHAPTER XII
The Punjab under Shah eahan.
Struggle for succession-His visit to Lahore in 1633-March
to Kabul in 1638-Return in 1639-Construction of the canal-
Nauroze-Jagat Singh's revolt-Death of Asaf Khan-Death of
Nur Jahan-Preparations for an expedition to Kandhar-Death
of Ali Mardan-Emperor's illness ... ... ... 169-174
CHAPTER XIII
The Punjab and the War of Succession
Punjab's part in the war-Dara's flight to Agra and Delhi after
the battle of Smuhgarh-His plans upset at Delhi-Contem-
S plates flight from Delhi-Journey to Lahore-Preparations at
Lahore-Aurangzeb's generals reach Sutlej-Dara's officers
retreat from the ferries-Dara's flight to Multan-Aurangzeb
marches into the Punjab-Turns towards Multan-Dara quits
Multan for Sindh ... ... ... ... ... 175-186
CHAPTER XIV
Development of Sikhism
Sikhism-Guru Arjan-His help to Khusrau-Execution of
the Guru-Hargovind-His help to the enhancement of
Sikhism-His relations with Jahangir-Baba Atal-Guru Har
Rai ... ... .. .. ... ... 187-195

CHAPTER XV
Aurangzeb and the Sikh Gurus
The rising power of the Sikhs-Guru Har Rai helps Prince Dara
-Aurangzeb summons the Guru-The Guru sends his son Ram
Rai-Ram Rai at Court-Death of Har Rai and the accession
of Harkishan and the Emperor-Death of Harkishen and the
accession of Tegh Bahadur and the Emperor-The execution of
Tegh Bahadur and the accession of Guru Govind ... ... 196-205









xvi The Punjab Under the Mughals

CHAPTER XVI

Guru Govind Singh

Task before the Guru-Difficulties and advantages in his way- Pages
Govind creates a nation-Govind's armed campaigns : Battle
of Bhangani, Battle of Nadaun, Battle with Hussain, Battle
with Balia Chand and Alam Chand, First and Second battles of
Anandpur, Battle of Nirmoh. Battle of Chamkaur, More
battles at Anandpur, Second battle of Chamkaur, Battle of
Mukatsar-Govind's wanderings and death ... ... 206-220

CHAPTER XVII

The Feudatory States of the Punjab

Historical survey of the states-Their relations with one
another-Their political history during Aurangzeb's reign:
Kangra State, Guler State. Nurpur State, Chamba State, Suket
State, Kulu State, Kahlur or Bilaspur State, Mandi State,
Jammu State, Punch State and other smaller states-The rela-
tion of these states with the Mughal government ... 221-233
CHAPTER XVIII
Economic and Cultural Life
Dearth of material-Economic conditions-Irrigation-Land
revenue-Handicrafts-Trade and Commerce-Mining-The
Currency System-Prices-Wages-Famines-General social
condition-Dress-Houses-Religious condition as seen by the
European travellers-The Hindus-Their God-Soul-Heaven
and Hell-Islam-The Muslim Society-Hell-Sufi-ism-Rosh-
nais-Christianity-Qadriyyas--Jogis--Education--Literature
Persian-Commentaries and other Persian Works-Hindi-
Urdu-Some Saints and Scholars of the time-Sh. Hassan
Jami-Guru Arjan- Guru Har Gobind-Guru Har Rai-Maulana
Mohammad Amin-Sh. Ibrahim Baba-Baba Talib-Sh. Mian
Muhammad Mir-Mulla Shah Mohd-Baba Lal-Maulvi Abdul
Hakim-Hakim Fateh Ullah-Hakim Shafai-Maulana Abdul
Salam-Mir Nur Ullah-Architecture-Bagh-i-Mahdi Qasim
Khan ... ... ... ... ... 234-284
Appendix ... ... ... ... ... 285-311
Bibliography ... ... ... ... ... 312-14


... ... ... ...... 315


Index










Chapter I


THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE

"It should be known that close to Bhakkar
seven rivers unite-five issuing from the
kingdom of Lahore, which have their sources
in the mountains of Sirinagar and Kashmir, and
reach the province of Lahore by five openings.
This is why the kingdom of Lahore is called the
Punjab, that is to say Five Waters' ".1
These lines written by Munnucci, a Venetian
soldier in India during the reign of Aurangzeb,
tell us that the Punjab in those days consisted of
the province of Lahore. In its length the province
extended from the river Sutlej to the river Indus,
a distance of 180 kos and in its breadth it extended
from Bhimber to Chaukhandi, a distance of 86 kos.2
The Punjab proper in the Mughal times comprised
The abs. five main Doabs, i.e. tracts lying
between the two rivers, which
were formed and named by Akbar by combining the
first syllables of the names of the rivers between which
they lie. The Bait Jalandhar Doab (Bist Jullundur
Doabof I. G. Punjab, I, p. 220) extending from the river
Beas to the river Sutlej covered an area of 50 cos3
and was made up of 60 mahals.4 The Bari Doab
lying between the Beas and the Ravi stretched over
a distance of only 17 kos6 and comprised 52 mahals.6
The third was the Rechna Doab which bounded by
the Ravi and the Chenab7 stretched over a plateau
1. Munnucci : Storia,Vol. I, p. 322.
2. Sarkar: India of Aurang zeb, p. LXXII.
3. Ibid., p. 312. 4. Ibid., p. 315. 5. Ibid., p. 316.
6. Ibid., p. 311. 7. Ibid., p. 312.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


of 30 cos and was composed of 57 mahals.1 It was
the most fertile and rich tract yielding a revenue
of 172,047,690 Dams.' The fourth Jehat Doab
(Chaj Doab of I. G. Punjab, I, p. 220) was fringed
by the Chenab and the Jhelum* and extended over
an area of 20 cos.4 The Sind Sagar Doab lying
between the river Indus and the river Jhelum5 was
the most sterile and desolate tract. A scanty and
precarious rainfall had rendered it almost devoid of
life and vegetation.'
The author of the Chahar Gulshan has supplied
the following details about the Doabs':
1. Bait Jalandhar- 69 mahals, of 15 of which
records not received, of 7 more area unknown.
Remaining 47 mahals; area 39,39.518~s bighas;
5,784 mauzas; revenue 14,37,50,069 dam
(Rs. 35,93,751-11-7.)
Hilly 28 mahals 2,71,00,070 dam
Plain 19 ,, 11,65,80,069 ,
47 ,, 14,36,80,139 ,,
2. Bari doab-57 mahals, of 21 of which
records not obtained. Remaining 36 mahals; area
52,39,857 bighas; 4678 mauzas; revenue 19,73,50,057
dam (Rs. 49,33,751-6-10.)
3. Rechna doab........49 mahals, of 6 of which
area unknown. Remaining 43 mahals; area
98,52.010 bighas; 4,693 mauzas revenue 4,26,43,515
dam (Rs. 10,66,087-14-0.)
Mandyat (?) 12 mahals 34,13,340 dam
Baharjat (?) 26 ,, 4,20,30,440 ,,
38 ,, 4,54,43,780 ,,
Parganahs 30 ,, 20,12,94,241 ,,
1. Sarkar : India of Aurangzeb, p. 312.
2. A. N., II, p. 319. 3. Ibid., p. 311. 4. Ibid., p. 312.
5. Ibid.. p. 311. Worked out in the modern currency the sum is
equivalent to Rs. 107529.
6. I. G. Punjab, I, p. 225. 7. India of AurangFeb, pp. 129-30.







The Land and the People


4. Chunhat doab-22 mahals, of 3 of which
records not received; of 5 more area unknown.
Remaining 14 mahals area 40,41,809 bighas; 7,583
mauzas; revenue 9,26,88,735 dam (Rs. 23,17,218-6.)
Hilly 11 mahals 1,75,55,699 dam
Plain 11 ,, 7,51,33,241 ,,
22 ,, 9,26,88,940
5. Sindh Sagar doab-48 mahals, of 17 of
which records not received, of 19 more area
unknown. Remaining 12 mahals; area 12,56,7711
bighas; 2,177 mauzas; revenue 14,05,99,371 dam
(Rs. 35,14,984-4-5)
Hilly 36 mahals 1110,83,571 dam
Plain 12 ,, 2,95,15,500 ,
48 ,, 14,05,99,071 ,
[The text has dropped by mistake 2 kror in the
dam for Plain."]
6. Kangra (outside the doab region) 63 mahals,
of 32 of which records not received, of 25 others
area unknown. Remaining 6 mahals; 311 mauzas;
revenue 5,80,53,832 dam (Rs. 14,51,345-12-10).
[The different totals (inclusive of Kangra) are
given below:-
Total Sarkars Mahals Area in bigha Mauzas Revenue in dam
S. 5 308 2,43,29,965, 25,226 67,50,85,579
P. 5 329 2,43,19,960 30.256 58,11,90,599
A. 5 232 1,61,55,643-A ... 55,94,58,423.]


The Punjab before the British was overwhelmed
A Bird's eye-view by the intermittent waves of
of the people. immigration of )the hordes of
the Aryans, the Scythians, the Greeks, the Persians,
the Arabs, the Turks, the Afghans and the Mughals.
These groups appearing at intervals and advancing
into the peninsula left something to be assimilated
by the people already in the province. Thus there


_v






The Punjab Under the Mughals


grew up in course of time a curious medley of races
and by the time of Akbar we find a considerable
number of them inhabiting the various parts of the
country.
Apart from the historical division of the Hindu
community into four varnas-Brahmana, Kashatriya,
Vaisya, Sudra-we come across innumerable occupa-
tional and tribal castes belonging to the Hindus and
the Muslims alike. Starting with the latest im-
migrants we have the Biloch tribe which under the
leadership of Mir Chakar followed Humayun into
the Punjab in 1555 and settled in the modern
district of Montgomery.1 Some of them seemed to
have penetrated still farther into the heart of the
country and planted colonies in the Bist Jullundur
Doab at Nonagal,2 in the Sind Sagar Doab at Kala-
bhalak3 and on the Indus just near the foot of the
hills.4 The Afghans who came in the train of
Mahmud Ghaznivi, Muiz-ud-Din Muhammad Ghori,
Babar and Lodhi and Sur Kings, were not concen-
trated at one particular place like the Biloch but
were scattered all over the country. Their
scions, the Lodhis, the Lohanis and the Rangars
planted some Pathan colonies here and there which
even to the present day are dotted all over the
province. Khushab in the Sind Sagar Doab.
Thandot and Jalalabad in the Bari Doab, and
Islamabad, Melsi, Muhammadpur and Chaurasi5 and
Jullundur in the Bist Jullundur Doab, were their
chief settlements in the time of Akbar. The
Afghans and the Biloch were regarded as foreigners,
but their freedom from the irksome and artificial
restrictions of caste and the comparative licence
which their tribal customs permit them in the
matter of inter-marriage" had a considerable
influence upon the indigenous races who were
1. Ibbston, p. 45. 2. A. A., II, p. 317. 3. Ibid., p. 324. 4. Ibid., p. 325.
5. Modern Sham Chaurasi on the Jullundur-Hoshiarpur Railway line.







The Land and the People


already cast and recast so many times, and it was the
result of this contact that ultimately made the
grip of the caste upon the Punjab less severe than
upon the rest of India.
The Gakhars inhabited the hilly parts of the
Sind Sagar Doab from Khanpur on the borders of
Hazara along the lower range of the hills skirting
Rawalpindi, Kuhutu and Gujar Khan as far as
Domeli in the Jhelum district. The jats occupied
chiefly the northern part of the Rechna, and the Bari
Doabs which from Sodhra on the banks of the
Chenab along the foot of the hills and bordering
round Sialkot stretched as far as Kalanaur near the
Beas. The Rajputs of the Punjab fell under three
main categories. The first group was spread over
the western hills including the Salt Range tract;
and its most prominent members, the Janujas and
Awans, were dominant mostly in the Sind Sagar
Doab. The second nucleus constituted by the
Sombansis, the Bhattis, the Jaswals, the Surajbansis,
the Jasrotiahs, the Narus, and the Mians, was to be
found chiefly in lower hills which fringe the Punjab,
Himalayas and the extreme northern plains of the
Bist Jullundur Doab and the Bari Doab. Most of
these belonged to the ruling clans which ruled over
Chitor, Suket, Mandi, Kotlahar, Nandon, Hariana
Dhameri, Man, and Kangrah. Other chief castes
like Khori Wagah, Khokhar, Sasa Nwal Sadhal,
Brahman, Arwal, Bhanal, Kolra, Manhas, Bhutiyalab,
Chimab, Silhariaya and Gujar were spread all over
the country.1
Lahore was the most important city of the
province. It was an old town the foundation of
which the author of Khulasat-ut-Twarikh* ascribes
to Lav, the son of King Ram Chandra. This city


1. The Castes in the Punjab by Ibbston, p. 93.
2. Sarkar : India of Aurangzeb, p. 80.







6 The Punjab Under the Mughals
had been the capital of many Muslim dynasties, but
as the Mughals did not choose to reside in this city,
its grandeur and population had declined. When
Aurangzeb came to the throne, the river Ravi,
which passed by this city, had become a menace to
it. Every year there occurred heavy floods and
many houses and gardens of the town were
destroyed. So in 1662, Aurangzeb gave orders that
a strong embankment should be built for their
protection. Accordingly an embankment, about
two kos in length was constructed and
"this rampart of Alimgir protects the town
like the rampart of Alexander. In many places
by building flights of steps they have made the
lip (bank) of the river attractive like the lips
of the fair. The high grandees have added to
the beauty of the town by building charming
houses and pleasant mansions overlooking the
river."'
Many skilled artisans of various countries and
every class of handicraftsman of the age lived here.
It had a very big market where all sorts of com-
modities were bought and sold. The city was full
of mosques and Aurangzeb built another on the
bank of the river opposite the lofty palace.2 In
the centre of the town, we are told, there was
another important mosque
that of Wazir Khan alias Hakim Alim-ud-
Din of the time of Shah Jahan, which looks like
a beautiful mole on the cheek of the town."2
On the other side of the Ravi, near Shahdara,
stood the august tomb of Jahangir and close to
it was the tomb of Asaf Khan (Abul Hasan) of
the time of Jahangir. The town, we are further
1. Sarkar : India of Aurangzeb, p. 81.
2. Now there seems to be no trace of any such mosque at the
bank of the river.
3. Sarkar: India of Aurangzeb, p. 82.







The Land and the People


informed, was full of gardens and rose-bowers in the
outskirts. But the garden of Shalimar, laid out by
Shah Jahan in imitation of one of the gardens of
Kashmir, 'ravishes the heart of the beholder.' "The
greatest of the great" saints, Pir Ali Hajweri,
who had both "learning and piety" also lay
buried in the town." 1
Francois Bernier, a French traveller in India,
gives the following description of the city of Lahore:
Unlike the buildings of Delhi and Agra, the
houses are very lofty ; but, the court having
resided during the last twenty years or more
in one of those two cities, most of the houses in
Lahore are in a ruinous state. Indeed many
have been totally destroyed and have buried
many of the inhabitants under their ruins, in
consequence of the heavy rains which have
prevailed of late years. There are still five or
six considerable streets, two or three of which
exceed a league in length; but not a few of the
houses in them are tumbling to the ground.
The river having changed its bed, the King's
palace is no longer seated on its banks. This is
a high and noble edifice, though very inferior to
the palaces of Delhi and Agra."'
There were many other important towns in the
province. Jallandhar was a town in the doab of
Bait Jallandhar. Near this town there was the tomb
of Pir Nasir-ud-Din, the well-known saint. This tomb
was a place of pilgrimage. Another important tomb
near the city was that of Sheikh Abdullah of Sultan-
pur, who was famous for his learning and accomplish-
ments and became celebrated in the reigns of
Humayun and Akbar.
1. K. As translated by Sarkar in India of Aurangzeb, p. 82.
2. Bernier's Travels in the Mughal Empire, translated by Archibald
Constable, p. 384.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


Bujwara1 and Sultanpur were two other import-
ant towns in this doab. Both were known for their
gold embroidery and cloth-weaving works. Patti2
was a town in the Bari Doab. It had a large garden
and a tank. A big fair was held there every year in
the month of Baisakh. Two or three kos from
Patti was the small town of Ram Tirath,8 which was
a very ancient and holy place.
Another important city was Batala4, which had
a very pleasant climate. This town was founded by
Rai Ram Dev Bhatti, Zamindar of Kapurthala.
This was a very prosperous town and contained many
tanks, fine buildings and pleasant gardens. In the
reign of Aurangzeb, Wazir Khan, who was employed
as Overseer of this parganah of Batala effected many
improvements in the city such as building pucca
bazars. Banki Rai, who was the Qanungo of the city,
built many charming rest-houses and caravan-sarais.
Subsequently some wells were added to this town,
and these increased its importance. Amar Singh,
another' Qanungo ', laid out a garden in imitation of
the garden of Shalimar, with three charming terraces.
The highest terrace, we are told, overlooked the
tank of Shamsher Khan and presented a fascinating
spectacle.
In the outskirts of this town there were many
important tombs. Two kos off in the village of
Miani, there was the tomb of Shah Badr-ud-Din,
who had his spiritual affinities with the great saint
Mohy-ud-Din. Another tomb was that of Shah
Shams, about four kos away from Batala. The author
of the Khulasat dwells at length upon the miracul-
1. Bujwara, a village in the Hoshiarpur District, one and a half
miles East of Hoshiarpur.
2. Patti in the Kasur Tahsil, Lahore District. Twenty miles north
of Sobraon, 31-17 N. 74-54 E.
3. Ram Tirath is 18 miles north-west of Amritsar.
4. Batala in Gurdaspur District, 24 miles from Amritsar.






The Land and the People


ous deeds of this saint1 and then tells us that this
tomb was a place of pilgrimage both for the high and
the low. A peculiar thing which he tells us about
the tomb is that, unlike the other Muslim saints'
tombs, it was guarded by a family of Hindus.
Another saint about whom the Khulasat-ut-Twa-
rikh tells us is Baba Lal, who was a very learned
man, having the knowledge of spiritual truth and
wisdom. He lived at a place known as Dhianpur2
and many men were believers in him. It is also said
that Prince Dara Shikoh held him in great esteem
and admired his learning and scholarship.
Kangra' was another important town in the
Bari Doab. It was about 50 kos away from Batala.
It contained a very strong hill-fort and was the
capital of an important hill state ruled by a Hindu
family. The Kangra fort was famous throughout the
country for its invulnerability.
At the foot of this fort was another town known
as Nagarkot.' It was a very holy place as it contained
the temple of Devi Bhawani, a Hindu goddess. This
was known as one of the richest shrines in Northern
India. Twice a year it was visited by the pilgrims
from all parts of India. Similarly Jawalamukhi6
was another holy place. Here the people worshipp-
ed fire which was constantly coming out of a rock
like jets of a combustible gas.'
Sialkot (on the Wazirabad-Jammu branch of the
North-Western Railway, 32-3 North 74-32 East)
was an old and an important commercial town. We

1. Sarkar : India of Aurangzeb, p. 87.
2. This place is neither found in Atlas nor in the Imperial
Gazetteer of India. Probably modern Dina Nagar, near Pathankot.
3. Kangra, 76.16' East 300 S.N. (Imperial Gazetteer of India).
4. Situated in the Northern slope of a hill surmounted by the fort
of Kangra (Sarkar : India ot Aurangzeb, p. 93).
5. At present it is connected with Kangra by a road about 20
miles long.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


are told that it was once the seat of the government
of this province. In the environs of the city there
were pleasant gardens, especially a garden built by
one Nazar Muhammad, famous for its plentiful fruit.
In the centre of the town there were the remains of
an old fort which was popularly believed to have
been the stronghold of the Raja of Salwan.1 A
stream known as Khilree2 passed by this town and
used to provide a good deal of water to the inhabit-
ants of the city in the rainy season. This town was
a seat of learning, the resort of learned men, a mine
of scholarship and the abode of scholars.' 8
In the time of Aurangzeb, there resided a great
scholar Maulvi Abdullah, second son of Maulvi
Abdul-Hakim, (who distinguished himself in Shah
Jahan's reign). This maulvi became a great teacher
and imparted knowledge to his pupils. He acted as
a guide for all classes of men and was surnamed the
'Imam of the age'. He died in the 25th year of
Aurangzeb's reign (1682 A.D.). The city of Sialkot
reminds us of the glory of Greece with its academies,
philosophers, thinkers and seers who evoked a genuine
love for knowledge in the minds of their pupils.
The clash of ideas and the collision of mind made
this city of mosques a great seat of learning where
scholars came from far and near in search of truth.
A few miles away from Sialkot was the small, but
holy town of Dhonkal,4 which was a place of
pilgrimage for all times of the year. PurmandalP
was another important town about 15 kos away from
1. Imperial Gazetteer, XII, p. 451.
2. Now there is a stream about 5 miles from it with a different
name.
3. Sarkar: India of Aurangzeb, p. 97.
4. In the present Gujranwala District, 14 miles north-west of
Gujranwala.
5. Fourteen miles south-east-east of Jammu City.






The Land and the People


Sialkot in the midst of the Jammu hills. It was
known for the large fair that was held here at the
occasion of Baisakhi (a Hindu festival). At this
time many hill rajas used to come here to take part
in the festivities and they used to construct high
platforms in the open fields and practise archery. One
river Degh issued from this place.
Sodhra' was an old fort at the bank of the river
Chenab. In the reign of Shah Jahan, a noble, Ali
Mardan Khan, built a garden city near Sodhra village,
and called it Ibrahimabad, after his own son. One
garden here rivalled the Shalimar and a canal dug out
of the river Tavi used to water this garden.
Aurangzeb's government assigned to this noble 2,000
villages of Sodhra, rent-free, for the repair of the
aforesaid garden and city.
The most important town in the Chunhat Doab,
was the town of Gujrat.2 It contained a number of
tanks, wells and mosques built by a saint Shah Daula.
He also built a bridge over the Bhimber stream,8
which passed near this city. This town was an abode
for all classes of men, and was a big market-place.
Near it there stood the tomb of the aforesaid saint
Shah Daula, who died in the 17th year of Alamgir's
reign (1674). The tomb of this holy man, "who
was a personification of charity," was an object of
pilgrimage and veneration.
Kheora' and Shamsabad' were two important
towns in the Sind Sagar Doab, and were known for
the salt and lime mines.
The author of the Khulasat-ut-Twarikh gives
the following account of the rivers of the Punjab:
1. Four miles north-east of Wazirabad.
2. At present a district town about 7 miles from Chenab river.
3. At present about 4 miles from Gujrat on the Grand Trunk Road.
4. Kheora, 32. 39 N. 73.4 E.
5. Near Pind Dadan Khan in the Jhelum District.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


The river Sutlej issues from the mountains of
Bhu Tibbat and travels by the territories of Kullu,1
Bashahr' and Kalhur.' Then this river parts into
two branches at Mako-wal' and then forms one
stream again on arriving at the village of Rupar.5
Then passing by the neighbourhood of Macchiwara,6
Ludhiana and the villages of Talun7 and Tharah,"
it joins Beas near the mauza of Bauh.
The second river Beas also rises in the hilly
country of Bhu Tibbat, from a lake.9 Passing by
the town of Kulu it arrives at the city of Mandi.10
Thence flowing through Suket,lo" it reaches the
fort of the town of Hindur."1 Passing near the
territory of Guler and by the villages of Purnur"
it descends from the hills. In the plains it passes
by the fort of Khanwan,a1 the city of Govindwal"
and thence joins the Sutlej at the mauza of Bauh.
Both these rivers pass by the towns of Firozepur
and Mamdot and reach the mahals and the Sarkars
of Dipalpur."6 Leaving Dipalpur, the river again
bifurcates, one part getting the name of Sutlej and
the other Beas, but after a few leagues they unite

1. Kulu. 32.5 N. 77.2 E.
2. Bashahr. A hill state lying north-east-east of Simla.
3. Kahlur, a state north-west of Simla.
4. Twenty miles west of Bilaspur city. It was the abode of Guru
Govind Singh.
5. Rupar : Situated in the district of Ambala at the point where
the Sutlej issues from the hills. (47 south-west).
6. Macchiwara, midway between Rupar and Ludhiana.
7. Talun (Talwan). 32 miles south of Jalandhar City.
8. It is not found in Atlas.
9. No such lake is shcwn in modern atlases.
10-10a. Mandi and Suket are two small states about 70 miles
north-east of Kangra.
11. Hindur. probably a mistake for Nadaun, 15 miles north of
Kangra fort.
12. Purnur, probably a mistake for Nurpur, midway between
Chamba and Batala.
13. Khanwan. 10 miles south of Gurdaspur town.
14. Govindwal, 14 miles south-west-west of Kapurthala.
15. Dipalpur, 30.40 N. 73.43 E.






The Land and the People


again. Then passing by the limits of Fatehpur, and
Khiror,1 the river gets the name of Kanarah and
then in the territory of the Baluchis it merges into
the river Indus.
The third river Ravi issues from the mountain
of Man Mahes (in the present Chamba State).
After coming out of Chamba and flowing to the
boundaries of the land of Beshuli,2, it reaches the
fort of the town of Shahpur,3 a dependency of
Nurpur. After leaving this place it flows by the
limits of Pathankot, Kalanor and Batala and then
reaches the city of Lahore. At Lahore it passes at
the feet of Imperial buildings. From Lahore it flows
to Faridabad4 and then to Multan and finally it
unites with the rivers Chenab and Jhelum near Sarai
Sindhu (20 kos from Multan).
The fourth river is the Chenab, which also
issues from the hills of Chamba. Leaving Chamba
it reaches the feet of the towns of Ambara,and
Akhnoor5 and then enters the plains. Here it
passes by the cities of Bhalulpur, Sodhrao and
Wazirabad and then proceeds along the fort of the
cities of Bhowana, Mizl and Hazara,7 passes between
two hillocks near the town of Jind-Niwat and
finally uniting with the river Bihat (Jhelum) at the
town of Jhang-Sialan,8 it proceeds onwards.
The fifth and the last river of the Punjab is
Bihat or Jhelum. It issues from a lake (Verinag)

1. Khiror, probably a mistake for Kharrar, which is given in
Atlas.
2. Beshuli. 20 miles South-West of Chamba.
3. Shahpur, (32.23 N. 75.44 E) North of Pathankot.
4. Fridabad, 28.25 N. 77.21 E. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IV,
p. 392).
5. Akhnoor, 32.5 N. 74.47 E., (Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. I,
p. 1401.
6. Sodhra, 32.29 N. and 74.14 E. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol.
XXIII; p. 68).
7. Hazara, between 33.45 and 35.2 N lat. and 72.35 and 74.9 long.
8. Now called Jhang, 31.16N.long. 72.21 E. (Imperial Gazetteer of
India, Vol. VII, p. 213).






The Punjab Under the Mughals


in the Kashmir hills and reaches the city of Srinagar.
Here it passes through the bazars and streets, where
charming buildings, delightful gardens and attractive
parks are built at its banks. From Srinagar the
river flows on till it goes out of Kashmir. Here it
is joined by the river Krishanganga.1 Thence it
reaches the foot of the town of Dangali,2 (the seat
of the government of the Chief of Gakkhars.)
Afterwards the river passes near many places in the
Gakkhar territory and reaches below the city of
Jhelum and gets the name of the Jehlum river.
Then flowing by the cities of Girjhak,8 Bhera* and
Khushab" it joins the river Chenab at Jhang-Sialan.
The Punjab was a very fertile province. Its
cultivation depended upon irrigation from wells.
Water-wheels were constructed by mechanics and
these were fitted to the wells and by means of this
device, large quantities of water were drawn out of
the wells by rotating the wheels, by means of
bullocks or camels. The autumn crops depended
upon rain. Musk-melons were grown in abundance
and they could be had all round the year. Other
crops of the province were rice, grain, mango and
sugarcane. Snow was brought down from the moun-
tains by the rich to cool their drinks. At some
places in this province horses of good breed could be
procured. One such place was Awan, according to
the 'Ain' and Asatpur-mati according to 'Khulasat'
(India of Aurangzeb, p. LXXVI).
The industries in this province were confined
1. "At Muzaffarabad. just before entering the British territory
the Jhelum receives the Krishan Ganga, which rises in Baltistan or
Little Tibbat." (Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. VII, p. 165).
2. Dangali, a Gakkhar stronghold near Hilan, a ferry on the
Jhelum.
3. According to Cunningham. a Hindu name for Jalalpur.
India of Aurangzeb, p. 107.
4. Bhera, on the left bank of Jhelum, 10 miles South-West of
Pind Dadan Khan.
5. Khushab, 32.16 N. 72.14 E.







The Land and the People


to a very few cities. Bujwara (11 miles from
Hoshiarpur) was famous for its cloth manufacture
and gold-embroidered fotah. At Sultanpur in the
Jalandhar Doab, Chhint, dolai and embroidered
cloth were manufactured. Sialkot was known for
the manufacture of many kinds of paper, such as
mansinghi paper and silken paper of very fine
texture. Embroidery with silk and gold threads and
many kinds of sheets, table-clothes tray-covers etc.,
with figures in gold-threads were manufactured here.
Weapons like jamdhar, katari and lance were also
made in this city. Gujrat was another city where
these weapons were manufactured. Some work of
embroidery was also done in Gujrat. We are also
told that in this city horses of very superior kind
were bred and sold. Near the salt mines of
Shamsabad some fancy articles were made of salt
and sweet-lime.1
Both 'Ain' and 'Khulasat' tell us about a number
of mines in this province. There were copper and
iron mines at Suket and Mandi in the Jalandhar
Doab. Salt mines were found near Shamsabad on
the Indus, and the best salt mine was that of Kheora.
A quarry of sweet-lime was also found; near Shams-
abad. In Jammu there was a mine of tin. In
certain rivers, especially the Beas and Jhelum, gold,
silver and various other metals were found by
washing sand.2
Lastly we might say something about the climate
of this province of 'Five Waters'. 'Khulasat' tells
us that on the whole the province had a very
pleasant climate although its summers were hotter
and winters cooler than those of the rest of
Hindustan.
1. Khulasat-ut-Twarikh, in India of Aurangzeb, p. LXXVII.
2. Ibid., p. LXXVII.








The Punjab Under the Mughals


In the century that intervened between the 'Ain'
and the 'Khulasat', changes occurred in the Mughal
Empire. The names of the Sarkars, the numbers of
the mahals the amount of revenue and the descrip-
tions of the towns, as given by the author of the
'Khulasat.' enable us to institute an interesting
comparison with the 'Ain', that is to make a
comparative study, however, rude and incomplete,-
of the India of Akbar (1594 A.C.) and the India
of Aurangzeb (1695 A. C).
Here is an attempt to do the same:-
Length from the Sutlej to the Indus 180 kos;
breadth from Bhimber to Chau-
Extent khandi, 86 kos. (A.)


Divisions


The province was divided into
doabs instead of Sarkars.


1594 .... 5 doabs,
1665 .... 14 Sarkars


1695
1700
1720


2321 mahals
314 parganas


5 doabs, 316 mahals
-- 458


5 ,


329


Sarkars (1594)
Jalandhar Doab, 60 m
Bari ,, 52
Rechnau ,, 57
Chinhat ,, 21
Sind Sagar ,, 42


(1695)
[The 5 doabs


(1720)
Jalandhar Doab, 69 m


of the Ain.] Bari 57
Rachnau ,, 49
Chinhat ,, 22
Sind Sagar ,, 48
Kangra 63


1. The Ain (ii. 315) gives 234 parganas in the preliminary statement,
but by adding to ether the mahals of the Sarkars we get 232 mahals.







The Land and the People


The total area of measured land rose from
Area and Revenue. 1,61,55,643 bighas in 1594 to
R2,43,19,960 bighas in 1720.

Area in bighas in Rev. in Rs. in
Sarkars
1594 1720 1594 1720

Jalandhar ... 32,79,303 39,39.518 31,09,130 35,93,751
Bari ... 45,80,003 52,39,857 35,70,204 49,33,751
Rechnau ... 42,53,148 98,52,010 43,01,192 10,66,088
Chinhat ... 26,33,210 40,41,809 16,12,560 23,17,218
Sind Sagar ... 14,09,929 12,56,771 12,97,805 35,14,984
Kangra ... ..... ... 14,51,346

The total provincial revenue was
in 1594 Rs. 1,39,86,460 1707 Rs. 2,06,53,302
1648 ,, 2,25,00,000 1,45,29,765
1654 ,, 2,72,43,994 1720 excluding Kangra
1665 ,, 2,46,95,000 1,59,81,111
1695 ,, 2,23,34,500 including Kangra
1697 2,33,95,000 Tieff ,, 2,24,53,304.
1700 ,, 2,23,25,985
The chapter on the Panjab is by far the longest
Places of Note and most important in the
Khulasat, whereas the account
of the same province in the Ain-i-Akbari is very
meagre and incomplete. In treating of the Panjab,
Abul Fazl is silent on the industries, fairs, important
cities, holy men, and other points on which he has
usually a wealth of information in the case of other
Subahs. On the other hand, the author of the
Khulasat was a native of the Panjab, and he has
lovingly recorded every piece of information he
could collect about his own province. His account
is, therefore, accurate, full, and up to date, and
nowise inferior to the best descriptive chapter of
the Ain. A brief summary only is possible here;
for the full account the reader is referred to






The Punjab Under the Mughals


the appendix. The few points supplied by the Am
are marked 'A', all the rest, though unmarked,
being supplied by K. I have no space in this chapter
for the succession-list of Sikh Gurus and the de-
tailed description of the courses of the six rivers of
the Panjab which K. furnishes.

CITIES: (1) Lahor, supposed to have been
Laor. founded by Lava, the son of
Ramchandra, the hero of the
Ramayan; hence its other name Lahawar (A. & K.)
In the later Hindu period, Sialkot became the
provincial capital and Lahor fell into decay. But
Malik Ayaz, the favourite of Mahmud of Ghazni,
restored the town and defended it by a fort, and
it again became a capital and remained so under the
last two Ghaznivide kings. Under Tatar Khan, a
noble of Bahlol Lodi, it again became the seat of
government. Subsequently it was repaired and
enlarged by Akbar. (A. & K.) Jahangir loved it
particularly, and he increased its beauty and impor-
tance in various ways. He lies buried at Shahadrt,
on the other bank of the Ravi, and near him sleeps
his brother-in-law and minister, Asaf Khan. Near
Lahor Shah Jahan laid out the famous garden of
Shalimar-which was one of the wonders of India.
Aurangzeb constructed a bund. 2 kos in length to
prevent the encroachment of the Ravi upon the
town. He also built a lofty stone mosque at a cost
of 5 lacs of Rupees. But the cathedral (jama)
mosque of Wazir Khan is more celebrated. The
saint Pir Ali Hajuri lies buried in this town.

(2) Jalandhar contains the tombs of the saints
Nasir-ud-Din and Abdulla Sultan-
ther es. puri. (3) Guru Govind Chak
had a large garden and tank to which pilgrimages
were made annually. (4) Ramtirath, a holy place.







The Land and the People


(5) Batala (in the modern Gurdaspur District)
was the birth-place of the author of the Khulasat.
A long and minute account of its foundation, history,
buildings, and holy men, has been given in the
appendix. In its environs were the tombs of
many holy men. (6) At Dhianpur, near Batala,
lived the Hindu saint Babalal, who was much
respected by Dara Shekoh. (7) Achal, 2 kos from
Batala, contained the shrine of Kartik, the son of
Mahadeva. At the vernal equinox a mela took
place here, of which a graphic description has been
given in the appendix. (8) At the foot of the hill-fort
of Kangra is Nagarkot, containing the shrine of
Bhavani. Pilgrims visited it in September and
February. Some of them, in order to gain their
wishes, used to cut out their tongues (A., but K.
adds that others severed their heads) before the idol,
but the lost limbs were restored miraculously, and
the men lived. (A. & K.) (9) Jwalamukhi 10 kos
from Nagarkot; here tongues of flame issued from
the ground and were worshipped as a manifestation
of the Devi (A. & K.) (10) Sialkot, supposed to
have been founded by Shalya (a hero of the Maha-
bharat), and restored by Shalivahan (the founder-of
the Shaka era), an old fort being traditionally ascrib-
ed to the latter. In later times it was repaired
by Muiz-ud-din Muhammad Ghori, Man Singh,
and Masdar Khan Faujdar in succession. Among
the pious founders of the town were many members
of the Jaina tribe of Bhabra. In the: rainy season,
when its canal over-flowed, the townsmen merrily
disported themselves in the water on inflated skins.
It was a seat of Islamic learning, the school
kept by Maulana Kamal and his descendants being
especially famous. (11) Dhonkal, 4 m. S. of
Wazirabad, a place of pilgrimage. (12) Purmandal,
14 m. S. E. E. of Jummu city, had a temple of Shiva,
to which pilgrims, mostly hill-men, flocked in the






The Punjab Under the Mughals


month of Baisakh. (13) Sodhra, 4 m. N. E. of
Wazirabad. Near it Ali Mardan Khan, the famous
engineer of Shah Jahan, founded a city named
Ibrahimabad after his son, and laid out a fine garden,
watered by a canal issuing from the Tavi river.
(14) Gujrat, a town founded in the reign of Akbar,
as the headquarters of a separate pargana created by
detaching villages from the pargana of Sialkot.
Shah Daula, a holy man of this town, whose
illumination of mind was believed to have led
him to discover hidden treasure,-spent large sums
in adding buildings and bridges to the town and
otherwise increasing its splendour. One of these
bridges is given in the Indian Atlas. (15) Bal-
nath Jogi (or Tilla), a hermitage and resort of
Jogis, where pilgrims assembled on the Shiva-ratri.
(A. & K.) (16) Atak Banaras, a famous fort
built by Akbar, was the ethnic frontier of India.
" It is a city....midway between Hindustan and
Kabulistan, so that on this bank the manners,
customs, and language are Indian, while on the other
bank are the houses of the Afghans and Afghan
customs and speech." Just below it the Indus swept
Violently through a narrow channel. The danger
of the passage was increased by two jutting preci-
pices of black slate, which formed a whirlpool
between them. Many boats were wrecked here.
The name of the rock (Jalali) originated in a
bon mot of Akbar. (17) There was a sacred
lake (named Kota Chhana?) in the mahal of
Makhiala. It rivalled in sanctity the Pushkar lake
of Ajmir.
The Panjab was a very fertile province (A.)
Crops etc. Cultivation depended upon irri-
gation from wells (A. and K.)
Very good water-wheels were constructed by
mechanics here. The autumn crops depended upon
rain (K.) Musk-melons could be had all the year






The Land and the People


round. (A.) Excellent vine, mango, rice, and sugar-
cane grew here. Snow was brought down from the
northern mountains (A.) by the rich to cool their
drinks. Horses of good breed were procurable, especial-
ly at Awan (A., or 'Astpur-mati' according to K.)
On this point the Ain is absolutely silent, and
Industries all our knowledge comes from
ustes the Khulasat. Bajwara (1i m.
from Hoshiarpur) was famous for its cloth manufac-
ture, especially sirisaf, adhars (?), doriah, panch tolia,
jhona, white chirah, and gold-embroidered fotah.
At Sultanpur in the Jalandhar doab, chhint, dolai,
and embroidered cloths were finely made. Sialkot
was celebrated for the manufacture of paper (especial-
ly silk-paper and a variety called the Man-singhi) em-
broidered cloth (especially bafta, chirah, fotah, sozani,
adsaka (?), table-cloth, tray-covers, and small tents),
and weapons (the jamdhar katari, and lance.) At
Gujrat were manufactured swords, jamdhars, and
embroidered cloth. A species of horse resembling
the Arab, was bred here some of them selling for a
thousand Rupees each. Near the salt mines of
Shamsabad, trays, dishes, lamps and other fancy-
articles of rock-salt were made (A). Similar art-
ware was also manufactured from sweet lime in that
region.
The Ain mentions copper and iron mines at
Saket and Mandi in the Jalandhar
nes. doab, salt mines at Dhankot on
the Indus and at Makhiala and Shamsabad. The
Khulasat mentions the last two places only, and
gives a long account of the extraction of rock-
salt near Shamsabad and the names of the best
mines (Keora and Khura.) From the Ain we
learn that the merchants purchased rock-salt from
the mines at 2' to 9-} pies a maund, the landlord
charged a royalty of 4 annas on each porter of salt







22 The Punjab Under the Mughals
(i.e., on say 1J maunds), and the State levied a duty
of 111 pies on every maund. Thus, a maund of salt
at the pit's mouth cost in all from 5 annas 12' pies
to 5 annas 82I pies ; a little less than 5J annas on
an average was the cost price of a maund of rock-salt
in Akbar's reign. There was also a quarry of sweet
lime in this region. (K.) In Jummu there was a mine
of tin (qal'i). "Taking gravels from the river Tavi
and setting them on fire, tin of unparalleled white-
ness, hardness, and durability" was made. (Appendix)
" In some places in the northern mountains, there
are mines of gold, copper, brass, and iron, which
yield revenue to the Imperial government" (K.) In
certain rivers, especially the Beas and the Jhelum, gold,
-(the Ain adds 'silver, copper, rui, zinc, brass, and
lead')-was obtained by washing sand. (K.)









Chapter II


AKBAR'S ACCESSION AND
EARLY DIFFICULTIES

The condition of the Punjab on the eve of the
The condition of the accession of Akbar presented a
Punjab on the eve of curious state of affairs. The first
the accession of Akbar. thing which strikes a casual ob-
server is, that it was not a homogeneous state but
was split up into two clear-cut parts. The one was
held directly by the Mughals while the other lying
chiefly to the North, enjoyed a complete indepen-
dence. This was a nucleus of small hill states ex-
tending from the river Ravi to the river Jhelum and
was governed by petty hill chieftains.
These small realms fell into three well-defined
groups. First comes the Eastern Belt ranging from
the Sutlej to the Ravi.1 It comprised Kangra under
Dharm Chand, Guler under Ram Chand, Siba under
yPrag Chand, Nurpur under Takhat Mal, Chamba
under Ganesh Varman, Suket under Arjun Sen,
Mandi under Saheb Sen, Kullu under Uttam Chand2
and Spiti, Kullher, Bhangahal, Jaswan and Shahpur
under other small chieftains. These states were
primarily Hindu with the exception of Shahpur
which was under the sway of a Muslim clan
Pathania.3 The strongest of them all was Kangra
under Dhram Chand.'
The Central Belt stretched from the Ravi to the
Chenab and also embraced a portion of lower Eastern
1. C.A.G., p. 150.
2. P.H.S., I and II, pp. 137, 200, 210, 212. 222, 297, 352, 379, 450, 479,
499 respectively.
3. Ibid., II, p. 50.
4. A.N., II, p. 35.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


valley of the Jhelum. It included Jammu under Kapur
Dev, Mankot under Partap Dev, Jasrota under Daulat
Dev, Basolhi under Gajendar Pal, Bhadrawah under
Bishambar Pal, Bhadu under Anant Pal, Kashtawar
under Vija Singh' and Lakhan Pur, Samba, Bhan,
Bhoti, Chanchi and Bandrata under various other
chiefs. This part of the group again was primarily
Hindu in which Jammu under Kapur Dev occupied
a very conspicuous place. But the other part which
was beyond the Chenab and covered an area up to
the lower Eastern valley of the Jhelum was predomi-
nantly Muslim and was composed of Rajoari under
Bahadur Khan, Punch, Bhimbar, Kari Khariah and
Kotli under other Muslim chiefs.2
The Western Belt extending from the upper
valley of the Chenab to the upper valley of the Indus
was made up of Kashmir under Ghazi Khan, and
Gingal, Muzaffarabad, Khajan, Garhi, Rash Dhanta-
mar, Gandgarh, Darband, Torbela, Pharwala, Sultan-
pur and Khanpur and was governed by Muslim tribes
of the Khaka, Bambas, Afghans and Gakhars under
the hegemony of Kashmir ruler Ghazi Khan.'
Now turning to the other part held directly
under the suzerainty of the Mughals we are con-
fronted with a situation not less complicated. Though
a greater part of the Punjab was reduced by Huma-
yun, yet it cannot be asserted that his authority
there was quite absolute and firmly established. It
was disputed by Sikandar who, though ousted from
the throne of Delhi by being defeated at Sirhind in
June 1555, yet retained some pretensions to be the
emperor of India and had therefore betaken himself
to the Sivalik hills to harass the imperial authorities.4
To aggravate the situation still further Abul Ma'ali
the governor of the Punjab, who instead of throwing

1. P.H.S., II, pp. 535, 565, 568, 599, 619, 633, 648 respectively.
2. C.A.G., pp. 152-53. 3. Ibid., pp. 150-51. 4. A.N., I, p. 634







Akbar's Accession and Early Difficulties


himself whole-heartedly into the execution of his duty
of frustrating the designs of Sikandar Sur,1 had begun
to abuse his power by misappropriating royal trea-
sury to his own personal use and molesting his
subordinates, in the face of such a grave menace." As
a precautionary measure he was superseded, no doubt,
by Akbar with his tutor Bairam Khan in November
1555s but it improved the situation in no way. He
was lingering in the Punjab still and was in a sullen
temper because of his supersession and as well as
owing to the slight which he had received at the
hands of Akbar who refused to let him sit with him
and partake of food on the same royal table, contrary
to the habit of Humayun.4
Such was the state of affairs in the Punjab when
Humayun died on 29th January, 1556 as a result of a
fall from the roof of the royal observatory5 and Akbar
ascended the throne at Kalanaur (in the Bari Doab
vide A.A., II, page 319; now it is in the Gurdaspur
District) on February 14, 1556 with the approval of
the officers under Bairam Khan.6 But the coronation
in no way implied a smooth sailing for the boy-king,
who found himself in a most disconcerting and em-
barrassing situation, which was still further intensified
by the fact that he was only a minor.
Humayun had left but a poor legacy for him.
After his restoration he had hardly got any time to
recover his old possessions or even to consolidate what
little he had actually received; consequently the
whole of his dominions and especially the Punjab was
in a somewhat unstable condition. Not only had
he failed to bring the administration of the Punjab on
to a regular basis but also he could not in so short a
space of time, erase from the minds of the people the
1. A.N., I, p. 634. 2. T.A.E., V, p. 239.
3. A.N., I, pp. 639-40. 4. Ibid., p. 662,
5. Ibid., p. 662. 6. T.A.E., V, p. 241.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


bitter memory of the invasions of Changiz and
Timur. No genuine love and sympathy was felt for
the Mughal Dynasty and the masses if not actually
hostile were quite indifferent to its fate. Not to
speak of others even his own officers did not appear
to be sincere in their profession of loyalty towards
him. Abul Ma'ali being out to the quick at his
supersession and slight was nursing hostile designs
and looking for an early opportunity to raise the
standard of revolt against his authority.1
To aggravate the situation still further, Sikandar
Sur one of the claimants to the throne was still in the
field and was only biding his time in the Sivalik hills
to pounce upon Akbar at the earliest opportunity and
to snatch the crown from him. Furthermore almost
all the hill tribes except the Gakhars were in a defiant
mood, so much so that one of their chiefs, Takhtmal
of Nurpur, had actually allied himself with Sikandar
and was helping him with men and money.
Against these heavy odds, Akbar was but poorly
equipped. He was only a minor (born on November
23, 1542 A.D., Akbar was only thirteen years of age
at the time of his accession) and had no administrative
training worth the name. He was surrounded by
a host of officers in whom no confidence could be
reposed but Bairam Khan who in ability and states-
manship outweighed them all stood out as one brilliant
exception in this group. His unflinching loyalty
combined with a unique presence of mind, administra-
tive skill and consummate generalship made up for
the tender age of the boy-king. With cool head and
steady heart he placed himself at the helm of the
affairs and set himself to the task of steering the
ship of the state through these troubled waters of
difficulties.

1. A.N., II, p 26.
2. P.H.S., II, p. 223.






Akbar's Accession and Early Difficulties


On February 17, 1556 a meeting of the nobles
The arrest of Shah was convened for the considera-
Abul Ma'ali. tion of some financial and political
affairs of the state. Abul Ma'ali was also invited to
this conference but he betrayed some hesitation to
comply with the imperial orders and brought forth an
excuse that he was still in mourning for the late
Emperor and was therefore unable to present himself
at the meeting. Being pressed, however, he consented
to attend the meeting but on certain conditions
about his reception and place of sitting. He came and
occupied a seat on the right side of the Emperor.
When he was in the act of washing his hands before
partaking of the feast, Tolaq Khan Qucin, according
to a preconcerted plan, slipped behind him quite un-
noticed and at a signal from Bairam Khan held him in
his grip. The men around also fell upon him simul-
taneously and after a little struggle overpowered and
chained him.1 Bairam Khan wanted to do away with
him instantaneously but was restrained by the Emperor
who did not want to mar his accession by this bloody
deed, so his life was spared.2 He was sent to Lahore
and was placed under the custody of Pahlwan Gulgaz
-the chief constable of Lahore. Somehow he effected
his escape from the prison and took shelter with
Kamal Khan Gakhar. Pahlwan was arrested for his
criminal negligence, but being stung with remorse
and shame, he committed suicide and thus atoned for
his neglect.3
Akbar now directed his attention towards extir-
The expedition parting Sikandar Sur. A detach-
against Sikandar Sur. ment, sent under the command
of Pir Muhammad Khan, after reducing the territory
round Dhamiri,' pressed forward and advanced
far into the hills. So Sikandar was much discon-
1. A.N., II, p. 29. 2. M.B., II. p. 3. 3. A.N., p. 30.
4. It is in Kangra and is now known as Nurpur. Vide C.A.G, p. 143
A.A., II, p. 318 calls it Dhamiri.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


certed at the news about the rapid progress of the
invading army and being afraid of withstanding
Akbar's might solidly arrayed against his moderate
strength, he took to his heels without giving any
battle.1 The Imperial army elated with preliminary
victories continued to penetrate still further till it
reached Nagar Kot. The fort was invested. After
putting up a little resistance, Raja Dharm Chand
gave way2 and appeared personally at the royal camp
accompanied by many other hill chiefs to tender his
allegiance. He was accorded a befitting reception
and was exalted by his admission into royal favour.3
However Sikandar successfully eluded the grasp of
the pursuing army which after striving hard for three
months to trace him out, retired to Jullundur at the
commencement of the rainy season.4
Here at Jullundur on October 13,1556 arrived the
news about the fall of Delhi into the hands of Hemu
and flight of Tardi Beg, its governor. Immediately a
council of the leading nobles was convened in
order to deliberate upon the plan to be pursued.
Most of the nobles were for returning to Kabul and
leaving India to its fate, but Bairam Khan did not
fall in line with them and persisted in marching to
Delhi and capturing it. At last after much discussion
the will of the Khan prevailed and preparations for
the march were made vigorously. When all was
ready, Akbar, placing the affairs of the Punjab under
Khizr Khwaja Khan, proceeded to Delhi on Friday
October 23, 1556.5 No sooner had he quitted the
Punjab, than Mulla Abdulla Sultanpuri instigated
Sikandar to emerge out of the hills and fall upon the
forces left behind. Seeing the critical situation in
1. A.N II, p. 35.
2. F., II, p. 185-6 Raja's name is incorrectly given as Ram Chand
by T.A.E., V, p. 248 and M.B.. II, p. 4 but A.M.. II. p. 35 and F., II,
pp. 185-6 calls him Dharm Chand who was the son of Ram Chandra.
3. A.N., II, p. 35. 4. Ibid., p. 36. 5. Ibid., p. 50.






Akbar's Accession and Early Difficulties


which Akbar was involved, Sikandar recovered his
drooping spirits and attempted to make the best of the
opportunity thus offered. Accompanied by some land-
holders and the Afghans, he descended upon the plains
and began to collect the land revenue. Khizr making
over Lahore to Haji Muhammad Khan Sistani, set
out to oppose his progress; but his advance-guard of
2000 was repulsed near the town of Camyari,1 at a
distance of 20 kos from Lahore. Khizr struck a hasty
retreat and fell back towards Lahore. Sikandar after
giving him a hot chase for a short distance returned
to his hiding-place.2
Akbar, by this time, being free from the embarrass-
ment caused by Hemu, acted promptly and despatched
hastily reinforcements under Sikandar Khan Alan for
the help of Khizr. Realising the magnitude of the
danger, he himself followed Alan quickly on Decem-
ber 7, 1566.8
On December 17, 1556, on his way to Lahore,
he received news about the birth of Bairam Khan's
son and regarding it as a good omen, he pressed
on and reached Jullundur in a short time. The
news about the arrival of the imperial armies
at Jullundur paralysed Sikandar. Akbar imme-
diately set his forces in motion and advanced
into the hills. Reaching Dhamiri via Desuaha4
he was warned by his officers not to proceed further
lest Sikandar should pounce upon him after enticing
him into defiles. But he paid little heed to their
cowardly advice and ordered Nasir-ul-Mulk to
push on and to bring to book the neighboring hill-
chiefs who had thrown in their lot with the rebels.
With a little exertion Nasir-ul-Mulk soon overcame
their opposition and brought them to bay. They
1. In the Bari Doab, vide A.A., II, p. 318 where it is put down a .
Jamari or Chamri.
2. Ibid.. pp. 73-4. 3. Ibid., p. 75.
4. In the Bist Jullundur Doab vide A.A II, p. 316





The Punjab Under the Mughals


offered their submission and were therefore con-
firmed in their jagirs.1
Meanwhile dissensions broke out in the camp of
Sikandar who now finding himself too weak to with-
stand the onslaughts of the imperial army, fled with-
out encountering the enemy and shut himself up in the
fort of Mankot2 under Takht Mal. The fort was be-
sieged and was put under a blockade, Adham Khan and
Husain Khan acted most courageously and attempted
to take the fort by storm but in vain." The insurgents
bravely held on in the fond hope of an invasion of
Delhi by Mubariz Khan Adili which would have
served to divert the attention of the king and thus
left an open field for Sikandar to realise his long-
cherished ambition. But to his utter disappointment
that attack never materialised.4 Meanwhile the
supply of corn also began to run short and this led to
a tremendous rise in prices. Desertion of his soldiers
became more and more frequent.5 All these factors
damped his enthusiasm and compelled him to sue for
peace. He sent his son Abdur Rahman along with
Ghazi Khan Sur to the court as a hostage and begged
for pardon. At the intercession of Atak Khan and
Pir Muhammad Khan on his behalf Akbar after a
considerable deliberation forgave him for his past
misdeeds and appointed him to a fief in Bihar.6 The
fort was surrendered on May 24, 1557 and was
put under the charge of Abul Qasim for the time
being.7 Thakht Mal was arrested and was decapitat-
ed by the orders of Bairam Khan. Soon after, the
fort was restored to his brother Bakht Mal who gave
a pledge to remain loyal to the Emperor."

1. A.N., II, pp. 76-79.
2. In the Rechna Doab A.A., II, p. 321.
3. Ibid., p. 79.
4. Ibid., p. 90. Because Mubariz was slain by Sada Khan the son
of Muhammad Khan of Bengal vide p. 90 A. II.
5. M.B., II, p. 11. 6. T.A.E., V, p. 255.
7. A.N., II, p. 91. 8. Ibid., p. 96.







Akbar's Accession and Early Difficulties


Now after the fulfilment of his mission Akbar
set out for Lahore on July 31, 1557 accompanied by
his mother and other royal ladies who had arrived
there from Kabul.1
During the siege of Mankot a very interesting
event which revealed the suspicious nature of Bairam
Khan took place. During the last days of the siege
Akbar for the sake of diversion, arranged an elephant
fight. Two royal elephants, Fatuba and Lagna, were
brought forward to fight. Being equally matched the
contest between the two was somewhat prolonged and
excited a great interest. As ill luck would have it,
while fighting they happened to come near the tent of
Bairam where he was lying suffering from some boils.
There arose a general uproar which caused a great
deal of annoyance to him. He scented a conspiracy
in it and held Muhammad Atak responsible for all
the trouble and his suspicion was allayed with much
difficulty by Maham Anga. But reaching Lahore
he again returned to the same topic.2 Muhammad
Atak was much perturbed at his accusations and
thought it imperative to clear his position; accord-
ingly he repaired along with his sons to his tent and
removed his suspicion by swearing to his innocence.8
At Lahore there also arrived Adham Khan the
chief of the Gakhars to pay his homage. Bairam con-
tracted some special attachment to him and in the
presence of the king reconciled him to his nephew
Kamal Khan and thus helped considerably to smooth
their strained relations.'
Rainy season being over by this time, Akbar
started for Delhi on December 7, 1557, after en-

1. M.B., II, p. 12.
2. T.A.E., V, pp. 255-6.
3. Ibid., p. 13.
4. M.B., II. p. 13.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


trusting the affairs of the Punjab to Husain Khan.1
Reaching Jullundur the marriage ceremony of Salima
Sultan Begum-the daughter of Mirza Nur-ud-Din
Muhammad-was performed with great pomp and
show. Various feasts and amusements were held in
the honour of the newly married couple. Thus
moving leisurely and hunting on his way Akbar made
his exit from the Punjab and reached Delhi on 25th
April, 1558.2


























1, A.N., II, p. 96.
2. M.B., II, p. 13.











Chapter III


BAIRAM KHAN'S REBELLION

(i) Husain Khan, 1557-1560
Husain Khan governed the Punjab for about
three years. In 1560 when Bairam Khan began to
raise tumult in India, he remained attached to him
and was therefore superseded by Shams-ud-Din
Muhammad Khan Atka who had been raised to the
premiership after the overthrow of Bairam Khan?.

(ii) Shams-ud-Din
Bairam Khan who was left sole master of the
The rebellion of situation after the death of
Bairam Khan. Humayun tided over all the
difficulties one by one and made the position of
Akbar quite secure. But the excess of power
made him overbearing and his policy towards the
nobles became quite harsh and barbarous. His
oversensitive nature which scented a sinister conspi-
racy in trivial and accidental mishaps soon alienated
all the nobility from him. His position as Vakil-i-
Saltanat began to kindle feelings of jealousy in the
hearts of persons like Adham Khan, Sadiq Muhammad
Khan and Maham Anga2 who themselves wanted
to wield supreme authority in the state. The
execution of Tardi Beg had further struck fear into
the hearts of the officers8 who had begun to regard
their position precarious as long as Bairam was in
power. Already biased against him the Sunnis
dubbed him as the patron of his own Shia sect.
The appointment of Shaikh Gadai' and the promo-


1. A.N., 11, p. 143.
3. A.N., II, p. 86.


2. M.B., II, p. 29.
4. M.B., II, p. 22.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


tion of his own men to the office of panj hazari to
the exclusion of the more deserving candidates, dis-
gusted them still further.1 Not only the nobility and
the orthodox Sunni class desired his overthrow but
even Akbar was offended with his domineering per-
sonality and suspected him of harbouring designs of
setting Abul Qasim (the son of Kamran) on the
throne. The execution of his two elephant drivers
at their most trivial misconducts and the harsh treat-
ment meted out to his household servants in general*
only served to accentuate the rupture still further.
But the most important was the fact that Akbar had
outlived the necessity of a hard-shell and his expand-
ing nature sought to get rid of the tutelage of Bairam
Khan who denied to him any power of discretion and
participation in the political and financial affairs of
the state and always kept him short of money.'
Akbar now wanted to be king in reality (de facto)."
So the jealous nobility and disgusted Emperor
conspired together and plans were set afoot to com-
pass his destruction. The young monarch, who had
been prevailed upon by Maham Anga, Sharaf-ud-Din
Husain and Adham Khan to assume the control of
the state, one day on the pretext of hunting, repaired
to Biyana where the whole conspiracy was hatched.*
So on Monday, 19th March, 1560 according to the
plan hatched there Akbar set out from Agra accom-

1. A.N., II. p. 162. 2. Ibid., p. 140. 3. M.B., II, p. 30.
4. Ibid.. p. 30. 5. A.N., II. p. 143.
6. Ibid.. p. 141 says that Akbar confided his intention of assuming
the control of the state to these persons. This is mere garbling of the
actual fact which seems to have been painful enough so as to make Abul
Fazl try to show that his patron was not puppet in the hands of the
courtiers. But the true fact is that Akbar was yet quite incapable of
exercising his own discretion in the sphere of practical politics as is
indicated by the terms veil lifted and veil drawn" so many times
used by Abul Fazl. It was Maham Anga, into whose hands he now
resigned his whole authority. (Vide A.N., II, p. 149) who egged him on to
declare himself so-called king de facto as well. And Dr. Smith has very
aptly remarked, That Akbar shook off the tutelage of Bairam only to
bring himself under the monstrous regiment of unscrupulous women"
videe Akbar, p. 48).






Bairam Khan's Rebellion


panied by Abul Qasim on a hunting expedition and
crossed the river Jumna. After passing the night at
the house of Hakim Zanbil he resumed his march
next morning and by way of Jalesar arrived at Sikan-
dara. There Maham Anga divulged the whole plot
to Muhammad Baqi Baqlani (father-in-law of Adham
Khan) who without any loss of time communicated
the whole thing to Bairam Khan. But he laughed the
matter off and undertook no measures to nip the
trouble in the bud. From there, at the suggestion of
Maham Anga, Akbar made for Delhi to see his ailing
mother and arrived there on Tuesday March 27,
1560.1
At the expression of the fear of Maham Anga
about the resentment of Bairam which this step was
likely to rouse, Akbar sent a letter to Bairam2 explain-
ing the cause of his stay at Delhi and requiring of
him amicable treatment towards his servants who had
accompanied him to Delhi.3 This message together
with the letters which Akbar had despatched to his
nobles inviting them to come to Delhi,' convinced
Bairam for the first time of the gravity of the mis-
chief wrought by his implacable enemies. He deputed
Khwaja Muhammad Khan of Sistan to plead about
his honesty before the Emperor. But their solicita-
tion failed to shake off the suspicion of Akbar who
instead of communicating a reply to him detained his
envoys too." Now Bairam himself resolved to appear
before Akbar to convince him about his sincerity;
but at the instigation of the persons around him,
Akbar sent Tarsun Muhammad Khan and Mir Habib
Ullah to prohibit him from coming to the court.*
This was a severe blow to Bairam Khan and this
forced him into the arms of the disaffected nobles.
He summoned forthwith a council of his friends.
1. A.N., II, p. 142. 2. M.B., II, p. 30. 3. Ibid., p. 30.
4. A N., II. p. 143. 5. Ibid., p. 31. 6. Ibid., p. 146.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


Sheikh Gadai and Wali Beg advised him to make a
coup de main but the nobility of his spirit did not
allow him to put this heinous manoeuvre into opera-
tion and he preferred to retire from public life and
to spend the rest of his life in Mecca.1 On Tuesday,
April 8, 1560 he made for Alwar. Arriving at
Biyana he set Abul Ma'ali and Shah Muhammad
Diwana at liberty and instructed them to appear before
Akbar.' He himself moved forward and arrived at
Memat. Those who had the Emperor's ear repre-
sented to him that Bairam intended to go to the Pun-
jab. The Emperor was alarmed and gave orders for
general mobilisation on Fridary, April 18, 1560,
While Mir Abdul Latif hastened in advance to
bring Bairam to a reasonable frame of mind, Akbar
himself pressed forward and encamped at Jhajhar on
April 22, 1560.3
Here one day Abul Ma'ali made his appearance
before Akbar and saluted him from his horseback.'
Akbar was touched to the quick at his audacity and
ordered him to be arrested. Instantaneously he was
overpowered and was bound in chains. Shihab-ud-
Din Ahmad Khan was entrusted with the duty of
seeing him off to Hijaz.6 Having disposed of Abul
Ma'ali Akbar turned towards the more pressing affair
of forestalling Bairam Khan. A force under Adham
Khan, Sharaf-ud-Din, Hussain Mirza, Pir Muhammad
Khan, and Majnun Khan was ordered to advance
and to block Bairam's passage into the Punjab.
On May 3, 1560 Akbar himself retired to Delhi.*
1. M.B., II, pp. 31-32. 2. A.N., II, p. 152.
3. Ibid., pp. 152.53.
4. Ferishta, A.N., II. p. 156 says that he offered the kornish
from horseback while T. A. E., V, p. 25 and M.B. ,I. p. 33 say that he
wanted to embrace Akbar from on horseback. Kornish and embrace are
hardly possible from horseback. Ferishta's account is more likely. This
was quite against the court etiquette and showed an height of im-
pertinence on Ma'ali's part.
5. A.N., II, p. 156. 6. Ibid., p. 157.







Bairam Khan's Rebellion


When the news about the march of the imperial
army spread in the camp of Bairam Khan, a panic
seized the soldiers and they began to desert him in
large numbers. Only a few persons such as Wali Beg,
Ismail Quli Beg, Shah Quli Khan Mahram and
Hussain Khan remained attached to him.1 At this
mass desertion the spirits of Bairam sank and he
began to feel repentant. Despaired of all success he
sent Hussain Quli Khan with some elephants, tuman-
togah, a standard, a kettledrum and other insignia of
office to the court and implored for forgiveness and
begged permission to go to the Holy Land. Being
assured of his loyalty the royal officers came back
while Bairam himself proceeded towards Bikanairs
with the intention of keeping an eye on the move-
ments of Maldeo, Raja of Jodhpur who with a con-
siderable force had made himself the master of the road
to Gujrat with the design of attacking him.s But the
court party construing this simple fact into something
which reflected upon his sincerity renewed its plots
against him. And when Bairam learnt that Anga
and others were bent upon discrediting and ruining
him completely, his exasperation knew no bounds.'
The climax was reached when to his great insult Pir
Muhammad Khan was despatched after him "to pack
him off as quickly as possible to Mecca without giving
him any time for delay."6 To avenge this grievous
slight and to rid the king of his evil councillors he
resolved to march upon the Punjab. He sent Khwaja
Muzzaffar Ali to Burvesh Beg Uzbeg the governor
of Dipalpur, to win him over to his own side,6 but he
was arrested and sent to the court by the latter.'
1. A.N., II, p. 157. 2. Ibid., p. 158.
3. T.A.E. V, p. 265. This fact makes shallow the charge levied by
Abul Fazl that he was looking for an opportunity of raising disturbance.
(Vide A.N., II, p. 159). His sincerity is also attested by the dispersal of
his men like Sheikh Gadai at his own bidding. (A.N., I1, p. 158).
4. A.N., II, p. 159. 5. M.B.. II, p. 333. 6. A.N., II. p. 167.
7. Ibid., p. 167.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


When Akbar was apprised of his intention
he wrote him a letter advising him to desist from
his evil course and to proceed towards the Hijaz1,
but Bairam remained obdurate and continued his
advance.2 Reaching Tabar Hindah," he committed his
three years old son along with his family and
property to the care of Sher Muhammad Diwana
and himself pushed forward. At Dipalpur he
learnt about the perfidious conduct of Diwana who
had appropriated his property to himself and had sent
his family to the court.' Bairam was perturbed at
this news but being helpless to wreak vengenance
upon him, he resumed his march towards Jullundur.
On the way the fort of Tharah (situated on the
banks of the Sutlej in the Sarkar of Sirhind, vide
A.A., II, page 295) was invested by Wali Beg but
Mirza Abdullah's brave defence set at naught all his
attempts at storming it and he was in the end repuls-
ed back with heavy loss.6
At the report of the advance of Bairam, Akbar,
as a precautionary measure, put Husain Quli Khan
under cust dy and ordered Shams-ud-Din Muham-
mad Khan Atka, his son Yusuf Muhammad Kokal-
tash, Mahdi Qasim Khan, Muhammad Qasim Khan of
Nishapur, Ali Quli Khan, Mir Latif Hasan Khan
and Ahmad Khan to march towards the Punjab. He
himself followed them on Tuesday, August 12,
1560.6
When the advance-guard reached Guna Cur (it
seems to be Gangot of A.A., II, page 317 in the Bist
Jullundur Doab. M.B., II, page 35, has Phillour. Its
modern name is Gunachaur) it found itself confronted
with the army of Bairam. Both sides began to pre-
pare for action. Bairam divided his forces into two
parts. The advanceguard was given over to Wali


1. A.N., II, p. 160.
4. A N., II, p. 167.


2. Ibid., p. 166.
5. Ibid., p. 167.


3. Ferishta writes it Bhatinda
6. Ibid., pp. 168-9.






Bairam Khan's Rebellion


Beg. Shah Quli Khan Mahram, Ismail Quli Khan,
Husain Khan, Yaqub Sultan and Sabz Talkh. The
other part along with fifty elephants was kept under
his own personal com mand. On the other Shams-ud-
Din also arranged his forces in battle array. He himself
commanded the centre; the right wing was placed
under Mahdi Qasim Khan and the vanguard under Ali
Quli Khan,Qiya Khan and Saheb Hasan; the Altamash
was to be formed by Farrukh Khan while the post
between the Altamash and the centre was entrusted to
Yusuf Khan Kokaltash. To impart more sanctity to
the duty of loyalty of the soldiers, Shams was prudent
enough to exact oaths from them, thus binding
them with moral as well as legal obligation.1
The offensive was taken by Bairam, who on
August 23, 1560 dashed forward vigorously and
pressed on so heavily upon the imperial army that
some of its ranks gave way and the soldiers took to
their heels. Atka Khan and Yusuf Khan strained
every nerve to stem this onrushing tide but in vain.
Bairam Khan flushed with his victory and headed by
elephants advanced with a firm resolve; but as
ill-luck would have it, his elephant struck in the bog.
Atka caught hold of the opportunity and began to
shoot arrows upon the elephants. Bairam Khan with
a mind to charge the imperial army from the left
withdrew a little to strike more advantageously but
his soldiers taking this retreat to be a flight turned their
backs and fled in confusion. Now the imperial army
sallied forth and fell upon the retreating soldiers.
Many were butchered to death; Husain Khan, Yaqub
Hamdani, Ahmad Beg and Wali Beg were wounded
and they fell into the hands of soldiers ; camps were
plundered and burnt to ashes.8
The news about the victory was hailed with joy
by Akbar who by this time had reached Sirhind.8
3. A.N., II, pp, 170-1. 2. Ibid., pp. 171-72. 3. Ibid., p. 172.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


The title of Azim Khan together with the Daqu
dress and the Fath dress of Bairam Khan were con-
ferred upon Shams in recognition of the great service
he had rendered to the king. The prisoners were
sentenced to life-long imprisonment. However
Wali Beg soon after succumbed to his injuries and
some rebels at the intercession of the courtiers were
set at liberty.1
Leaving the army there in the charge of Munim
Khan, Akbar himself advanced to Lahore where he
was given a sumptuous entertainment by Atka on
September 17, 1560. Akbar well-pleased with his
reception bestowed upon Atka and his relatives the
best land in the Punjab as jagirs. As Shams had
fallen sick, Akbar leaving him there returned to
Sirhind2 alone. Making this place as base of his
operations Akbar organised an expedition for the
chastisement of Raja Ganesh of Talwara (In the
Bari Doab vide A.A., II, page 318) with whom Bairam
had taken shelter. A detachment advanced far into
the hills and overbore the stern opposition of the
neighboring hill chiefs who after being defeated
fled into the jungles.3
With the fall of Raja Ganesh the last hope of
Bairam Khan flickered away. The valiant death of
Sultan Husain Jalair on the battlefield struck him
with remorse and he resolved to lay down arms
rather than to cause bloodshed for his own selfish ends.'
He deputed Jamal Khan to the emperor and craved
pardon in words couched in humility, "I deeply
repent my deeds which have not been entirely under
my own control, but if I am favoured with royal
clemency, I will throw the veil of oblivion over my
misdeeds and will present myself in your presence and
hope for your forgiveness."6 At the receipt of this


1. T.A.E., V, p, 267.
4. M.B., II, p. 39.


2. A. N., II, p. 177.
5.. T.A.E., V, p. 267.


3. Ibid., p. 178.







Bairam Khan's Rebellion


message of supplication Akbar's heart was moved and
he despatched Maulana Abdullah Sultanpuri to
soothe his afflicted mind and bring him to the court.
But he declined to appear until Munim Khan (who had
by this time come from Kabul, vide A.N., II, page 174)
was sent to assure him of his safety. At this Akbar
moved forward and arriving at Haji Pur (in the
Bist Jullundur Doab, vide A.A., II, page 316) situated
between the Sutlej and the Beas he sent Munim
Khan, Khwajah Jahan, Ashraf Khan, Haji Muham-
mad Khan Sistani to escort Bairam safely to him.1
In spite of the warnings of his companions he accom-
panied the envoys to the court2 and prostrated
himself before Akbar in October, 1560. Akbar stepped
forward and with tears in his eyes raised him up
and bade him sit on his right hand. He awarded to
him his own robe and permitted him to go to Mecca.3
; Liberally equipped by his grateful sovereign
Bairam now proceeded to the coast to embark for
Mecca and in due time reached Patan. There he
was surprised one day by a gang of 30 or 40 Afghans
who fell upon him and murdered him brutally.' His
camp was plundered and his four-year old son and
family were rescued with much difficulty by Muham-
mad Amin 'Diwana and were sent to the court
where liberal provisions were made for the survivors.5
On Saturday, November 24, 1560, after making
necessary arrangements Akbar at the head of the
triumphant army wended his way back to Delhi from
where he proceeded to Agra and arrived there on
December 21, 1560.6
In November 1561 Shams-ud-Din was recalled to
serve at the centre while Mir Muhammad Kalan was
ordered to take over the charge of the Punjab.7
1. A.N., II, p. 179, 2. Ibid.. p. 180. 3. Ibid., p. 181.
4. Ibid., p. 202. 5. Ibid., p. 203. 6. Ibid., p. 187.
7, Ibid,p.230.







42 The Punjab Under the Mughals
(iii) Mir Muhammad Khan Kalan

Raja Ganesh of Nandonx in whose mind the last
The invasion of Raja defeat was rankling bitterly, now
Ganesh. got an opportunity to avenge
his humiliation and in 1562 he marched against Jan
Muhammad Bahandi of Birka, but was driven back
with heavy loss. His camps were plundered and his
wife who had fallen into the hands of the soldiers
was mercilessly put to sword. Being indignant at
this unprovoked attack Khan Kalan himself marched
into the hills and pressed so hard upon him that he
was compelled to sue for terms. At the intercession
of Raja Todar he was pardoned and was once again
reinstated in his territory.2
The Gakhars belonged to one of the most warlike
The reduction of the tribes inhabiting the confines of
Gakhars. the Punjab at that time. Their
territory, lying between the Indus and the Beas and
hemmed in from all sides by the hills, occupied a most
impregnable position and its reduction was regarded
as next to impossible.8 Their relations with Babur
and Humayun were quite amicable4 but with the
accession of Akbar there was a marked change in
their attitude. Adham Khan, their chief, had never
appeared in the court since 1556 and Akbar was only
biding his time to teach him a lesson for his deliberate
negligence.' That chance came in 1562.
Kamal Khan the nephew of the ruling chief was
serving in the sarkar of Lucknow at the time when
Khan Zaman was involved in a deadly struggle with
the son of Adli in Bengal. The courage displayed by
him in the battle won for him a great distinction
and the king well pleased at his valour promised
1. Nandon is in the Bist Jullundur Doab A.A., II, p. 314.
2. A.N., II, p. 261. 3. Ibid., p. 296. 4. Ibid., p. 297.
5. Ibid., p. 299.






Bairam Khan's Rebellion


him, as a mark of favour, any boon he asked.
Kamal Khan, who was too shrewd to let this
opportunity slip by, asked for his territory which was
held unjustly by his uncle.1 To Akbar who was
already looking out for some excuse to make war
upon the Gakhars, this was a heaven-sent boon.
Immediately orders were issued for the division of
the territory into two parts: one was to be placed
under Kamal while the other was a to be retained by
Adham Khan.' But at the refusal of the latter to
comply with the imperial order Khan Kalan deter-
mined to exact obedience to the decree at the point
of sword marched into his territory and encountered
the Gakhar forces near the town of Hilan. After a
short skirmish the Gakhars were routed. Adham
Khan fell into the hands of Khan Kalan's soldiers
and was put under strong custody. His son Lashkari
was also arrested shortly after and was decapitated
by Kamal Khan. After restoring the whole of the
territory to Kamal Khan, Khan Kalan marched back
to Lahore triumphantly."
In 1564 being expelled by Sulaiman of Badakhshan
Mah un from Kabul, Mirza Hakim direct-
March upon Kabul.
ed his steps towards the Indus
from where he despatched Ghalib Beg and Tyfab Abh
to the court and Diwan Khwaja Beg Mahmud and
Maqsud Jauhari to Khan Kalan to beg for help. The
latter together with the other Punjab officers sent
him presents through Qazi Imad and assured him of
his assistance' but refrained from giving any active
help for the time being. However, at the receipt of
the Imperial order in response to the appeal of the
Mirza, Khan Kalan accompanied by Muhammad
Khan, Quli Khan Birlas, Qutub-ud-Din Khan, Mahdi
Qasim Khan, Hasan Sufi, Sultan Jan Muhammad
1. A.N., II, p. 297. 2. T.A.E., V, p. 280. 3. A.N., II, p. 299.
4. Ibid.. p. 361.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


Bahsuki, Kamal Khan Gakhar, Fazil Muhammad,
Quli Khan and Qutub-ud-Din Khan (as guardian of
the Mirza) set his forces in motion and crossed the
Indus at the ferry of Atak Benares.1
At the refusal of the governor Qambar to
capitulate, the fort of Jalalabad was invested. The
adventurous soldiers scaled the walls and jumped into
the fort. Qambar along with his 300 men was
arrested and beheaded at the spot. His head was sent
to the besieged army of Kabul; a new life was
infused into the soldiers who stiffened their resistance
still more and began to fight with more vigour and
determination. But the effect of the capture of
Jalalabad on the army of Sulaiman was quite adverse.
Consternation spread in the ranks and in spite of
the attempts of Sulaiman to allay their fear, the
soldiers turned back and fled. Sulaiman, now being
helpless, too followed their example.'
Receiving the news of his flight at Jagdalk, Khan
quickened his pace and made a triumphant entry into
Kabul. Contrary to the orders of the Emperor he
decided to stay at Kabul for some time but the other
officers departed for the Punjab.8
The Mirza in trifling matters did all according to
his bidding but in important and weighty matters no
heed was paid to Khan Kalan's advice. For some time
he put up with all this but gradually with the lapse
of time harmonious relations between the tutor and
the ward became more and more impaired. Matters
came to a head when the Mirza gave his sister in
marriage to Khwaja Hasan Naqshbandi without
consulting Khan Kalan whose wrath was further
roused at the attempt of the Khwaja to monopolise
the whole authority in the household affairs.
On one night he secretly left Kabul in a sullen


1. T.A.E., V, p. 294.


2. A.N II, p. 363.


3. Ibid., p. 364.






Bairam Khan's Rebellion


temper and reaching Lahore communicated the whole
state of affairs to the Emperor.1
On the other hand, Sulaiman was not a man to be
The invasion of daunted by such reverses; he once
Mirza Hakim. more mustered his army and
marched upon Kabul. The Mirza leaving the charge
of Kabul to Masum, himself withdrew to the forts of
Shakardera and Ghorband. Sulaiman played many
tricks to ensnare him out of the fort but the Mirza
received atimely warning and secretly escaped towards
India. After crossing the Indus he despatched his am-
bassador to the Emperor to crave for help.2 Akbar,
who had already despatched Faridusi to help the Mirza
out of the difficulty, at the arrival of the envoy also
ordered Khush Khabar Khan to speed on to the
Indus. The Punjab officers were also directed, if
need be, to accompany the Mirza to Kabul.3
But fate decreed quite otherwise. Khush Khabar
Khan, who had managed to reach the Indus earlier
received a warm reception from the Mirza which
seemed to have roused the jealousy of Faridusi who
now excited him to march upon Lahore after putting
Khush Khabar under custody. Sultan Ali and Husain
Khan added fuel to the fire and whetted his ambition
to occupy the Punjab. Thus being incited by all, he
crossed the Indus and pillaged the town of Bhera.
The report about his advance put the Punjab officers
on their guard and Khan Kalan, Qutub-ud-Din Khan,
and Sharif Khan concerted their measures together
to defend the fort at all costs. The ingratitude
of the Mirza worked up to inflame the feelings of
Akbar who himself speeded on to the Punjab on Nov.
17, 1566 to conduct operations against him per-
sonally.4
Meanwhile the Mirza had reached the vicinity
1. A.N., II, p. 365. 2. M.B., II, p. 90.
3. T.A.E., V, p. 312. 4. A.N., II. pp. 410-11.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


of Lahore and encamped in the gardens of Mahdi
Qasim Khan. Next day the fort was besieged
but all his attempts to take it by storm were
frustrated by the brave defence of the besieged.'
When the news about the march of Akbar himself
was broken to the Mirza, his spirit sank and now
apprehensive of his own safety he fell back hastily
towards the Indus. Akbar learnt about his flight at
the banks of the Sutlej but the march was continued
and Lahore was reached in the end of Feb. 1567.
Qutub-ud-Din and Kamal Khan were despatched to
the border to chase the Mirza out of India and to
soothe the afflicted peasantry which was much
harassed by the invaders.2
Akbar now with his mind at rest found ample
SQ H time for indulging in his hobby of
The amargahHunt. hunting. Preparations for sport
were ordered to be made on a very large scale.
Bakhashis, Tawacis, Sazawals and thousands of
footmen were appointed to every quarter to drive
the game within an area of ten miles stretching from
the mountains to the river Jhelum. Within one
month nearly 15000 animals of every species were
driven into that arena. After the Emperor had
enjoyed the game for five days, the permission for
hunting was given to the senior officers and harem
attendants. After them came the turn of the court
servants and then the hunting ground was opened to
all. And after every one bad enjoyed the game to
his fill, orders were given for the return journey.
At the Ravi, followed by others Akbar put his
horse into the water and crossed over to the other
side safely but Khush Khabar Khan3 and Mir
Muhammad were swept away by the rapid current
of the stream.
1. A.N., II, p. 410. 2. Ibid., p. 411.
3. T.A.E,, V, pp. 316-17.







Bairam Khan's Rebellion


On March 23, 1567 when news about the revolt
of Ali Quli Khan, Bahadur Khan and Iskandar Khan
was broken to him by Munim Khan, he immediately
set out from Lahore in order to bring the rebels to
book.1
In August 1568 Khan Kalan along with the other
jagirdars of the Punjab was summoned to the court to
be transferred somewhere else and the government
of the Punjab was made over to Husain Quli Khan.2


1. A.N., II. p. 420.


2. Ibid., p. 487.










Chapter IV


HUSAIN QULI KHAN & SHAH QULI KHAN
(i) Husain Quli Khan, 1568-1575

In 1570 Akbar once again turned towards the
e Emperor' Punjab from Ajmer to pay his
visit to the shrine of respects at the shrine of Shaikh
Shaikh Farid Shakar- Farid at Pattan. (In the Bist
ganj. Jullundur Doab A.A., II, p. 332)
On the way receiving a report about the presence of
wild asses in the confines of Talwandi (in the
Rechna Doab, A.A., II, p. 320) he set out for sport
accompanied by only a few attendants and hunted as
many as 13 asses. Not contented with this he
penetrated still further into the desert leaving his
attendants behind to watch over the game; but had
not advanced far into this waterless tract when under
the scorching heat of the sun he began to faint.
The accidental arrival of his water-carrier however
saved him and his safe return to the camp was hailed
with joy.
After resting there for a few days the camp
moved forward and reached Pattan on March 13,
1571. The holy shrine was visited and alms were
freely distributed among the poor. Due to the
illness of Prince Murad the stay was somewhat
prolonged. At his recovery the camp marched back
on Monday, April 16, 1571. Akbar himself went in
advance and hunting on his way reached Dipalpur
(in Multan, A.A., II, p. 331) where he was given
a sumptuous entertainment by Khan Azim Mirza
Koka. On Thursday, May 17, 1571 he reached
Lahore and was received by Husain Quli Khan.
At his request he also paid a visit to the newly







Husain Quli Khan and Shah Quli Khan


built quarters in the town. In the end of May he
started for the capital and by way of Hissar reached
there in April 1571.
At the royal summons, Raja Jai Chand who had
The siege of Nagar incurred the displeasure of Akbar
Kot. on some account, after commit-
ting his son Bidhi Chand to the care of Raja Govind,
repaired to the court in 1572 where he was
arrested and sent to jail.1 His jagir being con-
fiscated was handed over to Raja Birbal. Bidhi
Chand presuming his father to be dead girded up his
loins to defy the imperial orders and broke out into
open rebellion. Husain Quli Khan seeing the
revolt assuming a serious aspect set his forces in
motion and reached Dhamiri. The Raja Choto
submitted but being apprehensive of his safety, he
declined to come out of the fort and despatched his
two deputies with valuable presents to Husain to
pay homage on his behalf and undertook to guard
the roads rather than to join the imperial army to
effect the reduction of Kangra.2 After garrisoning
a neighboring village with a small Mughal regiment,

1. At this point a great confusion has followed. Mr. Hutchison
relying upon some Guler Chronicle says that Raja Jai Chand was
arrested by Raja Ram Chand of Guler and was then sent to Delhi for
confinement. (Vide H. P. H. S., I. p. 140). This does not appear to be
sound. First because no Muslim chronicler supports the statement and
Abul Fazl (A. N.. III, p. 511 and Nizam-ud-Din (T. A. E., V, p. 356) are
unanimous in saying that he was arrested in the court. Badaoni (M. B.,
II, p. 164) also corroborates them but with only a slight difference. He
says that Jai Chand was in attendance at the court when he was arrested:
Secondly we should not attach much value to the Guler Chronicle,
There was a family feud between Jai Chand and Ram Chand because
the former had wrested away the fort of Kotla from the latter. (Vide
P. H S., I, p. 141) so that Guler Chronicle tinged with partiality is likely
to distort this particular fact so as to show that the humility on Raja
Jai Chand was inflicted by Ram Chand. Abul Fazl (A. N.. III, p. 51)
says that the Raja returned to Nagar Kot and defended the town. But
this is not borne out by facts because at the time of peace negotiations
there is no mention of him and it was with Raja Gobind (whom by
mistake he calls Gopi Chand) that the peace terms were finally concluded.
Vide A. N., III, p. 52.
2. T. A. E., V, p. 357.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


Husain advanced forward and laid siege to the fort
of Kotla held by the Rajputs. The guns which were
mounted on an adjacent hill thundered forth fire so
terribly that the Rajputs seeing the futility of their
resistance fled during the night. The fort was
captured and was handed over to the Raja of Guler
from whom it was wrested away forcibly by Dharm
Chand and Jai Chand of Kangra. Leaving a small
Mughal garrison there Husain marched forward
and forcing his way through thick jungles he emerged
near Nagarkot and pitched his camp by a field of
maize. Next day the temple of Maha Mai was
invested. The Rajputs held on bravely and died
valiantly to a man in the defence of their sacred
temple; but it was captured and all its in-
mates were done to death. The buildings were razed
to the ground for making a camping ground.'
Now came the turn of the main fort. Sabats
were constructed, mounds and batteries were thrown
up, and the guns were mounted on an adjacent hillock.
The signal was given and the guns began to thunder
forth fire creating havoc and causing destruction
all round. A shell struck at the wall of the Palace
where Bidhi Chand was taking his meals along with
his chiefs. The wall crumbled down over their
heads. Nearly 80 persons including Bhuj Dev the
son of Raja Takht Mal were killed but fortunately
enough Bidhi Chand escaped unscathed and succeeded
in effecting a safe flight into the jungles.2 Even this
catastrophe seemed to have failed to damp the
enthusiasm of the Rajputs and they continued to
harass the imperial soldiers.
Thus three months passed away when sudden-
ly one day the news of the march of Ibrahim
Husain Mirza upon the Punjab reached the


1. T. A. E., V, p. 357.


2. [bid., V, p. 358.






Husain Quli Khan and Shah Quli Khan


Mughal Camp. Immediately the meeting of the
Privy Council was convened to deliberate upon the
course of action in the face of the impending danger.
Ali Khan, Yusuf Khan, Karam Khan and Fattu
were in favour of hastening towards the Punjab
after patching up a hasty treaty with the Rajputs.
But Husain Quli Khan with some others was averse
to raising the siege as the reduction of the fort was
at hand. However the distress of the besieging army
threw its weight against Husain who was compelled
by sheer force of circumstances to give way, but he
was prudent enough to condition his surrender.
He required that every Amir should hand over to
him his written opinion, signed and sealed, about
granting capitulation, so as to ward off any risk of
personal responsibility in case the Emperor did not
approve the Treaty.1
The peace negotiations were set afoot and after
much deliberation the following terms were laid
down :-
1. The Raja should give his daughter in
marriage to the Emperor.
2. Some compensation should be awarded to
Birbal.
3. One of the Raja's relatives should stay with
the imperial army as a hostage.
4. Raja Gobind Chand should come personally
to pay his respects.'
5. Gold equal in weight of five men should be
paid as tribute.8
The Rajputs agreed to the terms but demanded
that one of the brothers of Yusuf Khan should come
to the fort so as to guarantee the safe return of the
Raja. The condition being complied with, the Raja


1. A. N., III, p. 52.


2. Ibid., p. 52.


3. T. A. E., V, p. 359.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


paid his homage. A mosque was also raised in
front of Raja Jai Chand's Palace and on Friday,
Khutba was read in the name of the Emperor; coins
were also struck.1
Being now free to chastise the rebel Ibrahim,
Arrest of Ibrahim. Husain Quli Khan marched back
hastily accompanied by Mirza
Yusuf Khan, Masnad Ali, Fattu Ismail Quli Khan,
Raja Birbal and Raja Gobind Chand. On the way
a flying visit was paid to Khwaja Abd-ul-Shahid who
gave to Husain his garment and blessing. Leaving
behind all the camp encumberance Husain Khan
hastened on at a break-neck speed and succeeded in
overtaking Ibrahim near the town of Talamba. (In the
Bari Doab, vide A.A., II, p. 329) as the latter was out
for hunting. Husain Quli without losing any time
immediately drew his forces in battle array. He
himself occupied the centre; Muhib Ali Khan
and Mirza Yusuf Khan were posted on the right
wing and Khurram Khan, Dost Khan Sahari, and
Shah Qazi Khan Tabrezi on the left; Jafar Khan
and Dost Khan held the vanguard."
At this stage there came a letter from Husain
Khan Tukriya (who was pursuing Ibrahim from
Sambhal and was now only one stage off Talamba)
imploring him to delay the action for one day as he
himself was anxious to participate in the struggle
against Ibrahim. But Husain Quli who was too wise
to let this opportunity slip by, ignored him and
resumed his march, in order to assault the fort.8
Masud Husain Mirza, Ibrahim's younger brother,
being thus caught unawares, hastily mustered his army
1. T.A.E., V, p. 59. This fact is neither mentioned by Abul Fazl
nor by Guler Chronicle vide P. H. S.. I, p. 1 45. The former seems to have
passed over the matter simply because he did not want to injure the
susceptibilities of the Hindus; and the latter is silent because of the
injury which it inflicted upon the honour of the Rajputs in general.
2. A. N.. III. pp. 152-53. 3. M. B.. II, p. 161.







Husain Quli Khan and Shah Quli Khan


and marched forward to engage the imperialists and a
terrible battle ensued. When the battle was at its
height Masud's horse stumbled on the rugged ground
and the poor fellow came down upon the ground
violently. Husain's soldiers instantaneously sprang
upon him and after a short struggle overpowered
and chained him.1 Meanwhile there arrived on the
scene Ibrahim who, undaunted by the arrest of his
younger brother, fell upon the right wing but was
driven back with heavy loss. Seeing the wheel of
fortune turning against him he took to his heels
and escaped towards Multan.2 Next day Husain
Khan Tukriya also arrived there with his 80 men.
At the refusal of Husain Quli to chase the Mirza
he himself speeded on after him.3
The Mirza being thus hotly pursued, arrived at
the Giara river formed by the junction of the Beas
and the Sutlej. It was pitch dark and as he had no
boats at his disposal to cross it over he decided to
rest on the banks. At the dead of the night when
complete hush was prevailing on all sides, he was
suddenly awakened from his sweet slumber by a
nocturnal attack of Jhils (fishermen of Multan).
During the conflict he received a severe wound in
the back of his neck.' Disguising himself as
Qalandar he escaped and sought asylum with
faqirs. Sheikh Zakariya, recognizing him, com-
municated his presence to Said Khan, the Gov-
ernor of Multan. Said acted promptly and des-
patched Daulat Khan, his slave, to arrest him. At
the same time he sent an intimation about his
arrest to the Emperor who was on his way to Ajmer
from Gujrat. Meanwhile Husain also arrived
there and after having an interview with the Mirza
returned to his Jagir taking along with him
1. M.B., II, p. 161. 2. A. N., III, p. 53.
3. M.B., II, p. 161. 4. T. A. E,, V. p. 355.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


nearly 100 prisoners.1
At the arrival of the Emperor at the Capital
Husain Quli hastened towards the court with his
prisoners and presented them, wrapped up in
the skins of asses, hogs, and dogs, before the Em-
peror.2 Akbar feeling compassion at their wretched
condition ordered to open the eyes of Masud
which had been sewn up. Some of the prisoners
were liberated while the ringleaders were cast
into jail and were condemned to life-long imprison-
ment. Said Khan also arrived at the Court and
presented the head of the Mirza who had succumbed
to his injuries while in his custody.'
In recognition of the services rendered to the
Mughal Dynasty the title of Khan Jahan was
conferred upon Husain Quli Khan and also a
considerable increment was made to his Jagirs.
Rewards were bestowed upon other officers as
well. Raja Todar Mal was also sent along with
him to the Punjab.4
Mirza Sulaiman being ousted from the throne by
Arrival of Mirza his grandson Shah Rukh took
Sulaiman of Badakh- shelter with Mirza Hakim in
shan. 1575. But at the cold reception
of the Mirza all his hopes about the recovery of his
throne melted away and he resolved to try his luck
at the court of Akbar. Taking with him some of
the Mirza's men he set out for India. He had
traversed a short distance only when, to his utter
amazement, he found himself deserted by Mirza's
men who had secretly fled back to Kabul. Un-
daunted by this desertion he resumed his journey
accompanied by his daughter only.5 After a great
deal of difficulty he succeeded in reaching the banks of
the Indus from where he wrote a letter to the Em-


1, M. B., II, p. 163. 2. Ibid.
4. Ibid., p. 362. 5. Ibid., p. 393.


3. T. A. E., V, p. 359.






Hussain Quli Khan and Shah Quli Khan


peror apologising for his past misconduct and implor-
ing for an asylum at the court. Akbar moved by his
pathetic condition sent to him Agha Jani with
Rs. 50.000 and some rare Indian gifts. Raja Bhagwan
Das also followed him after a short interval. The
Mirza was conducted to Lahore from where, after a
short stay, he proceeded to the capital and arrived
at Fatehpur in the middle of October 1575. He was
accorded a royal reception and was lodged in a special
palace.'
The Punjab officers under Khan Jahan were
ordered to make preparation to accompany the Mirza
to Badakhshan. But God willed otherwise. On
October 23, there arrived the news of the death of
Munim Khan in Bengal and Khan Jahan was asked
to hasten towards Bengal and to take over the
charge of the Province." Thus expedition to
Badakhshan under the Punjab officers could not be
undertaken.
Now Shah Quli Khan Mahram was appointed as
the Governor of the Punjab.

(ii) Shah Quli Khan Mahram, 1575-1578
In 1577 Akbar after paying his usual annual
Akbar's visit to the visit to Ajmer directed his steps
Punjab. towards the Punjab in the
month of October and reached Ambir on the 27th
via Mahrot. Here on November 5, 1577 at the
time of evening prayer, appeared a comet in the
North-east, and remained there for full two hours.3
The astrologers predicted that its effect on the
crops would be considerable and prices would rise to
an abnormal extent. India of course would not be
affected in any way.4
Laying the foundation of the town of Manohar-


1. A. N., III, p. 222.
3. Ibid., p. 311.


2. Ibid., p. 226.
4. Ibid., p. 317.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


nagar in the neighbourhood of Ambir, Akbar
proceeded to Delhi via Narnaul. Marching leisurely
he arrived there on 5th December and encamped near
Hauz-i-Khas. Visits were paid to the tombs of
Humayun and of various other holy men; and
charity was freely distributed among the faqirs and
the poor. From thence marching through Bamli,
Palam, Hansi, Hissar, Ghana, Sunam and Shadiwal1
he arrived in February 1578 at Lakhi Qiyampur
situated on the banks of the Sutlej where he was
received by Shah Quli Khan the governor of the
Punjab. On February 19, he crossed over to the
other side and reached Pattan on February 21.
Next day he visited the tomb of Baba Farid Shakarganj
and disbursed a considerable amount of money in
charity.' On Tuesday March 11, 1578 a great
feast was held in his honour.' On 10th October
while crossing the Chenab, near Chiniot, special
royal elephant, Pundrik was drowned; how-
ever the remaining retinue landed across safely'
but only to face another trouble wrought by the
elements. No sooner had the army crossed the
river than there burst out a terrible hailstorm which
accompanied by rain and wind continued to rage
unabatingly with all its fury for several days. The
hailstones which were as big as nuts caused a havoc
in the camp and subjected the people to a great
hardship. All hailed the cessation of rain with joy
and resumed their march towards the town of Bhera.6
There on April 22, 1578 orders were issued to
enclose the wild beasts from Girjah to Bhera,
a distance of 25 cos, Yusuf Khan, Nuran Khan
and Asaf Khan set themselves to the task of making
the necessary arrangements and within ten days
succeeded in driving a considerable number of game
into that area. Akbar crossed over to the other side


1. A.N., III, p. 322,
4. Ibid. p 341.


2. Ibid.. p. 375.
5. Ibid., p. 342.


3. Ibid., p. 337.








Husain Quli Khan and Shah Quli Khan


of the Bihat' and was about to begin hunting when
all of a sudden on May 4, 15782 Divine Revelation
dawned upon him. Followed by many other persons
he got his hair cut short3 and standing under a fruit
tree distributed gold and silver among the poor.4
The hunting programme was cancelled and Akbar
himself crossed over to the town of Bhera again.
Here, being joined by his mother from Fatehpur and
Raja Bhagwan Das and Man Singh from Ajmer,
he set out on his return journey.' On the 9th the
Chenab near Kahlur (one of the Punjab hill states.
A. A., II, p. 325 given as Kablor) and on 21st the
Ravi near Kalanaur, were crossed. Here at Kalanaur

1. A. N., III, p. 345-46. 2. Ibid., p. 346.
3. Ibid., p. 347. Mr. Smith, accusing Abul Fazl of obscuring the
fact with a cloud of rhetoric and regarding the statement of Badaoni
" That a strange state and strong frenzy came upon the Emperor videe
M.B., II. p. 260) more explicit, hazards a very fine suggestion that Akbar
may have had an epileptic fit" videe Akbar, p. 160) and adds that the
purpose of the coming of the Queen-Mother was presumably to watch
over her son's health (vide Akbar, p. 159). This all seems to be quite
baseless Neither Abul Fazl nor Nizam-ud-Din drops even a single
hint about the sickness of the Emperor anywhere. Even Badaoni who
was likely to make much of his sickness had it been a fact, has con-
tented himself by calling it mere frenzy.' Moreover there is no
connection between his sickness and cutting of hair and distribution
of charity under a fruit-bearing tree. Furthermore had he been sick he
would not have crossed the river on the same day, videe A. N., III, p. 346).
As for the arrival of the Queen-Mother, here too his statement is not
borne out by facts. The date of the Divine Revelation was May, 4
videe A. N., III, p. 346) while that of her arrival was May 9 or 10 videe
A. N., III, p. 346) and it was physically impossible in those times to
traverse such a long distance from Fatehpur to Bhera within five or six
days. So the position held by Mr. Smith is not tenable. What seems to
me is this that Akbar being a man of mystic and religious temperament
sought earnestly to have that divine ecstasy which can be gained only by
a direct communion with the Supreme Being. To judge whether his this
particular attempt was genuine or pretended is not a historian's business.
4. Badaoni making here one more addition states that when news
of this spread in the Eastern part of India, strange rumours and wonder-
ful lies became current in the mouth of the common people and some
insurrections took place among the ryots, but these were soon quelled."
(Vide M. B.. II, p. 261). Badaoni seems to have been misinformed because
we hear, just after this event, of the Divine Revelation when the king
was still at the banks of the Jhelum about the arrival of the couriers
from Khan Jahan (the governor of Bengal) the gist of whose report was
" that the eastern provinces were quite tranquil." Vide A. N., III, p. 349.
5. A. N., III, p. 348.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


a great feast was held and there was much of mirth
and merry-making for some days. From there the
Imperial camp moved forward and crossed the river
Beas near Khokhrowal (in the Gurdaspur district.)
Crossing the Sutlej on the 26th, he reached the village
Sultanpur,1 (in the Bist Jullundur Doab A. A., II,
of p. 317) from where he performed the rest of his
journey by water and reached Delhi in the month
of July. From Delhi he hastened towards Ajmer
and after attending the anniversary of Khwaja
Muin-ud-Din, he proceeded apace to Fatehpur and
arrived there on the 9th, thus covering a distance of
120 cos in two days.2
In the second week of August 1578 while
Expedition against Akbar was at Lakhi Qiyampur
the Biluchis. at the banks of the Sutlej, an
expedition under Mirza Yusuf Khan, Shah Quli
Khan Mahram, Syed Hamid and Muhammad Zaman,
was organised to conduct operations against the
Biluchis among whom the manifestation of a spirit
of discontentment and restlessness was becoming
more and more apparent." As soon as the Imperial
army made its entry into their territory, consterna-
tion spread in their ranks and they gave way
without even striking a single blow. They deputed
their two chiefs Haji Khan and Jihat Khan to crave
for pardon from the Emperor who unmindful of
their past misconduct accepted their submission
and recalled the army.4 But there was no tinge
of sincerity in their submission because as soon the
king arrived at the Sutlej on his way back to
Fatehpur they somehow effected their escape. Man
Singh, Zain Khan Koka and Khwaja Ghiyas-ud-Din
were hastily despatched in their pursuit but in vain;
the absconders successfully eluded their grasp and


2. T. A. E., V, pp. 408-9.
4. Ibid., p. 342.


1. A.N.. III, p. 356.
3. A. N.. III, p. 345.






Husain Qui Khan and Shah Quli Khan


were to be traced out nowhere. This failure
exasperated the Emperor who in anger excluded them
from his presence for some days as punishment.1
The condition of the holders of the Sayurghals in
Reforms. the Punjab was quite deplorable
and demanded some immediate
relief. Their lands, instead of being consolidated
holdings at one place, were scattered at different
places and were open to the encroachments of the
strong. Even the Exchequer officers and agents of
the life holders did not let any opportunity of
oppressing them slip by and subjected them to a
great hardship. To remedy all this Akbar while at
the banks of the Chenab decreed that Aima lands
should be kept distinct from the Khalsa and
jagir lands and a particular recipient of Madad-i-
Maash should be given lands at one place.2 Qazi
Ali Baghdadi, according to the royal orders, soon set
himself to the task of remeasuring the enclosures,
abolishing the old boundaries and arranging new ones
and succeeded in settling the whole thing in spite
of the dishonesty of Shaikh Abd-un-Nabi and his
subordinates.3
The second thing which required prompt
measures was the problem about the settlement of
the Afghans. They had settled in the Punjab as
traders and husbandmen but instead of pursuing
their business peacefully they began to commit all
sorts of atrocities and oppressed the weak with
impunity. Raja Todar Mal in 1576 was entrusted
with the task of curbing their wild spirit and to
scatter them all over India so that with their power
shattered they might not be a nuisance to any
locality whatsoever.4 The Raja soon threw himself
whole-heartedly into the execution of his duty and
1. A. N., III, p. 358. 2. Ibid., p. 343.
3. M. B.. II. p. 261. 4. A. N., p. 358.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


accomplishing the whole business in a short time
returned to the court at Fatehpur.1
Justice in the time of Shah Quli Khan Mahram
The Removal of the was in a languishing state ; there
Governor. was general laxity in its ad-
ministration. The criminals escaped scot-free and
no attempt was made to administer to them proper
punishment. When Akbar was informed about
this state of affairs in the Punjab, he issued orders
for his recall in the month of Amardad 1578 and
despatched Said Khan to the Punjab to take
over the charge of the governorship from him.
A considerable sum was also placed at his disposal
for the distribution among the poor and the needy.*


1. A. N., III, p. 358,


2. Ibid., p. 356-57.










Chapter V


SAID KHAN, 1578-1585

At the death of Ali Khan Kak in 1580, his son
The war of succession Yusuf Khan was immediately raised
in Kashmir. to the throne of Kashmir by the
nobles. But one Abdal, his uncle, did not acquiesce in
this peaceful settlement of the question of the succes-
sion to the throne and betrayed some hostile designs.
Yusuf acted promptly and invested his house. A re-
gular battle ensued in which Abdal was killed and the
whole matter seems to have been hushed up there. But
this was not the case. Hardly had the state of affairs
resumed their normal course when a faction of nobles
led by Syed Mubarak sought to set up Yusuf the son
of Husain Khan on the throne. At Yusuf's refusal
the nobles turned towards Syed Mubarak and pro-
claimed him as the ruler of Kashmir. Yusuf Khan,
determined to stem this onrushing tide of rebellion,
mustered his force and engaged the rebels in the plain
of Idgah, but being defeated he withdrew hastily and
reached the Nilab territory via Qirmiz and sought
shelter with Man Singh and Mirza Yusuf Khan who
took him to the court through the Punjab and presen-
ted him before the Emperor in January, 1580.1 He
was received well and was allowed to stay at the
court.2
By the month of August, 1580 when he was
permitted to return to his country and occupy it with
the help of the army of the Punjab, the affairs in
Kashmir had taken quite a new turn. In March the
nobles once again rebelled and deposed Mubarak in
favour of Lohar Kak, his cousin who now prepared


1. A.N., III, p. 357. 2. A., III, pp. 408-9.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


himself to oppose the advance of Yusuf. But the
nobles clearly perceiving the future pregnant with
distress and misery in case of an invasion by the
Punjab army, had recourse to a more prudent way.
Sketching to him the possible evil consequences of an
invasion of Kashmir they entreated him to come
alone. Yusuf readily acceded to their request and
made for Kashmir without telling anybody else. He
was received by some prominent nobles in Bara-
magla. Lohar Kak getting wind of all this business
despatched Shams Kak and Haidar Kak to oppose
Yusuf's progress. Yusuf, seeing the odds against him-
self, changed the route and turned towards Sonpur.
There he found himself face to face with Lohar Kak,
but taking heart at the smallness of the number of his
enemies he crossed the Jhelum on November 8, 1580
and inflicted a crushing defeat upon the army of
Lohar who was arrested and then blinded !
Assumption of the spiritual headship by Akbar on
Mirza Hakim's Inva- September 2, 1579,2 flared up the
sion. bigotry of the orthodox section of
the Muslims and a fire of discontentment and restless-
ness began to smoulder nearly all over India." The re-
forms in the administration of Madad-i-Maash execut-
ed by Qazi Ali of Baghdad only added fuel to the fire,
which at last blazed forth at the fatwa of Mulla
Muhammad Yazdi of Jaunpur and soon enveloped
the whole of Eastern India. Muhammad Masum
Faramkhudi of Ghazipur, Masum Khan Kabuli
of Orissa, Mir Muizz-ul-Mulk, Nayabat Khan
and Arab Bahadur took up cudgels on behalf of the
orthodox Muslims and stirred up rebellion in Bengal,
Bihar, and Orissa.' Invitations were sent by the
two former to Mirza Hakim to march upon India.
1. A., III, pp. 465-6. 2. A.N., III, p. 394. 3. Ibid., p. 397.
4. M.B., II, p. 284. Mr. Smith on p. 192 asserts that leader of the
conspiracy at the court was Shah Masseur but to me it does not appear to
be true.






Said Khan


The Mirza who had since long set his heart upon the
acquisition of the Indian Empire felt overjoyed at
these bright prospects of realising his dreams. Faridun
his maternal uncle was already there to egg him on
to fish in troubled waters ; so in December, 1580
mustering together a force of 15000 soldiers he set
out from Kabul to realise his long-cherished ambi-
tion.2
Arriving at the banks of the Indus he detached
a battalion of 1000 from the main force and sent it
in advance under Haji Nur-ud-Din. The Haji crossed
the river and began to advance. Mirza Yusuf
Khan at the report of his march acted promptly and
sent hastily an army under Husain Beg to forestall
him. On his way Husain was joined by Said
Khan Gakkhar and the two jointly marched on rapidly.
Reaching near the enemy they halted and as the main
army had lagged behind in this hurried movement,
Husain thought it prudent not to engage in action.
Meanwhile there appeared on the scene a herd of
deer and Husain being overfond of sport galloped
after it. He aimed at one and pierced it with his
arrow. The game fell and he hastened after it
with his few companions but as fate would have it,
instead of the game he found himself face to face
with Haji Nur-ud-Din who had sauntered out of his
camp just to enjoy the sport. Instantaneously they
were engaged in hand to hand fight. The Haji was
wounded and he fled. His followers followed him in
confusion. Some of them made good their escape,
some were drowned while crossing the river while
others fell into the hands of the Mughals."
The valour displayed was indeed marvellous and
elicited a good deal of appreciation from Akbar but
being not blind to the other side of the picture he
removed Yusuf Khan from there as punishment for


3. A.N., III, p. 493.


1. M.B., II, p. 299.


2. C.M., p. 70.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


the laxity in the management of the frontier affairs
and substituted Man Smgh (who was at this time in
Sialkot) in his place.1
The Mirza thus being checkmated in his first at-
tempt now despatched Shah Daman who crossing the
river invested the fort of Nilab. Zain-ud-Din whom
Man Singh, had sent in advance from Sialkot defended
the fort most heroically and kept the enemy at arm's
length. Man Singh. when he heard about this at Rawal-
pindi, hurried on and reaching near the enemy arranged
his force in battle array. Giving the van to Alu Khan
Kachwaha and Altamash to his own brother Suraj
Singh he fell upon the enemy suddenly. A terrible
battle ensued. Raja Suraj Singh wounded and killed
Shah Daman in the hand to hand fight. The fall of
the leader decided the issue for the Mirza His men
being bewildered took to their heels and dispersed
on all sides in confusion.
This second victory revived the drooping spirit of
Akbar who now regarding the personal attack of the
Mirza inevitable sent reinforcements under Rai Singh,
Jagan Nath and Raja Gopal, with orders to the Punjab
officers not to oppose the Mirza's march but to leave
his way quite open and thus to lure him into the in-
terior. Consequently in compliance with the royal
bidding. Man Singh leaving the fort of Nilab to its
fate retired to the fort of Lahores to await there the
arrival of the Mirza.
When the news about the defeat of Daman
reached the Mirza, he himself resolved to strike at the
imperial authority. Crossing the Indus he advanced
up to Rohtas without any opposition and laid siege to
it. Mirza Yusuf held on bravely and refused to
surrender the fort. Mirza Hakim was disappointed
at the loyalty exhibited by the royal officers ; how-
ever, he raised the siege and continued to march


1. A.N., III, p. 493. 2. Ibid., p. 494.






Said Khan


forward.1 He arrived at Lahore on 15th February,
1581 and encamped in the garden of Mahdi Kasim.*
In order to make a favourable impression upon the
mind of the citizens and to win them over to his own
side he had strictly prohibited his soldiers, on the
pain of death, from devastating the fields and harass-
ing the non-combatants.3
Meanwhile the preparations for siege were kept
apace and soon the fort was invested. Said Khan,
Raja Bhagwan Das, Man Singh, Syed Hamid Khan,
Muhammad Zaman concerting their measures toge-
ther put up a bold defence and repulsed Sher Khwaja,
Nad Ali, Qurban Ali and Mir Sikandar, every time
they tried to take it by storm.4 Having failed to
capture the fort by force, he had recourse to suppli-
cation and deputed his two envoys to Man Singh in
order to prevail upon him and to win him over to
his own side but in vain.
The flat refusal of Man Singh to capitulate and
to betray the cause of his master and the unflinching
loyalty of the other officers damped his enthusiasm.5
But the Mirza still lingered on in the vicinity
of Lahore in the fond hope of receiving some help
from the rebels of the eastern provinces ;6 to his utter
disappointment, however that help never came be-
cause the rebels had been scattered by this time.7 Run-
ning short of supplies further aggravated the situation
and left him in a predicament.8 The climax was
reached when the news about the march of the Em-
peror was broken to him. In bewilderment he raised
1. A. N., III, p. 507, 2. Ibid.
3. C.M., p. 71. 4. A.N., III, p. 508.
5. Mr. Smith (Akbar, p. 192) and Monserrate (C.M., p. 160) put down
Man Singh as the governor of Lahore. He was appointed as the governor
of the Nilab in place of Yusuf Khan in 1581 videe A.N., III. p. 413) and
not of Lahore. What he did was to retire to Lahore at the Imperial
order videe A.N., III, p. 494) and that in no way conferred upon him the
governorship of Lahore. Said Khan was still there and there was no
order for his supersession. 6. Ibid.
7. A.N., III, p. 511. 8. C.M., p. 72.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


the siege and struck a hasty retreat. The royal officers
desisted from pursuit in compliance with the royal
orders and allowed him to escape.1 He crossed the
Ravi near Mahdi Kasim Khan's garden, the Chenab
near Jalalabad, the Jhelum near Bhera and the Indus
near Khip losing nearly 1600 men who were
drowned during this hasty flight.2 From the Indus
he made for Kabul with his resources, quite crippled
and exhausted by this useless struggle.
Mr. Smith has very aptly remarked that the
March of Akbar and year 1581 may be regarded as the
death of Mansur. most critical time in the reign of
Akbar if his early struggle to consolidate his power
be not taken into account."' The danger of internal
disruption coupled with the fear of foreign aggression
was potent enough to bear hard upon the nerves of
Akbar no doubt but it failed to disturb the equanim-
ity of his mind and he girded up his loins to face
the menace with clear head and manly heart.
On 6th February, 1581, he mustered together a
huge army of 50,000 cavalry, 500 elephants and innu-
merable infantry spreading over an area of a mile and
a half and advanced to the assembled soldiers eight
months' pay from the royal exchequer. After mak-
ing suitable arrangements for the chastisement of the
eastern insurgents he set out for Lahore on February
86 accompanied by Prince Salim, Prince Murad6 and
Father Monserrate.7 This huge multitude, including
innumerable camp-followers and dealers in every
commodity moved with admirable precision "' along
the great northern road through Mathura and Delhi.
When the camp moved to Sonipat there occurred an
incident which disturbed the mind of Akbar a
great deal. While Akbar was at Fatehpur he had
1 A.N., III, p. 508. 2. C.M p. 72. 3. S.A., p. 190.
4. Ibid. 5. C.M., p. 79. 6. Ibid., p. 77.
7 A.N., III, p. 75. 8. C.M., p. 74.







Said Khan


received three letters from Man Singh which he had
discovered upon the person of Shah Daman. They
were addressed to Hakim-ul-Mulk, Khwaja Shah
Mansur and Muhammad Kasim Khan in answer
to letters of invitation and encouragement.1 Akbar
ascertained the facts fully but regarding them
as forgeries he had not shown them to Mansur,2
however he had taken the precaution to take him
along with him on his march towards Lahore lest he
might raise commotion in his absence.3 The
arrival of Malik Sani the ex-Diwan of Mirza Hakim
in the Camp of Khwaja Mansur confirmed his
suspicion and he placed Mansur under stricter surveil-
lance. The army then moved on through Panipat and
Thanesar to Shahabad where treasonable correspond-
ence between Hakim and Mansur was intercepted
for the third time. Here arrived Malik Ali with
two more letters of Hakim Mirza which convinced
the Emperor of the Khwaja's guilt and thus sealed
the fate of the poor Khwaja. Without holding any
further enquiry he ordered him to be hanged. Thus
ended the life of a man who had risen from poverty
to power through his own ability.'
A bitter controversy has raged round the death
of Khwaja Shah Mansur. Some have pronounced
it as foul murder "' and have sought to involve
Todar Mal in the forgery of these letters; 6 while
others like Smith chiefly relying on the authority of
Monserrate condemned him outright for his perfi-
dious conduct and have asserted that the penalty was
fully deserved by the ungrateful bigot.7
1. S.A., p. 193. 2. T.A.E., V, p. 422.
3. C.M., p. 77, Mr. Smith following Monserrate writes here that
"Akbar placed the traitor under surveillance for a month and suspended
him from office," This is a mere distortion of facts. Mansur was superseded
by Shah Quli Mahram not because of the suspicion roused by the receipt
of these letters but because he had treated Masum Khan Frankhudi
harshly, A.A., I, p. 431. 4. A.N., III, p. 502.
5. Ibid., p. 431. 6. Ibid., p. 505. 7. S.A., p. 197.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


A careful and minute study of the various
versions of the incident makes quite untenable the
position held by Smith. As to the last series of
letters which doomed the fate of the unlucky Khwaja
Shah Mansur, Nizam-ud-Din explicitly states that
" when the Emperor was waited upon at Kabul by
the confidential servants of Mirza Muhammad
Hakim he made enquiry into the case of Khwaja
Shah Mansur and it appeared that Karam Ullah had
colluded with others to concoct letters and that he
had forged the last letter on the evidence of which
Khwaja Mansur was executed. After this was
discovered, the Emperor often regretted the execu-
tion of the Khwaja."1 Abul Fazl who has simply
glossed over this particular matter which is likely to
cast slur upon the judicious capacity of his lord,
however, relieves us of our suspense about the first
batch of letters and affirms that" Akbar regarded
them as the work of the forgers and for this reason
did not show them to the Khwaja."' Thus Mr.
Smith's assertion about the genuineness of the
documents seized on earlier occasions3 is contra-
dicted in unequivocal terms by Abul Fazl himself.
Besides this the charges of Monserrate, in whom Mr.
Smith has reposed his whole confidence, are
obviously the outcome of his vindictiveness for the
hostility displayed by Khwaja Mansur against the
Christian religion.' Still further, had he been a
traitor acting on the principle that birds of a feather
flock together, he would not have treated Masum
Khan Farankhudi his so-called accomplice with
extraordinary harshness for which he was even
censured by the king who had suspended him from
office for some time.6
The real explanation of the Khwaja's death is to


1. T.A.E., V.p. 426.
4. C.M., p. 65.


2. A.N., III. p. 502.
5. A.A.. I, p. 431.


3. S.A., p. 196.







Said Khan


be sought in his own unpopularity generated by his
stern policy of retrenchment and his meticulous
inquisition into the financial matters of his
department. Abul Fazl writes, From love of
office and cupidity he was always laying his hands on
trifles in financial matters which alienated the rest
of the nobles from him who now committed forgeries
to compass his destruction and ultimately succeeded
in overthrowing him by playing upon the fear of
the king about the foreign invasion. As to the
question at whose instigation these forgeries were
committed no true and exact conclusion can be
deduced from the present records. However Todar
Mal who has been accused often for this is excul-
pated by Abul Fazl corroborated by Father Mon-
serrate and Nizam-ud-Din who nowhere have
dropped even a hint about the complicity of Todar
Mal in the conspiracy.
Reverting to our proper subject, after the
injudicious execution of the Khwaja, Akbar resumed
his march and passing through Ambala and Sirhind
he arrived at Pael where the happy news about the
flight of Mirza Hakim was broken to him. Up till
then Akbar seemed to be 'constantly frowning
with deep anxiety' but now after receiving this good
news his cheerful expression showed that he had
laid aside all his care '" and gave vent to his high
spirits by taking a drive in a two-horsed chariot.2
Having determined to humiliate him completely
in his own home, Akbar continued his march and
passing by Machhiwara he encamped at the banks
of the Sutlej. Then going upstream he crossed the
river Ravi by a bridge of boats and marching through
Pattan he reached the Beas which too was crossed by
a bridge of boats and encampment was made at
Kalanaur." Here he received a letter from Mirza


1. C.M., p. 102,


2. Ibid.


3. Ibid., p. 104.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


Hakim soliciting his pardon but paying little heed
to it, he pressed on and first crossed the Ravi and then
the Cingarous,1 from where following a rough and
dangerous road with constant steep rises and
descents amongst marshy glens and overhanging
crags," the town of Chamber was reached and then
the rivers Nanis* and Chenab were crossed after
much difficulty owing partly to the rapidity of the
current and partly to the scarcity of boats which had
been mostly burnt by Mirza Hakim. Then march-
ing along the bank he reached Qhunias from where
he directed his steps towards the Jhelum,' after
crossing which he halted at the foot of Tilla
Balnath.' Ordering his army to proceed to Rohtas
he himself climbed up the hill to visit the Kutiya
of Balnath and was much gratified to see the austeri-
ties of the Jogis who were stark-naked.* Soon after
he joined his forces and was entertained royally by
Yusuf Khan the governor of the fort. Then by
way of Riwat, Gagar and Hazara Akbar reached the
Indus and encamped there.'
A delay of fifty days was caused at the Indus by
the mutinous reluctance of the army which was
however overcome by Akbar's airs of unconcern
and dignity.8 In the end of June Prince Murad
together with Raja Man Singh was despatched in
advance.' One by one the cities fell into his hands
and on August 3, he made his triumphant entry
into Kabul which was vacated by the Mirza who
had betaken himself to the hills of Ghorband.10
Akbar who had left the bank of the Indus on
July 11, 1581, also arrived there on August 9, 1581.11
When be heard that the Mirza was intending
1. I have not been able to identify this stream.
2. C.M., p. 108. Probably the Bhimbar stream.
3. This place, too, cannot be traded. 4. C.M., p. 109. 5. Ibid., p 110.
6. Ibid, p. 115. 7. Ibid., p. 116. 8. Ibid.
. A.N., III, p. 518. 10. Ibid., p. 538. 11. Ibid., p. 540.








Said Khan


to retire to Turan, he relaxed his sternness' and at
the intercession of Ali Muhammad he forgave him
and reinstated him on the throne of Kabul.' In
the second week of August 1581 he directed his
steps homeward and passing by Bigram and Jalalabad
he reached Jamrud and Peshawar after traversing
the Khaibar Pass." On September 2 the Indus was
crossed by a bridge. Hunting on his way he
proceeded forward and crossed the Jhelum on Octo-
ber 2 at Rasulpur,' and the Chenab on October 7 at
Hilan. On October 18 the Ravi was forded across and
an encampment was made near the Serai of Daulat
Khan. On November 3 the Beas and on November
10 the Sutlej were crossed. At Sirhind Raja
Bhagwan Das, Raja Rai Singh, Syed Hamid Bukhari
and Jagan Nath the officers of the Punjab were

1. A.N., III, p. 539.
2. Ibid., p. 542, Mr. Smith basing his account of this event primarily
on Monserrate's commentary remarks that" The Mirza had never
come to make personal submission to Akbar ..... and that the
Emperor made over Kabul to his sister videe Akbar, p. 200). This
mistake has arisen from the fact that Mr. Smith has relied upon an
authority whose sources of information were not so reliable as that of
Abul Fazl who had direct access even to original documents. In the
first place it is noteworthy that at the time when Akbar was in Kabul
the Mirza's sister along with her husband Khwaja Hassan had gone to
Badakhshan videe A.N., III, p. 542). In the second place Abul Fazl in
very lucid and explicit terms states that The offences of the Mirza
were forgiven and Zubulistan (Kabul) was conferred upon him anew
videe A.N., III, p. 542) and there is apparently no reason why Abul Fazl
should suppress the truth in this particular matter. Moreover his
statement is also attested by Nizam-ud-Din who says That H. M.
having conferred Kabul upon Mirza Hakim turned towards India."
(Vide T.A.E., V, p. 425).
Continuing Mr. Smith on the same page puts down that" He
(Akbar) did not care whether his brother resided at Kabul or not "
videe Akbar, p. 200), But the actual fact is quite otherwise. Akbar did
care for his brother as the following statement of Abul Fazi shows:
" On hearing the reverberation of the royal cavalcade he had gone off to
Ghorband and his idea was that if an army should come to look for him
he would become Qalandar and go off to retirement in Turan "; it was
this fear which compelled Akbar to become lenient towards his brother
and so Out of abundant graciousness H. M. sent Latif Khwaja and
Qazi Abdul Latif to him with salutary counsels. His whole design
was that he should be convinced of the royal clemency and come to
court." (Vide A.N., III, p. 539).
3. A.N. III, p. 543. 4. Ibid.. p. 545.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


allowed to depart.1 Then through Delhi and
Mathura' he arrived at the capital on December 1,
1581.8 In 1584 Newburry, Fitch, Story, and Leeds
paid a visit to Lahore but in their accounts nothing
is recorded about the Punjab.


1. A. N., III, p. 546.


3. Ibid., p. 548.


2. Ibid,, p. 547.










Chapter VI


LAHORE AS THE IMPERIAL
HEADQUARTERS, 1585 1598

In 1585 trouble seemed once again to be brewing
Mirza Hakim's death beyond the N.-W. Frontier. At
and Akbar's march the sudden illness of Mirza
towards the Punjab. Hakim disruptive tendencies
began to raise their head in and outside Kabul. The
situation seemed tempting enough for the aggression
of the Uzbegs who after occupying Badakhshan to
the exclusion of Mirza Shah Rukh and Mirza
Sulaiman were casting their longing glances at Kabul,
and when the Mirza expired in July 30, 15852 the
danger seemed imminent.
At the report of the death of the Mirza, Raja
Bhagwan Das and Man Singh proceeded towards
Kabul without delay to pacify the nobles3 who were
meditating upon retiring to Turan.4 The Indus was
crossed and Peshawar occupied. Shah Beg who held
the fort in the absence of Faridun fled towards
Kabul.6 Khwaja Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad Ali
and Hamza Beg being followed by Man Singh pushed
forward and entered the Khaibar Pass. The Afridis
who were infesting the road were put to flight and
the way was cleared. At Jalalabad they received
the submission of Ali Muhammad along with many
other Kabulis. Accompanied by Bakht Nisa Begam
the sister of the Mirza they moved forward and
reached Kabul.6 The Kabuli nobles tendered their
allegiance and restrained themselves from stirring up
any sort of disorder there.' Faridun who was
1. T. A. E.. V. p. 449. 2. M. B., II. p. 357. 3. T. A. E., V. p. 448.
4. A. N., III, p. 703, 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid., p. 705
7. Ibid., p. 703.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


harbouring evil thoughts of flying along with the sons
of Mirza Hakim to Transoxiana' also now submitted
passively to the inevitable and presented Kaikubad and
Afrasiyab, the sons of the Mirza, before Man Singh'
who took upon his own shoulders the responsibility
of escorting them to the Court. After making
necessary arrangements and leaving his son Jagat
Singh and Khwaja Shams-ud-Din there, he himself
turned towards India accompanied by the sons of the
Mirza and the chiefs of the country.8
Meanwhile Akbar being persuaded by his cour-
tiers (who were apprehensive of the designs of the
Uzbegs upon Kabul) to appropriate Kabul to himself
instead of conferring it upon the minors, set out for
the Punjab4 on 22nd August, 1585. He reached Sarai
Dad on September 2, 1585 via Daulatabad and encamp-
ed on the bank of a tank built by Raja Todar Mal.
On September 11, 1585 Delhi was reached6 where he
paid a visit to the tomb of Humayun. After the
celebration of the Id here, he resumed his journey6
and reached Thanesar on 24th September via Sonipat
and Panipat. Then passing through Shahabad and
Ambala the Imperial retinue encamped at Sarhind on
September 29. The Sutlej was crossed at Machhiwara
on October 5, and halt was made near Dikakdar.
After traversing Hadiabad, Jalandhar and Sultanpur,
Akbar crossed the Beas at Jalalabad,7 and proceeded
towards Kalanaur. Here he alighted in the gardens
where he had been crowned as the Emperor of India.
Leaving behind Shaikh Jamal who had fallen sick,Akbar
pushed forward8 and crossed the Chenab near Pasrur
and encamped near Sialkot. After staying there a
little the Camp moved forward and reached Rasulpur.
After three days the Jhelum was crossed by a bridge."
Enjoying deer-hunting on the way, Akbar moved
1. T. p. 449. 2. A. N.. III. p. 713. 3. T.. p. 450.
4. Ibid. p. 450. 5. A. N., III. p. 705. 6. M. B.. II. p. 359.
7. A. N., III, p. 706. 8. Ibid., p. 707. 9. Ibid., p. 708.






Lahore as the Imperial Headquarters


leisurely and arrived at Rohtas on November 19.
Qasim was sent in advance to level the road up to
the Indus and to make the Khaibar and the road to
Kabul passable for carriages. Being joined by the
Queen-Mother, Akbar again started from here and
reached Rawalpindi on December 7, 1585.'
On the same day there arrived Man Singh from
Kabul and presented the persons he had brought with
him. Akbar received them kindly and bestowed
upon them robes, horses, trays of mohurs and rupees.
Faridun, however, because of his ingratitude, was
placed under the custody of Zain Koka.2
After disposing of the affair of these Kabul
Chiefs, Akbar left Rawalpindi and reached Hasan-
abdal on December 13, 1585. On December 20 he
made the necessary arrangements for curbing the
refractory temperament of Yusuf Kashmiri, and for
exterminating the Roshnais, Biluchis and Yusufzais
who were creating trouble on the North-west frontier
of India.8 When all the plans were completed, he
proceeded forward and reached Atak Benares on 23rd
December, 1585.' There he resolved to conduct
operations for extirpating the Yusufzais but he was
dissuaded, partly by entreaties of the Ambassador of
Turan and partly by the dearness of provisions, from
putting his intention into practice. He spent nearly
four months in supervising the operations again t
the frontier tribes, and Kashmir, in hunting, in looking
after gun-making and in gun-practising. At last in
the beginning of April 1586 he set his face homewards
and crossed the Jhelum on April 24. On the same
day receiving the homage of Shah Rukh's aunts and his
son Shah Muhammad he moved forward leisurely and
crossed the Chenab on May 17. On May 27 Lahore
was reached and the house of Raja Bhagwan Das was
chosen for royal residence.
L A. N., III. p. 709. 2. Ibid., p. 714. 3. Ibid., pp. 715-6. 4. Ibid., p.717.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


The defence of the North-west frontier of the
North-West Frontier Punjab against the incursions of
Policy and the Punjab. the predatory nomads has always
been a source of great anxiety to the rulers of India
and Akbar, in whose time this danger was rather
intensified by the presence of a formidable rival in
the person of Abdullah Uzbeg of Turan and the
appearance of one person Pir Bayazid among the
frontier tribes, was no exception to it. He was
constantly troubled by the nightmare of some
alliance between Abdullah Uzbeg of Turan and the
wild frontier tribes1 who had already been welded
together into one united whole by Bayazid whose
religious philosophy as propounded in his book
Khiyal-i-Biyan quite verged on heresy according to
the strict injunctions of Islam.1
Prior to 1585, Akbar could not take strong
measures against them partly because of the non-
existence of any acute frontier problem and partly
owing to the fickle and ever-shifting loyalty of his
brother Hakim Mirza. It was after the annexation
of Kabul when the boundaries of his empire stretched
as far as the borders of Badakhshan and Persia
that any frontier problem arose for Akbar. As a first
step towards its solution he determined to cripple to
impotence once for all these turbulent and wild
tribes who might at any time become dangerous and
deadly instruments in the hands of Abdullah Uzbeg
of Turan in his designs upon the Punjab and then
upon India.
Jalala, a Roshnai leader, who had a con-
siderable following among tribesmen, at first did
not evince any hostility towards the Mughal
authority and maintained amicable relations with
1. M.B., II. p. 360. It was this fear of aggressive designs of Abdullah
that had made Akbar lenient towards his brother Hakim Mirza who was
meditating upon retiring to Turan in 1581.






Lahore as the Imperial Headquarters


Akbar. As nearly as 1585 he had come to him
while he was returning from Kabul to pay his
respects and accompanied the royal retinue for
some distance into the Punjab. But one day he
suddenly disappeared from the camp and joining his
companions began to stir up the tribes against the
Emperor. The tribes inured to a life of rapine and
plunder gave a ready response to his call and began
to create havoc all round. The roads between the
Punjab and Kabul were infested by the rebels and
the merchants and travellers were put to a lot of
trouble. As a free and safe pursuit of commerce
became impossible,' Akbar on December 20, 1585
vesting Man Singh with the governorship of Kabul
ordered him to chastise the Roshnais. After
waging an incessant warfare with them he crippled
their power but not so completely. On his transfer
to the Swat and Bajaur territory to help Raja Todar
Mal, Ismail Quli Khan was despatched to Kabul
along with Syed Bukhari who was to occupy
Peshawar.2
But their tyrannous and repressive policy forced
the Mahmand and Ghori tribes into the camp of
Jalala,3 who now at the head of 20,000 foot and 50,000
horse marched upon Peshawar and inflicted a crushing
defeat upon the Mughals.' Syed Hamid Bukhari
along with 150 men was slain during the affray.
At the report of this disastrous defeat, Akbar
despatched post-haste Shah Quli Khan Mahram,
Shaikh Farid and Tash Beg Khan under Zain Khan
Koka. On April 18, 1587, another force under
Mutlib Khan was sent to reinforce Koka.6 The Af-
ridis and Aurakzais being overawed by the cruelties
perpetrated by the royal officers tendered their
allegiance and offered hostages as a guarantee for


1. T.A.E., V, p. 450.
4. M.B.. II, p. 366.


2. Ibid., V, p. 453. 3. A.N., III, p. 781.
5. A.N., III, p. 794.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


their future pacific attitude.1 But the bulk of the
tribes was still unsubdued. In May 1588 Sadiq Khan
who was appointed in place of Koka, embarked
upon a new frontier policy which aimed at con-
ciliating the tribes. Not regarding it as expedient
to penetrate into the heart of the Tribal territory,
he posted men at different quarters to keep an eye on
the movements of the tribes of the neighbourhood.
This liberal and generous policy reconciled many of
the tribes with the Mughal authority and the Afridis
and Aurakzais engaged themselves in pledge not to
create trouble any more." Their enthusiastic leader
Jalala who had planned an invasion of the Punjab'
was decapitated by Murad Beg in Hazara on 26th
August 1600.' His wives and children left in the
custody of Wahdat Ali had already been captured
with other 7,000 persons in 1593.5 Thus by 1600
the Roshnais were completely annihilated.
Allied with the Roshnais was the Yusufzai
tribe which, entrenched by the Kabul river on the
north-west, by the Indus on the south-east and by
the range of the mountains on the north," carried
on a life of rapine and plunder with impunity.7
These inhabitants of the Swat and Bajaur territory
recognized no law and no authority and to disturb
the tranquillity of the peaceful citizens was their
only hobby. During the last Kabul expedition no
serious operation was conducted against them because
of their voluntary submission but as time wore on, it
became apparent that their submission was offered
merely out of expediency and was devoid of any tinge
of sincerity. It was not long before feelings of
discontent and restlessness began to smoulder in their
hearts the first outburst of which was manifested in
the flight of Kalu one of their chiefs from the Mughal
1. A.N., III, p. 96. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid.
4. Ibid., p. 1160. 5. Ibid., p. 984. 6. Ibid., p. 717
7. Ibid., p., 716.







Lahore as the Imperial Headquarters


camp where he was staying as a royal guest. However
he was apprehended by Khan Shams-ud-Din near
Attock and was re-escorted to the court where a
liberal and generous treatment was accorded to him;
but this also failed to bring him to a reasonable
frame of mind and he again escaped into his hilly
stronghold and began to raise tumult.1
This provided an excuse to Akbar who on
December 20, 1585, sent Zain Khan Koka along
with Hassan Khan, Raja Mukat, Hira Pardhan, Ram
Chand, Kabir and Faulad for their extermination.
Regarding this force as insufficient to accomplish its
task he despatched immediately after him another
reinforcement under Qara Beg, Zain-ul-Mulk and
Farid Bakhshi on January 5, 1586, for operations on
the plains. This contingent being further reinforc-
ed by 300 persons under Said Khan, Faizi, Sher
Khwaja, Ali Muhammad, Fateh Ullah Sharbatdar,
Ajab Beg, Yaqub Beg, Abdur Rahman Beg and Abul
Barkat, marched towards the plain on January 13,
1586.'
The constant pressure of the Mughal soldiers
weighed them down terribly and they were complete-
ly routed. The territory up to the Karkara Pass
and the district of Buner was brought under subjuga-
tion but the rebels beyond the Karkara Pass were still
unsubdued. Zain Khan seeing his soldiers quite
exhausted and worn out by continuous warfare did
not follow his success by marching still further and
delayed the action till the arrival of fresh contingents3
which had already set out for his help under Raja
Birbal on January 21, 1586 being followed by
Abul Fateh Khan on January 28, 1586.' At the
Malakand Pass, junction between the three armies

1. A.N.. III, p. 717. 2. Ibid., p. 718.
3. Ibid., p. 726. 4. Ibid., p. 720.







The Punjab Under the Mughals


was effected. But soon dissensions broke out
in the Mughal camp and any concerted action on
the part of the Mughal army became somewhat
difficult.1 Somehow Balandari was reached on
February 16, 1586 and in the evening, taking a place
to be the apex of the Pass, the army halted3 in spite
of the warnings of Zain Khan who wanted that the
vanguard should advance further and occupy the top
of the Pass while the main camp was to remain below
during the night. The night had not far advanced
yet when the Afghan hordes sallied forth from their
dens and began to harass them. Koka tried to turn
back but disorder spread in the ranks.3 Meanwhile
the Afghans hemming them in from all sides began
to shoot arrows and roll down stones upon the army
below. A general panic seized the army which tried
to escape in the dark but lost the way. Being
enmeshed into narrow defiles the soldiers were mas-
sacred in cold blood.4 The Mughals were routed
with the loss of 8,000 men and Raja Birbal, Khan
Muhammad, Mulla Sheri. Arab Shah, Mulla
Ghayur, Jan Muhammad Bakhshi, Shaikh Junaid,
Shaikh Hamid, Farmuli Bahadur and Aman Ullah
Syed were the most prominent among the slain.
To Akbar this news of irreparable and incalculable
loss was a bolt from the blue. He was stunned to
hear the death of his most beloved minister Birbal
and was so much overwhelmed by grief that he did
not swallow even a single morsel for two days. His
indignation knew no bounds when he came to know

1. A.N., III, p. 728. 2. Ibid., p. 730. 3. Ibid., p. 731.
4. M.B., II, p. 361. Abul Fazl has given 500 as the number of the
slain videe A.N.. III. p. 732). The account of this disaster has been given
differently by Nizam-ud-Din who says that after his arrival near the
Karkara Pass Birbal was informed about the intended night-attack
of the Afghans. In order to avoid it he, without consulting Koka, mobilized
his forces and pushed through the Pass which was only four or five cos
long. Arriving at a defile in the evening he suddenly found himself
surrounded by the Afghans. (Vide T.A.E., V. p. 45.)







Lahore as the Imperial Headquarters


of the perfidious conduct of Koka and as a punish-
ment excluded him from his presence.1 Akbar himself
made up his mind to avenge this humiliating defeat
but was dissuaded by the nobles from launching upon
this enterprise and so he contented himself with making
over the task of exterminating the tribesmen to Raja
Todar Mal and Murad.2 They at the head of a large
force marching cautiously and capturing forts here and
there and pillaging all along their way advanced far
into the hills. The Afghans, although routed in preli-
minary clashes, still held the field and were in no mood
to submit. Todar Mal near the Lungar hills posted
himself while Man Singh who had arrived there after
the departure of Murad stationed himself on the banks
of the Indus near Ohind in the direction of Buner.
Thus occupying both the exits Todar Mal carried
daily incursions into the tribal territory and soon re-
duced it to the extremes. Abul Fazl extolling the
achievements of the Raja records that A large num-
ber of tribesmen were killed and many were sold into
Turan and Persia. The country of Swat, Bajaur and
Buner... was cleansed of the evil-doers." After him his
work was carried on by Ismail Quli Khan8 and Zain
Khan Koka and by 1588 the Yusufzais were reduced
to straits. Disease and shortness of provisions began
to thin their ranks and despaired of any success they
laid down their arms. Their leader Kalu who pre-
sented himself before Akbar through Abul Qasim
was put under strict surveillance.'
This brilliant demonstration of military power to-
1. A.N, III, p. 732. Akbar's indignation does not seem to be justi-
fied. It was Birbal himself who was responsible for his own death.
According to Abul Fazl he, heedless of the advice of Koka. advanced
into the Pass. (Vide A.N., III, p. 731). While according to Nizam-ud-
Din he marched into the Pass without consulting Koka. (Vide T.A.E., V,
p. 45). Although their accounts ditfer in details but they are unanimous
on one point at least and that is the innocence of Koka and they clear-
ly reveal that Koka was in no way responsible for his death. Birbal was
quite inexperienced in the matters of warfare and had he acted upon the
advice of Koka this disaster would not have happened.
2. A.N.. III. p. 745. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid.. p. 813.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


gether with the annexation of Kashmir in 1586 seemed
to have produced a deep impression upon Abdullah
Uzbeg and his ambassador Mir Kuraish (who had arriv-
ed at the court in March 1586 along with Nazar Bey
the Turanian noble1 and his three sons Kabs Bey,
Shadi Bey and Baki Bey) and convinced them of the
impossibility of marching upon the Punjab and thus
gaining the empire of India. Arrival of Murshid Tab-
rizi as an ambassador from Shah Abbas of Persia in
15912 and capture of Qandhar, the key tonorth-western
position in 1590,8 seemed to have filled his mind with
apprehension about a possible combination of Akbar
and Shah Abbas against himself and the conclusion of
Akbar's campaigns of Qandhar in 1595' must have
relieved him of great anxiety. Henceforward he
strove hard to insinuate himself into the favour of
Akbar' and kept up amicable diplomatic relations
with him up to the end of his life.6 Henceforth the
Punjab was made quite secure against the possible
incursions of the Uzbegs who now lost all hopes of
becoming the masters of India.
The relations with Persia were further cemented
by exchange of ambassadors in 1594 when Akbar sent
his ambassador Zia-ul-Mulk to Persia along with the
Persian ambassador Yadgar Sultan Shams who had
succeeded Murshid Tabrizi after his departure in
1593.7 In 1598 Shah Abbas in return sent
Manuchehar to the Imperial court with valuable pre-
sents.8 Thus Abdullah being hedged round by alli-
ances was rendered still more helpless and the Punjab
became quite safe.
1. A.N., III, p. 735. 2. Ibid., p. 893. 3. Ibid., p. 886. 4. Ibid.
5. This is evident from his refusal to help Jalala and from his
attempt to keep friendly relations with Akbar. After the death
of Mir Kuraish in 3589 videe A.N., III, p. 881) he despatched Maulvi
Husain as his ambassador to the Imperial Court videe A. N., III,
p. 885). Again it was in reply to his letter that Akbar sent Khwaja Ashraf
Naqshbandi as an ambassador to Tuarn in 1596. (Vide A.N., III. D. 1052).
6. Abdullah died on January 4, 1598. Vide A.N., III. p. 1102,
7. A.N., Ill, p. 1007. 8. Ibid., p. 1112.







Lahore as the Imperial Headquarters


Being elevated to the throne of Kashmir mainly
The Conquest of through the aid of the Mughals,
Kashmir. Yusuf Khan animated by feelings
of loyalty1 and gratitude, remained for some time on
friendly terms with the Emperor and on February
9, 1585 he deputed his son Yaqub to the royal
court to pay homage and present gifts on his behalf.2
But this goodwill did not survive long and the grow-
ing estrangement between the two courts soon became
manifest.
Akbar, who was also accompanied by Yuqub on
his journey to the Punjab reaching at Kalanaur sent
for Yusuf who had not appeared personally before
him since long. But his son scenting some deep
conspiracy in the summons ran away from the camp
secretly and joined his father in Kashmir.2 When
apprised of his flight Akbar immediately despached
after him Hakim Ali and Baha-ud-Din to prevail
upon Yusuf either to appear personally at the camp
or to send his son back to the court.' All their per-
suasions were, however, of no avail and they failed to
elicit his submission on either of the two alternatives.5

1. A.N., III. p. 576. 2. Ibid., p. 676.
3. The flight of Yaqub had been misplaced chronologically by Mr.
Smith who says, "Yaqub Khan who had been granted a petty stipend of
thirty or forty rupees a month became alarmed and finding that Akbar
in disregard of the treaty was preparing for a fresh invasion of his
country tied from the imperial camp and prepared to resist." (Vzde Akbar,
p. 240).
There are three fallacies in the statement. First is chronological.
Yaqub did not flee from the Mughal camp when he saw Akbar bent upon
waging another war against Kashmir in violation of the terms of the
treaty, but he fled when Akbar from Kalanaur issued summons in the name
of his father in October 1585. (Vide A.N., III, p. 707). The second fallacy
lies in the reason assigned to his flight. There arises no question of
violating the treaty as no treaty was concluded with Yusuf. The terms of
the treaty as formulated by Raja Bhagwan Das were never ratified by
Akbar. (Vide A.N., III. p. 724). Thiraly Yuqub did not accompany his
father to the court as has been assumed by Mr. Smith and the stipend
which he got was given to him because he was received among the nobles
(vide M.B., II, p. 365) when Yusuf despatched him to the court on February
9, 1585 videe A.N., III, p. 676) and not when he was arrested.
4. A.N.. III. p. 707. 5. Ibid.. p. 714.






The Punjab Under the Mughals


This ungrateful behaviour of Yusuf Khan exasperated
Akbar beyond all bounds and he resolved to
adopt stern measures to punish his audacity and
to curb his evergrowing arrogance. Accordingly
on December 20, 1585 Shah Rukh Bahadur,
Raja Bhagwan Das, Shah Quli Mahram Madhu
Singh, Mubarak Khan1 with 50,000soldiers' and a
contingent of the ahdis under Ali Akbarshahi,
Shaikh Yaqub Kashmiri and Haider Kak, were
ordered to march upon Kashmir. They lingered on
in the plain for some time intending to commence
hostilities after the rainy season but being overridden
by Akbar they advanced into Kashmir by the Pakhli
route instead of the Bhimbar route which they them-
selves desired to follow. After the arrival of the
army at Pakhli,s Yusuf acting promptly hastened
from Srinagar and posted himself at the Buliyas
Pass. Raja Bhagwan Das tried to force his way
through the Pass but met with stern opposition and
being checkmated thus, had to fall back. Meanwhile
rainy season set in and snow began to fall profusely.
Means of supply being cut off, the soldiers were put
to a lot of trouble. The army already reduced to
straits was further disspirited at the news about the
defeat of Zain Khan Koka. Consequently peace
negotiations were set afoot and after much delibera-
tion a form of treaty was prepared but Akbar refused
to ratify it and ordered them to send Yusuf to the
court while they themselves were to push forward
and occupy the capital. Raja Bhagwan Das conducted
Yusuf to the court on February 14, 1584.' Akbar
wanted to put and end to his life but when the Raja
-who was now appointed to Kabul-got wind of
1. A.N., III. p. 715. 2. T.A.E., V, 450. 3. Ibid., p. 723.
4. A.N., III, p. 724 Abul Fazi says he was honourably treated videe
A.N., III, p. 724) but Badaoni, who says that he was arrested seems to be
more accurate videe M.B., II, p. 364). He was not accompanied by Yaqub
as Mr. Smith (A.N.. p. 239) has put it. Yaqub stayed behind in Kashmir
and later on became the leader of the rebels. (Vide A.N., III. p. 763).




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