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Group Title: Nutrition and development project paper ; no. 83-3
Title: Intrahousehold allocation of resources and roles
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 Material Information
Title: Intrahousehold allocation of resources and roles an annotated bibliography of the methodological and empirical literature
Series Title: Nutrition and development project paper
Physical Description: 106 p. : ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Rogers, Beatrice Lorge
United States -- Agency for International Development. -- Bureau for Program and Policy Coordination
Publisher: Agency for International Development
Place of Publication: Washington D.C.
Publication Date: 1984
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Subject: Women in rural development   ( lcsh )
Finance, Personal   ( lcsh )
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bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
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Statement of Responsibility: compiled by Beatrice Lorge Rogers.
General Note: "Revision 1, March 1, 1984"--T.p.
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oclc - 15664829
notis - AGN1879

Table of Contents
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    Introduction
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    Table of Contents
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Full Text

















INTRAHOUSEHOLD ALLOCATION OF RESOURCES AND ROLES


An Annotated Bibliography of the Methodological

and Empirical Literature




Compiled by


Beatrice Lorge Rogers


Tufts University School of Nutrition

Medford, Massachusetts 02155






Revision 1

March 1, 1984








This bibliography was prepared under
contract with USAID/PPC/HR.













Introduction


How to Use the Bibliography


This bibliography is divided into three sections listed in the
table of contents, covering analytical frameworks,
methodological papers, and empirical studies. Under each main
heading, a series of subtopics is identified by letter. In the
text, citations are listed alphabetically by author under each
main heading. In the left margin, the appropriate letter or
letters appear opposite the author's name. Papers dealing with
a particular subtopic may be found by scanning the left margin
for the letter which identifies that topic. In many cases,
articles touched only lightly on a subject, and it was a matter
of judgment whether to list them under the subject or not.
Generally, the bibliography errs on the side of inclusiveness.
Articles which fit under two main headings are listed under
both of them, each time with the complete annotation.

This bibliography is very much a work in progress. The author
would like to know of corrections and omissions, as well as
whether the present format is useful.













Contents


I. Theoretical and Analytical Frameworks

A. "New Household Economics" and Other Economic
Models
B. Definitions of the Household, the Family, and
Other Support Networks
C. Women in Development Approaches


II. Methods of Data Collection and Analysis

A. Data Collection: Income, Expenditure, and Wealth
B. Data Collection: Time Use, Labor Allocation, and
the Division of Labor
C. Data Collection: Food Consumption, Food Expendi-
ture, Dietary Intake, and Nutritional Status
D. Data Collection: Power, Influence, and Decision
Making
E. Data Collection: Family and Household
Structure and Other Networks of Support
F. Data Collection: Fertility and Investment in
Human Capital
G. Data Collection: General Recommendations
H. Data Analysis


III. Empirical and Observational Studies and Cases

A. Income, Expenditure, and Wealth
B. Time Use, Labor Allocation, and the Division of
Labor
C. Food Consumption, Food Expenditure, Dietary
Intake, and Nutritional Status
D. Power, Influence, Status, and Decision Making
E. Family and Household Structure and Other Networks
of Support
F. Fertility and Investment in Human Capital
G. Other


IV. Bibliographies of Related Interest












Section I


B Becker, Gary 1965

A theory of the allocation of time. Economic
Journal 75 (September):493-518.

This important article is one of the earliest to
suggest that household consumption should be viewed
as the production of utility for household members,
which means that different combinations of goods and
time(the factors of this "production") can yield
equal utility. This is the fundamental concept of
the "New Home Economics." Time and goods can be
traded off against each other. This means that the
value of time used in consumption must be included
along with the cost of the goods, and that the cost
of time used in consumption rises as income foregone
(wage rate) rises. Full income of a household thus
includes both real income and the time of household
members. The value of time varies by person and by
time of day and week.

The author suggests that time allocation between
market work and other activities will depend on the
relative efficiency of different members in these
activities. He suggests that income/expenditure data
should be combined with time data.


B Bender, B. D. no date

A refinement of the concept of household: families, co-
residence, and domestic function. American
Anthropologist 69:493-504.

This article provides a clear exposition of the
conceptual differences among various definitions of
the family and household, stressing that each concept
may define a different group of individuals.

"Family" is a kinship group, related by ties of blood
and marriage, culturally defined. Co-residence
frequently does not define family groups. Domestic
functions, which are activities of day-to-day living
including child care and food provision, also need
not be shared by the family nor by the co-residential
group.










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Examples are given to demonstrate the independence of
kinship, co-residence, and domestic function as
factors defining distinct groups of persons.


B Ben-Porath, Yoram 1982

Individuals, families, and income distribution.
Population and Development Review 8 (Supplement):1-13.

This article discusses the difficulty in defining the
family as a unit for measuring income distribution.
The family is commonly defined as the group which
engages in joint income generation, pooling and
redistribution. But false assumptions are often made
in this connection. For example, non-coresidential
family members may pool income, while spouses living
together may not. Even with a great deal of culture
specific information, the definition of the
appropriate income unit may be arbitrary.


B Butz, William, and Stan, P. J. E. 1982

Interhousehold transfers and household structure in
Malaysia. PoaQa uation a.d Deyqlo.lpment Rey_1yL 8
(Supplement):92-115.

This article uses data from the Malaysian Family Life
Survey to describe resource transfers (time, money
and goods) between households. Detailed information
on household composition makes it possible to
identify age and sex groups receiving different kinds
of transfers.

Transfers are a major source of income, especially in
low-income households. Nuclear households are
involved in more transfers than extended, presumably
because incorporation in the household masks the
transfers.

The study finds systematic differences in recipients
of different types of transfers. Older household
heads receive money and time (services) from their
children; household heads transfer more to their
parents than they receive from their children.
Parents give time to children, but receive money from
them. Chinese household heads receive more support


Section Is page 2










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


from their children than Malays; Malays exchange
money and goods more, while Chinese households
exchange time.


A Clark, Carol 1981

The use of the household production model to assess the
relation of women's market work to child welfare. Paper
prepared for the International Center for Research on
Women Policy Roundtable, Washington, D.C., December.

This paper criticizes some aspects of the household
production model as it is applied to analysis of the
effects of women's market work. Several studies are
cited which show women's market work affects their
leisure more than their child care time.

The author argues the household production model
overestimates the degree of choice a mother has about
how much child welfare to produce. Fixed cash needs
in conjunction with low wages may dictate the amount
of time at work. Cultural constraints may also limit
women's choice of activities. The model does not
deal with how the household's utility function is
determined.

Compatibility of women's work with child care is
based on abstract concepts which may not reflect the
best activities for the child.

The model values time in terms of income foregone,
but does not deal with the fact that low women's
wages and the unpaid nature of child care may cause a
misallocation of resources.


A Cloud, Kathleen, and Overholt, Catherine 1982

Women's productivity in agricultural systems: an
overview. Paper presented at the International
Agricultural Economics Meetings, Jakarta, August.

This paper provides a general discussion, with
numerous references to the literature, of factors
influencing women's productivity in agriculture, and
then presents an analytical framework for studying
the issue.


Section I, page 3










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The authors suggest that women's productivity must be
studied in the context of all women's activities and
their alternatives: investments in child quantity
and quality (child-rearing and transmission of
knowledge and skills), home-based and market
productivity in household, agricultural, and wage-
earning tasks. Analysis of productivity must be
disaggregated by sex within the household unit, here
defined as a kinship group having joint decision-
making and ownership of resources, which may change
over time and in response to economic conditions.
The several studies are discussed in terms of the
difficulty of measuring women's productivity when so
many activities are not recognized or monetized, much
of women's work involves simultaneous activities,
labor markets are restricted, and women's access to
productive resources (including training) is lower
than men's.

A framework is suggested in which all the outputs of
women's productive activities are measured; labor
input is disaggregated by sex in all categories of
production; joint production is acknowledged. The
question of how the household utility function is
formulated must be addressed. The problems of
valuing full income, including leisure, unemployment
and non-monetized tasks are discussed.


B Dorjahn, Vernon 1977

Temne household size and composition: rural changes
over time and rural urban differences. Ethnoloqgy
16:105-27.

The author describes standard international census
and survey definitions of the household as they have
been used in research and questions the applicability
of these definitions in situations involving
(a) informal or consensual marriages, (b) joint or
extended family households, and (c) polygamous
marriages. The author describes the Temne (of
central Sierra Leone) concept of the household which
distinguishes between production and consumption
units within a single household, and includes
reference to single households consisting of two or
more married males (extended families) and
polygamously married males. For Temne the household
is defined as a single production and income unit,


Section I, page 4










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


with the head of household acting as administrator on
the big farm on which most economically active
household members work. Within the household there
may be several separate consumption units, inhabiting
detached house structures. In addition to work on
the big farm, individual household members work on
small plots, the proceeds of which go only to the
consumption unit. The wife of the household head
distributes proceeds of the big farm among
consumption units. The tendency of productive adults
to put more time into their own rather than the
communal farm is leading to the breakdown of extended
farming units. The author develops a descriptive
typology of Temne households including monogamous,
polygynous, extended, single-parent, and solitary or
unrelated households.

The author describes changes in rural household
composition between 1955 and 1963. Single-parent
households appeared. Average household size did not
change. The most significant rural-urban differences
in household composition in 1963 were: larger
average household size in rural areas, no extended
households in urban areas, greater frequency of
monogamous households in urban areas, and single-
parent households more frequent in rural areas.


B Engberg, L. A. 1974

Household differentiation and integration as predictors
of child welfare in Ghanaian community. Journal of
Marriage and he Family, May, 389-99.

This study in Ghana attempted to use two composite
household measures along with socioeconomic
indicators of individual members' status to predict
child welfare. One composite measure was household
integration, used to measure the degree of unity or
harmony in the household. It was comprised of family
organization, degree of family stability, degree of
husband's authority, and status consistency between
spouses. The other was household differentiation, a
measure of level of living and modernization,
comprised of household possessions, financial assets,
social participation, and other household practices.
Measures of child welfare were schooling, number of
children, home improvements, and morbidity and
mortality, all as reported by the mother.


Section I, page 5










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Measurement of these variables required six weeks of
interviews and participant-observation by five
students living in the study area, for a sample size
of 118 husbands and their households. Differences in
welfare by these measures were not explained by these
variables, using multiple regression analysis. The
author suggests that the composite measures might be
more relevant if applied only to a household subunit
of a woman and her children, but this is not tested.


A Epstein, T. Scarlett 1975

The ideal marriage between the economist's microapproach
and the anthropologist's macroapproach to development
studies. Economic Development and Cultural Change
24: 29-46.

The author stresses the importance of a
multidisciplinary approach to studying developing
societies. Economic models often do not fit because
they ignore cultural constraints or behavior where
economic, social, political, and kinship roles
converge. Two cases are cited where apparent
economic irrationality was the result of cultural
factors. In Papua New Guinea, a cocoa cooperative
received no supply to sell although the price they
offered was higher, because men did not want written
records of their land's productivity, due to
inheritance patterns. This shows the need for
economic and anthropological, microlevel studies of
projects.


A Evenson, R. E. 1976

On the new household economics. Journal of Agricultural
Economics and Development (January).

This paper discusses the relevance of the "new home
economics" (see papers by Becker in this section) to
developing countries. The author suggests that the
assumption of a single household utility function
(i.e., set of consumption preferences) is especially
applicable in developing countries where families are
dominated by a male head. He argues that households
probably do maximize income and are aware of the
market value of goods and of their time. Problems
with the model are that it assumes fixed family


Section I, page 6










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


membership, which is often not the case, and that the
household production functions for consumption items
are probably not independent, so the functions will
not be linear.

The author suggests the implications of the model for
fertility, treating children as a consumption good
whose consumption uses the mother's time intensively.

The study uses regression analysis of data from the
1961 Indian census to test the significance of the
cost of women's time for fertility decisions of the
household. It finds evidence consistent with the
"new household economics" view that the household
operates as a firm and that children may be seen as
consumer goods to the parents. Measures of household
wealth are associated with more children in the
household while women's wages (the opportunity cost
of raising--i.e., "consuming" children) are
negatively associated with the number of children.
Regression analysis was also used to test the
significance of children's economic contribution on
their schooling. The results indicate that
children's wages and the productivity of their
family's land (which would increase children's
output) are negatively associated with children's
school enrollment and positively associated with
their labor force participation. Family size is also
negatively associated with school enrollment,
suggesting the substitution of child "quantity" for
child "quality."


A Ferber, M., and Birnbaum, B. G. 1977

The new home economics: retrospects and prospects.
Journal f Consumer Research 4 (June):19-28.

The authors criticize the Becker model which holds
that individuals work to maximize household income.
They argue that women's comparative advantage in home
production is due to low market wages, not relative
productivity. Research is cited to show that women's
work time does not increase men's home production.
The concept of diminishing marginal returns suggests
that both women and men should engage in some market
work and some leisure to maximize satisfaction. The


Section Is page 7










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


authors argue that the household's utility function
results from the relative bargaining power of members
with differing utility functions.


B Fischer, J. L. 1978

Summary report on the Conference on Women and Food,
Women in Development. International Conference on Women
and Food, at the University of Arizona, Tucson.

This brief report states as a conclusion of the
conference that the family is the basic income-
earning and consumption decision-making unit, and
should be the focal point for program efforts.
However, this statement was not universally
supported; others held that programs need to be
directed at individuals.


B Fjellman, Stephen 1976

Talking about talking about residence: an Akamba case.
American Ethnologist 3:671-82.

This article develops a method for identifying
variables which can be used to predict the type of
residence pattern a particular individual will show.
While the method is rather technical, the paper makes
the useful suggestion that the types of households in
which people reside should be defined in terms of
indigenous categories, not those of the outsider.
The author mentions the importance of recognizing
change over time in household composition and
residence pattern.


A Folbre, Nancy 1982

Exploitation comes home: a critique of the Marxian
theory of family labor. Cambridae Journal of
Economics 5.

This article criticizes both the Marxian and
neoclassical analysis of economic dynamics in the
household. While material constraints on household
production force households to allocate labor and
resources efficiently, exploitation of members can
occur because of relative differences in bargaining


Section I, page 8










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


power. Increased labor market opportunities for
women not only raise the opportunity cost of their
child rearing but also increase their bargaining
power. Capitalist development results in fewer
children because children in the capitalist labor
force are of less direct benefit to their natal
households than in subsistence production. Thus
observed facts are subject to different
interpretations from those of neoclassical or Marxian
analysis.

The author suggests a measure of intrahousehold
economic exploitation by including labor input into
market and household production, and comparing for
each member labor value produced with labor value
consumed. No empirical application is given.


A Folbre, Nancy forthcoming 1983

Household production in the Philippines: a non-
neoclassical approach. Economic Development and Cultural
Change. Mimeo from Bowdoin College, Economics
Department, November 5, 1980.

This article presents a theoretical discussion
criticizing the validity of the neoclassical economic
assumption of a household having a joint utility
function, and uses regression analysis of data from
the Laguna (Philippines) household study to test the
theory. The results suggest that household utility
function reflects relative bargaining power of
members.

The Laguna study collected data by interview and
direct observation on income and expenditure, food
consumption, labor and time use, and interperson and
interhousehold exchanges over several years. (See
Evenson et al. 1979 for methods.)

Results of the analysis show an inequitable
distribution of work and leisure. Women work more
total hours than men, and women's wage labor does not
reduce total work hours nor increase male hours of
household work. Women's wages in the market were
two-thirds of male wages, which might result in
specialization in household work, but men's type of
work or even unemployment was not related to the
amount of male time in child care (about one hour per


Section I, page 9










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


week). Among children, girls spent more hours than
boys in work, and the girls' hours increased with age
while boys' hours did not.

Consumption was also inequitably distributed. Adult
males consumed more than 100% of the RDA for protein
and calories, while women consumed 79% and 87%,
respectively. General consumption expenditure for
children was equal by sex under age five, after which
boys received more, including more direct child care
time of mothers.

Intergenerational income transfer occurred in both
directions. Children age 25-34 significantly
increased parents' income, even if they were not
living at home. The effect was greater in higher
income households.


B Greenhalgh, Susan 1982

Income units: the ethnographic alternative to
standardization. PopuIAlIgn and m aYalmemani
Review 8:70-91.

This article discusses the important issue of how to
define the household as an income-earning unit. The
author suggests that co-residence is not always
synonymous with joint earning and consumption of
members; some co-residential groups do not share, and
in other cases income sharing occurs among several
households.

The case of Taiwan is discussed. The economic family
chiaa) is the extended kinship group. Subunits
(nuclear families) may form and dissolve within the
chia. Income sharing within the chia varies with its
income. The relevant unit for measuring household
welfare is probably the chia, not the nuclear
household. Dispersal of chia members to different
households has increased over time.

The article focuses on measurement of inequality in
income distribution, but has Important implications
for measurement of household welfare.


Section I, page 10










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


A Gronau, Reuben 1977

Leisure, home production and work--the theory of the
allocation of time revisited. Journal of Political
Economy 89:1099-1123.

This theoretical article expands the "new home
economics" by introducing the distinction in the
model between work at home and leisure. The author
suggests that work at home is a substitute for market
work (in the production of goods for home
consumption), so that market wages will be positively
correlated with market work, and inversely correlated
with home work. But the effect on leisure depends
whether leisure consumption is time-intensive or
goods-intensive.

Data from Israeli and United States time budget
studies demonstrate that wage rates, employment,
marital status, sex, and presence of children affect
home work differently from leisure.

The implications for economic gains from marriage and
the demand for children are discussed.


B Guyer, Jane 1980

Household budgets and women's incomes. Working paper
no. 28 from Boston University, African Studies Center.

This very useful paper discusses the inapplicability
of household methods to budget analysis studies in
Africa and reports on a study of women's cash budgets
in Cameroon.

The author holds that the concept of a household as
an undifferentiated decision-making unit does not
apply in Africa because of the extent of separation
of male and female spheres of activity. She cites
anthropological and economic studies demonstrating
the relative independence of men's and women's
incomes and spending decisions in several African
settings, while recognizing that within households
some resource transfers do take place. She suggests
that African households can be viewed as
"particularly dense centers in a field of exchange


Section IP page 11











Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


relationships rather than closed units." Household
members are interdependent, having complementary
functions; these can change over time.

The paper reports a study of the daily cash
transactions of 23 women over two months, one during
the groundnut harvest (women's crop), and one during
the cocoa harvest. In this setting, men are largely
responsible for cocoa production for export; women do
subsistence cultivation and marketing of food crops.
The study found 57% of women's cash is earned; the
rest is transfers, mostly from their husbands.
Husbands provide about one third of the cost of food
and basic household needs. Unmarried women have
lower incomes than married women, because they do not
receive these transfers. Women spend 71-76% of their
cash on household expenses in both seasons. In a
1964 survey, 31% of total household income (men's and
women's) was spent on these items.

Women's incomes are highest during the harvest of
men's crops, less because of transfers than because
women can earn more from men's spending. Women's
incomes have been increasing relative to men's since
the 1950s because cocoa prices have declined while
the demand for food in urban areas (sold by women)
has increased.


B Haugerud, Angelique 1982

Conflict, competition, and cooperation: political
economy of the peasant households in Embu, Kenya.
Meetings of the Anthropological Association, Washington,
D.C., December 3-7.

This paper reports an economic anthropological study
of a coffee and a cotton-growing zone in eastern
Kenya. (See Haugerud 1979, Section II for methods.)

The paper discusses problems in defining the
household for research purposes, and holds that any
definition is still subject to problems. One reason
is that households are subject to change. In 2.5
years of field work, 20% of households were disrupted
due to internal conflict. Conflicts within
households resulted in some false reporting by
respondents who ignored some other household members.


Section IP page 12










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The paper criticizes the use of the household as the
unit of analysis in research because (1) domestic
organization is quite variable, so units may not be
comparable; (2) the household model hides the
processes of negotiation within the household,
including determinants of strength and weakness of
members; (3) considering the household as a
homogeneous unit ignores the varying ways in which
resources are acquired.


A Kuznets, Simon 1976

Demographic aspects of the size distribution of income:
an exploratory essay. Economic Development and Cultural
Change 25 (October):1-94.

This article discusses conceptual issues in using
household income as a measure of relative welfare.
First, the unit must be a household, not an
individual, but the usual definition of co-
residential group may include some unrelated
individuals who do not depend on the units' income,
and may exclude dependent kin (elderly or young
single people) who ought to be included. Life span
income is more equally distributed than income
measured at one point in time. Households with young
and elderly heads have lower incomes than households
with middle-aged heads. Income as a measure of
welfare should also account for the degree of
variation over time as well as the average. The
author holds household income increases with
household size, but per person or per consumption
unit income declines.


B Kuznets, Simon 1978

Size and age structure of family households:
exploratory comparisons. Population and Development
Review 4 (June):187-224.

This conceptually interesting article suggests that
conventional measures of income distribution, which
measure income of co-residential households, ignores
Joint decision-making on the use of income by
families which do not live together. This overstates
income inequality.


Section Is page 13










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Household size is a function of the tendency of
adults to live together and the natural rate of
increase (i.e., children). Generally, in less
developed countries larger households are due to
natural increase, while in developed countries, joint
living by adults in the dominant factor.


B Kusnic, Michael and DaVanzo, Julie 1980

Income inequality and the definition of income: the
case of Malaysia. Santa Monica, Cal.: Rand Report
R2416AID, June. 121 pp.

This paper discusses the conceptual issues involved
in using income to measure welfare. These include
the problem of defining the consumption unit,
adjusting for household size (persons or adult-
equivalents), and dealing with variation over time.
The authors hold that leisure time and home services
must be included in the definition of income, but
recognize the problems of imputing a value based on
wage rates. Data from the Malaysian Family Life
Survey are used to test the implications of different
definitions of income and household for measures of
inequality.


A Lancaster, Kelvin J. 1966

A new approach to consumer theory. Journal of Political
Economy 74:132-57.

This article explains, in mathematical terms
relatively understandable to non-economists, an
important aspect underlying the models of the "new
household economics." The author suggests that goods
consumed and activities performed by household
members yield utility by means of their properties,
not directly. This is conceptually important in
understanding consumption decisions because very
different sets of goods can yield similar sets of
properties or characteristics; thus things which are
not obviously substitutes may act as substitutes in
household consumption.

To obtain utility from goods, households must combine
them with the time of household members. Consumption


Section I, page 14










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


technology refers to the ways in which utility is
derived from the goods. This may be more or less
time-intensive.

The recognition of the importance of time in
consumption has important implication for
intrahousehold allocation, since members' time may be
more or less constrained, and this may affect
consumption decisions. This article, however, does
not address these issues.


B Liu, Paul 1982

Income inequality over the family development cycle.
Population and Development Review 8 (Supplement):53-59.

This article describes how different definitions of
the household as an income earning and consumption
unit can alter measures of income inequality. In the
Chinese system, nuclear households (fang) exist
within an extended family chiaa). It is the chia
which is the income-sharing unit. Income is more
equal among chia than among fang. Education is an
investment in future chia income since it increases
children's earnings and thus the later income of
parents.


A Nerlove, Marc 1974

Household and economy: toward a new theory of
population and economic growth. Journal of Political
Economy 82 (March-April):S200-218.

This article criticizes earlier formulations of the
New Household Economics because of inherent
circularity: the household's utility function
reflects those of all the members, but some members
(children, for example) are also arguments in the
parents' utility functions. Further, there is
evidence that decisions to invest in child quality
(e.g., health, education) are not independent of the
number and characteristics of the children.

The author stresses that the New Home Economics is a
conceptual framework, not a theory of behavior. Its
important elements are the idea that utility
functions deal with attributes, not goods; that they


Section I, page 15










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


are a function of household production technology;
that time and goods are direct tradeoffs through the
labor market. He suggests that intergenerational
transfers need to be incorporated into this analytic
framework.


B Oppong, Christine 1978

Reproductive and productive rules: some conceptual and
methodological issues. Paper presented to informal
workshop on women's roles and demographic change,
International Labor Organization, Population and Labor
Policies Branch, Employment and Development Department,
Geneva, November.

This paper provides a lengthy discussion of the
problems involved in defining households for research
and program-planning purposes. The paper consists of
an extensive critical review of anthropological and
economic typologies which tend to oversimplify
households, to dichotomize, and to assume that people
belong to only one household at a time and that
households operate as a single unit. The author
reviews literature on determinants of household
structure and suggests the need to look at different
units for different purposes. She suggests a
conceptual framework for analyzing domestic behavior
based on observing who fulfills what specific roles
and responsibilities.


B Pollock, N. J. 1970

Breadfruit and breadwinning on Namu Atoll, Marshall
Islands. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii.
332 pp.

This dissertation is the result of a participant
observation study of methods of food procurement.
The author notes that household composition is
constantly changing as nuclear families move in and
out of joint family settings. Households are defined
in terms of residence location; however, mutual
economic support obligations are not confined to this
group, but extend along kinship lines. By tradition,
the household head must be male; if no man is
present, a woman may share the role with an absent
male family member. The author discusses the sexual


Section I, page 16










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


allocation of tasks, indicating a strong sexual
differentiation of acceptable work. Responsibility
for decision-making is also allocated by sex. Only
men may trade with the ships which buy copra, so men
decide what to purchase with the cash income.


A Rosenzweig, Mark 1977

The demand for children in farm households. Journal of
Political Economy 85:123-46.

This article modifies household economic theory by
recognizing the dual role of children as "consumption
goods" and productive laborers within the household.
The author suggests that, as returns to children fall
and costs rise, fertility will fall. Off-farm work
opportunities lower returns to children by reducing
the likelihood that children will work on the farm.
Increases in the value of the wife's time also reduce
fertility. The value of children is endogenous in
the model, because it is affected by the number of
children.

The model is tested using aggregate U.S. data. The
results differ from those in which children are
viewed only as a consumption good.


A Rosenzweig, Mark 1982

Wage structure and sex-based inequality: the family as
intermediary. Population and Development Review 8
(Supplement):192-206.

This article suggests a simplified economic model of
investment in children, based on differential sex-
based wage rates and three age categories: child,
parent, and elderly parent. The model suggests that
inequality of income may be exacerbated if households
invest more in the productivity (e.g., education) of
children to whom returns will be highest (i.e.,
males). The model can be used to predict effects of
changed wage rates on schooling decisions.

Another contributor to this decision is the relative
substitutability of girls' and boys' time for


Section I, page 17










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography Section I, page 18


mother's time. In Indian, when women's wages rose,
girls' school enrollment fell, presumably because
girls were replacing their mothers at home.


B Schultz, T. Paul 1982

Family composition and income inequality. Population
and Development Review 8 (Supplement).

This article discusses the mechanisms by which
household income influences household composition.
The two separate determinants of household
composition are the decision of adults to live
together and the number of surviving children per
adult; income affects both determinants. Number of
children is inversely related to women's wages, but
directly to men's wages, and inversely to returns to
child schooling. Colombian and Indian census data
are used to quantify the effects of income on these
two determinants. In both countries, extended family
households have lower fertility than nuclear
households.


A Schultz, T. Paul 1982

Women and economics of the family: some concepts and
issues. Paper prepared for the Rockefeller Foundation
Conference on Women, Households and Human Capital
Development in Low-Income Countries, July 12-14.

This article is a conceptual discussion of how
economics deals with intrahousehold allocation
issues.

In economic thinking, the household or family
coordinates the production and consumption of its
members, and allocates its labor at market-clearing
rates. Since by convention only market activities
are counted, women's production tends to be
underestimated; this is currently changing with the
increase in time use studies. The intrahousehold
allocation model assumes net gains to all household
members, or they would not stay in the household.
The author criticizes game theoretical and other
models as being based on untested assumptions.










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The author holds that policy-makers cannot easily
influence allocation within the household, since
households have mechanisms for substitution of
resources; he suggests that human capital development
is easier to target.


B Stark, Oded 1981

The asset demand for children during agricultural
modernization: notes and commentary. Population and
Development Review I (December):671-75.

This brief article discusses the "Caldwell
hypothesis" that economic development causes
fertility reduction because in a modern economy
children's labor is not needed when young, and their
economic contribution in later life is small.

The author suggests that, in the early stages of
development, households may want more children
because they may, as migrants to the city, provide
the cash income which households need to join the
modern economy. Investment in education is directly
related to parental expectation of support.

The author suggests this new hypothesis needs to be
tested empirically.


C UNECA/FAO no date

The role of women in population dynamics related to food
and agriculture and rural development in Africa. United
Nations ECA/FAO, Women's Programme Unit.

This paper describes the relations between food
production, women's roles, and population in rural
Africa. Although women are the primary producers and
processors of food crops, program planners assume
that the "small farmer" is male. In spite of the
major role played by rural women in agricultural
production they lack access to the tools of
development, including technology, credit, and
education. Most agricultural extension and research
is directed to men and focuses on cash crops, thereby
misdirecting information on techniques for improved
food production. Further, increasing cash cropping
adds to women's work burdens.


Section IP page 19










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Education and employment are the major factors
influencing female fertility, but education's
influence on female fertility depends on the ability
of women to use it in gainful employment or other
community action. "Modern" sector employment
correlates with lower fertility, subsistence
employment with higher fertility.

The paper proposes the "unit of participation" as a
measure of women's labor in various subsistence and
early modernization activities. It is defined as the
percentage of total labor associated with a
particular task that may be attributed to women and
expressed as 1 or a fraction. The unit of
participation, based on the best available data, will
indicate who should receive the benefits of a
particular agricultural project.


C UNFAO (U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization) 1979

Women in Food Production Food Handling and Nutrition.
Rome: U.N. Protein Advisory Group Report, June.

This is an extensive report that critically reviews
research on women's economic and social roles and
determinants of food consumption and nutrition in.
Africa. It draws on literature from the field of
nutrition and diet, anthropology, sociology, and
program-related research, with numerous detailed
discussions of specific studies. The point is made
that the household should not be the unit of analysis
for program planning, since many functions relating
to food production, preparation, and distribution are
the responsibility of specific individuals within the
household. New methods of data collection are needed
to measure food consumption and nutrition; time
allocation studies should be used both to identify
productive activities and to calculate energy
expenditure. Nutrition and social science techniques
need to be combined.

The report criticizes many widely held myths and
holds that empirical data are needed to confirm or
contradict them. These myths include the detrimental
effect of feeding patterns whereby men eat first, the
detrimental effect of food taboos, the assumption


Section Is page 20










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


that farmers are usually men, and the assumption that
all household income is equally distributed among
household needs.

Conceptual analysis of determinants of nutritional
status is presented, and recommendations for program
planning are made.


B White, Benjamin 1980

Rural household studies in anthropological perspective,
in Binswanger et al., eds., Rural Households in Asia.
Singapore: Singapore University Press.

This thoughtful chapter discusses the development of
anthropological approach to the study of households.
The author cites several examples (Tiv, Dayak,
Taiwanese, Javanese), demonstrating that various
functions used to define households (e.g.,
coresidence, shared consumption, pooled labor) do not
define the same units. He suggests that it is
fruitless to search for a universal definition or
comprehensive typology of the household, but that
anthropologists and economists must define the
household functions of interest and the groups they
define in a particular setting. All societies have a
range of household and family types, with groups that
share resources and tasks to varying degrees.
Further, households go through developmental cycles
based on the tension of children approaching
adulthood continuing to live under the control of
aging parents. This tension creates a tendency for
extended-family households to fission. Economic
forces (e.g., the need for household labor) can hold
households together for longer periods. This dynamic
household structure has not been recognized in the
early literature.

The point is made that analyzing household behavior
as a function of household structure is difficult
because households change radically over time. Thus
households studied over several years will not be the
same households.


Section It page 21










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


C World Bank 1979

Recognizing the "invisible" woman in development: the
World Bank's experience. Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
33 pp.

This pamphlet reviews some of the economic and social
factors that limit women's participation in the
benefits of economic development in the context of
Bank projects.

These factors include the separate roles of women and
men in agriculture (with the risk that a development
focus on men's cash crops may displace women's food
crop production and increase women's work burden),
the social determination of women's access to
productive resources, and the time constraints on
women. The effects of projects should be analyzed
for men and women separately.


B Yanagisako, Silvia Junko 1979

Family and household: the analysis of domestic groups.
Annual Review Df Anthropology 8:161-205.

This article reviews ten years of published
anthropological literature on the dynamics of the
family. The author reviews definitions of
households and concludes that while kinship can
define the family, the household is a separate
concept to be defined in functional terms. There are
no set definitions of household.

The author reviews demographic, economic, and
structural explanations for variation in the form of
the household, and describes new perspectives in the
analysis of families.

She suggests that the commonest definitions of family
are nuclear, mother and children and other kinship
groups, but states these may not be socially
significant or have any functional meaning in a given
society.


Section I, page 22













Section II


A,B Acharya, Meena, and Bennett, Lynn 1981
D
ITh RuralB Women of Nepal: A AAggregate Analysis and
Summary of Eight Yillage Studies. Vol. 2, part 9.
Centre for Economic Development and Administration,
Tribhuvan University, Katmandu, Nepal.

This book describes the methods and summarizes the
results of an intensive eight-village study of
women's roles in Nepal, which has been published in
eight separate volumes.

Eight villages were selected for maximum cultural
variation. One researcher lived in each village for
the period of the study; data were collected by
participant observation, informal guided interviews
of key informants, and structured interviews covering
demographics, assets, income, production,
expenditure, employment, credit, decision-making, and
attitudes toward male and female roles. Decision-
making was measured by asking senior males about four
stages in the process: suggesting, deciding,
implementing, and disagreeing. Thirty-five randomly
selected households in each village were included in
the surveys. Of these, 24 per village were selected
for time allocation study by direct observation using
the random spot-checking method.

The study found that, accounting for home as well as
market production, women's contribution to household
income is 15% higher than men's, although cash income
is 73% less. The labor burden of women is 10.81
hours/day, compared with 7.51 for men. Work burdens
for both sexes were lower in extended households than
they were in nuclear households, and burden varied by
position in the family. Junior married males worked
the longest among males; among females, young
daughters-in-law worked the longest hours, and adult
unmarried women put in the most hours in paid labor.

Villages were distinguished by the rigidity of the
dichotomy between women's and men's spheres of
activity. The study found that men predominated in
decision-making where the dichotomy was strong, while
roles were more equal or women predominated where the
dichotomy was weak. Women were more likely to










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


initiate suggestions than to make the final decision.
Women were responsible for 40% of household labor
allocation decisions; in 47% of households women kept
the household cash, and in 39% men kept it.
Agricultural decisions by women were commensurate
with their time in agricultural production.

This book and the eight separate studies are an
enormously rich source of data. Detailed
methodological descriptions are given.


B,C Batiwala, S. 1981

Rural energy scarcity and nutrition: a new perspective.
Economic and Political Weekly 11:329-33.

This interesting article argues that an alternative
approach to alleviating malnutrition is to address
energy cost rather than to try to raise food
consumption.

Data from a large-scale survey (3500 persons, 560
households) of rural technology were used to estimate
caloric energy use of household members. Women
contributed 53% of the energy, men 31%, and children
16%. Most energy was spent on survival task such as
getting water and firewood; this exceeded energy use
in agriculture.

Women reported that the distribution of sorghum (the
staple) in the household was 2 to 1 to .5 for men,
women, and children. The author suggests that the
introduction of appropriate technology to reduce
women's energy expenditure is more feasible than
altering distribution patterns.


B Benerla, Lourdes 1982

Accounting for women's work, in L. Benerfa, ed., Women
and Development. New York: Praeger.

This article discusses the fact that conventional
measures of labor force participation are inaccurate
because they tend to count only paid work and work
that produces exchange value, thus underestimating
unpaid household work that produces use value. This
underestimation particularly affects women.


Section II, page 2










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Secondary data, such as census information, are
unreliable also because often only the self-reported
"primary activity" is counted. Thus women who engage
in productive work but consider themselves housewives
will not be counted as economically active.

The author discusses how social relations within
households affect the division of labor by defining
access to means of production. This shows that
public and private spheres are closely connected.

The author suggests that future studies recognize
economic activities that add to human welfare
irrespective of market status. Measurement should
include both number of hours spent in use-value
production and information about the composition and
duration of specific tasks.


B Boulding, Elise 1983

Measures of women's work in the Third World: problems
and suggestions, in Buvinic, Lycette, and McGreevey,
eds., Women and Povgey. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press.

This article discusses the fact that conventional
definitions of the labor force underestimate the work
of women and children, and proposes that home
production, including agriculture, crafts, services,
and barter, be included as a category in studies of
employment.


E,F Burch, T. K., and Grendell, M. 1970

Extended family structure and fertility: some
conceptual and methodological issues. Journal of
Marriage and the Family 31:2.

This article discusses the hypothesis, common in
literature on fertility, that women living in
extended households have higher fertility. The
authors hold that empirical evidence does not support
this hypothesis and suggest methodological
refinements are needed to study the question. These
include the need to define the household more
carefully, distinguishing between co-residence and


Section NoI page 3










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


kin group; and the need to keep the time reference of
fertility (current or cumulative) congruent with that
of family structure.


G Butz, William 1981

Why collect retrospective data? Santa Monica, Cal.:
Rand Paper Series, December.

This brief paper compares retrospective data
collection with longitudinal panel data. Both can
document characteristics, behavior, and changes in
the same individuals over time. Retrospective data
differ from panel data in that they have no
information on attrited (through death and migration)
respondents; sample selection may be based on initial
or terminal characteristics; quality of data is
questionable, and worse with longer recall periods.
Interviewing for retrospective data is more complex,
but survey management is simpler than for a panel
study.

The author makes the point that there are not
adequate statistical or even conceptual models for
dealing with data from either kind of survey that
covers long time periods. He suggests that
retrospective data may be a substitute for
prospective surveys in some cases.


E Buvinic, Mayra, and Youssef, Nadia 1978

Women-headed households: the ignored factor in
development planning. Report submitted to USAID Office
of Women in Development, Washington, D.C.

This lengthy report is a rich source of information
on the causes and circumstances of female-headed
households in developing countries. Numerous
empirical studies are cited in detail, and census
data from various countries are analyzed for
indications of the prevalence of female headship.
The authors explain the importance of this phenomenon
for targeting development aid appropriately. They
stress that the assumption that traditional societies
automatically protect women is not supported
empirically. Studies must recognize that ideal
behavior often departs from what really happens.


Section II, page 4










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The authors distinguish between de facto and legally
recognized women-headed households. De facto female
headship results from migration, desertion, and
polygamy. Census data tend to understate the
proportion of women-headed households, partly because
of the cultural bias in reporting "head of
household." The figure is now estimated to be
between 25 and 33% of all households worldwide. This
figure varies widely by country and region.

Various types of female-headed households in
different regions are described, based on empirical
studies, in terms of their age, composition, and
strategies for survival. Women and children in
female-headed households are more likely to work
outside the home.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, consensual unions
are common and less stable than legal marriage; in
much of Asia, the large age difference between
husbands and wives results in widespread early
widowhood. Divorce is common in a number of
societies in Africa, but men are more likely to
remarry these women.

Problems of measuring the prevalence of female-headed
households are discussed. A table divides countries
into groups by proportion of probable female-headed
households.


B Cain, Mead; Khanam, S. R.; and Nahar, S. 1979

Class, patriarchy, and women's work in Bangladesh.
Population and Development Review 5 (September).

This lengthy article provides a detailed discussion
of the patriarchal social structure in Bangladesh and
its effects on women's home production, labor force
participation and wages, economic security, and
status. Males control productive resources,
including women's labor. The results of a study of
114 households in Mymensingh district are also
reported. Twenty-four hour time budgets were
collected by retrospective interview for every
household member over age four every 15 days for a
year. The authors argue that time allocation is the


Section IIP page 5










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


only way to study work roles of women because home
production is non-monetized, and much labor is home-
or family-based.

The study found women and men work about 8.3 hours
per day, of which 85% is allocated to home production
for women and 64% is allocated to wage and
agricultural work for men. Poorer men do more wage
work; men from landed households do agricultural
work. In better-off households men work fewer total
Hours; there is no difference for women.

Sexual division of labor is rigid. Women's market
work does not affect men's home production. There
are fewer wage opportunities for women than men, and
wages are lower. Child care, exclusively a woman's
responsibility, reduces labor force participation.
Women are thus dependent on men for support.

The authors report qualitative evidence that males,
especially adult males, are favored in household food
distribution, since men eat first. Women often forgo
their inheritance rights to obtain favor from
brothers in case of widowhood. Women's greatest
security is to have sons.

Women's work time varies by status in the household:
new daughters-in-law work 9.7 hours; wives with
children, 8.3 hours; and mothers (of household head),
5.1 hours.

The authors report that nuclear families are becoming
the norm in Bangladesh, and that traditional family
support networks for women are breaking down.


C Chaudury, Raliqul Huda 1983

Determinants of intrafamilial distribution of food and
nutrient intake in a rural area of Bangladesh.
Monograph (draft), Bangaldesh Institute of Development
Economics, Dacca, February.

This paper reports results of a 12-month survey of
108 households (572 individuals) in a village in
Bangladesh. Data were obtained by observation, food
weighing, and interview on food consumption, cost,
source, and intrafamily allocation; on time use by


Section IIP page 6










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


all members over age 5. The latter was used to
calculate caloric needs of household members adjusted
for both body weight and actual activity level.

The study found that caloric adequacy in these terms
was not determined simply by sex, but also by age and
position in the household. Women aged 15-30 are
least likely to meet their caloric needs, possibly
because they are new wives not yet established in the
household, and possibly because many in the group are
pregnant or lactating. Among older adults and
children aged 1-3, females met their needs more than
men.

In larger households, caloric adequacy is greater for
all males under 30; over 30, it is greater for women.
In the lean season, though, caloric adequacy is
higher for males in almost all age groups. Among
households that produce their own food, all members
receive more food.

Household caloric adequacy does not predict caloric
adequacy of individual members.


C Chen, L.; Huq, E.; and D'Souza, S. 1981

Sex bias in the family allocation of food and health
care in rural Bangladesh. Population and Development
Review 7:55-70.

This article describes and reports results of a
careful, detailed study to test the hypothesis that
the higher mortality rate of girls than boys aged 1-4
in a rural village in Bangladesh is due to sex bias
in allocation of food and health care.

The study used records of the International Centre
for Diarrheal Disease Research on births, deaths, and
diarrheal treatment of 882 households with children
under age 5. These households were surveyed to
obtain baseline data on socioeconomic and
anthropometric status of household members. A sample
of 130 Muslim families was selected for in-depth one-
year longitudinal study, including 24-hour individual
and household food consumption, anthropometry,
morbidity, and assets, income, and expenditure. Food
consumption was measured by weighing raw food and by


Section II, page 7










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


direct observation of the volume of food as served,
the household's utensils having been measured
previously.

The study found female mortality exceeded male
mortality between ages 1 and 44, the difference
declining with age. Male mortality was higher in
infants and in adults aged 45-64. Severe and
moderate malnutrition (weight- and height-for-age)
were much higher among female children; male caloric
and protein consumption was greater than female in
all age groups. Rates of infection were
(insignificantly) lower for girls. Incidence of
diarrhea did not vary by sex, but males were treated
66% more often than females. This pattern persisted
to age 14, after which females used health services
more.

The authors suggest that sex bias in food and health
care allocation is due to the expected economic
contribution of sons. The study found women
distribute family food, that men rarely made explicit
requests for more food, and that typically families
ate the evening meal together. Women denied that
they allocated food differently based on sex, but
said they would favor males in conditions of
scarcity.


B Deere, Carmen Diana 1982

The division of labor by sex in agriculture: a Peruvian
case study. Economic Development and Cultural Change
30:795-812.

This article describes problems of estimating women's
contribution to agricultural production in Cajamarca
Province, Peru. Census data found a sharp decrease
in women's agricultural participation from 1930 to
1970. The explanation was that early census surveys
asked for descriptions of activities contributing to
the household economy, while later surveys simply
asked for principal occupation, so that, given
cultural norms, women described themselves as
housewives. Also, the period of reference was
shorter in later surveys, so that unpaid family work
that was reported was less likely to be counted in
the later years, especially since the census occurs
during the agricultural slack season.


Section IIP page 8










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The author discusses women's agricultural
participation by economic class. Women do more such
work, a higher proportion of the total, and a greater
variety of tasks in poorer farm households that are
more dependent on family labor.


B Deere, Carmen Diana, and Leon de Leal, M. 1979

Measuring women's work and class position. Studies in
Family Planning 10:370-78.

This article discusses several methodological
problems in measuring women's economic participation
by sample survey and suggests some solutions.

The unit of analysis is commonly the household, but
the unit of production and reproduction may not be
coterminous. Questionnaires should be designed to
capture activities of both the consumption and
production units; this requires previous participant
observation to know the dimensions of these units.
Similarly, the variety of types of activities must be
known, to measure time labor force participation.

Two methods of measuring time use are compared:
recall based on activity list, and a schematic to
chart days of participation and individuals involved
in each task. The latter method yielded a higher
estimate of women's agricultural labor. A third
method suggested is to ask, for each activity, for a
subjective estimate of frequency of participation.

Sample design issues are also briefly discussed.


B Engle, Patricia, and Butz, W. P. 1981

Methodological issues in collecting time use data in
developing countries. Paper presented at the Society
for Research on Child Development Symposium, April.

This relatively brief paper discusses the importance
of time use studies, especially for quantifying the
economic contribution of women, whose work may not be
monetized. Data on time use are collected by
observation (whole day or random time periods);
recall (24-hour sequence, or by activities presented


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Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


in a list), and by diary (generally not used in
LDCs). Important measurement issues are reliability
from one observer to the next, validity--especially
of recall--and data quality. For coding, having
appropriate categories is important, and the coding
system must be able to handle joint or concurrent
activities.


A B Ensminger, Jean 1980
C
Household economy among the Orma: methodological issues
in the collection of quantitative data among
pastoralists. Discussion paper for Conference on
Ecological Stress in Eastern Africa sponsored by
Northwestern University and the National Museums of
Kenya, Nairobi, June 15-17.

This paper describes in detail the methods used to
collect data for a study of decision-making among a
semi-nomadic pastoral group in Kenya. (See Ensminger
???, Section ??? for results.) The study involved
more than a year of participant-observation and
informal interviewing by the author as well as formal
surveys by hired enumerators.

Recognizing the importance of interhousehold as well
as intrahousehold exchanges, the author included
three whole villages in her sample, to capture these
exchanges. The study followed transhumant households
in their different locations. The author states that
these methods may not be applicable to other nomads,
since this group does not travel far and has fixed
locations.

Income expenditure information was collected from a
single baseline survey and a household budget survey
of all income and expenditure repeated semi-monthly,
except semi-weekly during harvest. The questionnaire
covered 31 types of expenditure and 8 types of income
in a list developed based on participant observation.

Food consumption daA were obtained through
interviews conducted every five days with each person
in the household who cooks or milks cattle. Period
of recall was one day for food consumption five days
for sale, gifts, and consumption of ghee. Food gifts


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were recorded by type, quantity, and relationship of
donor or recipient. Quantities were measured in the
respondent's own utensils.

Time use was measured by periodic direct observation
of actual activity performed by each household member
(once every ten days), and by self report (every five
days), of time spent in each of 23 work-related
activities during the past five days. The activity
list was developed based on systematic random
visiting during the period of participant
observation.


A B Evenson, R. E.; Popkin, B.; and King-Quizon, E. 1979
C
Nutrition, work, and demographic behavior in rural
Philippine households. Working paper no. 308, Economic
Growth Center, Yale University, January.

This paper discusses the methods used to collect data
for one round of a multipurpose study of households
in Laguna, Philippines focusing on fertility, health,
time allocation, and home and market production of
various household members. Data were collected on 99
households using survey methods.

Income and expenditure data were collected by recall
of seven days prior to interview, covering market
work and home production. Six types of activities
were specifically included, but the authors believe
home produced and consumed goods were underreported.

Dietary data were obtained from a 24 hour recall and
a food record which mothers were asked to keep. Food
allocation to different members was measured at these
times, two months apart, but the authors question the
accuracy of the reports.

Time use data were collected by direct observation
and recall. Observers stayed in households all day
and recorded time spent on a list of 30 activities.
Simultaneous activities were recorded separately.
Recall was used to get information on activities away
from home.

Health/nutrition status was measured by weight for
height of children and recall of perceived health
problems in the previous month.


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Time budget results showed men who spent less time in
market production spent more time on home production
(child care, food preparation) and leisure. Women
who spent more time in market production reduced
leisure. Food preparation time was reduced only if
market time exceeded six hours.


B Gillespie, H. H. 1979

Rural women's time use. Studies in Family Planning
10:383-84.

This empirical study used direct observation to
obtain time budget information for women in rural
Nicaragua. The article discusses the benefits of
this research method.

Direct observation obtains data on the time it takes
to do tasks and who does them; this information
cannot be obtained by recall methods. In interviews,
respondents tend to report cultural norms rather than
actual behavior. Further, direct observation gives
researchers a fuller understanding of the subjects;
and may suggest new lines of research.

The study observed three types of women: housewives,
potters, and factory workers. About half the factory
workers lived with parents who performed the
household maintenance work.

The study obtained food consumption data by
observation. It found that husbands and children are
served their meals before women, and that special
foods (eggs, meat) are given to men or older male
children.


D Harrington, Judith 1983

Nutritional stress and economic responsibility: a study
of Nigerian women, in Buvinic, Lycette, and McGreevey,
eds., Women and Poverty. Baltimore: John Hopkins
University Press.

This study measures the economic and physical burdens
(due to household maintenance responsibility and to
pregnancy and lactation) of three groups of women in


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Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Nigeria: Yoruba, Benin, and Kano. Data were
obtained from large-scale random sample surveys which
interviewed all adult (over 15) members of each
sample household. A 20% subsample received a more
detailed questionnaire.

The study uses an "index of economics" which uses
women's responses to a series of questions on who
paid for basic household needs. Each item was scored
100 if the woman paid, 0 if anyone else paid, and 50
if the expense was shared.

The author discusses some problems with the index.
It measures specific categories of expenditure rather
than the total budget; it does not reflect different
degree of partial contribution; women may not
accurately report the situation. A further problem
(not mentioned) is that the actual decision to make
it may not rest in the same person. Also, the index
takes no account of possible change in economic
responsibility if members' capacity to pay changes.

A nutritional stress index was developed which was
the total months spent lactating or pregnant as a
percentage of total reproductive life (months since
first birth).


A B Haugerud, Angelique 1979
C
Methodological issues in a study of resource allocation
decisions among Embu farmers. Working paper no. 357,
Institution for Development Studies, University of
Nairobi, Kenya, July.

This paper discusses the methods used and their
rationale in an economic anthropological study of
resource allocation in a coffee and cotton growing
zone of rural Kenya. (See Haugerud 1981a and 1981b,
Section III for results.)

The author argues that survey techniques must be
combined with participant observation to obtain
meaningful information. Economic models must include
the social and cultural constraints on decision
making and on the range of choices open to
households, and the multiple objectives of many
economic decisions. In LDCs some market relations
are culturally determined by age, sex, and status.


Section IIP page 13










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


In the present study, the author spent 2.5 years in
participant observation which permitted development
of questionnaires with the local names for things and
adapted to local conditions.

Data were collected on income, expenditure,
agricultural practices, time use, and food
consumption. Interviews were conducted weekly on
production, consumption, gifts in and out, and time
allocation. Food consumption data were obtained from
every woman who cooked. Time use data were obtained
by recall, but checked by direct observation of
household members at random and purposely selected
times.


C Horowitz, Grace 1980

Intrafamily distribution of food and other resources.
Report to the Nutrition Economics Group, OICD, USDA,
Washington, D.C. July.

This paper summarizes a large number of studies of
intrafamily food distribution (IFFD) and discusses
their methodological shortcomings. The author
suggests these studies are important for designing
and evaluating nutrition interventions. Three major
hypotheses in the literature are (1) inequitable food
distribution is a rational response to an absolute
resource constraint; (2) it is due to maladaptive
food taboos and beliefs; (3) it is a problem of
behavior, separate from these, with causes to be
determined.

Methods used to determine IFFD include dietary
recall, records and diaries, food frequencies and
other shortcut methods. Problems include accuracy of
recall, validity of data on consumption, and
sometimes lack of knowledge on the part of the
respondent (for example, when people eat from a
common pot or when a mother answers for a child whose
consumption she cannot monitor). Consumption is not
a direct measure of nutritional status.

The author discusses possible mechanisms influencing
IFFD. Positive and negative evidence on the
relationship between women's work for pay and child
nutrition is presented. Seasonality is discussed.


Section IIP page 14










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The author concludes that there is some information
on IFFD, but little information on determinants of
these patterns.

This paper provides a comprehensive summary of the
available literature on intrafamily food allocation.


C Hull, Valerie 1982

Dietary taboos in Java: myths, mysteries and
methodology. Mimeo from the Department of Demography,
Australian National University. 28 pp.

This paper discusses the literature on dietary
beliefs in Java. Most work is based on
questionnaires, not direct observation, so the data
describe normative, not actual behavior. The author
stresses the importance of collecting information on
actual dietary patterns and changes in pregnancy,
lactation, and at other times in the life cycle. She
cites two studies which give conflicting evidence
about the preferential distribution of food to
children, and states her own observation that
children are preferentially treated in Java.


B Johnson, Alan 1975

Time allocation in a Machinguenga community.
Ethnology 14:301.

This important and widely cited article details a
method for collecting data on time use and reports
results of this method used in a study of Peruvian
Amazonian Indians.

Data were collected on a sample of 13 households
containing 105 members from June 1972 through August
1973.

The method entailed spot checks of activities of all
household members at various times throughout the day
and on different days of the week. Predefined
categories of activity were not used. Observers
described whatever activities were taking place at
the time of the visit before household members became
aware of their presence. Activities of members not
present were recorded based on interviews with those


Section II* page 15










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


present. Activities were recorded in longhand and
then coded on computer cards in the field. The
households sampled, times, and days of the visits
were randomly selected. Times of observation were
limited to between 6 a.m. and 7 p.m.

The study found significant differences in types of
productive work performed by men and women, but no
significant difference in the amount of time spent in
Idle (vs. productive) activity.


B King-Quizon, Elizabeth 1978

Time allocation and home production in rural Philippine
households, Philippine Economic Journal 17236:185-202.

This article reports a study of time use in Laguna,
Philippines rural households. Data collection
methods are described and results presented.

Data on time use were col elected from adults in the
sample households by recall over the past week for
nonseasonal activities and for a longer period for
seasonal activities. Estimates were given of hours
per week spent. Leisure time was calculated as the
residual after market and home production were
accounted. In addition, direct observation of
households was conducted in three 24-hour visits over
8 months. It was assumed that the direct observation
method was more accurate. Comparison of the two
methods found observation measured more than three
times as much market production time of children as
recall, because parents view children's work as
leisure or training.

The study found that fathers who work fewer hours in
the market devote more time to home production,
including child care and food preparation, and to
leisure. The same pattern was observed for mothers.
Presence of an infant increased women's home work
time by three hours per day, but a large number of
children increased parents' leisure (perhaps because
older children could take on some work).

Time allocation is affected by market wages (which
alter the opportunity cost of home production);


Section IIP page 16










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


education; age (market and home production increase
with age until children become productive, then they
decrease); seasonal change.

The data indicate that home production is
economically more important than market production.


D Leacock, E. 1978

Women's status in egalitarian society: implications for
social evolution. California 19 (June):247-75.

This article reviews some of the empirical and
theoretical literature on women's autonomy in various
cultures. The author suggests that much research
tends to overstate women's loss of autonomy with
modernization because of the researchers' own bias.
The notion of female autonomy is difficult to
operationalize because it tends to force polarization
of authority where this may be inappropriate.


B McSweeney, B. G. 1979

Collection and analysis of data on rural women's time
use. Studies in Family Planning 10:379-83.

This article describes in detail the methods used for
a study of rural women's, men's, and children's time
use in Upper Volta and reports results on the sexual
division of labor in minutes per task. The study was
to be used in planning an education project for
women.

Data were collected by interview of a random sample
of 30 women on resources, time allocation, the
effects of technological change on time use. Data on
time use were collected at three different times of
year by direct observation of the sample women for
the first 14 hours of the day. Activities were
recorded in minutes. Similar data were collected for
five men in each village, and single observations on
five girls and five boys of different ages.

A comparison of observation and recall data found
that recall failed to capture 44% of women's work.


Section II, page 17










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The study found that women spend more hours working
than men and that this pattern begins at age 7. Age
of adult women did not affect their time use.
However, women with co-wives worked fewer hours and
spent more time in leisure (3 hours, compared with
1.75) than monogamous wives. There was a significant
sexual division of labor, with women responsible for
food processing, household work and child care, and
many agricultural tasks, and men responsible for
craft work, community obligations, and some
agricultural work, particularly harvesting crops.


A B Mencher, Joan; Saradamoni, K.; and Panicker, Janaki 1979

Women in rice cultivation: some research tools.
Studies in Family Planning 10:408-12.

This article describes data collection methods used
in a study of rural women's time allocation and
income use in India.

A set of charts was developed which could be filled
out by illiterate women. The time use chart showed
simple pictures representing different activities,
and two schematic pictures of the sun to indicate
morning and afternoon. Women were asked to mark the
box for each activity they performed in a given day.
The income chart showed simple pictures of household
members (man, woman, younger man and woman, girl and
boy) with spaces to mark for each rupee earned by
each member; or one unit of payment in kind (standard
units are used).

The charts were supplemented with visits by literate
but not highly educated women data collectors who met
with respondents and reviewed the charts.

Tests showed respondents had no problem understanding
and using the charts.


Section II, page 18










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


B Minge-Klevana, Wanda 1980

Does labor time decrease with industrialization?: a
survey of time allocation studies. CI ranl
Anthropology 21 (June).

This article provides a good review of the methods
used in labor time studies and discusses the
consequences of methodological differences. The
author suggests that studies must define the family,
labor, time spent, and the intensity of labor
performed.

The question whether labor time has decreased with
industrialization is addressed.


A Mitchell, J. C. 1949

The collection and treatment of family budgets in
primitive communities as a field problem. Rhodes-
Livinastone Journal 8:50-56.

This article provides a general discussion of the
problems of collecting data on incomes and
expenditures. The author suggests working with a
list of commodities which might enter household
budgets, and asking about expenditure on these items.
However, the problems of accuracy and statistical
representativeness are acknowledged.


A,B Mueller, Eva 1978

The women's issue in measuring household economic status
and behavior in developing countries. Paper prepared
for the International Center for Research on Women's
Conference on Women in Poverty: What Do We Know?
Washington, D.C., April 30-May 2.

This paper discusses the data which, under the ideal
circumstances, would be needed to analyze the causes
and consequences of women's poverty in developing
countries, acknowledging that no study would have the
resources to obtain it all.

Information is needed which is amenable to
multivariate analysis, which includes women in all


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Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


classes and llifecycle stages, and which documents
employment, support systems* and attitudes of and
toward women.

Employment data must cover seasonal variation, market
and non-market work, and compatibility of work with
other tasks. Time use studies are needed for this.

Measures of support systems must include not just
amounts and values, but the nature of transactions
and their dependability.

Measurement of personal sense of power requires
psychological techniques.

In addition, parallel data on men would help in the
analysis.


A Mueller, Eva 1983

Measuring women's poverty in developing countries, in
Buvinic, Lycette, and McGreevey, eds., Women and
Poverty. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.

This article discusses the problems of measuring
women's economic status. The author suggests that
microlevel data are needed on employment, networks of
support, and social attitudes. These data must be
gathered through personal interviews.

Unpaid household work and "secondary" wage labor of
women are commonly not included in measures of
income; information on these may be obtained by time
allocation studies. Transfer payments are often
important to women's income. Amount and reliability
of transfers must be measured.

The author suggests that psychological testing be
used to measure women's own perceptions of their
personal efficacy and work attitudes. Problems of
implementing such studies are not discussed.


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Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


C Nutrition Economics Group (USDA) 1982

Intra-family food distribution: review of the
literature and policy implications. Draft. Washington,
D.C: Office of International Cooperation and
Development, Technical Assistance Division, March.

This is a very useful paper which presents an
analysis of the possible factors influencing
intrafamily food distribution and then reviews in
some depth the results of several food consumption
surveys. Results are summarized and methodological
problems are discussed.

The paper concludes with a list of information needs
missing from available surveys and needed to
understand intrafamily food distribution. This
includes: complete information on food consumed by
all members, including that eaten away from home;
income related patterns, particularly attitudes
toward the productivity of different household
members and toward their roles, and beliefs about
different kinds of foods.


H Oppong, Christine, and Chevrik, K. 1981

A field guide to research on seven roles of women:
focused biographies. Working paper no. 100, Population
and Labor Policies Programme, May.

This paper suggests an approach to analyzing
unstructured interviewed data on women's roles and
behavior. Seven roles are identified: parental,
occupational, conjugal, domestic, kin, community, and
individual. Each role has three aspects: behavior,
expectations, and role conflict. Each aspect is
divided into various categories: activities, time
use, knowledge, resources, power, and relationships.
A lengthy list of questions relating to each category
is provided. An example of its use in analyzing some
interviews with Ghanaian women is provided.

This framework appears to provide a basis for
exhaustive description rather than systematic
analysis.


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Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


A,D Pahl, Jan 1980

Patterns of money management within marriage. Journal
of Social Policy 9 (July):313-35.

This article distinguishes three types of pattern of
money allocation within marriage: the whole wage
system (husband turns whole wage over to wife), the
allowance system (husband provides fixed allowance to
wife, who has specific responsibilities for household
purchases), and pooling. The author suggests that
both life cycle stage and income level of the
household influence the mechanism used, but states
that causal relationships are not yet known. She
makes the point that the assumption that income is
equitably shared among household members may
underestimate the incidence of poverty which may
exist if some household members are deprived.


B Peluso, Nancy Lee 1979

Collecting data on women's employment in rural Java.
Studies in Fami1y Planning 10 (November/December):
374-78.

This paper describes the research methods used to
obtain information women's economic roles. The
research was conducted in three stages. First,
participant observation of 80 households allowed the
author to understand enough to formulate meaningful
questions for later stages. For each household there
were five full days of participant observation and
weekly follow-up visits for six months. The second
stage was a household survey covering women's
occupation, division of labor and decision-making in
the household, and time allocation. The third stage
was a survey of market women. The author holds that
all stages were essential, the first to provide
overall insight and the others to provide
statistically supported data.


Results of the survey are not discussed.


Section II, page 22










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


D Safilios-Rothschild, Constantina 1969

Family sociology or wives' family sociology?: a cross-
cultural examination of decision-making. Journal of
Marriage and fche Family 31 (May):290-301.

This article reports results of two studies of
decision-making among spouses, one in Athens, Greece
and one in Detroit, Michigan. In Athens, from 250
randomly chosen couples, 133 wives and 177 husbands
were asked whose opinion prevailed in eight
decisions. In Detroit, 160 couples with a child
under age 6 were asked the same questions as wel as
14 others. In Detroit, there was husband-wife
agreement less than half the time. Results were
similar in Athens. This raises the problem of
interpreting the differences in response.

The author suggests there are problems constructing a
power score based on responses to these questions.
Scores generally do not account for relative
importance of decisions, frequency, differential
perception by the spouses. The more general was the
question asked, the less the husband-wife agreement
on who made the decision.

The author concludes with some recommendations for
studying family power: develop the list of decisions
from respondents; include perceptions of importance
and frequency; analyze husbands' and wives' responses
separately; include cultural prescriptions of
behavior in the analysis.


D Safilios-Rothschild, Constantina 1970

The study of family power structure: a review, 1960-
1969. Journal of Marriage and the Family 32:539-52.

This article provides a thorough review and
thoughtful critique of studies of power structure in
the household. First, the author suggests that terms
relating to power, authority, influence, and
decision-making have been used interchangeably in the
literature, but in fact these are separate, related
but not identical concepts. Power is a
multidimensional concept that is measured indirectly
in terms of behavioral outcome. However, power can


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be thought of on many levels, from who wins a
particular disagreement to who determines the nature
of winning.

Most studies of power have concentrated on decision-
making. A problem with these studies is that the
choice of which decisions to investigate will affect
results. Studies vary widely in the nature of the
decisions chosen and their specificity or generality.
Therefore comparisons across studies are not valid.
Overall "power scores" based on numbers of decisions
made can also not be compared, since the composition
of the score will be different in each case. Further,
such scores do not account for the relative
importance and frequency of different decisions, but
weight them all the same.

Most studies rely on the wife's responses alone, yet
in several cases where both husband and wife were
interviewed, discrepancy between husbands' and wives'
responses ranged from 15-30% to 55-76%. Generally
women attribute more power to themselves, while men
perceive decision-making as more egalitarian. Use of
children's responses is also invalid, since
children's perceptions of decision-making are
affected by age and sex.

A methodological controversy is whether decision-
making can be studied by survey or requires
observation. Survey methods are often criticized,
but this paper argues that questionnaire responses
are not any less accurate than observed behavior.
Studies have shown that behavior varies based on the
sex of the observer: wives were more actively
involved in decision-making when the observer was
female. A number of aspects of decision-making are
not amenable to study: for example, careful timing
of decision, effects of repetition, strategies of
giving in to build up 'capital' for later.

The author holds that theories of family power are
limited in scope and focus on a few determining
variables rather than an integrated system.


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Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


D Safilios-Rothschild, Constantina no date

Female power, autonomy and domestic decision-making as
it relates to the division of labor. Mimeo from the
University of California, Santa Barbara.

This paper is a discussion of women's power within
the household. Power is defined as self-
determination and access to the same life options as
men. Power may be derived from men, but this
continues dependency; it may be derived from women's
collective activity or through individual
achievement. Women's power decreases men's power.
In some--e.g., Caribbean and Latin American--
settings* when women's power increases, men withdraw
from family responsibilities, but in other cases,
women's power results in more equitable division of
labor and decision-making.

The author suggests that study of female power should
be by observation and interview rather than by formal
survey; that men and women must be interviewed
separately; and that studies should be longitudinal
to capture the dynamics of change.


A,B Sajogyo, P., et al. 1978

Studying rural women in West Java. Studies in Family
Planning 1&:364-70.

This very useful article discusses methods used in a
study of the role of women in rural household
economies in Java. The study collected data on
division of labor (paid and unpaid), household
income, expenditure, and consumption, production
technology used, decision-making role of women,
interhousehold relationships, and aspirations of
rural women.

Research design was structured around measurement of
time allocation of all household members, by means of
repeated interviews over a 12-month period. The
research relied on a short reference period to
preserve accuracy. Information was obtained by
structured interview and observation and by informal


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Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


interviews, case studies, and participant-
observation. To avoid distortion in the direction of
cultural norms, questions focused on specific recent
events rather than general practices.

The sample consisted of 120 households in two
villages. Households were visited by the same
interviewer monthly; the questionnaires were
administered at separate times to avoid fatigue.
Time allocation, income, and consumption were
measured using a 24-hour and a one-month reference
period. Decision-making was measured by informal
interview.

Analysis showed that 24-hour recall resulted in a 30
to 60% higher measure of time spent in income-earning
activities than 30-day recall. This has serious
implications for accuracy of survey data.

The authors point out that even with a small sample,
the amount of detailed data collected was enormous
and hard to manage. They stress the advantage of
having qualitative data about the culture and
community.


C Sharman, Anne 1980

Dietary choice and resource allocation by household and
household members. Paper presented at the 79th Annual
Meeting of the American Anthropological Association,
December.

This paper reports results of a three-year
participant-observation study of 40 urban, black,
low-income households in the U.S., focusing on
dietary pattern and food consumption. The author
holds that, in this population, individual
characteristics and personal history affect diet more
than categories such as race and income class.
Significant variation in number of meals and type of
food was found among members of single households.


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Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


A,C Tripp, Robert B. 1981
D
Farmers and traders: some economic determinants of
nutritional status in northern Ghana. Journal of
Tropical Pediatrics 21:15-22.

This article reports results of an investigation of
factors resulting in good nutritional status of
children in a subsistence farming and trading region
of Ghana. Data on economic activities and social
structure were collected by participant observation
and interview. Anthropometric measurements were
obtained on 187 children from 124 farming units.

In this area, men farm, and work for wages in the dry
season. Women farm, do food preparation and child
care, and trade. Women and men agree that women
usually spend their profit from trade on family food.

The study found that women's trading had the most
significant impact on economic status and on
nutritional status of children, because it increased
income without greatly reducing time availability.
The author concludes that women's income is more
directly related to children's nutritional status
than men's income.


B UNECA/FAO no date

The role of women in population dynamics related to food
and agriculture and rural development in Africa. United
Nations ECA/FAO, Women's Programme Unit.

This paper describes the relations between food
production, women's roles, and population in rural
Africa. Although women are the primary producers and
processors of food crops, program planners assume
that the "small farmer" is male. In spite of the
major role played by rural women in agricultural
production they lack access to the tools of
development, including technology, credit, and
education. Most agricultural extension and research
is directed to men and focuses on cash crops, thereby
misdirecting information on techniques for improved
food production. Further, increasing cash cropping
adds to women's work burdens.


Section IIP page 27










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Education and employment are the major factors
influencing female fertility, but education's
influence on female fertility depends on the ability
of women to use it in gainful employment or other
community action. "Modern" sector employment
correlates with lower fertility, subsistence
employment with higher fertility.

The paper proposes the "unit of participation" as a
measure of women's labor in various subsistence and
early modernization activities. It is defined as the
percentage of total labor associated with a
particular task that may be attributed to women and
expressed as 1 or a fraction. The unit of
participation, based on the best available data, will
indicate who should receive the benefits of a
particular agricultural project.


G UNFAO (U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization) 1979

Wome n in od Production, Food Handling and Nutrition.
Rome: U.N. Protein Advisory Group Report, June.

This is an extensive report that critically reviews
research on women's economic and social roles and
determinants of food consumption and nutrition in
Africa. It draws on literature from the field of
nutrition and diet, anthropology, sociology, and
program-related research, with numerous detailed
discussions of specific studies. The point is made
that the household should not be the unit of analysis
for program planning, since many functions relating
to food production, preparation, and distribution are
the responsibility of specific individuals within the
household. New methods of data collection are needed
to measure food consumption and nutrition; time
allocation studies should be used both to identify
productive activities and to calculate energy
expenditure. Nutrition and social science techniques
need to be combined.

The report criticizes many widely held myths and
holds that empirical data are needed to confirm or
contradict them. These myths include the detrimental
effect of feeding patterns whereby men eat first, the
detrimental effect of food taboos, the assumption


q


Section II, page 28










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography Section II, page 29


that farmers are usually men, and the assumption that
all household income is equally distributed among
household needs.

Conceptual analysis of determinants of nutritional
status is presented, and recommendations for program
planning are made.


B,G USAID (U. S. Agency for International Development) 1980

The productivity of women in developing countries:
measurement issues and recommendations. Paper prepared
by the International Center for Research on Women for
USAID. 43 pp.

This paper discusses the problem of underreporting of
women's economically productive activities, explains
why it is important to recognize the economic
contributions of women in planning development
projects, and makes recommendations for improving
data on women's work. Numerous studies are cited
that demonstrate the importance of women's home and
market production, and the tendency of women's work
to be underreported in surveys.

An awareness of women's productive roles is important
because of equity considerations (women's needs may
not be met by male-oriented programs), the increasing
prevalence of women-headed households, and the major
contribution of women's work to overall production.

A major issue is recognizing and appropriately
evaluating home production. Problems of assigning
value to non-traded goods and services are discussed,
and different ways of deal ing with the issue in the
literature are described. Time studies are proposed
as the most accurate tool for measuring production,
despite problems of simultaneous activities, variable
intensity of tasks, and lack of interchangeability of
time units. Another issue is the underestimation of
informal sector and seasonal activity which affects
both men and women.

The point is made that analysis of household behavior
ignores the different behaviors and preferences of










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


members. Flaws in the "new household economics"
model are discussed.

A series of specific recommendations for data
collection is presented.


C USDA Nutrition Economics Groups 1982

Intra-family food distribution: review of the
literature and. policy implications. Washington, D.C.:
Office of International Cooperation and Development,
Technical Assistance Division, USDA, March.

This useful paper describes in some detail the
methods and results of four nutrition surveys in
Liberia; Morinda, India; Tamil Nadu; India, and
Nigeria. Methodological problems common to the
surveys are discussed: lack of information on food
consumed away from home, data on all household
members, and patterns related to income level.
Especially, information is needed on the reasons
underlying patterns of food distribution within
families. Examples of such possible reasons include
social and religiously based sex and age bias, role
of community standards, changing economic roles of
household members (especially women), attitudes
toward members seen as unproductive, roles of
different household members in deciding on patterns
of distribution, roles in the decision to sell or
consume food.


E Watts, H. W., and Skidmore, F. 1978

Household structure: necessary changes in
categorization and data collection. Paper prepared for
Conference on Issues in Federal Statistical Needs
Relating. to Women. Bethesda, Md., April.

This brief article suggests that statistical
reporting needs to be revised to accommodate recent
increases in the labor force participation of women,
in sole earners who are female, and in one-person
households. The authors suggest that the U.S. Census
and Current Population Survey use the individual as
the unit of analysis, and indicate household and
family membership as attributes of the individual.
Such a system would permit charting of inter-


Section IIP page 30










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography Section II, page 31


household ties of responsibility (e.g., in divorce)
and would permit an individual to be associated
differently with a family and a household.

(While proposed for the United States, this system
has possibly even greater applicability to developing
nations.)













Section III


B Abdullah, T. A., and Zeidenstein, S. 1975

Socioeconomic implications of HYV rice production on
rural women of Bangladesh. Paper prepared for seminar
on socioeconomic implications of HYV rice, Dacca, April.

This paper first explains the dynamics by which
modernizing agriculture can negatively affect women
by reducing their knowledge base and thus their
economic contribution relative to men. The authors
then provide a detailed breakdown of agricultural and
processing tasks performed by women in Bangladesh to
show that the census estimate of 10.8% economically
active women is a gross understatement.

The authors hold that, given the involvement of women
in production, it is appropriate to train and provide
technology to women, but that usually activities are
shifted to the male sphere when they become
profitable. This has the further disadvantage of
reducing income-earning opportunities for women.


D Abeille, Barbara 1979

A study of female life in Mauritania. Paper prepared
for the USAID Office of Women in Development,
Washington, D.C., July.

This paper provides descriptive information on
women's roles, based on informal interviews with key
informants.

An increasing number of girls now go to school, and
women are increasingly entering paid employment.
Women nominally can manage their own property and
business, but working women report asking their
husbands' advice on decisions and sharing their
incomes by pooling or by paying some expenses.

Women have no decision-making power in their personal
lives until after they have been married. The father
decides most issues before marriage, then the
husband. After one divorce, women have more say in
choosing their next partner.










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


People now express a desire for daughters as well as
sons to finish school so as to have financial
independence.


A B Acharya, Meena, and Bennett, Lynn 1981
D
The Rural Women of Nepal: An Aggregate Analysis and
Summary of Eight Village Studies. Vol. 2, part 9.
Centre for Economic Development and Administration,
Tribhuvan University, Katmandu, Nepal.

This book describes the methods and summarizes the
results of an intensive eight-village study of
women's roles in Nepal, which has been published in
eight separate volumes.

Eight villages were selected for maximum cultural
variation. One researcher lived in each village for
the period of the study; data were collected by
participant observation, informal guided interviews
of key informants, and structured interviews covering
demographics, assets, income, production,
expenditure, employment, credit, decision-making, and
attitudes toward male and female roles. Decision-
making was measured by asking senior males about four
stages in the process: suggesting, deciding,
implementing, and disagreeing. Thirty-five randomly
selected households in each village were included in
the surveys. Of these, 24 per village were selected
for time allocation study by direct observation using
the random spot-checking method.

The study found that, accounting for home as well as
market production, women's contribution to household
income is 15% higher than men's, although cash income
is 73% less. The labor burden of women is 10.81
hours/day, compared with 7.51 for men. Work burdens
for both sexes were lower in extended households than
they were in nuclear households, and burden varied by
position in the family. Junior married males worked
the longest among males; among females, young
daughters-in-law worked the longest hours, and adult
unmarried women put in the most hours in paid labor.

Villages were distinguished by the rigidity of the
dichotomy between women's and men's spheres of
activity. The study found that men predominated in
decision-making where the dichotomy was strong, while


Section III, page 2










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


roles were more equal or women predominated where the
dichotomy was weak. Women were more likely to
initiate suggestions than to make the final decision.
Women were responsible for 40% of household labor
allocation decisions; in 47% of households women kept
the household cash, and in 39% men kept it.
Agricultural decisions by women were commensurate
with their time in agricultural production.

This book and the eight separate studies are an
enormously rich source of data. Detailed
methodological descriptions are given.


A B Adefolu Akinbode, I.; Owazi, 0. C.; and Olay, W. C. 1982

Women participation in selected rural development
programmes in the northern states of Nigeria. Journal
of Rural Development 5:109-32.

This article reports the results of a study of
determinants of women's participation in rural
development programs and briefly reviews literature
on women's economic roles in Nigeria and other
countries of sub-Saharan Africa.

The literature suggests that women have separate
economic spheres from men and that most women engage
in commercial activities to have money of their own.
This is true even of secluded Muslim wives in
northern Nigeria, whose husbands and children obtain
raw materials for them and market their products.

In the reported study, 348 women from five states
that had female extension programs were interviewed.
The study found 87.5% participated. Women, not men,
made the decision. Participation was related to
literacy, number of children, occupation and income
of the woman, and occupation of her husband.


Section III, page 3










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


A B Agular, Neuma 1976

Brazilian families and households in different systems
of production. Paper presented for Center for Research
on Women in Higher Education and Development, Wellesley
College Conference on Women in Development, Wellesley,
Mass., June.

This paper describes control of income and patterns
of labor force participation in households living on
plantations and in nearby roadside squatter
settlements, with comparative data from an urban
slum. Data were collected by recorded interviews of
about 50 minutes with women from the sample
households (N not reported).

On plantations, housing is provided to families.
Only the head is required to work, but large families
are favored in hiring because women and children also
contribute labor. Women who work in the fields
combine this with child care and household tasks;
women engaged in factory-style processing delegate
these tasks to their daughters. Women's work results
in more family participation, including the husband,
in home tasks, under the woman's management.

Women working in the home generally manage the family
finances; women working outside the home leave this
to their husbands. Single women are more likely to
work outside the home than married women.

In the roadside settlement, married women are more
likely to work outside the home. Children also work
and contribute all their earnings to the household.


A B Ahmad, Parveen 1980
DE
Income Earning as Related to the Changing Status of
Vil lage Women in Bangladesh: A Case Study. Dacca:
Women for Women Study and Research Group.

This short book reports results of a study of women's
work for pay in a rural village (population 700) 17
miles from Dacca. Of the 100 families in the


Section III# page 4










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


village, 95% had at least one woman working for pay.
Twenty households from each of three religious groups
(Muslim, Hindu, Christian) were selected; one working
woman and one male adult from each household were
interviewed.

The study provides a rich description of attitudes
toward women's work, economic benefits, and status
and decision-making power of working women. Most
women work because of stringent economic need; about
40% of Muslim and Hindu women, and 60% of Christian
women say they spend their earnings according to
their own decisions. This varies by type of
expenditure.

Both men and women agreed that women's income
improved the household's well-being. Except for women
employed as domestic servants, neither men nor women
felt women's paid work reduced their status. Almost
all men said they preferred their wives to work.
Most women worked at home, however, in handicrafts
and food processing; only 3% had salaried work
outside. Most women said their daughters should work
for pay before marriage.

Sexual division of labor is not very sharp in the
village. About half the women said they get help in
household work from the family; 60% of men reported
they help with housework.

The chain of male authority is not visibly altered,
however, and most widows and divorcees live with a
brother or their parents rather than become a
household head.


A B Alberti, Analia 1982

Some observations of the productive role of women and
development efforts in the Andes. Paper prepared for
WID workshop "Women, Work, and Public Policy," Center
for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, Cambridge, March.

This paper describes the sexual division of labor in
a highland area of Ecuador, and suggests that
development projects that fail to account for


Section III, page 5










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


secondary impacts on labor demand will fail, because
of constraints on participation. Several projects
are analyzed in these terms.

The author reports that each individual in the
household controls his or her own earnings. Adult
children usually contribute a part of their incomes
to the household but save the rest.

The importance of participant-observation as a
preliminary to structured data collection is
stressed.


E Basson, P. 1982

The domestic productivity in Mali, and female-headed
households of rural Jordan. Ecology of Food and
Nutrition 12:75-78.

This article reports results of a study of women's
productivity in nine villages and a refugee camp in
northwestern Jordan. Interviews were conducted with
350 randomly selected married women; in each
location, three families were revisited over a 10-
month period to provide observational checks on
reported information. Productivity was defined as
preservation of food for later use.

By this narrow definition, women living alone were
more productive than those with families. The number
of children under age six was negatively correlated
with productivity; the number of children over six
and other members was positively correlated. Wage
laborers had slightly lower productivity than cottage
laborers.


B C Batiwala, S. 1981

Rural energy scarcity and nutrition: a new perspective.
Economic and Political Weekly 17:329-33.

This interesting article argues that an alternative
approach to alleviating malnutrition is to address
energy cost rather than to try to raise food
consumption.


Section IIIs page 6










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Data from a large-scale survey (3500 persons, 560
households) of rural technology were used to estimate
caloric energy use of household members. Women
contributed 53% of the energy, men 31%, and children
16%. Most energy was spent on survival task such as
getting water and firewood; this exceeded energy use
in agriculture.

Women reported that the distribution of sorghum (the
staple) in the household was 2 to 1 to .5 for men,
women, and children. The author suggests that the
introduction of appropriate technology to reduce
women's energy expenditure is more feasible than
altering distribution patterns.


B E Berleant-Schiller, R. no date

Production and division of labor in a West-Indian
peasant community. American Ethnologist 4:253-72.

This article describes household structure, labor
allocation, and patterns of inheritance in one
village in the Lesser Antilles Leeward Islands.
Methods of data collection are not described.

The household is a group of individuals who pool and
share their products. Residence, not kinship,
defines the group.

Both men and women engage in subsistence production,
but household work is exclusively women's. Children
over age 6 contribute significant labor to the
household; by age 11, boys cease to perform household
tasks. Child fosterage is common; it is seen as a
benefit to the receiving household.

Inheritance is generally based on past active
participation in the household, not on sex or kinship
i nes.


Section III, page 7










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


B Billings, Martin, and Singh, Arjan 1970.

Mechanization and the wheat revolution: effects on
female labour in the Punjab. Economic and Political
Weekly 5:169-74.

This article describes the effects of the
introduction of high-yielding varieties of wheat and
of mechanical threshing and reaping on women's work.
Results are from a survey, but the method is not
described.

The study found that women's participation in farm
work declined, and that opportunities for women's
paid agricultural labor were reduced. Women were
more able to shift to other kinds of employment if
they were literate.


F Blood, R. 0., and Hamblin, R. 1958

The effect of the wife's employment on family power
structure. Social Forces 30:May, 347-52.

This much-cited article describes results of a study
of the effects of the wife's labor force
participation on her role in decision-making in
households in the U.S. A sample of 50 couples was
interviewed, each member separately about his or her
expectations regarding authority, the number of
suggestions each initiated which were implemented,
and the share of housework each performed. The
authors' hypothesis is that power is correlated with
expectations of power.

The study found working wives and their husbands were
more likely to have egalitarian expectations of
power. Working wives had more of their suggestions
implemented, but the difference was not significant.
The husbands of working wives did more housework on
average, but this was not true of all of them. In
the sample, the wives had worked four years or less.


Section IIIP page 8










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Boulding, Elise 1975

Women, bread and babies: directing aid to Fifth World
farmers. International Women's Year Studies on Women,
Paper #4. Institute of Behavior Science, University of
Colorado, March.

This paper provides a quite general discussion of the
importance of women's work in production in Africa
and its tendency to be underestimated. Aggregated
data indicating women's economic activity and status
in 33 African countries are presented. A list of the
program-related needs of women are presented.


B Brandtzaeg, Brita 1982

Women and post-harvest food conservation. Food and
Nutrition Bulletin 4:33-40.

This article reviews several studies showing that
women work more hours per day than men when home and
market production are counted, and that labor-saving
implements are often disproportionately available to
men.

The author identifies food preparation and processing
as an area of women's activity in which new
technology could reduce their workload without
displacing them.


E Brown, B., and Brookfield, H. C.

Chimbu settlement and residences: a study of patterns,
trends and idiosyncrasy.

This article reports results of an eight-year study
of changes in the residence pattern of family groups
among the Naregu tribe of Chimbus, a subsistence
agricultural group.

At the beginning of the study, men and women were
living separately: men communally, and women each
with their children. Boys at age 10 moved in with
their fathers. The trend has been for men to live


Section III, page 9










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


with their wives and children. The authors suggest
that economic progress has resulted in the
requirement for more labor at home, because the
number of pigs owned by households has increased.


B Brown, J. 1970

A note on the division of labor by sex. American
Anthropologist 72:1073-78.

This article suggests that the division of labor by
sex in subsistence economies is determined by the
compatibility of a given activity with child care,
and that women's maximum economic potential is
reached when the criterion of compatibility is met.
Features which make work compatible with child care
are: close to home, not dangerous, easily
interrupted and resumed, and requiring little
concentration.

This hypothesis has been widely criticized both
because these features are characteristic of low-
paying, low-productivity work and because many
traditional women's activities in agriculture and
home production do not meet the criterion.


A B Burfisher, Mary, and Horenstein, Nadine 1982

Division of labor and income on the farm: a framework
for analyzing differential impacts of development
projects on [women and] men. Paper prepared for
USDA/ERS/International Economics Division/Africa and
Middle East Branch, January.

This paper describes the effects of a large-scale
agricultural improvement program on sex-specific
income, labor, and task-allocation. The project was
undertaken among the Tiv of east-central Nigeria, a
subsistence agricultural group. Within the
household, goods and labor are exchanged or sold for
cash, and loans are made with interest; resources are
not pooled. Traditionally, the person with the
greatest labor input controls disposition of the
crop; different crops are associated with men and
women.


Section III, page 10










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The study found that technological change affected
the demand for different kinds of labor differently.
The authors suggest that an increased demand for one
party's labor on a crop controlled by the other will
jeopardize the acceptance of an innovation. In this
case, women spent their time on the crops which they
controlled.

Another issue is that increased profitability of
crops may result in displacement of women by men.
This occurred with rice in the 1970s, and is
happening with cassava and watermelon now.

Projects must be analyzed in terms of sex-specific
distribution of labor and income, and in terms of
sex-specific barriers to and motivations for
participation.


B Burton, M.; Brudner, L.; and White, D. 1977

A model of the sexual division of labor. American
Ethnologist 4:227-51.

This article reviews previous attempts to explain
division of labor by sex, and summarizes them in two
principles: women's work occurs relatively closer to
home and involves less dangerous tasks than men's.
The authors add two other considerations: that the
same sex will perform adjacent asks in a given
production sequence, and that men will be more
engaged in raw material production because raw
materials are found in nature, that is, distance from
the household.

The authors test the model with data on 50 tasks from
185 societies in a standard cross-cultural sample.
Their results do.not contradict the predictions of
the model. In addition, they report that women's
participation in agriculture is facilitated by early
supplementary feeding of infants, supporting the
notion that child-bearing and nursing are major
constraints on women's activities.


Section III, page 11










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography Section III, page 12


E Butz, William and Stan, P. J. E. 1982

Interhousehold transfers and household structure in
Malaysia. Population and Development Review 8 (Suppl.),
92-115.

This article uses data from the Malaysian Family Life
Survey to describe resource transfers (time, money
and goods) between households. Detailed information
on household composition makes it possible to
identify age and sex groups receiving different kinds
of transfers.

Transfers are a major source of income, especially in
low-income households. Nuclear households are
involved in more transfers than extended, presumably
because incorporation in the household masks the
transfers.

The study finds systematic differences in recipients
of different types of transfers. Older household
heads receive money and time (services) from their
children; household heads transfer more to their
parents than they receive from their children.
Parents give time to children, but receive money from
them. Chinese household heads receive more support
from their children than Malays; Malays exchange
money and goods more, while Chinese households
exchange time.


E Buvinic, Mayra, and Youssef, Nadia 1978

Women-headed households: the ignored factor in
development planning. Report submitted to USAID Office
of Women in Development, Washington, D.C.

This lengthy report is a rich source of information
on the causes and circumstances of female-headed
households in developing countries. Numerous
empirical studies are cited in detail, and census
data from various countries are analyzed for
indications of the prevalence of female headship.
The authors explain the importance of this phenomenon
for targeting development aid appropriately. They
stress that the assumption that traditional societies










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


automatically protect women is not supported
empirically. Studies must recognize that ideal
behavior often departs from what really happens.

The authors distinguish between de facto and legally
recognized women-headed households. De facto female
headship results from migration, desertion, and
polygamy. Census data tend to understate the
proportion of women-headed households, partly because
of the cultural bias in reporting "head of
household." The figure is now estimated to be
between 25 and 33% of all households worldwide. This
figure varies widely by country and region.

Various types of female-headed households in
different regions are described, based on empirical
studies, in terms of their age, composition, and
strategies for survival. Women and children in
female-headed households are more likely to work
outside the home.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, consensual unions
are common and less stable than legal marriage; in
much of Asia, the large age difference between
husbands and wives results in widespread early
widowhood. Divorce is common in a number of
societies in Africa, but men are more likely to
remarry these women.

Problems of measuring the prevalence of female-headed
households are discussed. A table divides countries
into groups by proportion of probable female-headed
households.


B C Cain, Mead; Khanam, S. R.; and Nahar, S. 1979
E
Class, patriarchy, and women's work in Bangladesh.
Population and Development Review 5 (September).

This lengthy article provides a detailed discussion
of the patriarchal social structure in Bangladesh and
its effects on women's home production, labor force
participation and wages, economic security, and
status. Males control productive resources,
including women's labor. The results of a study of
114 households in Mymensingh district are also
reported. Twenty-four hour time budgets were
collected by retrospective interview for every


Section III, page 13










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


household member over age four every 15 days for a
year. The authors argue that time allocation is the
only way to study work roles of women because home
production is non-monetized, and much labor is home-
or family-based.

The study found women and men work about 8.3 hours
per day, of which 85% is allocated to home production
for women and 64% is allocated to wage and
agricultural work for men. Poorer men do more wage
work; men from landed households do agricultural
work. In better-off households men work fewer total
hours; there is no difference for women.

Sexual division of labor is rigid. Women's market
work does not affect men's home production. There
are fewer wage opportunities for women than men, and
wages are lower. Child care, exclusively a woman's
responsibility, reduces labor force participation.
Women are thus dependent on men for support.

The authors report qualitative evidence that males,
especially adult males, are favored in household food
distribution, since men eat first. Women often forgo
their inheritance rights to obtain favor from
brothers in case of widowhood. Women's greatest
security is to have sons.

Women's work time varies by status in the household:
new daughters-in-law work 9.7 hours; wives with
children, 8.3 hours; and mothers (of household head),
5.1 hours.

The authors report that nuclear families are becoming
the norm in Bangladesh, and that traditional family
support networks for women are breaking down.


C Carloni, Alice Stewart 1981

Sex disparities in the distribution of food within rural
households. Food and Nutrition Bulletin 7:3-12.

This article reviews the evidence from several
studies of food distribution within households, and
discusses possible explanatory factors.

The author suggests that absolute security increases
sex bias in food distribution. Some cases are cited.


Section III, page 14










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Control over distribution of food may increase
access, meal patterns are a factor. If men eat
separately, they may not be aware of the deprivation
of women and children. If members eat from a common
pot, older children may compete with younger ones.
Finally, a determinant of food distribution is the
perception of the needs of household members and of
their ultimate economic value.


B D Cernea, Michael 1978

Macrosocial change, feminization of agriculture, and
peasant women's threefold economic role. Sociologia
Ruralis 18:107-24. World Bank Reprint Series, #98.

This article discusses the effects of economic
modernization on women's economic and social role in
the Romanian peasant population.

Rapid industrialization has resulted in rural
outmigration of men, so that women are now the main
agricultural labor force, and older women are drawn
back into economic activity.

Leisure has not increased. Women spend more time in
child care and food preparation, as well as
agricultural work. Women's decision-making power has
increased because of the absence, for much of the
time, of men.


A B Chambers, Robert, and Moris, Jon, eds. 1973
CD
Mwea. An Irrigated Rice Settlement in Central Kenya.
Munich: Weltforumverlag Afrikastudien. 350 pp.

This book provides an in-depth analysis of a large-
scale resettlement scheme which moved 2500 tenants
onto 11,500 acres of newly irrigated riceland. The
ecology of the area, history, and organization of the
scheme are described. Detailed information was
obtained by surveys about tenant performance,
household budgets, and the different roles of women
and men, and on food consumption (household-level),
health and nutritional status.

The study found that although household income
increased on the scheme, nutritional status declined.


Section III, page 15










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Protein and riboflavin deficiencies were observed.
This was partly because tenants are paid seasonally
rather than monthly, so that cash ran out before the
next season, and because households accustomed to
subsistence agriculture are reluctant to use cash for
food. Households consumed little milk and meat,
eggs, and vegetables.

Traditionally, there was a clear sexual division of
labor and responsibility, by which women engaged in
food production along with child care and household
maintenance (water, firewood). Women worked on men's
cash crops, whose revenues the husband controlled,
but sold surplus from the food garden for cash which
they controlled.

In the scheme, tenat households deal with the
administration through the male "head," who is paid
for the whole family's work. Women spend more time
(unremunerated) on rice, less on their own food
gardens. Further, firewood is less available, so
women must purchase it, a further drain on their
reduced budgets. Because of resettlement,
traditional support of friends and relatives in child
care and housework is no longer available.

This report demonstrates that an increase in
household real income may not improve health and
nutrition if income control is shifted and changes in
household labor burdens are not acknowledged.


B E Chaney, E., and Lewis, M. 1980

Women, migration and the decline of smallholder
agriculture. Paper presented for USAID, office of Women
in Development, Washington, D.C.

This paper reviews in some detail a large number of
studies from many countries of rural-to-urban
migration, its effects on the distribution of labor
in agriculture, and agriculture productivity under
varying conditions. The authors describe a common
situation in developing countries whereby a high
percentage of adult males leaves the rural area, and
women take over men's agricultural tasks in addition
to their own. Possible consequences are reduced
agricultural productivity, because of the greater
burden and fewer resources (credit, modern inputs)


Section III, page 16










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


available to men; also, income and cash remittances
may be more likely to be spent on food and
consumption needs than agricultural investment in
these de facto women-headed households. In some
cases, land is not adequately maintained, so women's
dependence on men increase; eventually women may also
migrate, and agriculture declines.

The authors discuss the need for empirical data on
women's agricultural roles in the absence of the men
who have migrated, and the difficulty of collecting
the information because women's agricultural work is
often not recognized and not monetized. Several
studies are cited showing the major productive role
of women and the problem of measuring it because of
inaccurate reporting even by the women themselves.

The authors recommend more agricultural assistance
for rural women left behind by migration. Also, more
information is needed on the reasons women stay
behind when men migrate.


C Chaudury, Raliqul Huda 1983

Determinants of intrafamilial distribution of food and
nutrient intake in a rural area of Bangladesh.
Monograph (draft), Bangladesh Institute of Development
Economics, Dacca, February.

This paper reports results of a 12-month survey of
108 households (572 individuals) in a village in
Bangladesh. Data were obtained by observation, food
weighing, and interview on food consumption, cost,
source, and intrafamily allocation; on time use by
all members over age 5. The latter was used to
calculate caloric needs of household members adjusted
for both body weight and actual activity level.

The study found that caloric adequacy in these terms
was not determined simply by sex, but also by age and
position in the household. Women aged 15-30 are
least likely to meet their caloric needs, possibly
because they are new wives not yet established in the
household, and possibly because many in the group are
pregnant or lactating. Among older adults and
children aged 1-3, females met their needs more than
men.


Section III, page 17










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


In larger households, caloric adequacy is greater for
all males under 30; over 30, it is greater for women.
In the lean season, though, caloric adequacy is
higher for males in almost all age groups. Among
households that produce their own food, all members
receive more food.

Household caloric adequacy does not predict caloric
adequacy of individual members.


B Chen, Marty 1982

Interaction of sex and class in women's work
participation. Paper prepared for WID workshop on
Women, Work and Public Policy, Center for International
Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, March.

This paper describes the main income-generating
activities on a Bangladesh farm and the role of
women's work in each. The author states that much of
women's work is not recognized. Men control sale of
produce and purchasing for the household; women do
small-scale tracking through their children.

The sexual division of labor is rigid across all
classes, but in poorer households women work outside
the home and even outside the village. Capital-
intensive development has eliminated some women's
work, such as rice milling.

Methods of data collection are not described.


C Chen, L.; Huq, E.; and D'Souza, S. 1981

Sex bias in the family allocation of food and health
care in rural Bangladesh. Population and Development
Review 1:55-70.

This article describes and reports results of a
careful, detailed study to test the hypothesis that
the higher mortality rate of girls than boys aged 1-4
in a rural village in Bangladesh is due to sex bias
in allocation of food and health care.

The study used records of the International Centre
for Diarrheal Disease Research on births, deaths, and
diarrheal treatment of 882 households with children


Section III, page 18










Intrahouseho}d Allocation Bibliography


under age 5. These households were surveyed to
obtain baseline data on socioeconomic and
anthropometric status of household members. A sample
of 130 Muslim families was selected for in-depth one-
year longitudinal study, including 24-hour individual
and household food consumption, anthropometry,
morbidity, and assets, income, and expenditure. Food
consumption was measured by weighing raw food and by
direct observation of the volume of food as served,
the household's utensils having been measured
previously.

The study found female mortality exceeded male
mortality between ages 1 and 44, the difference
declining with age. Male mortality was higher in
infants and in adults aged 45-64. Severe and
moderate malnutrition (weight- and height-for-age)
were much higher among female children; male caloric
and protein consumption was greater than female in
all age groups. Rates of infection were
(insignificantly) lower for girls. Incidence of
diarrhea did not vary by sex, but males were treated
66% more often than females. This pattern persisted
to age 14, after which females used health services
more.

The authors suggest that sex bias in food and health
care allocation is due to the expected economic
contribution of sons. The study found women
distribute family food, that men rarely made explicit
requests for more food, and that typically families
ate the evening meal together. Women denied that
they allocated food differently based on sex, but
said they would favor males in conditions of
scarcity.


A C Ciparisse, Gerard 1978
E
An anthropological approach to socioeconomic factors of
development: the case of Zaire. Current Anthropology
19:37-41.

This article describes the allocation of resources
among household members in rural Zaire. The primary
economic unit is the clan; nuclear units have little
importance. Consumption goods are allocated based on
age: elders receive most; women and children receive
least.


Section IIIP page 19










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Women work the land of their husband's clan, but give
gifts and assistance to their own clan. Children are
also given to their mother's clan. Women sell crafts
for cash to support their own and their children's
needs.

In this setting, benefits are distributed based on
rank, not productivity, so, the author holds, there
is no economic incentive for progress.


C Clark, Carol 1981

Demographic and socioeconomic correlates of infant
growth in Guatemala. Santa Monica, Cal.: Rand Note
N-1702-AID/RF, September.

This paper reports results of a regression analysis
of survey data from four Guatemalan villages, to
explore the factors determining that larger
households are more likely to have malnourished
children. The hypothesis is that child growth is
affected by the mother's health (milk supply), time
(influenced by other siblings), and resources.

The study found that male children had higher rates
of growth than females. Length of breast-feeding
positively related to growth. For children 6 to 12
months old, growth was negatively related to the
number of children under six and the number over 15.
For infants up to six months, number of children
under six was negatively correlated, but over 15 was
positively correlated with growth.


B C Clark, Carol 1979

Women's work and child nutrition. Paper presented at
Latin American seminar on the Interrelation of
Malnutrition, Population and Social and Economic
Development, Guatemala, September.

This paper discusses the.possible dynamics of the
relationship between women's labor force
participation and children's nutritional status, and
reviews several studies which address the issue.

Both time and material resources are essential to
child survival; to some extent, time and goodsare


Section III, page 20










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


substitutable. The question is under what conditions
the increased income of mothers makes up for the
reduced time available. Some determinants of the
tradeoff are the presence of other sources, income in
the household (including other wage-earners), the
productivity of women in paid work and in child care,
compatibility of available paid work with child care,
availability of other child caretakers in the
household, norms of women's and children's behavior,
and child health. Women's paid work may alter the
composition of foods consumed (less labor-intensive,
higher cost, higher quality), and the allocation of
that food (e.g., the woman may receive more food
herself or may be able to allocate the food to the
children), as well as women's use of services such as
health care.

Studies suggest that women reduce labor force
participation where they have young children; those
women who work for pay do so out of economic need.
Thus the association of women's paid work with poor
nutritional status of children is a poverty effect.
Women with children are more likely to work for pay
if other adult women are present in the household.
In some cases, paid work time of women reduces
leisure more than child care time.

Needs for further research are listed.


A B Cloud, Kathleen 1978
CD
Sex roles in food production and distribution systems in
the Sahel. Paper published in International Conference
n Women and Food at the University of Arizona, Tucson.
Distributed by USAID and FDCA, Office of Women in
Development, Washington, D.C., pp. A43-A70.

This paper describes the roles of women in food
production and distribution to make the point that
drought relief and development programs must
recognize the labor burden on women, their critical
role in the food system, and their need for cash
income. Past projects are criticized in this regard:
a program to replace cattle that died in the drought
gave them only to male "household heads," though
women have separate title to cattle from bridewealth,
dowry, and gifts. Also, large irrigation and
resettlement projects have failed to provide


Section III, page 21










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


subsistence farming plots, have channeled income only
to the males and have not provided help for the fuel-
and water-getting activities of women.

The major production systems of the Sahel are
described. Among both sedentary farmers and
transhumant pastoralists, men and women have separate
economic spheres. women are responsible for growing
or fathering most of the food, and for food storing,
processing, preparation, and distribution. Men
control use of cash crops and the income from them;
women control use of surplus from subsistence
activities, but few of their activities generate
cash. Men's income is used for farm inputs, taxes,
and modern goods such as radios, and not usually to
increase food expenditure.


A B Cosminsky, Sheila, and Scrimshaw, Mary no date

Sex roles and subsistence: a comparative analysis of
three Central American communities.

This chapter describes economic and social roles of
women at different lifecycle stages in three
communities: a coastal plantation and a highland
Maya town in Guatemala and a Black Carib population
in Belize.

The authors conclude that economic options for women
vary with their lifecycle stage and that of their
households. Among adults, there is a sexual division
of labor, but mutual dependence. Women's wages are
low, though, so they depend on men for support.
Women's time constraints are more stringent in
nuclear households. Children assist in child care
and homework, until they are old enough (about 15) to
work for wages. Older women gain respect in all
groups, although earnings and autonomy increase only
among plantation women.

A richly detailed description of each society is
given.


Section III, page 22










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


B Deere, Carmen Diana 1982

The division of labor by sex in agriculture: a Peruvian
case study. Economic Development and Cultural Change
30: 795-812.

This article describes problems of estimating women's
contribution to agricultural production in Cajamarca
Province, Peru. Census data found a sharp decrease
in women's agricultural participation from 1930 to
1970. The explanation was that early census surveys
asked for descriptions of activities contributing to
the household economy, while later surveys simply
asked for principal occupation, so that, given
cultural norms, women described themselves as
housewives. Also, the period of reference was
shorter in later surveys, so that unpaid family work
that was reported was less likely to be counted in
the later years, especially since the census occurs
during the agricultural slack season.

The author discusses women's agricultural
participation by economic class. Women do more such
work, a higher proportion of the total, and a greater
variety of tasks in poorer farm households that are
more dependent on family labor.


A B Deere, Carmen Diana 1982

Household poverty and female subordination: the work-
remuneration gap. Paper prepared for Rockefeller
Foundation Conference on Women and Income Control in the
Third World, Columbia University, New York, October.

The author suggests that income-earning is the
determining factor in income control, and that women
have decreasing control over spending because their
incomes relative to men's are lower and declining.
The author documents lower wages for women's tasks
from 1918 to 1973. She argues that women's home
production is accorded no social value in Peru, and
that women's access to income-earning activities is
declining.


Section III, page 23










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


B E de Garine, I. 1978

Population, production and culture in the plains
societies of north Cameroon and Chad: the
anthropologist in development projects. Current
Anthropology 19:42-65.

This article describes household structure, marriage
patterns, and their effect on work in five societies.
Data were obtained during five years of participant-
observation in Chad and Cameroon.

The basic economic unit consists of four to five
members; 52% of households are polygamous. Each
economically active person supports 1.16 dependents,
and more in polygamous households. The area
cultivated by each person increases with the
dependency ratio in the household.

The major economic factor in the area is the very
high brideprice that must be paid for a high-status
wife. Girl children are a major source of wealth for
father.


C E Desai, P., et al. 1970

Socioeconomic and cultural influences on child growth in
rural Jamaica. Journal of Biosocial Science 2:133-43.

This article reports results of a three-year
longitudinal study of child growth as a function of
family structure, socioeconomic status, and economic
support. Households were visited twice monthly for
two years and monthly in the third year; children
were included until they reached age 4. Data were
analyzed by factor analysis.

The setting was rural Jamaica. Most households were
engaged in subsistence farming; both men and women
migrate to find work and leave children behind.
Family composition was very varied and unstable;
consensual unions and separated partners were common.
Family size averaged 7.2, with a range from 3 to 17
members.

The study found that economic variables were the best
predictors of child growth, despite household


Section III, page 24










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


instability. Children with neither parent were
better off than those with the mother alone, because
of economic disadvantages.


C E Dewalt, Kathleen, and Thompson, Karen 1982

Nutritional strategies in small farmer families in
southern Honduras. Paper presented for American
Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, Washington,
D.C., December.

This paper reports preliminary results of a study of
food consumption patterns. Data were collected by
survey and ethnographic methods, on household
characteristics, food beliefs, and food consumption
using 24-hour dietary recall and one-week market
basket recall.

The study found in all three villages more than 100%
of caloric requirements and about 200% of protein
requirements (WHO standards) were obtained by
households. Seventy-five percent of the calories and
68% of the protein came from grain. Fulfillment of
needs was positively associated with use of corn,
and negatively with sorghum, which is bought more
frequently by poorer households.

Women-headed households met only about 75% of caloric
needs, and older women had greater access to protein
and calories, because they had fewer dependents and
more land.


C Dewey, K. G. 1980

The impact of agricultural development on child
nutrition in Tabasco, Mexico. Medical Anthropology
4:21-54.

This article reports results of a study of the
effects of Plan Chontlapa, an agricultural
development scheme involving resettlement, collective
farming of cash-crops, and cattle-raising. A sample
of 149 families with children aged 2 to 4 was drawn
from three groups: those participating in the plan,
non-members working on the plan for wages, and non-
participants. Information was collected by interview


Section III* page 25










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


including two 24-hour dietary recalls for each child
and mother. Anthropometry, clinical evaluation, and
blood and stool analysis were performed.

The study found no differences in nutritional status
of children in the three groups. Plan members spent
less time on subsistence food production, even though
land was provided for the purpose. Deforestation and
drainage reduced availability of wild foods and fish.
diets of plan members were less diverse and consisted
of more purchased than home-produced food.


A B de Wilde, John 1967

Experiences with Agricultural Development in Tropical
Africa. Vol. 1: The Synthesis. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press (for the World Bank).

This volume summarizes findings from a larger study
of agricultural development projects. While
questions of intrahousehold allocation are not
specifically addressed, the author makes a few
relevant points. One is that the sexual division of
labor interferes with the most efficient use of
household resources. Generally, men control the
deposition of cash crops and women subsistence crops.
In West Africa, women are predominant in trading.
Also, that increased income of the household head is
often used for conspicuous consumption rather than
the family's basic needs.


A B Dey, Jennie 1981
C
Gambian women: unequal partners in rice development
projects? Journal of Development Studies, 109-22.

This article reports results of a study of changes in
the household economy following an agricultural
intervention. Data were collected by interview. A
detailed description of method is not provided.

The setting was rural Gambia. In pre-colonial times,
women cultivated rain-fed rice, men grew groundnuts
and millet, and both sold the surplus from home
consumption. In the colonial period, groundnut
production for cash was promoted, so that men's
revenue and control over household income increased.


Section III, page 26










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


As a result, studies have found women's caloric
intake is 75 to 80% of WHO standards, while men meet
their requirements.

The intervention under study was the development of
irrigated land for double-cropped rice, and credit
for modern inputs.

The study found that the project officers worked only
with male household heads; women were excluded from
ownership and credit under the scheme. They were
thus forced to work on their husbands' rice land for
wages. Women held back their labor under these
conditions, and total rice production decreased.


A B Dixon, Ruth B. 1980

Assessing the impact of development projects on women.
USAID, Bureau for Program and Policy Coordination,
Program Evaluation Discussion Paper #8, May.

This paper reviews 32 AID-funded projects that
include women as intended beneficiaries, and analyzes
the factors that increase actual benefits to women.
The author concludes that women need to be
specifically targeted, and programs need to be
administered at least in part by women; otherwise
decision-making reflects male-dominated power
structure. Women's time burdens must be
accommodated. Projects must recognize existing
sexual division of labor and build on women's
activities so they can control their own earnings
(though there have been instances of men taking over
newly-profitable women's activities targeted in
projects). Activities should accommodate prevailing
norms of women's behavior to minimize resistance,
promote participation, and act as a "wedge" with
which to introduce further social change. The
poorest women will require special targeting efforts.
Concrete economic benefits will encourage women's
participation. Legal and cultural constraints on
women's autonomy must be understood and dealt with in
project design.

The paper suggests a framework for assessing project
impact that focuses on changes in sex-specific access
to productive assets, division of labor and
allocation of resources (food, schooling) within


Section III, page 27










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


households. Cases are cited in which failure to
accommodate sexual division of labor reduced
household food consumption and nutritional status in
the face of increased income, and in which control
over income was diverted to men even though total
income increased.

The paper concludes with suggestions for evaluating
projects in terms of their effects on women.


B Dixon, Ruth B. 1982

Mobilizing women for rural development in southern Asia:
issues of class, caste and patronage. Economic
Development and Cultural Change 30:2.

This article provides a general discussion of the
sexual division of labor in south Asia as a basis for
suggesting ways to develop income-generating
employment for women.

The sexual differentiation of labor is more
pronounced in relatively higher-class and caste
households. Higher-caste women work only in extreme
need, and seek traditional female employment (e.g.,
domestic work). Rural landless women are relatively
free of cultural restrictions on their behavior.

In these societies, women are secluded and interact
privately with other women.

The author suggests that these women's networks be
used to develop cooperative economic activities for
women.


E Dorjahn, Vernon 1977

Temne Household Size and Composition: Rural Changes
Over Time and Rural Urban Differences. Ethnology
16:105-27.

The author describes standard international census
and survey definitions of the household as they have
been used in research and questions the applicability
of these definitions in situations involving
(a) informal or consensual marriages, (b) joint or
extended family households, and (c) polygamous


Section III, page 28










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


marriages. The author describes the Temne (of
central Sierra Leone) concept of the household which
distinguishes between production and consumption
units within a single household, and includes
reference to single households consisting of two or
more married males (extended families) and
polygamously married males. For Temne the household
is defined as a single production and income unit,
with the head of household acting as administrator on
the big farm on which most economically active
household members work. Within the household there
may be several separate consumption units, inhabiting
detached house structures. In addition to work on
the big farm, individual household members work on
small plots, the proceeds of which go only to the
consumption unit. The wife of the household head
distributes proceeds of the big farm among
consumption units. The tendency of productive adults
to put more time into their own rather than the
communal farm is leading to the breakdown of extended
farming units. The author develops a descriptive
typology of Temne households including monogamous,
polygynous, extended, single-parent, and solitary or
unrelated households.

The author describes changes in rural household
composition between 1955 and 1963. Single-parent
households appeared. Average household size did not
change. The most significant rural-urban differences
in household composition in 1963 were: larger
average household size in rural areas, no extended
households in urban areas, greater frequency of
monogamous households in urban areas, and single-
parent households more frequent in rural areas.


B C Engle, Patricia 1980
D
The intersecting needs of working women and their young
children. Report to the Ford Foundation, New York City,
August 28.

This is a comprehensive paper discussing evidence of
the effect of women's labor force participation on
child welfare, and the dynamics (motivations,
constraints) of women's decision to work. Numerous
studies are described.


Section IIIP page 29










Intrahodsehold Allocation Bibliography


The author describes alternative sources of child
care, paid and unpaid, showing changes from rural to
urban settings. She cites evidence that women want
to work more than they are able, because of lack of
jobs and child care. Desire to work is greatest in
poorer households; presence of many children is
positively associated with paid work of women,
because of increased need and available home help.

Work which is compatible with child care tends to be
low paid and low status. Traditional agricultural
roles of women often are not compatible with child
care.

Studies of changes in women's home production tasks
with their paid work show women work more total hours
than men; labor force participation affects their
leisure first. In some studies, men's home
production rise with women's paid work time; this
varies by country.

Women who work enjoy increased status, income, and
control over income; there is evidence that women
direct their incomes to their children's needs.
Stress and lack of time are costs of working.

Several studies are cited showing a negative
relationship of child health to women's work. The
dynamics of this pattern are discussed. Another
negative effect may be that girl children do not
attend school because they must care for siblings.

The author discusses policy and program alternatives
for dealing with women's need to work for pay.


B Ernst, Elizabeth 1977

Food Consumption Among Rural Families in Upper Volta,
West Africa, Peace Corps, Ouagadougou, Upper Volta.

This study of the use of wood and mil let stalks for
fuel in rural Upper Volta defined the household as
those eating from a single pot. In one of the two
villages studied, wood collection is entirely women's
work and takes 4.5 hours including one hour walking
each way. In the other village, men and boys assist
in wood gathering. Wood is gathered daily or twice a


Section III, page 30










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


day for six months a year; after harvest, millet
stalks are used. This takes less time, freeing women
for income-earning activities.


B F Evenson, R. E. 1976

On the new household economics. Journal of Agricultural
Economics and Development 6:1, January.

This paper discusses the relevance of the "new home
economics" (see papers by Becker in Section I) to
developing countries. The author suggests that the
assumption of a single household utility function
(i.e., set of consumption preferences) is especially
applicable in developing countries where families are
dominated by a male head. He argues that households
probably do maximize income and are aware of the
market value of goods and of their time. Problems
with the model are that it assumes fixed family
membership, which is often not the case, and that the
household production functions for consumption items
are probably not independent, so the functions will
not be linear.

The author suggests the implications of the model for
fertility, treating children as a consumption good
whose consumption uses the mother's time intensively.

The study uses regression analysis of data from the
1961 Indian census to test the significance of the
cost of women's time for fertility decisions of the
household. It finds evidence consistent with the
"new household economics" view that the household
operates as a firm and that children may be seen as
consumer goods to the parents. Measures of household
wealth are associated with more children in the
household while women's wages (the opportunity cost
of raising--i.e., "consuming children") are
negatively associated with the number of children.
Regression analysis was also used to test the
significance of children's economic contribution on
their schooling. The results indicate that
children's wages and the productivity of their
family's land (which would increase children's
output) are negatively associated with children's
school enrollment and positively associated with
their labor force participation. Family size is also


Section III, page 31










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negatively associated with school enrollment,
suggesting the substitution of child "quantity" for
child "quality."


B Evenson, R. E., B. Popkin, and E. King-Quizon 1979

Nutrition, work, and demographic behavior in rural
Philippine households, Economic Growth Center, Working
Paper #308, Yale University, January.

This paper discusses the methods used to collect data
for one round of a multipurpose study of households
in Laguna, Philippines focusing on fertility, health,
time allocation, and home and market production of
various household members. Data were collected on 99
households using survey methods.

Income and expenditure data were collected by recall
of seven days prior to interview, covering market
work and home production. Six types of activities
were specifically included, but the authors believe
home produced and consumed goods were underreported.

Dietary data were obtained from a 24 hour recall and
a food record which mothers were asked to keep. Food
allocation to different members was measured at these
times, two months apart, but the authors question the
accuracy of the reports.

Time use data were collected by direct observation
and recall. Observers stayed in households all day
and recorded time spent on a list of 30 activities.
Simultaneous activities were recorded separately.
Recall was used to get information on activities away
from home.

Health/nutrition status was measured by weight for
height of children and recall of perceived health
problems in the previous month.

Time budget results showed men who spent less time in
market production spent more time on home production
(child care, food preparation) and leisure. Women
who spent more time in market production reduced
leisure. Food preparation time was reduced only if
market time exceeded six hours.


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B Fagley, R. M. 1975

Rural women food producers: initial responses to a
recent questionnaire. Commission of the Churches on
International Affairs, New York, June.

This paper reviews some of the evidence on rural
women's time use in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
The discussion is rather general.

In Africa, UNECA estimates women do 70% of the labor
in food production, 50% of the animal husbandry, and
100% of food processing and child-rearing. In
Zambia, during the planting season women work sixteen
hours a day, of which ten is agricultural labor. In
Zaire, women grow subsistence crops, carry water and
firewood, transport and market food crops, working
between 180 and 312 days a year in the field. A
UNICEF study of several sub-Saharan countries found
women do 50% of the work on family-owned land, in
addition to household chores. An FAO study in Sierra
Leone found substantial agricultural work of women
from age 10 to over age 65. Generally, cash crops
are under male management.

Asian studies from South India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and
Southeast Asia, found that from 65 to 80% of women's
time is spent in agricultural work. These studies
also show from 30 to 75% of farm-produced food is
grown by women in India and Southeast Asia.

Latin American studies report that women work in the
fields only at peak periods (planting and
harvesting), but they care for small livestock. A
Colombian study showed women spend much time
preparing meals and bringing them to the fields.
From 10 to 25% of food is produced by females.

The paper poses some questions about how to improve
the condition of women.


Section III# page 33










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography Section III, page 34


C Flores, Marina, et al. 1964

Annual patterns of family and children's diet in three
Guatemalan Indian communities, British Journal of
Nutrition 18:281-93.

This article reports the results of a dietary intake
survey conducted three times a year for four years in
three fairly homogeneous low-income Guatemalan
highland Indian communities of semi-subsistence
farmers.

Dietary data were collected by three-day recall and
weighing, for the whole household and for preschool
children (1 to 5 years). Nutritional adequacy for
the household was calculated by comparing the US and
INCAP RDAs based on the age/sex composition of the
household and the weight and meal attendance of the
members with total household consumption. For the
preschooler, comparison of intake and need was made
directly. This method tends to underestimate
consumption, especially of preschoolers who cannot
report their between-meal consumption reliably.

Results showed adequate family intake of calories,
protein, and most nutrients (except vitamins A and C
and riboflavin), while preschool children were
deficient in all nutrients except iron. The children
received disproportionate shares of luxury foods:
milk, eggs, and fruit, but less than their share of
animal protein and the basic staples.


A B Folbre, Nancy forthcoming 1983
CD
Household production in the Philippines: a non-
neoclassical approach, Economic Development and Cultural
Change, Bowdoin College, Economics Department, November
5, 1980, mimeo.

This article presents a theoretical discussion
criticizing the validity of the neoclassical economic
assumption of a household having a joint utility
function, and uses regression analysis of data from
the Laguna (Philippines) household study to test the
theory. *The results suggest that household utility
function reflects relative bargaining power of
members.










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The Laguna study collected data by interview and
direct observation on income and expenditure food
consumption, labor and time use, and interperson and
interhousehold exchanges over several years. (See
Evenson et al., 1979 for methods.)

Results of the analysis show an inequitable
distribution of work and leisure. Women work more
total hours than men, and women's wage labor does not
reduce total work hours nor increase male hours of
household work. Women's wages in the market were
two-thirds of male wages, which might result in
special ization in household work, but men's type of
work or even unemployment was not related to the
amount of male time in child care (about one hour per
week). Among children, girls spent more hours than
boys in work, and the girls' hours increased with age
while boys' hours did not.

Consumption was also inequitably distributed. Adult
males consumed more than 100% of the RDA for protein
and calories, while women consumed 79% and 87%,
respectively. General consumption expenditure for
children was equal by sex under age nine, after which
boys received more, including more direct child care
time of mothers.

Intergenerational income transfer occurred in both
directions. Children age 25-34 significantly
increased parents income, even;if they were not
living at home. The effect was greater in higher
income households.


A B Fordham, Miriam 1982

Women's economic strategies in southern Honduras. Paper
presented at 81st annual meeting, American
Anthropological Association, Washington, D.C.,
December 3-7.

This paper documents the significant economic
contributions of women to their households,
demonstrating that local statistics on economic
activity underestimate women's productive work
because it is often not in the market sector. Data
were collected by interview from male and female


Section NIPr page 35










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


household heads (N = 52 couples plus 16 women)
including 24 hour recall of activities, and
information on household composition, task
allocation, diet, and health practices.

Women generally do not do agricultural field work,
but process and sell food, prepare meals for
agricultural workers, and care for animals. Cash
earnings can be significant. Some women were able to
set up their own small shops with their earnings.
Further, women are beginning to migrate to cities as
domestic workers for cash.


E Foster, B. L. 1978

Socioeconomic consequences of stem family composition in
a Thai village, Ethnology 17:139-56.

This descriptive study based on field research in a
central Thailand rice-farming village describes the
economic strategies of stem families, that is, two
related nuclear families living together.

Two types were identified: those which shared a
common residence but did not pool labor or
consumption, and those which did share labor and
consumption. This demonstrates that household
composition does not necessarily determine economic
organization.

The article discusses changes in the economic
strategies of these households over time.


E Freed, S. A, and Freed, R.S. 1982

Changing family types in India, Ethnology 21:189-202.

This descriptive anthropological study looked at
changes in family structure over a 19 year period in
a rural Indian village. Three types of households
are identified: nuclear, supplemented nuclear
(includes unmarried family members other than
children), joint. The hypothesis that nuclear family
structure becomes more common with economic
development is explored and rejected.


Section III, page 36










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Joint households are the cultural ideal, in part
because of mutual economic support and the increased
labor for cultivation. Between 1958-59 and 1977-78,
the proportion of joint households increased as the
economy expanded with more advanced agriculture, more
market involvement, and more salaried employment.

The authors find that families looked for economic
opportunities to suit their preferred structures
rather than the reverse. Nuclear households tended
to result from personal conflict, not economic
forces, they maintain.


A B Fuller-Alamgir, Susan 1977
D
Profile of Bangladeshi women: selected aspects of
women's roles status in Bangladesh, USAID Mission to
Bangladesh, Dacca, June.

This descriptive paper discusses the economic and
social position of Bangladeshi women vis-d-vis men.
Methods of data collection are not described.

Property and inheritance rights of women are
described. Women's access to income-earning is very
limited because of traditional cultural restrictions.
Income is earned from sale of eggs and chickens,
garden crops, and handicrafts, but usually the actual
marketing is done by husbands or sons, so not all her
earnings may reach the women. Women do have control
over the income they earn themselves. Only the
lowest-income women engage in agricultural wage
labor; their wages are lower than men's.

Allocation of decision making power is described.
Generally, women are held not to participate in
household decisions, though they may have more
influence than people acknowledge. Women have more
influence over decisions relating to their economic
activities (horticulture, food processing and sale,
and other home production), and to the household than
on decisions about farm inputs and cash crops.
Decisions about investments in child schooling and
investment rest with the person who pays, usually the
man.


Section III# page 37










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Women participate in decisions more in poor
households. Decision-making in the women's sphere
tends to be dominated by senior women in the
extended-family household, so younger wives have
little influence.

Women are responsible for specific household tasks of
storing and processing rice. These tasks also
provide acceptable employment for women. Rice mills
displace women in these tasks.


B C Gillespie, H.H. 1979

Rural women's time use, Studies in Family Planning
1: 383-84.

This empirical study used direct observation to
obtain time budget information for women in rural
Nicaragua. The article discusses the benefits of
this research method.

Direct observation obtains data on the time it takes
to do tasks and who does them; this information
cannot be obtained by recall methods. In interviews,
respondents tend to report cultural norms rather than
actual behavior. Further, direct observation gives
researchers a fuller understanding of the subjects;
and may suggest new lines of research.

The study observed three types of women: housewives,
potters, and factory workers. About half the factory
workers lived with parents who performed the
household maintenance work.

The study obtained food consumption data by
observation. It found that husbands and children are
served their meals before women, and that special
foods (eggs, meat) are given to men or older male
children.


Section HIPI page 38










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


D Goody, J., and Goody,E. 1967

The circulation of women and children in northern Ghana,
Man 2:226-48.

This descriptive anthropological study compares
residence patterns of wives and children in two rural
villages in northern Ghana.

In one village, a high bride price is paid. This
gives husbands considerable rights over their wives
and the wives' children. There is little child
fosterage, and marriages are stable, wives living
with their husbands and staying in their husband's
family (through leviratic marriage) if widowed.

In the other, low or no bride price is paid. Wives
spend large amounts of time in their natal family,
there is much child fosterage, and divorce is common.
Rights to children are dispersed among kin, not
centralized in the husband.

These differences are attributed to the difference in
bride wealth paid.


C Graedon, Teresa 1980

Nutritional consequences of rural-urban migration.
U. S. Agency for International Development, December.

This paper provides a general discussion of the
possible effects of rural to urban migration on food
consumption and nutrition. The author discusses
patterns of migration and the possible effects on the
migrants and their families and on those left behind.
Some empirical studies are cited.

In the Philippines and Latin America, migrants tend
to be women seeking domestic or low-paying factory
work. The possible nutritional advantages of
increased purchasing power may be partially offset by
reduced time for food preparation for the household
and breast-feeding of infants.

In Africa, migrants tend to be men who leave their
families behind. In these cases migration may damage
nutritional status because the loss of male labor may
cause reduced food production.


Section III, page 39










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The author suggests that in some cases remittances to
the sending area may not balance the costs of
sending. The availability of cash from remittances
may result in the breakdown of traditional reciprocal
exchanges of labor and goods.


C Grewal, T, et al. 1973

Etiology of malnutrition in rural Indian preschool
children, Journal of Tropical Food and Environmental
Child Health 19:265.

This article reports the results of a survey of
children's (6 to 36 months) nutritional status in
twelve rural villages in Madhya Pradesh, India.

Data were collected on height, weight, and arm
circumference of children, economic status, dietary
intake, and various child-rearing practices.

The study found that nutritional status of children
was positively associated with measures of income and
wealth, with joint family structure, and with mothers
who did not participate in market work. Both joint
family structure and non-working wives are associated
with higher income.) Male children showed higher
nutritional status than females, with other variables
controlled.


C Gross, Daniel and Barbara Underwood 1973

Technical change and caloric costs: sisal agriculture in
Brazil, American Anthropologist 73:725-40.

This widely quoted study examined the effects of an
increase in the energy demands of wage earners on the
nutritional status of their households.

The study measured households food consumption and
expenditure and children's height and weight for a
sample of 192 individuals in a region of Brazil where
sisal had been introduced as a drought-resistant cash
crop. Prior to sisal, most households had been self-
sufficient subsistence farmers except in periods of
drought.


Section III, page 40










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The study analyzed caloric intake of other household
members after subtracting the caloric needs of the
male sisal worker. Sisal agriculture is extremely
energy-intensive. The study assumed that sisal
workers not losing weight were in caloric balance
consuming their estimated caloric requirement, and
consumption of other members was calculated as a
residual.

The study found that agricultural labor in sisal is
associated with low socioeconomic status. Analysis
of food consumption found virtually all the household
budget was spent on food and the wage earner (sisal
worker) consumed a disproportionate amount--as much
as five-sevenths of food by weight.

Data collection did not include food consumed outside
the home. Data collection methods are not fully
described.


C Gurney, J. M., and Omolalu, A. 1971

A nutritional survey in southwestern Nigeria: the
anthropometric and clinical findings, Journal of
Tropical Food and Environmental Ch.ild HealLhl
June:50-61.

This article reports a dietary and anthropometric
survey in two sites in southwest Nigeria, one village
and one small town. A random sample of 118
households was drawn; all members had anthropometric
measurements and a clinical exam. In 20 households,
a seven day direct weighing food consumption survey
was performed. The 20 households were each a subunit
of a compounds consisting of one wife and her
children. The survey was undertaken at the beginning
of harvest, after three months of scarce food and
high prices.

The survey found that al 1 age/sex groups had
inadequate mean protein and calorie intake except
adult women. Inadequacy with respect to requirements
was greatest for adolescents and for pregnant and
lactating women. Dietary and anthropometric findings
showed little correlation.


Section III# page 41










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


Since only one cooking unit was surveyed, consumption
of men and of children, who may eat from several
units, may be underestimated.


B Guyer, Jane 1978

Women's work in the food economy of the Cocoa Belt: a
comparison, Boston University, African Studies Center,
Working Paper #7.

This paper, based largely on secondary sources,
compares the sexual allocation of tasks among the
Yoruba (Nigeria) and the Beti (Cameroon). It finds
that in both settings there is a strong sexual
division of labor, but the specific tasks allocated
to each sex are different.

Among the Yoruba, men work the subsistence farms and
the cocoa plantations, and women process food, make
textiles, and engage in trade. Among the Beti, men
produce cocoa, but women do subsistence farming and
trading. Both sexes in both settings assist in farm
tasks at peak periods of labor demand.

In both settings, men can mobilize women's labor, but
not usually the reverse. Women are paid in kind for
their labor for their husbands or others. Yoruba
female farmers can also hire labor, while Beti women
rely on children and mutual aid.

Yoruba and Beti women spend 40% of their work time on
domestic work; Yoruba women spend 50% on other
economic activities, Beti women spend 50% on farming.
Compatibility with child care does not seem to
determine female tasks, since cooking and palm oil
processing can be dangerous but are women's tasks.


A Guyer, Jane 1980

Household budgets and women's incomes, Boston
University, African Studies Center, Working Paper #28.

This very useful paper discusses the inapplicability
of household methods to budget analysis studies in
Africa and reports on a study of women's cash budgets
in Cameroon.


Section III, page 42










Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


The author holds that the concept of a household as
an undifferentiated decision-making unit does not
apply in Africa because of the extent of separation
of male and female spheres of activity. She cites
anthropological and economic studies demonstrating
the relative independence of men's and women's
incomes and spending decisions in several African
settings, while recognizing that within households
some resource transfers do take place. She suggests
that African households can be viewed as
"particularly dense centers in a field of exchange
relationships rather than closed units." Household
members are interdependent, having complementary
functions; these can change over time.

The paper reports a study of the daily cash
transactions of 23 women over two months, one during
the groundnut harvest (women's crop), and one during
the cocoa harvest. In this setting, men are largely
responsible for cocoa production for export; women do
subsistence cultivation and marketing of food crops.
The study found 57% of women's cash is earned; the
rest is transfers, mostly from their husbands.
Husbands provide about one third of the cost of food
and basic household needs. Unmarried women have
lower incomes than married women, because they do not
receive these transfers. Women spend 71-76% of their
cash on-household expenses in both seasons. In a
1964 survey, 31% of total household income (men's and
women's) was spent on these items.

Women's incomes are highest during the harvest of
men's crops, less because of transfers than because
women can earn more from men's spending. Women's
incomes have been increasing relative to men's since
the 1950s because cocoa prices have declined while
the demand for food in urban areas (sold by women)
has increased.


Section III, page 43









Intrahousehold Allocation Bibliography


B Guyer, Jane 1981

The raw, the cooked, and the half-baked: a note on the
division of labor by sex, Boston University, African
Studies Center, Working Paper #48.

This brief, humorous paper criticizes the argument
that the sexual division of labor is based on
compatibility of work with child care and suggests
that an equally plausible hypothesis is that women's
work must be compatible with cooking.


A Handwerker, W. P. 1974

Changing household organization in the origins of market
places in Liberia, Economic Development and Cultural
Change 22, January:224-48.

This empirical study documents a change in the
allocation of responsibility within households as a
result of changing economic circumstances.

The study is based on data collected by participant
observation, informal and formal interviews, and
surveys. The sample covered 783 market sellers from
three types of communities in Liberia: urban,
plantation, and rural.

Household structure was traditionally a nuclear
family with strong kinship ties. Men's tasks
concerned the larger society (village affairs),
hunting, house construction and land preparation;
women's tasks concerned household chores and
subsistence farming. Industrialization in the 1950s
increased urban concentration, creating a market for
food, and resulted in increased dependence on low-
wage labor and a cash economy for food. Where men
were unable to meet their households' needs, women
extended their traditional responsibility for
subsistence by engaging in market trading for cash.
Many women who were market sel lers reported having
more control over household resources as a result of
their cash earning.


Section III, page 44




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