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 Back Cover

Title: U.S. intervention in Guyana
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00077035/00001
 Material Information
Title: U.S. intervention in Guyana
Series Title: U.S. intervention in Guyana
Physical Description: 31 p. : ; 21 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Jagan, Cheddi
Publisher: s.n.
Place of Publication: S.l
Manufacturer: New Guyana Co.
Publication Date: 1966?
Subject: Foreign relations -- Guyana -- United States   ( lcsh )
Foreign relations -- United States -- Guyana   ( lcsh )
Politics and government -- Guyana -- 1803-1966   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Guyana
Statement of Responsibility: by Cheddi Jagan.
General Note: Cover title.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00077035
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 02589915

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Full Text

.6. Intervention in Guyana
.6. Intervention in Gvat a
.. Interven,.on in Guyar-
.S. Intervention: in G'yans
.S. Intervention in Gu ,ra
J.S. Intervancion ir Guyan'
[J.z Intervention in Guyanp
U.! vtervenion in Guyana
U.S. Intervgntiop in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guvana
UJ.. Intervention in Guyanea
U.6. Intervent or in Guvan ,
U.S. Intervention in Guypna
GL Ir mvention in Guyanr
:33. Intervention in Guvans
U.S. Inter -e-ton in Guva'
J.S. intervention ir Guyana
US. interventionn in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Gu-.ana
U.S. Intervention in Guvarr
U.F Intervention in Guyanp
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Tnterv;ntion in Guyana


U.S. intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
J.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Interventit n in Guyana

Interv t1ion

in Guyana
in Guyana
in Guyana
in Guyana
in Guyana
in Guvana


Cheddi Jagan

A 1ftc
I ^ ^

U.S. Intervention ': Guyane
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Interventior. in Guvana
U.S. InterveniLon in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.S Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervene io in Guyana
U.b. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyapr
fT.,. InterventicT in Guyana
LT.S. Intervention in Guyanr
U.S. Intervertior in Guyarp
U.S. Intervention in Guyar
U.S Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.F. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyana
U.S. Intervention in Guyana

jbe y Aj----

THIS BOOKLET is a collection of 'Straight Talk'
articles written for and published in i;.e Mirron a
national daily newspaper, by Dr. Checdi Jagsn. the
Leader of the People's Progressive Party.

The articles have been brought togeth r in this
form in the hope that they will prove va, able not
only to the broad masses within our national boun-
daries and beyond, but also to all other pecp every-
where who view with concern our internal struggle
and the increasing political tensions and social con-
tradictions largely due to foreign, particularly
.United States, interference In our domestic affairs.

Cited are many authoritative and convincing
sources which confirm what has really been taking
place in Guyana. The charge cannot .e made that
the recorded events and activities have in any way
been coloured by the subjective impressions of the
author; they have been observed an(' objectively
reported by sources that are, as the references indi-
cate, mainly American.
' The booklet exposes the various forms, the
devious ways, and the extent of U.S. interference
and subversion in the political, economic and other
spheres of our national life. Collectively, the articles
do even more. They constitute a scathing indict-
ment of the social system which has exhausted its
creative powers, but whose beneficiaries wish to pre-
serve it by the foulest means in a world that does
not believe that capitalism is the terminal stage of

' More than one-half of the world's people, in-
cluding many millions of Americans, are now con-
vinced that human society can continue to evolve
into a peaceful, cooperative world eventually if the
rulers of the U.S.A. would only stop trying to freeze
history. This, of course, is the aim of the cold war,
inaugurated by Churchill in 1946 at Fulton, Missouri.

Although there now exist the material conditions
J(including the marvellous advances in science and


M- -


technology) that can proviV Ehiundance for th
world's rising population, the selfishness and gree
of the U.S. and other imperialist powers drive the
to maintain the discredited social order that ha
divided and degraded humanity, produced instability
multiplied crime, and caused the major wars of history

U.S. interference in the affairs of other nation
is nothing new. It all began with the transition o
capitalism to imperialism, which was marked by th
America-Hispanic War. With the development o
Amer-can expansionism at the turn of the last cen-
t ..-' U S m-? be said to have embarked on the
perilous course of imperialism.

The origin of America, its glorious revolutionary
traditions, the ideals that inspired Washington, Jef-
ferson, Lincoln, Tom Paine and countless others who
fought against British oppression and slavery all
of these are now completely forgotten by the im-
perialists and warhawks who rule the American
people today.

America's role in the world today is thus re-
versed. From being one of the leaders of world
revolution, the U.S. has progressively degenerated
into what is now the most reactionary and aggressive
strte afflicted with materialism, engaged in a world-
w'' lrnce of privilege. pNotting versionn and
executing counter-revolution wherever it thinks
social and economic changes for the better are likely.

Today, also, the U.S. presents the spectacle of a
nation lacking in moral fibre, a society 'n an advanced
state of decay. The question of morality and the
social norms which ought to govern the relations be-
tween governments are ignored. by-passed, overlooked,
or interpreted to coincide with the requirements of
the U.S. State Department.

The climax was reached during the Truman-
Dulles brinkmanship period. The territories ol
sovereign nations were occupied; their inhabitant,
were enslaved; internal reaction was support
against democratic governments; subversive groups

were financed, trained and armed to do battle agaii'*.i
national-liberation movements.

The pernicious -'theory of commitments' (a c,.
.ept that owes its existence to he old colonial powers,
3 now being used by the U.S. rulers to justify aggres-
,on against small states. The unconstitutional Ex-
utive war unleashed against the Vietnamese people
i case in point.

Intervention has become a d *ly phenomenon for
the U.S. America will go to all extremes to remove pro-
gressive governments. With intervention not only by
massive military force, but also by cultural, economic
political and trade pressures, the U.S. wields its influ-
ence to oppose change. And those who are influenced
by its weapon of anti-communism in Guyana would do
well to remember that not only Jagan in Guyana and
Nkrumah in Ghana, but also radicals and liberals like
Goulart in Brazil, Arosemena in Ecuador, an Bosch
in the Dominican Republic are expendable, so long
as they do not embrace U.S. imperialist plans, pro-
grammes and policies.

But the U.S. is discovering that while the under-
mining of governments committed to change has
proved relatively easy recently, it cannot produce the
results necessary for peace and security. U.S. puppets
are unable to resolve the growing economic, financial
and social problems that confront them. Inevitably,
like Chiang Kai-Shek in China, Syngman Rhee of
South Korea, Menderes of Turkey, Nuri-es-Said of
Iraq, Batista of Cuba, Jiminez of Venezuela, Ngo Diem
of South Vietnam, they fall.

In time, the Guyanese puppets of the U.S. gov-
ernment will also fall. They have failed to carry out
their promises; they have betrayed the people.

In its 1964 election manifesto, called the New
Road, the People's National Congress (PNC), led by
L.F.S. Burnham, declared:

"Independence though emotionally satisfying,
is not an end in itself. To be worthwhile, it must
be an instrument for building a cohesive nation,

liberating the people from the economic yoke im-
posed by the foreigner and establishing a pros-
perous,, self-reliant and free society.

"Some other Guyanese are militant and noisy
in their demand for Independence from Britain,
but consciously would immediately pawn Guyana,
the moment after Independence, to some other
foreign power. Such persons are colonial charla-
tans or at best infants the wittingI or unwitting
tools and agents of new masters. Theirs is the
concept of new servitude not Independence."

May 26,1966, did not bring independence to the
Guyanese people, only a new servitude, a change of
colonial overlords. Uncle Sam took over from ailing
John Bull, as he has done in many of the former pos-
sessions of the latter and of other weakened imperi-
alist powers.

Monetary, fiscal, trade, agricultural and indus-'
trial policies are now being dictated by the U. S. to
better serve the interests of foreign (mainly Ameri-I
can) monopoly capitalists.

The rich have been eased of reasonable taxation
in 1965, and the poor squeezed in 1966. Profitable ex-
ports to Cuba have been halted, and import restric-
tions placed on competitive, inexpensive goods from.
socialist countries. Industrial policies have been tail-,
ored to suit the United Force and the United States.

The PNC campaigned under the banner of soci-
alism. Its manifesto also hypocritically declared:

"Essential industries must be under social
control. These will include all public utilities,
others which are important for ensuring adequate
protection of satisfactory standards of quality and
price, and yet others which from time to time it
may appear beneficial and in the national in-'
terest to have publicly owned, controlled or one 'a-'
ted. These will not exclude by any means profit
bearing undertakings."
Yet, in June 1966, the law passed by the PPP gov-

emnment in 1962, empowering the Industrial Develop-
ment Corporation to "stimulate, facilitate and under-
take the development of industry" was amended -
without parliamentary debate by the deletion of
the key word, undertake.

In January 1963, the same L.F.S. Burnham, as
opposition leader, bravely uttered these words in the
Legislative Assembly:

"If all we are going to do in this country after
we have got independence is to pass a few bits of
legislation and embark upon a few reforms with-
in the framework of the existing economic and
social order, we are wasting our time, and the un-
easiness of the masses will certainly catch up,
with us, and will certainly remove us from the
political scene."

Despite Burnham's socialist mouthings, public
enterprise has no place in the imperialist scheme of
things in Guyana. And, as he predicted, the masses
will certainly catch up with him before long!

Georgetown, Givana

Intervention in Guyana

At a press conference during independence cele-
bration week, I was asked by newsmen what proof I
had of U.S. interference Guyana. I cited several
references. But at the time I did not have A Thous-
and Days by Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr.. a Harvard
University Professor, who was one of President Ken-
nedy's principal aides.

Schlesinge. referred to my conversations with
Kennedy in November 1961 and his conversations
with Burnham in 1962. On page 668 he says: "The
President. after meeting Jagan. had grown increasing-
ly sceptical but he was impressed by the British con-
tention that there was no alternative . Thus far
our policy had been based on the assumption that
Forbes Burnham was, as the British described him,
an opportunist, racist and demagogue, intent only on
personnel power

One wondered about this, though, because the
AFL-CIO people in B.G. thought well of him. ,,
Then in May. 1962, Burnham came to Washington . .
. . Burnham's visit left the feeling as I reported to
the President, that 'an independent British Guiana
under Burnham (If Burnham will commit himself to
a multi-racial policy) would cause us many fewer
problems than an independent British Guiana under
Jagan' And the way was open to bring it about,
because Jaqan's parliamentary strength was larger
than his popular strength: he had won 57 per cent of
the seats on the basis of 42.7% of the vote. An obvi-
ous solution would be to establish a system of propor-
tional representation.

Thzs, after prolonged discussion, the British gov-
ernment finally did in October 1963; and elections
held finally at the end of 1964 produced a coaliticl
government under Burnham."

.US interff-rence in our affairs became marked
from 1961. At the 1961 election campaign, the
Christian Anti-Communist League was very active. It

admitted helping the Defenders of Freedom, closely
allied to the United Force, with $45,000 (U.S.). Be-
tween 1961 and 1962, its leaders Drs. Swartz and
Sluis, paid several visits to Guyana and the latter
was prominent during the 1962 riots.

After the 1961 general elections, an unprecedented
number of U.S. Trade Unionists also paid visits. The
visitors conducted courses and seminars at which the
themes were invariably how to fight communism and
how to oppose the PPP government.

During the same period, leading Guyanese trade
unionists were taken to the U.S.A. by the Institute
for Free Labour Development in Washington. This
outward traffic of Guyanese trade unionists had one
objective training in subversion.

This point was noted by Victor Reisel, a witch-
hunting labour journalist. One of the articles under
the caption "Unionist's Trained in U.S. To Harry
Jagan's Government," went on to contend that "six
courageous men" all trade unionists had been
recently trained by the American Institute for Free
Labour Development in the techniques of anti-Com-
munist campaigning. Amongst these men are "a
rather fearless chap by the name of Richard Ishmael,
President of the British Guiana Trades Union Coun-
cil, and General President of the anti-Communist
Sugar Workers' Union known as the Man-Power Citi-
zens' Association."

Continued Mr. Reisel "Jagan has organised op-
position groups in an effort to take over British Gui-
ana's organised labour. If he succeeds there will be
nothing to stop him from going internally Cuban.
Realising this, the American Institute for Free La-
bour Development supported by U.S. labour and
industry rushed the training of six Guianese in
Washington. This Institute is directed by Serafino
Romualdi, a veteral anti-communist Labour Special-
ist. Each of the six trainees has specific tasks in-
side B.G labour Ishmael made aood his promise
last week.There was intense fighting in the dock
areas. It soon spread through the city."

This was a reference to the rioting in George-
town on 5th April, 1963. Shamelessly Reisel con-
cluded: "It's a pleasure to report we're giving the
Communists a run 'for their money and guns".

Prior to 1963, the TUC, the PNC and the UF
were involved in the riots of February, 1962 which
caused the burning of a part of Georgetown and loss
of over $11 million by fire.


Writing about the 80-day strike called by the
TUC in 1963, Drew Pearson, U.S. columnist in an
article published on March 22, 1964 headed Castro
And Jagan said in part-

"The United States permitted Cuba to go Com-
munist purely through default and diplomatic
bungling. The problem now is to look ahead and
make sure we don't make the same mistake lrunin.
We are already on the way of making it in Haiti.
But in British Guiana. President Kennedy, hav-
ing been badly burnt in the Bay of Pigs opera-
tions, did look ahead.

Though it was never published at the time this
was the secret reason why Kennedy took his
trip to England in the summer of 1963. He had
promised premierr Fanfani and Chancellor Ade-
nauer to go to Rome and Bonn. but London was
added to the itinerary only because of Kennedy's
haunting worry that British Guiana would get
its independence f'---n England in July. 1963. and
set up another Communist government under
the guidance of Fidel Castro.

If this happened just before the Presidential
election of 1964 and if at that time a Communist
Guiana began seizing the Reynolds Metals alu-
minum operation and other American proper-
ties, Kennedy knew the political effect would be

It wasn't in the communique issued by the United
States and England after the Kennedy-Macmillan

meeting, but the main thing they agreed on was
that the British would refuse to grant independ-
ence to Guiana because of the general strike
against pro-communist Prime Minister Cheddi

That strike was secretly inspired by a combina-
tion of U.S. Central Intelligence Agency money
and British Intelligence. It gave London the
excuse it wanted."

During the whole period of the 1963 disturbances,
a United States trade unionist, William Mc Cabe,
was instigating the Opposition and the Trades Union
Council to continue the strike while the British
trade union adviser Walter Hood. was urging a
settlement. Mc Cabe, with the help of other United
States trade unionists. the ICFTU and the American
Institute for Free Labour Development, succeeded in
imposing a blockade which almost completely stop-
ped sea and air communications with the outside.
Without the help given by these U. S. or U. S.-
controlled organizations, the 1963 strike would have
collapsed in a coup]- of weeks.

Another U.S. Trade Unionist, J. O'Keefe, was
named in a special report by the Security Branch of
the Police Force headed Research PaPer On PNC ter-
rorist Organisation, as the person who channelled
U.S funds to maintain the 1963 strike. The sum
was estimated at over $1 million (U.S.).
Sunday Mirror .'Ine 19, 1966

P., l serqfure vwas Deefire

uniltea Stated intervention in Guyana was ex.
posed in a Congressional hearing. On March 12, 1963,
William R. Tyler, Assistant Secretary for European
Affairs, gave evidence before a Sub-Committee of the
Committee on Appropriations, House of Representa-
tives. (Since British Guiana was a colony of Great
Britain, our affairs fell to. his desk at the State Depart-
ment in Washington D.C.). When asked whether the
United States government favoured my continuing as
head of the government, he replied. 'No. the US
Government does not. Elford A. Cederberg then
querried why even the mall amount of technical as-
sistance was being given to British Guiana. and
whether Tyler felt that this was justified in view of
what he regarded as the People's Progressive Party's
hostility to the United States 'way of life', since an
independent Guyana under the Peonle's Progressive
Party 'will probably vote against us in the United
Nations and will probably be oriented towards the
Soviet Block rather than towards the free world
Tyler then replied-

"I recognize the difficulty there, Mr, Congress.
man. I am absolutely frank to admit to you I
do not think it is a clear-cut case, I think a case
can be made out to say that by doing anything *
for this country we are directly or indirectly
improving the political chances of the Le-ler.:
On the other hand, if we do nothing, then the
economic situation in that country is such that
it will deteriorate and I think we will have
there a condition. politically, socially and econo-
mically, which will make it easier for the Lea-
der to consolidate his control over the coun-
try. What we would like to do is to build up
what I might call an infra-structure or base of
increased economic and social well-being so
that what democratic forces exist in this coun-
try have a chance in the future to gain the
upper hand. when it bt-,ome- independent. I
have no special claim to wisdom on this but

we tiinK tnax on balance, one thing is certain,
that if the conditions deteriorate it will m 'e
it easier for the Leader to achieve complete
control whereas if we build a base there with
improvements in thf- situation, we do retain the
hope that the Leader will be succeeded by some-
body who is more favourably disposed to-
wards the west."

When pressed further that British Guiana would
soon achieve independence under the PPP govern-
ment. Tyler's interview was most revealing:

Mr. Tyler: May I remind you Mr. Congressman,
as of now. this country is under control of the parent

Mr. Cederberg: But they can let it go any tima
desired. Is that right?

Mr. Tyler: They can, but if I may go off the re-
cord on this?

No doubt, Tyler was seeking to relate to the
Committee in private the pressures which were be-
ing out by President Kennedy and the State De-
partment on the British government. During the P-e-
sident's visit to London in 'Ty. 1963, a similar nont
of view was expressed by Kennedy v Press secretary,
Pierre Salinper. on BB(C television. And Dean Rii=k,
US Secretary of State was reported by thp London
Tlme., -f ',-n, o 1 13 +? have urged Lord Home,
the British Foreign Secretary, to susnird our con-
st .. -n or hold a referendum on a new system of


According to Schlesinger, "The State Department
at first thought we should make a try (to work with
Jagan): then Rusk personally reversed this policy
in a stiff letter to the British early in 1962".

No wonder. Tory M.P. and former Colonial Sec-
tary, Mr. lain McLeod. pin-pointing US intorf-r-
ence in our domestic affairs, could say in a debate

on Guyana .in the House of Commons in mid-1964:j
"There is an irony we all recognize in the fact
of America urging us all over the world to-
wards colo freedom except where it ap-
proaches their own doorstep. I believe their
fears are exaggerated . .

The American attitude seems dangerous be-
cause in my experience if you put off independ-
ence because yor fear you may get a left wing
government, the most likely thing to happen is
that you will get a government even further to
the left."
That US pressure was decisive became clear
when the British Labour government somersaulted
in November, 1964, on pre-election pledges. Harold
Wilson had termed as 'a fiddled constitutional ar-
rangement" the -hange by the British government
of our traditional first-past-the-post electoral sys-
tem to that of the list system of proportional repre-
sentation. Arthur Bo' -"5e, had said that "to change
the system to a new one looks far too much 'Pae
manipulation with the blatant purpose of ousting
Dr Jagan". Tn spite of these trenchant criticisms,
the Labour government went ahead with the elec-
tions fixed by the Tory government for December
7, 1964.
Writing about this cynical' turn-about of policy
on the part of the Labour government, the New York
7'-'- < ... n pntnfi-pr '11 Jl q4 j-nm torl ihat fhb BPirijzh
government "bowing to United States wishes, had
ruled out early independencee for British Guiana"
and was p-ing ahead with the PR elections fixed for
December 7. "This development reported by senior
officials tonight", said the newspaper, "came after
high level British-American exchanges on how to
check the spread of Castroism in the Western hemis-
phere,"........... "Foreign Secretary, Partick Gordon
Walker and Secretary of State, Dean Rusk examined
the situation in their talks in Washington this week.
Informants said that Mr. Rusk had left Mr. Gordonr
Walker in no doubt that the United States would re-
sist a rise of British Guiana as an indonendent
Castro-type state",
Sunday Mirror June 26, 1960

CIA Money

During the 1964 general election US funds were
lavishly expended to help defeat the PPP. Even two
splinter parties, the Guyana United Muslim Party and
the Justice Party were set up with the aim of taking
away votes from the PPP on a racial (Indian) and
religious (Muslim and Hindu) basis.
Writing in a series of five articles recently on the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) about US espionage
and subversion abroad, the New York Times on April
28, 1966 said with regard to Latin America and Guyana.

"The CIA's talent for secret warfare is known to
have been tested twice in Latin America. It suc-
cessfully directed a battle of "Liberation" against
the leftist Government of Col. Jacobo Arbenz Guz-
man in Guatemala in 1954. Seven years later, a
CIA-sponsored army jumped off from secret bases
in Guatemala and Nicaragua for the disastrous en-
gagement at Cuba's Bay of Pigs.

"Not so melodramatically, the agency runs dozens
of other operations throughout the hemisphere

"It provides 'technical assistance' to most Latin
American nations by helping them establish anti-
Communist police forces. It promotes anti-Com-
munist front organizations for students, workers,
professional and businessmen, farmers and political
parties. It arranges for contact between these
groups and American labour organizations, insti-
tutes and foundations.

"It has poured money into Latin American
election campaigns in support of moderate candi-
dates and against leftist leaders such as Cheddt
Jagan of British Guiana."
Note the following Press comments about the 1964
riggc-' elect ;n Nathan Miller, writing on December 8
1964 in the Baltimore Sun. said.:,

"Pressed by the US, Britain in holding the elec-'
tion being held a year before it was constitution-
ally scheduled under a system of proportional
representation, aimed at preventing the PPP from
winning a majority of seats."

The Associated Press on December 9, wrote:
"Jagan's failure to retain the legislative majority
he won in 1961 resulted from a new system of pro-
portional representation devised by the British to
drive him from office."

The New York Daily News reported:
/ "Britain's government cagily fixed up a system
of voting by proportional representation with a
view of butchering the Jagans out of power, and
their pro-Western political opponents in, before
Guiana is granted full independence by Britain.
The plan seems to have worked."

The Financial Ttmes of London stated:
'P.R. has served its purpose in defeating Jagan's
People's Progressive Party."


These statements must be viewed against the hypo-
crisy of the US administrators, who never tire of talk-
ing in high moral tones about the rule of law, freedom
and democracy, and free and fair elections.

In early 1962, after attacking communists for sub-
version and falsely condemning Dr. Fidel Castro for
denial of freedom and refusal to hold elections, the late
President Kennedy in an interview with the editor of
Izvestia said:

"The United States supports the idea that every
people should have the right to make a free choice
of the kind of government they want. Dr. Jagan
who was recently elected Prime Minister in British
Guiana is a Marxist, but the United States doesn't
object because that choice was made by honest elec-
tion, which he won."

Writing in 1962 to former President Betancourt of
Venezuela, President Kennedy spoke in similar terms:

"I should like, through you, to extend my congra-
tulations ind those of the people of this country to
the people, government and armed forces of Vene-
zuela for their action in preserving constitutional
democracy against those who have attempted to
overthrow your freely elected government.

"The preservation and strengthening of freely
elected constitutional government is the aspiration
of all the peoples of the Americas and progress in
this continent under the Alianza para el Progreso
depends ir large measure in effecting change
through peaceful and democratic means and avoid-
ing violent interruptions of the constitutional pro-

Yet there was interference in Guyana. According
to Schlesinger, Kennedy's reason for US subversion in
Guyana was his fear that the PPP would set up a dic-
tatorship This is how he puts it in his book:

"The President went on to express doubt whether
Jagan would be able to sustain his position as a
parliamentary democrat. 'I have a feeling, he said,
'that in a couple of years he will find ways to sus-
pend his constitutional provisions and will cut his
opposition off at the knees ..... Parliamentary demo-
cracy is going to be damn difficult in a country at
this stage of development. With all the political
jockeying and all the racial tensions, it's going to
bp ilmosf impossible for Jagan to concentrate the
energies of his country on development through
a narliamentarv system."

Kennedy's excuse, however, does not hold water.
The U.S. government knew, as I had told the British
government and the United Nations Latin American
Bloc. that my government was prepared to sign a
treaty A La Austria with the Big Four (USA Britain
Frnnre :nd the USSR) for the guarantee of Guyana's
t-,.-- ;no-it, ".+rnlitv and constitution with
safeguards for fundamental rights.

The fact is the USA is, firstly, concerned with the
preservation of the Old Order and the protection of its
investments and, only secondly and residually, with
oedom and democracy. It talks about "the preserva-
mn and strengthening of freely elected constitutional
government." but it helped to overthrow such democra-
tic governments in Equador. Guatemala. Brazil, the
Dominican Republic and elsewhere, it refused to have
elections held in Vietnam: and it had elections rigged
in Guyana.

Even the London Economist on December 12, 1964
admitted that "Under the old constituency system, Dr.
Jagan would have won enough seats in the Assembly
to govern."

But under the Truman, Kennedy and Johnson
doctrines, only U.S. puppets must govern. This poli-y
will no doubt continue v long as fear of communism
and anti-communist hysteria are dominant in US rul-
ing circles, which take a distorted view of the world
situation and the forces that operate in modern society.

Fortunately, grassroots protests and ferment in
academic and student circles are breaking through the
propaganda blanket and managed news of the indus-
trial-military complex. Like the British historian,
Arnold Toynbee, they now say:

"Today America is no longer the inspire and
leader of the world revolution. by contrast
America is today the leader of the world-wide anti-
revolutionary movement in defence of vested in-
terests. She now stands for what Rome stood for."
Sunday Mirror July 3, 1966

The Onuestion of Morality

..u. ago I received an advance copy of J.
Robert Moskin's new book Morality in America.
The author who visited Guyana in 1961 is concerned
about the moral crisis in the U.S.A.

Referring to the scope of immorality in the U.S.A.
he cited some alarming statistics of crime, juvenile
delinquency, divorces, thefts, prostitution, vandalism.
pilferage and alcoholism The figures are startling.

Major crimes increased five times faster than the
population since 1950. More than two million crimes
are committed each year. These include 9.200 mur-
ders 20,500 rapes, and 1.1 million burglaries.
Juvenile delinquency is at a high peak. Arrests
of vouths doubled since 1950.

Automobile thefts surpass 1,000 per day, an esti-
mated 65% of them committed by teen-agers. Van-
dals smashed 181.306 school windows in New York
city in one year. Stolen property is worth in excess
of S600 million annually. Pilferage runs higher than
one billion a year.

Social ills of society are reflected in an increasing
divorce rate. Divorces have averaged 380,000- an-
nually since 1950, one for every four marriages per-
formed each year.

Alcoholics now number about 5 million, about
3',. of the whole US labour force.
the moral crisis nas resulted in a sort of indif-
ference and callousness. Moskin writes: "The Rev.
William Coffin Jnr., the chaplain of Yale University,
sums up his views 'The trouble in America is we
do love our neighbours as ourselves that is why we
are trying to do them in." He adds: "Martin Buber
said "there are people and things in this world and
people are to be loved and things to be used, but in
American society. I think we are using people and
loving things more and more."


Dr. W.A. Head, a Director of the Metro (Toronto)'
Social Planning Council, speaking in Toronto re-
cently said that our society was "sick in many ways"

We don't cry out in protest against torture in
Vietnam. We don't shout out in protest against rule
by emergency and detention. We don't speak out
against violation of the rule of law when Heeralall
is freed by the Court and immediately detained by
the government. We don't say anything about the
annual slaughter on our roads.

"We have been dehumanised; reduced to cogs.
We must begin to humanise ourselves and refuse to
be cogs."' Dr. Head said that children who model
themselves after many of today's parents will be
pretty sick characters. He added that "social aqen-
cies have become part of the establishment in a sick

Our society is sick because of its emphasis on ac-
quisition and profit. Under the capitalist system,
,hose who own the means of production factories
land, etc. are primarily concerned with extrac :ng
profits from the workers and rents from the farmers.
The monopolists d n o t worry if auto-
mation will reduce thousands upon thousands of
workers to a state of penury and want. Their con-
cern is the maintenrnrre of the capitalist system and
the extraction of more profits.

Very few attempt to criticize the system. We
are told that the individual is free and that we are
living in an open society where everyone is free to
criticize and to do as he pleases. But the fact is this
freedom is merely nominal, it is not real.

Con: mism has itself become a creed. To get
along one tends to conform to condone the evil.

Moskin noted this dilemma. This is how he puts
it. "The American system Permits the individual to
do battle with society, if he has the corarne Bw the
price of courage, Tilli-' -~4 can be self-sacrifice!

The rebel in a big organisation, the parent who repu-
diates the neighbourhood norms, the businessman who
opposes the unethical practice of his competitors or
associates all risk self-sacrifice."

Few they were who were prepared to risk self-
sacrifice. And what is alarming is that those who
seem to conform and to toe the line are among the
more "educated." A study disclosed that only about
10% among the working class were anti-semitic as
against around 30% among junior executives with
college degrees.
Fortunately, there are now growing numbers in
the U.S.A. who are speaking out: I remember Pro-
fessor Straughton Lynd speaking at Toronto Univer-
sity Teach-In in October 1965. He remarked that
man was not only a citizen of a country but a/human
being. He has a responsibility as a citizen to obey

the laws were against humanity, then as a human
being he has a moral dut\ to oppose those laws.

He referred to the Hitler -'ar criminals who even
though in their defence said that they were carrying
out orders of Hitler were nevertheless convicted at
the Nuremburg trials for crimes against humanity.

Lynd went on to say that the time has come when
American citizens must demonstrate their protest by
refusing to be drafted for war service in Vietnam
They must show their humanity by volunteering for
peaceful service in poor foreign countries.

Recently, we have seen youths burning up their
draft cards. Mohammed Ali alias Cassius Clay told
the American Draft Board that he would not go to
fight in Vietnam, he had no quarrel with the Viet-
namese people.

I have just seen an advertisement in the Na-
tional Guardian of April 16. 1966 with hundreds of
names of prominent US citizens in the field of art.
science, politics and reloion. They have signed a re-
fusal to-pa.y-tax statement.

The statement declared that the -U.S.A. with its
jet bombers, helicopters, fragmentation and napalm
bombs and disabling gas was carrying out an endless
war against the hungry, scantly armed Vietcong and
Vietnamese civilians, the U.S. invasion of the Domi-
nican Republic was "pitting our terrifying weaponry
mainly against civilians armed with rifles."

Noting the indifference of so many Americans to
the crimes by their brothers, and recognizing that the
U.S. governm-ent has not reacted constructively to
legitimate criticism protests and appeals, the indi-
viduals declared that as long as US forces are
clearly being used in violation of the U.S. conF4itution
international law, and the U.N. Charter, they would
refuse to pay their federal income tax voluntarily.

Freedom fighters in Guyana who have been the
victims of U.S. intervention, subversion, force and
fraud, must salute these Americans who in the spirit
of the Declaration of Independence today speak out.
We congratulate them for their firmness and resolu-
tion in the face of social ostracism, terror and im-
Sunday Mirror June 5, 1966

Morality and Politics

Hitler in his quest for supremacy wanted to con
quer the world. Some Americans had similar ambi-

Senator Albert J. Beveridge delivered on January
9, 1900 what was an open gambit for aggressive
U.S. imperialism.
He said: "Mr. President, God has not been pre-
paring the English-speaking and Teutonic peoples for
a thousand years for nothing but vain and idle self-
contemplation and self-admiration. No He has
made us the master-organizers of the world to estab-
lish a system whereby chaos reigns. He has
made us adepts in government that we may adminis-
ter government among savage and senile peoples . .
He has marked the American- people as His chosen
nation to finally lead in the regeneration of the world.
This 1- the divine mission of America . The Phi-
lippines are ours for ever. We will not repudiate our
duty in the archipelago. We will not abandon our op-
portunity in the Orient. We will not renounce our
part in the mission of our race, trustee, under God, of
the civilization of the world."

William Allen White wrote in the Emporia
Gazette of March 20, 1899: "Only Anglo-Saxons can
govern themselves. The Cubans will need a despo-
tic government for many years to restrain anarchy
until Cuba is filled with Yankees ... It is the Anglo-
Saxons', manifest destiny to go forth as a world con-
queror. He will take possession of the islands of the
sea . This is what fate holds for the chosen peo-

Hitler also spoke of a chosen people the Nor-
dic race. And his weapon was the Big Lie.

After the defeat of Hitler some Americans again
began voicing the same sentiments the twentieth

century was the American Century. And the wea-
pon was the same the Big Lie.
The West started out on the myth that the USSR
was a 'devil,' a 'disease,' 'a mortal danger to the free
world,' a 'peril to civilization' with 175 divisions
poised to attack Europe. In the Western Hemisphere,
it was said that Latin America "was threatened by
communist subversion from within and without."
These myths and deliberate lies resulted under
the Truman Doctrine in a policy of containment of
communism, and provided the justification for a mas-
sive military programme, the arming of West Ger-
many, the building of milit-ry bases in various parts
of the world encircling the Soviet Union and People's
China. They resulted also in establishing dictator-
ships first in Greece and Turkey and later in Latin
America and the Middle East.
In Korea, on the excuse that the North had at-
tacked the South, President Truman had ordered
"United States air and sea forces to give the Korean
government troops cover and support," it urged the
United Nations Security Council to invoke sanctions
against North Korea. Soon after, the United States
decided that the United Nations forces ( in effect the
American army) should "repel the armed attack." and
"restore international peace and security in the area."
On October 7, 1950, a resolution directed Mac Arthur
to take all appropriate steps to ensure conditions of
stability throughout Korea and to establish "a unified,
independent and democratic government in the sover-
eign state of Korea." And on June 20, 1951, the
United Nations passed a resolution branding China
as an aggressor.

Although North Korea was declared the aggres-
sor, there was every justification for the belief that
the Syngham Rhee forces were the real trouble-

Rhee had repeatedly declared his intentions of
forcibly "liberating" North Korea. In the late 1949,
he was reported as saying to visiting United States
navy officers that his government would not much

longer tolerate a divided Korea, and "if we have to
settle this thing bv war. we will do all the fighting
needed". In this view, he was supported by Douglas
Mac Arthur who urged that "the barrier (38th paral-
lel) must and will be torn down."
Later, in May 1960, President Eisenhower was
caught lying about the U2 spy plane over the USSR.
When the Russians first announced that they had
downed a plane caught spying over Soviet territory,
Eisenhower denied this.

He had to recant when the Russians produced the
evidence the U2 plane and the pilot, Francis Gary
Powers. This incident wrecked the Big Four confer-
ence which was scheduled to be held in Paris.

In 1965, the State Department denied a charge by
Lee Quan Yew, Prime Minister of Singapore, that the
CIA had offered him a bribe of $5 million to release
a CIA spy. When he declared that he would produce
the evidence, Dean Rusk admitted the offer of the
bribe and apologised.

More recently in Vietnam and the Dominican Re-
public. the U.S. government has resorted to lying in
order to conceal its inhuman war and massive use of
The Vietnam war is justified on the ground of
intervention by North Vietnam in the South, and by
provocation in the Gulf of Tonkin incident.
According to the Pentagon account, a group of
North Vietnamese PT boats attacked U.S. destroyers
of the Seventh Fleet about 65 miles at sea. It seems
strange that these boats will engage U.S. warships for
three hours in a major sea battle in rough seas in bad
An account of this incident as related by Warren
Hinckle in Ramparts of June. 1966 and based on re-
search of Professor H. Bruce Franklin of Stanford

University says "On July 31 and August 1, South
Vietnamese commandos, under cover of a naval bar-
rage, attacked the North Vietnamese islands of Hon
Me and Hon Ngu in the Gulf of Tonkin.

The destroyer U.S.S. Maddox was either 30 miles
away from North Vietnamese territory at the time
(according to the State Department) or ten miles
away (according to Admiral Robert B. Moore) or
three miles away laying the barrage (other sources.)]

"At any rate, the next morning the Maddox, in of-
ficial Novy language 'became aware' that three PT
boats were trailing it. After several hours, according
to Time magazine, the Maddox fired 'three warning
shots across their bows,' a difficult feat of gunman-
ship since the PT boats were due astern. 'Warning
shots haven't ms-ant anything but a serious shoot-out
since the days of Hornblower, and after a futile ex-
change of torpedoes and shells, the ships went their
own ways."

Blasting the excuse that Ncrth Vietnam was the
aggressor, Warren Hinckle points the finger at the
dictators in SouthVietnam. He says: "In the late
July, 1964. a brash, moustachioed South Vietnamese
Air Force Commannder, Nguyen Cao Ky, boasted to a
New York Times correspondent that the Air Force, led
by himself, had dropped 'combat teams' inside North
Vietnam three years before, well before the heralded
'infiltration' of North Vietnamese combat units into
South Vietnam."
Then there was the intervention by U.S. troops in
the Dominican Republic. This was heralded first
with the excuse that the lives of American citizens
had to be protected. Johnson stated that there were
"1,000 to 1,500 bodies that are dead in the streets."
This figure was later reduced to six. It was then an-
nounced that the Dominican rebel forces were domi-
nated by communists. Later It was disclosed that
there were only 53 communists.

The cold-war Truman Doctrine has now become
the hot-war Johnson Doctrine.

The U.S. military-industrial complex and tielb
machine controlled politicians today operate on the
basis that America is democratic and good, that
communism is totalitarian and evil; that anything is
justified in defeating communism. Of course, the de-
finition of communism is elastic. Like the South
African "Suivression of Communism Act, anything,
even "criticism of the hated doctrine" apartheid, can
be described as communism.

The Truman Doctrine enunciated that freedom
and democracy were synonymous with the free enter-
prise capitalist system. that planned economies and
government control of foreign trade were inimical to
the American way of life.

Barry Goldwater at the 1964 Republican National
Convention in San Francisco declared "I would re-
mind you that extremism in defence of liberty is no
vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in
the pursuit justice is no virtue."

Immediately after the convention, Goldwater de-
fined extremism by saying "Extremism in politics
is either facism on one side or communism on the

Goldwater lost to the "peace" candidate, Lyndon
Johnson. But the ghost of Goldwater resides at the
White House. In defence of the status quo the capital-
ist system, the U.S. government aids and abets fas-
cist and neo-fascist regimes around the globe. And
under the guise of fighting communism, it is guilty of
"unspeakable crimes" against humanity.

There can be no morality in America when its
rulers defend at home and abroad a decadent mono-
poly-capitalist system, a system based on exploitation
and -reed. So long as this system continues, the U.S.A.
will be a sick society. Well-intentioned persons like
Moz;ki" qb--1M lnol- not al the periphery, but at the top
for the cause of the sickness.
Sunday Mirror June 12, 1966

Words not Deeds

.. Where is the plan for the towns and where
is the plan for the villages. No industry for the
villages, no plan to get an industrial area and see
whether it is possible for government to erect
That was Mr. Burnham speaking in the Legisla-
ture, on January 12, 1960 in criticism of the PPP gov-
ernment's industrial development policies.

In the PNC 1964 election manifesto New Road,
inder the heading ''Goals and Attitudes," the fol-
owing has been specifically stated -

"Ours will be a mixed economy with a public and
private sector. Government will own and run out-
right those industries which the circumstances and
acts suggest. These will not be limited to infra-
structural undertakings where the capital invest-
ments are heavy and the returns not immediately
recognisable, but will include what are described
as productive and immediate profit-bearing enter-

In the same manifesto, under the heading
olicy Foundation," there was stated the following-
'Essential industries must be under social control.
These will include all public utilities, others which
are important for ensuring adequate protection of
satisfactory standards of equality and price and yet
others which from time to time it may appear bene-
ficial and in the national interest to have publicly
owned, controlled or operated. These will not ex-
clude by any means profit bearing undertakings."
Deeds however, do not measure up with words.
The PNC-UF coalition government is doing exactly
the opposite. It is pursuing an unbridled policy
based on capitalism, on private enterprise.

Ambiguously, the Minister of Economic Develop-
ment declares that government will play a leading
role in industrialization without stating categorically
whether it will establish government-owned factories.

What is the record thus far ? In spite of noise
and fury .very little has been achieved except expan-
sion in existing industries. Sterling Products has
gone in for the production of detergents. This was
negotiated during the PPP regime.

B.G. Stockfeeds is expanding and Correia's En-
terprises is establishing a cannery out of the ruins of
the Food Manufacturing Cr-npany, established on the
East Bank of Demerara some time ago. Only a small
factory producing mosquito coils is a new venture,

The plain fact is that there is little interest even
by friends of the government in industrialization of
the country.

The foreign private investors, mainly U.S., are
interested not in manufacturing but in the extractive
industries. Their main concern is exploration of

The local unpatriotic capitalists who are closely tied
w th imperialism refer to carry on in the old way as
commission agents and commercial businessmen.
selling goods which were manufactured abroad and
exporting their profits outside of the country.

The Minister of Finance has admitted that since
the relaxation in 1965 of Exchange Control imposed
by the PPP government in 1962, there was a flight of
$12 million.

These local comprador (parasitic) capitalists
want tremendous concessions if they are to enter the
field of manufacturing, accustomed as they are to
very high profit margins in trading.

The few capitalists who are investing on a small
scale are those who have a patriotic outlook.

The government in the meanwhile has done
nothing to give the lead. The PPP government in
november, 1964, had voted the sum of $5 million is
965 for industrial development......This was to be al-
iocated to the Industrial Development Corporation for
the setting up of government-owned industries such
as bicycle tyres, galoshes, yachting boots, glass,
etc. for which feasibility studies had been under-
aken. Out of this sum $1 million was to be used
for government's participation with local private en-
trepreneurs in jointly owned (government and
private) factories.

The PPP industrial scheme has been scrapped.
Last year not one penny was allocated to the Indus-
trial Development Corporation, either for wholly-
owned or jointly-owned industries.

And in 1966 although a sum of over $40 million
has been allocated for the Development Programme,
the government has not yet allocated any money for

It is clear that the coalition government is carry-
a-g out the orders of Washington. The US policy is op-
posed to government entering into business and con-

This is indicated by the new Private Investments
Funds of $2 million U.S. which is now being establish-
ed with a loan of $2 million (U.S.) from the U.S. A.
This will be used only for loans to private individuals
for the purchasing of equi, ient and supplies ex-
clusively in the U.S.A.

Meanwhile, certain companies are transferring
their business abroad. About 80 per cent of Bookers
Drug Manufacturing business will now be done in
Trinidad and Jamaica Trinidad for the markets in
the Windward and Leeward Islands, and Jamaica for
the markets further North, in Bermuda and the

Other small capitalists who operate in Guyana are

also now establishing '"ranches in Barbados. With the
free trade area agreement, whereby goods will be able
to move freely without tariff barriers, we will now
experience in the Caribbean what has been happening
in the US. namely, capitalists running away from
high to low wage areas.

These are all pointers to ruin and bankruptcy in
Guyana. Trinidad and Jamaica which have followed
AS dictated policies are now finding explosive unem-
>loyment problems on their hands.

The light industries which have been set up in
these countries and which mainly depended on the utili-
zation of foreign imported raw materials have not
really added any significant number to the labour
force from the ranks of the unemployed.

What has been mainly done is the transference of
those who have been employed previously in com-
merce to the industrial establishments which now pro-
duce to replace the imported goods. In some cases,
there has been a net loss in employment.

And with the tax concessions given to the capi-
talists, cost of goods have increased and cost of living
has materially risen. The time has come for an agoniz-
ing re-appraisal. If bankruptcy is to be avoided, there
must be a change of government policies.

Sunday Mirror May 29, 1966
-. 1:- __ ^ --

Primed by the New "ow l. Lot
8 Raimveldt East a.. 4 e -ople's
Progresive Party, 41. ReIo J .

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