bNORMAN E. CAMERON, M.
NORMAN E. CAMERON, M.B.E., M A,
Author of The Evolution of The Negro,
Thoughts on Life and Literature,
Thoughts on the Making of a
New Nation, etc.
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NORMAN E CAMERON, M.B.E., M A.
The Guianese have become politically anxious.
Many valuable contributions relating to the present
critical situation have been made in the local press
or over the air by Guianese patriots.
This writer has been requested by several persons
to put his writings on the political situation in B.G.
in booklet form.
The first series "What Worries Me", inspired by
the Constitutional Stalemate, was given a very
Similarly was the series "Communism and Us"
which explained and criticised the Communist Mani-
festo and ended with an article entitled Living
The 80-day Strike evoked a series of articles
almost all of which pointed to the urgency of our
No.1 concern, namely, the Constitutional matters.
The present booklet, "Clearing the Political Air"
expresses views written, with the exception of the
first article, subsequent to Mr. Sandys's arrival in
this country. As the title suggests an attempt is
made to clarify our thinking and to face and answer
Looking back over the past months beginning from
the 1st. April, 1963, I find I have written a fair
amount. Reproduction in booklet form may well
help to prevent the wood being hidden by the bushes.
Moreover small books have a great advantage.
They are easy to read and may provide food in
digestible quantity for discussion and action.
N. E. C.
Subryanville, British Guiana.
12 August, 1963.
Reply to the Premier's "Big Question."
Peaceful Means or Armed Violence -competition of
ideologies different methods conditions
bringing about a peaceful millennium.
Brief Memorandum to Mr. Duncan Sandys
Clearing the Political Air
Objection to being communist led objection to
partial government no objection to Indian leader -
positives to the above.
Further Appeal for Temporary Coalition
To establish peaceful administration the while coalition
talks proceed quotations from Duncan Sandys to
Political Frustration (Viewpoint over B.G.B S.)
Violence in changes of government in South America
pointers to leaders destruction versus patriotism-
political bigotry versus 'live and let live'.
Solving our Problems Ourselves
Whether we are doing enough methods in an in -
dependent country in our context no confidence
in polls Problem: style of government; internal
and external complications hope in coalition -
immediate Independence violence, British troops
freedom of criticism.
After October, What? (Viewpoint over B-G.B.S.)
Control of communistic tendency a prime necessity
no need for violence or civil war investigate
common ground discipline disappointment and
apportioning of blame co-operate with decision -
law and order a blueprint.
Reply To The Premier's
A ray of hope appeared to Guianese in "the
big question" by the Premier as reported in the
Sunday Graphic of April 28, 1963, page 1:
"Will Socialists like me be allowed to bring about
our millennium by peaceful means, or is Fidel Castro's
way of armed struggle the only way out?"
This is the sort of question that must be posed
and answered now. Questions like this should have
been part of our social thinking which should have
developed into a social philosophy preceding the draft-
ing of the Constitution. This is the sort of question
that must be settled before we enter on our indepen-
dence; and for stability the answer must be rigidly
adhered to after Independence.
I would define "Socialists like me" as "persons
who find their political inspiration in the communist
programme and until April 28th 1963 thought it
necessary to stick to this programme unadulterated
and to effect it by the communist method of violent
struggle extreme leftists". So the ray of hope* has
at last appeared.
By"millennium" I take it to mean realisation of
First of all the realisation of one's vision by
any reformer depends on its acceptance by the people.
* I regarded (and do regard) this question as an invitation to the
Guianese to express views on any political matter including the
impact of Communism with the possibility that the views may
make an impression where intended.
Then there may not be only one visionary or
one reformer. So the vision of the other must also
be placed before the people for acceptance.
In our case, for instance, extreme leftism may
be one ideology; some form of national socio cum
private enterprise another.
If the exponent of extreme leftism can exclaim "Will
I be allowed to bring about our millennium?" so the
exponent of the compromising ideology can exclaim
"Will I be allowed to bring about our millennium?"
It is not for either of them to imagine that it
is for him to decide the issue. It is for an impartial
judge to decide. It is for the people to decide in
free enlightened elections. Or it is for the two to get
together and effect compromises.
Let us suppose for the sake of argument that in
elections as indicated the people decide for t h e
programme of extreme leftism.
The possibility of bringing about the millennium
by peaceful means will next have to be considered
Unfortunately before investigating the terms for
effecting his programme by tactful and democratic
means Dr- Jagan fell for the communist method of
keeping his measures within his Party, developing
these in private, springing them on the legislature and
expecting immediate acceptance and resenting
opposition or resistance.
Now the question of method is opened. The
onlooker feels that to a great extent our millennium
could be brought about by peaceful means. The
onlooker feels (1) that ample opportunity should be
given to become acquainted with Government's
measures and to frame or voice protest or amendment
before the final stages of a Bill.
(2) that leave well alone and proceed with the
under-developed may be the better order of marching
to the millennium. "Well"may not be the "best,"
but well is on the way to thebest, and, for the time be-
ing at any rate, it may be found desirable to proceed
with other matters if the country is to be on its way
to the millennium. The rate at which the present
Government strives or struggles to upset or reform
existing institutions far swamps out its rate in tackling
developmental measures, and indeed is alarming.
(3) that common areas of agreement (this term
has been used by the Premier and in "New World")
must therefore be sought and these will ensure a
smooth, peaceful progress to the desired goal.
(4) that no one party should cling desperately
to leading the Government all the time and expect
(5) That the would-be reformer must realise
the fact that a large mass of people cannot advance
at the same pace as an individual or as a small group.
The reformer therefore must do some solid
thinking about haste and hurry and the speedy
realisation of his ambitions. Our would-be reformers
are not the first reformers to have appeared.
Most reformers have died of a broken heart, and I
would risk to say that none had his ideas snapped
up as he might have imagined.
Patience in dealing with the other fellow is
necessary. Patience in realising that the crowd is a
slower thinker than the individual. Sympathy in
realising that, after all, we as individuals were our-
selves slow thinkers, and only appear to be brighter
than the crowd because we took the advantage of
going apart and doing all our laboured thinking
Again for peaceful progress the spirit of com-
promise must be prominent in our make-up- We
must remember that there was another point of
view as exemplified by the other political parties.
Everybody has to be shorn of the conceit that
he is always right. We strive our level best to be
right and in the present we see ourselves to be ab-
solutely right. The past may help us to adjust
the value of our thoughts. Does not the past pro-
vide us with numerous examples of things considered
just the thing in their time which subsequent gen-
erations altered or even condemned? I repeat. We
have to try our best. We must not be half-hearted
but having done our best we must have the saving
grace to bear with fortitude the finding (if this
were the finding) "Your best was not enough."
Again in considering the way of "armed struggle."
as a means the political patriot must ask himself
What he wants to accomplish?
Who is to benefit?
Is it his own glorification he is after?
Does not giving the country benefits by armed
struggle savour of those who burnt bodies to save
The background of Cuba is far different
from that of Uuiana. In Guiana with its history,
heritage, traditions, heterogeneous population, can a
political patriot regard himself as a success if he
achieves his ends with curses on the lips of the
Where and who are the enemies of a proletariat
Government in British Guiana? I maintain that all
Guianese, whatever their persuasions, can compromise
with a people's Government in Guiana.
But some of us have got into the stream of
finding something to struggle against. We imagined
at the outset we had to struggle against something
so we found colonialism and imperialism; the cap-
italist, petty bourgeoisie among us, institutions
needing reforms, all contributed to the exhilarating
feeling of the young and energetic for struggle, for
armed struggle if need be.
I will agree that the path to our millennium is
by sheer hard, unremitting effort, effort of will, ef-
fort of character, effort of energy or labour, effort
to win over and to convince, all which are of the
essence of struggle. But the effort must go hand
in hand with a consciousness of what it is all about,
what is it all for! And if we remember this we
must add sympathy and understanding and patience
and love. Thus it will be seen that armed struggle
is not the way for Guyana.
There is more than one way to Rome, more
than one degree of pain in extracting a tooth. I
would therefore say that the Premier's question
can be answered satisfactorily and that it is one
of the pressing questions that must be answered
Brief Memora dum
to Mr. Duncan Sandys
In response to an invitation in the Press I
humbly submit briefly the following matters to which
I wish to direct the attention of the Secretary of
Expectation of a Democratic Form of
The Waddington Commission had probably
visualised some form of democratic government in
the hands of Guianese with freedom to develop as
rapidly as they could. 'Live and let live', 'unity in
diversity,' rather than 'will to power' on the part
of any one group or party one would expect to be
the motivation for our heterogeneous country.
2. Leftist Socialism
The party which won the elections in 1953, the
P.P.P., won on a socialist programme and ruled on
a communist pattern. The presence of communism
was one of the reasons for the suspension of the
Constitution in 1953.
3. 1957 and 1961
As a result of the suspension of the Constitu-
tion partly through Communism a large proportion
of the population, especially that accustomed to the
exercise of the vote, was confirmed in their belief
in the desirability of having some form of democratic
government. This desire was thwarted in 1957 and
in 1961 when the P.P P. Government was again re-
turned. There seems little chance of seeing their
cherished system of Government in operation since
the present Government's system is acceptable to
P.P.P. supporters whose interests are jealously guard-
ed in order that their votes might be preserved.
4. Nature of P.P.P. Government
The spirit of the P.P.P. Government has been
unravelling itself through the years unpopular leg-
islation with a frequency to cause confusion: no
compromise: fighting strikes rather than come to terms;
governing primarily for benefit of party members;
practising recently a single party system of administta-
tion and living, with indication of more to
come. Rule of force and rule of law with no
evidence of rule of love.
5. Redress by Constitutional Means
No constitutional means of redress have been
of any avail. For example, appeals, petitions, no
confidence vote, resort to the Supreme Court. The
people's only hope for constitutional redress is in the
6. The next 25 months
With the Government carrying on as at present,
taking full advantage of its position under internal
self-government, the next 25 months may well be a
continuation of 1962 and 1963 a most u n h a p p y
prospect gathering from the indications already being
7. Independence no right of appeal
if and when Independence comes Guianese realise
that there would be no right of appeal outside of the
country. This is normal, but the indication is that
the P.P P. Government is prepared to pit Guianese
plus foreign brains and foreign arms against unaided
Guianese. The problem of coping with a leader who
would introduce communist dictatorship with inter-
national complications is to my mind too big for the
unaided resources of us Guianese.
8. Proportional Representation
Many Guianese hope to give the democratic or
non-communist sections a fair opportunity to be
represented in the Government by the introduction
of Proportional Representation. But in the near
future even P.R. may not be enough as a result of
population growths. The hope of defeating the P.P.P.
Government in spite of its many obvious failures
is greatly reduced by an absence of fair voting on the
issues in hand on the part of a large number of the
The indication is that the highest possible form
of protection of rights, tried and even untried, beyond
even the Supreme Court, is indicated f or an Indepen-
dent Guyana. This may have to go as far as inserting
in the Constitution that certain issues or situations be
made the concern of the United Nations thus enabling
10. Other Internal Problems.
I consider that all others matters, including inter-
racial problems are within the scope of the Guianese
people to handle by their own resources.
If it is deemed desirable I shall be willing to
answer any questions.
N. E. CAMERON M.B.E, M..A
Clearing the Political Air
Judging from the sentiments of Guianese patriots
I can picture a procession with banners bearing the
1. We don't want to be communist-led.
2. We object to partial Government.
3. We don't mind an Indian head of the
Variations of these captions would put the themes
e.g. We want a moderate socialism.
We expect Government to be impartial.
We'll accept any approved person as head
of the Government.
There is no doubt that once more Guianese are be-
coming confused at the political situation.
This is not lessL ned by the request of Mr. Duncan
Sandys to give the leaders every chance to arrive
at their decision over coalition, which request may
lead to refraining from putting forward certain points
of view at present. While Dr. Jagan is supposed to
be engaged in coalition talks he comes out with
his independence treaty his first concession to in-
It was no doubt to ease the tension that Mr.
Sandys suggested a temporary coalition of the three
leaders. (It is to be noted that this temporary
coalition of the three leaders to enable s e tt 1 e d
Government during discussions leading to agreements
was proposed in this country to the Premier and to
the public before Mr. Sandys. It is also to be noted
that our leaders were warned that "time was running
We do not wish therefore to intrude on the leaders
now two) and their discussions. But we suspect that
(the leaders are going to devote most of their time
to means. I do wish therefore to draw attention to
the above three principles.
1. This country does not want to be communist-
led. If there is any doubt let there be a referendum
on this head. This is the first referendum we should
I guess that at least 58 per cent will vote for the
proposition which unfortunately is stated in the neg-
ative. And if the electorate should vote freely and
fearlessly on the issue as individuals (and not by block,)
which is expected in a referendum, the number will
far exceed 58 per cent.
Guianese do not want to be communist-led
because they do not wish a continuation of recent
tensions and of the style of living indicated, and
because they do not see the need to embroil the
country in ugly international situations. They do
not see the need. They feel they can get all the
benefits by means of a moderate (or less extreme)
form of socialism. Rice farmers and workers in mines
and forests can get all and more benefits, sugar
workers more bonus and more amenities, desk workers
more jobs with development along river banks and
in the interior, those somewhat neglected more
attention, and so on.
As a patriot, I honestly feel that a better
programme with better prospects for the individual
and for the country can be produced by more moderate
2. Our present Government has tended to govern,
or has given the impression of governing, primarily for
the benefit of its party members and with the single-
oarty system of living in view. Guianese patriots
expect that Government will govern equally for the
benefit of all. They believe that Government is a
privilege and honour conferred on a few to carry on
certain business for the benefit of all, above party
3. In the present racial turmoil we must not
forget 1953. Almost everybody welcomed the victory
of the people's government. Had Independence come
then there would have been an outburst of real
rejoicing. Who cared or even considered that the
leader was an Indian? An Indian Head of State would
be equally acceptable today if he leads the country
with justice and compromise along the path or peace.
It is not personalities, men as men, that Guianese
patriots are in conflict with or are struggling against.
It is what people stand for.
Guianese patriots are pleading hard to Guianese
patriots. But these would not listen. When non-
Guianese say the same things then they will listen.
We Guianese are seriously expected to solve our
problems ourselves. It seems to me that the in-
dication is that if Dr. Jagan is to remain in our
political picture he must compromise with his fellow
patriots by genuinely swinging somewhat from the
A Further Appeal for Temporary
Mr. Duncan Sandys is reported to have told
the House of Commons that he had suggested a
temporary coalition of our three political leaders, an
"emergency government of all parties for the single
purpose of restoring peace". He added that he was
disappointed that this was not accepted "all the
more so because I am well aware of the difficulties
the two leaders will have on reaching agreement on
basic political and economic policies".
Is it too late to appeal to our leaders to accept
Mr. Sandys's suggestion?
We must bear in mind that the idea is tO
carry on the business of the country in a more
settled atmosphere during or pending discussions of
the two leaders about a possible permanent coalition
Dr. Jagan is reported to have refused to have
May I ask all responsible individuals and or-
ganisations to appeal to Dr. Jagan's sense of
responsibility as Premier?
As Premier he must sink his personal differences
with or feelings towards Mr. d'Aguiar for the
good of his country and his people. (Before the
United Nations Dr. Jagan is reported to have
referred to the Guianese as "my people.")
Political leaders are not like ordinary people.
They cannot wash their hands of anybody. They
have to get together for the public interest even
if they are not personally interested in each other.
Can Dr. Jagan deny that the proposed temporary
coalition can do a world of good in a situation that
is already threatening to be dangerous ?
Mr. Duncan Sandys is further reported to have
said that he made it clear to both leaders he was
not prepared to discuss Independence or constitu-
tional changes under present conditions.
Is it a matter of no moment to our Premier to
see the country again drifting to chaos when it is
in his power to save his people by means advocated
by a first-class statesman?
We do not like the position at the Rice Marketing
Board, on certain sugar estates, the T.U.C.'s warning.
Fellow Guianese patriots, the world expects us
to solve our problems ourselves. Our only means
are constitutional. Will you kindly join in support-
ing this appeal in no uncertain terms ? The Premier
must be brought before the bar of public opinion.
Nor must we forget that "the restoration of
law and order is not the whole problem. Even
when this is done we shall still be left with the
acute political differences which led to the breakdown
of the conference in London last autumn".
As we approach our nationhood one of the things
we wonder about is if this country will follow
the way of certain South American Republics
with their violent changes of government or if we can
The humour of the situation is evident: party A
says "Of course I can give you peace". Party B
says "Of course I can give you peace". Each says
"Let me have my way forever and surely there will be
everlasting peace". As each makes the same
statement louder and louder they both get hotter and
hotter and then they start to fight.
Returning to our subject. Is it that in such
countries the leaders do not envisage the possibility
of changes of government? Is it that they have not
stopped to think that another government can be
equally zealous for the interest of the people? Is it
that the leaders have no other life to fall back on if
and when their services in the political arena are no
I consider that during his preparation for
political leadership the would-be leader must have
thought deeply on certain problems of life. He
must be big enough as not to imagine that service
at one time necessarily confers on him leadership for
life, or that leadership in one situation means capacity
for leadership in another. He must not think that
with his departure the whole structure must fall.
He should have sufficient resource that when his
leadership is no longer required he can withdraw to
another field of activity where he will find life
Moreover, are not the people and the country big-
ger than the leaders? In stable communities "leaders
come and leaders go but the nation continues".
So when one is led to believe that there are those
who think of wholesale destruction in this country
if their point of view does not prevail one begins to
I agree that governments should change not by
scheming but by constitutional means, by the will
of the people, especially if that will is honestly
expressed- I agree that it is most vexatious to
On the other hand, does a true patriot talk of
dragging down everything with him if he is to go
off the scene?
I listened over the radio to the evident delight
with which the commentator described the interior
of the Legislative Assembly Hall on Tuesday* and
I thought of other buildings like the Town Hall
and of other places with their particular associations
including our Botanic Gardens with kissing bridge
and so on and so on.
To any one in this country who would think of
wholesale destruction due to any frustration whatso-
ever I should say: let him or her ask whether their
forefathers laid down the rice fields or the sugar
plantations, the foundations of the road and canal
systems of the country or the sea wall, the cities or
villages throughout the length and breadth of the
country? No doubt he could answer some of these
in the affirmative. How would he like what his
forefathers built to be destroyed? His answers should
determine his actions.
* The opening day after the prorogation.
Can a person who claims to be a patriot think
of such violence. In British Guiana we want to
hear more of patriots who love their country than
of comrades who love their clan.
A tough discipline of the spirit is needed. We
must fight, yes, and fight like mad for our point
of view, but if we lose we must take it cheerfully.
By what law are we to expect that our point of view
is the only one, and that ours alone is the one
which matters, that we have suddenly arrived at
A tough discipline of the spirit is needed that
must make us realise that political bigotry cannot
lead to our salvation. In every community 'live and
let live' must be the motto. More so is this the case
in this community of seven peoples, five of which
have inhabited it for various lengths of time and
have made their respective lasting contributions to
the making of our Guiana, and of the other two
one is indigenous and the seventh also knows no
These are among the things we Guianese have
to think on if we wish to survive.
VIEWPOINT, B.G.B.S. 2 8. 63.
Solving our Problems
The statement has boen much used, especially by
non-Guianese, that in the last analysis Guianese have
to solve their problems themselves.
Exactly what is behind these words that we
Guianese are expected to solve our problems our-
selves? Is it being considered in the outside world that
we are not doing enough or that we are not proce-d-
ing vigorously enough towards solving our problems?
In an independent country when differences arise
the usual constitutional means of negotiation, namely,
conferences, petition, mediation, appeal are f i r s t
applied. If these fail, apart from enforcement on the
one hand or violence on the other, what then?
First of all the problems would have to be
squarely faced once more, and secondly, other means
of solution would have to be applied. Additional
means would include, for example, a motion of no
If all these fail, the next constitutional means
may well be a determined attempt to change (not
overthrow) the government at the next elections. This
attempt would include a campaign of publications,
mass meetings, banner-waving, etc.
IN THE GUIANESE CONTEXT
In our context I think that the outside world
is just wondering why, if the present government is
guilty of alleged shortcomings, it would not be a
simple matter to change the government at the polls
by any system of elections.
Herein lies our tragedy. It is doubtful if, in any
other part of the world, the situation exists where
under existing circumstances a Government can still
be returned by the majority* of the electorate. This
is a situation the outside world simply cannot com-
prehend. It is necessary to live in our community
to believe that such a state is possible.
What are the problems with which we are faced?
One of our problems is that of our present style of
government. Internally. this is tending to divide the
country into two camps the governing party and
the rest. and to create a single-party style of living
where there is a new class of haves and have-nots.
Externally, this is tending to create international ten-
sions which are quite unnecessary and which could
"Very well", says the outside world, "here is a
problem, solve it."
It is necessary to add that a large section of
the population objects to such a style of government.
These believe in some true form of socialism in which
all benefit equally irrespective of colour, creed, race or
These believe that we must not only talk of neu-
trality and integrity of our territory but that our
country can be led to even greater security and
prosperity by acts showing more general interest
instead of so obviously courting the communist bloc.
This is the idea which more than half of the
country puts forward in opposition to the stand and
tendencies of the present Government.
The outside world asks: "What do you do nert?',
This is an error. The correct reading should be-returned by
minority of the electorate to a majority of the seats.
The first answer that springs to one is: We
shall take this issue to the polls. Alas! It must
be admitted that there is no confidence in the polls.
If the electorate were to vote fairly on this issue
there would be no doubt of where victory would lie. If!
The alternative is for the Government to realise
that extreme leftism is unacceptable to a great portion
of the population and to tone down its policy.
This I take it is the hope placed in the proposed
coalition talks to solve these major problems. It is
hoped that common ground between Dr. Jagan and
Mr. Burnham can be found to ensure among others
1. constitutional government for the equal bene-
fit of all;
2. the easing or removal of international tensions;
3. guarantees of the permanence of such an
Strengthening of this hope may be found in
the "Throne Speech" of Tuesday, 30th July, 1963,
where the Premier expressed that he wishes to see
established a stable democracy and that in the inter-
national field his stand is for neutrality and territor-
But what do we find? There has been one
coalition talk since Mr. Duncan Sandys left on the
14th July. Can our two leaders not give their beloved
people some more evidence of their zeal in grappling
with our country's vital questions?
Secondly, while the Coalition talks are pending,
Dr. Jagan continues to show unabating interest in
the Communist bloc.
Internally we see as yet no evidence of the
Premier's using his position to ease existing tensions.
(Maybe we are too anxious as it is not many days
since the Premier's return from the Carib Conference.)
As we Guianese are to solve our problems our-
selves we AWAIT further developments in the quest
for common ground and for compromising on
In addition it behoves us all scribes and
other thinkers to assist our two leaders in their quest.
Another solution put forward by our Premier
is Independence. I suggest that the Premier
or a spokesman should be invited to develop the
subject on which he and his Ministers feel strongly
"that Independence will help greatly to solve the
present difficulties of the country". This should not
remain merely as a dictum.
It is to be noted that violence as a means of
solving our problems is ruled out by the presence
of British troops. On the other hand the very
raisond'etre of the British troops to maintain law
and order is the guarantee and encouragement for
Guianese patriots to proceed constitutionally with their
honest criticisms and best-intentioned suggestions for
solving our problems ourselves.
After October, What?
After October, what? According to newspaper
reports one is led to believe that the two leaders
of our major parties bath foresee some form of
trouble or violent upheaval if the talks should break
down in October next.
It is good for us that our leaders foresee this
possibility, for then they can forestall catastrophe.
It is for them to guide their followers in the right
way and to lead them along correct paths.
Indeed it is for us all, NOW, to do our share
in averting any civil war or any other form of violence.
I must confess that in all my groping towards
a solution of our country's ills I find myself assum-
ing all the time that there will be a solution to the
problem of keeping under control any communistic
tendency among us. Failure to observe the necessity
for this is only living like the proverbial ostrich with
one's head in the sand.
This is not a fear. People abroad ascribe to us
the fear of communism. It is now a rejection.
Abroad it should be realized that it can now be said
that our people know something of the working of
communism and that the majority object to it.
With this in mind let us return to the subject
of After October, what ?
First of all need a clash come from difference
of ideology? Recently the P.Y.O. announced a four
point programme of national unity, national indepen-
dence, socialism and voting at 18.
The first three points named are the vital ones.
All three parties will agree with the first two, namely,
national unity and national independence. The P.N.C.
agrees with a form of socialism while the U. F will
incline more to some form of socio-cum private
Of course, we are using the same words with
different thought, a terrible state of affairs!
But if we had tried hard enough we could have found
much ground for living together and thus avoiding
a physical clash on the score of ideology.
We may certainly differ on the means to ensure
'stable democracy'! Now, the end is greater than the
means. So in our context what must matter most
in October or after October is that we must be sure
that. the end of stable democracy. will be realized by
the means adopted.
Those means may not be what any one party
advocated. I can see several reasons why genuine sym-
pathy may have to be extended and why there should
not be any ignorant and ill-bred show of rejoicing in
case of disappointment of another- However, it is the
duty of the leader of any disappointed party to school
himself aud to advise his party to give the means
decided on a chance of realismng the agreed com-
mon end of stable democracy,
If the leader cannot so school himself he, has
failed as a man. If he cannot control his party to
accept his advice he has failed as a leader.
If, finally, the leaders want to fight among them.
elves from a sense of frustration and apportioning of
blame for any disappointments, the futility of this will
soon be seen. It is necessary to remind ourselves
that in the event of an explosion our police and the
British troops are here to preserve law and order
If therefore any party or parties should resist the.
decision they will find out what they are opposed to.
Either we will all soon settle down to give the de-
cision a chance or the country will carry on in some
one-sided way much as in the recent strike.
Give the decision a chance to do what? To carry
out a programme which would be along the lines
of a stable democracy for the benefit of all.
Through not observing that time is running out
October may well find us without such a blueprint
if we are left to our leaders. Can we the people
do something about it about framing even roughly
some statement which should guide any government
or any governing party to ensure continuity in the
development of a stable democracy among us? Such
a draft may develop into some form of blueprint to
take its- place by the side of our constitution.
From such considerations we may find that after
October there may well be no civil war and that
October may well show that it will be another
a' la not a' la Khrushchev or a' la Mao Tse-Tung,
not a' la Castro or a' la Jagan, but a' la Guyana.
Labour Advocate Job Printing Dept.
61 Hadfield Street, Georgetown