Supplement: House of Assembly Debates...

Group Title: Official gazette, Barbados
Title: The official gazette
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00076861/00023
 Material Information
Title: The official gazette
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 33-42 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Barbados
Publisher: s.n.
Place of Publication: BridgetownBarbados Published by authority
Subject: Law -- Periodicals -- Barbados   ( lcsh )
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Barbados   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
General Note: Caption title.
General Note: Supplements issued for some of the numbers.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00076861
Volume ID: VID00023
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 001043625
oclc - 12594829
notis - AFC6434

Table of Contents
        Page 385
        Page 386
        Page 387
        Page 388
        Page 389
        Page 390
        Page 391
        Page 392
        Page 393
        Page 394
        Page 395
        Page 396
        Page 397
        Page 398
        Page 399
        Page 400
        Page 401
        Page 402
        Page 403
        Page 404
        Page 405
        Page 406
    Supplement: House of Assembly Debates for Tuesday 26th April, 1966
        Page A-1
        Page A-2
        Page A-3
        Page A-4
        Page A-5
        Page A-6
        Page A-7
        Page A-8
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        Page A-22
        Page A-23
        Page A-24
        Page A-25
        Page A-26
Full Text

SNO. 35






Gazette Notices

Customs Notice re Sale at Customs House on
Thursday, 2nd June, 1966..................
List of Items to be sold under the Customs Act,
Return of Members Club Licences at District "A"
for quarter ending 31st March, 1966.......
Savings Bank Notice re Transactions not dealt



395, 396

with for over ten yeirs...................... 402-406
Trade Marks:
"Asahi Kasei", "Balmoral", "Comet",
"Dippity Do", "Doro", "Lederle" "Lone
Star", "Order of Merit", "Polycote",
"Protex", "Royal Arms", "Sunflex",
"Taro", "Tep", "Trout Hall",
"Wolfschmidt", "Wonder"..................385, 396-401
- - -
House of Assembly Debates for Tuesday 26th April, 1966.


to section 176 (2) of the Customs Act, 1962
that an auction sale will be held at the Cus-
toms House, The Wharf at noon on Thursday
the 2nd day of June, 1966.

NOTICE NO. 345 (second publication)



That L. S. James & Son Limited, a Bri-
tish Company, whose trade or business ad-
dress is Christopher Martin Road, Basildon,
Essex, England, trading as Merchants, has
applied for the registration of a trade mark
in Part "A" of Register in respect of wines,
spirits and liqueurs; and will be entitled to
register the same after one month from the
28th day of April 1966 unless some person
shall in the meantime give notice in duplicate
to me at my office of opposition of such re-
gistration. The trade mark can be seen on
application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

T1 '

8 7^05o




List of Items to be Sold under Customs Act, 1962-18

Section 176 Subsection 2

Date Description of Goods
Marks and Numbers Deposited Description of Goods

C.B.C. ...

Eng. Sales Ltd...

T. S. G. Christine C.

Rollock & Co. ...

O. Rogers ...
Booth S. S. Co. ...
Carib Agency ...
V. & E. Gill

Windies A'can Agency
Mirimar Hotel ...

R. Lythcott ...
Acme Commercial

Helen Moffett ...

India House

J. A. Marson & Co.

S. Ryan ...
M. Shepherd ... .
Cunningham ...


Tanrel ...
J. Goddard

Cox ...
D. Armstrong ...

Smith ...

King ...

R. Gonsley ...

Harlenley ... .
R. Soldahn ...

2. 65

6. 65

6. 65

5. 65
6. 65


1 c/s Wireless Parts

1 ctn. Calcium Hypochlorite
1 Chair

1 Pkg. Samples (Outerwear)
1 pcl. Adv. Matter

1 pcl. Printed Matter

2 pkgs. Printed Matter

2 ctns. Chocolate Drink

2 ctns. Spice Baskets
2 pkgs. Wood Manufactures

1 pcl. Printed Matter
1 ctn. Irrigator

1 ctn. Toilet Bowl

1 pkg. Perfumery (Adv. Matter)

10 ctns. Ice Cream Cones
1 c/s Personal Effects

1 pkg. Cigars
1 ctn. Cigarettes
1 ,

1 i of

1 t i
1 1

2 ctns "
1 ctn. "
1 ,

1 "

1 1
1 "

1 1 I

2 ctns. "
1 ct.
1 "

7 ctns. "

May 2, 1966


M 1O I G

Customs Notice Contd.

Marks and Numbers Date Deposited Description of Goods

G. De Gale ..

N/M ...

J. DeFreitas ...

P. Conliffe ..

N/M ... ..

K. R.H. ... ...

B'dos H/Ware ...

R. M. Jones ...

C. F.H. ...

Straco ... .

East Carib Corp.

S.P.M ... ...

J.A.M. ... ...

S.P.M. ... ...

J. A. M...

M. M. ... .

E.R. & Co. 0039 ...


J.A.M ... ...

R.H.C.F ...

N.M. ..

J.N.H. ... ...
N/M. ... ...

Nat. Gas. ...

N/M ... ...

J.N.G. ... ...
264 ... ...
W ioG.... .

T.A.L. B'dos ...

Gulf ... ...

R. M. Jones

N/M ...

10. 9. 65


6. 10. 65


1 ctn. G.M.U.

1 Statuette

1 Plastic Mats

1 Coat

1 Bag Personal Effects

1 ctn. Squezy

1 ctn. G/Ware

1 ctn.

1 ctn. Table Mats

2 ctns. Paint

2 bdls. S/Fittings
5 ctns. Salmon

1 bdl. Soap

1 cm. Salmon

1 ctn. Vinegar

1 ctn. M.T. Bottles

1 ctn. Nuts & Bolts

2 ctns. Stationery

2 Bdls. C/Board

1 cm. M.T. Bottles

1 ctn. Generator

4 ctns. Merchandise

2 pcs. C. I. Bends

5 pcs. C. I. Bends

1 cn. Sundries

1 ctn. Water Chestnuts

3 bdls of 24 Baskets
1 crate Earthenware

1 ctn. Peaches

1 tin Grease

1 crate Gas Pump

2 pcs. Truck Lights

Ma 2 1966





Customs Notice- CantWd.

Marks and Numbers Date Deposited Description of Goods

S.P.M. ...

Zephirin ...

R. M. Jones

Mirimar ...

N/M ...

N/M ...

N/M ...

F. Navarro

Robert Thom Ltd.

A Winki ...

N/M ...

K. Darrell

N/M ...

L. Deber ...

D. A. Bell



911 No. 3733/

J.N.H. ...

L.A.C. ...

J. N. Goddard

N/M ...

G. R. H. 11 S.

F.O.B. .

R. M. Jones

N/M ..


J. H. Hazells &

" "'


6. 10. 65



10. 9. 65











..* .I

.* *

.o e *

*.. *

... ...

... ...

Son ...


May 2, 1966

1 ctn. Samples

1 ctn. Plastic Bags

2 ctns. Biscuits

1 ctn. Pots

1 bag Personal Effects

1 ctn. Paper Tape

1 ctn. Ladies Hats

1 cm. Plastic Ware

1 ctn. Tractor Parts

1 ctn. Outerwear

1 ctn. Doll

1 ctn. Brass Bushings

1 ctn. Plastic Trays

1 ctn. Carry Cot

1 ctn. Tobacco Leaves

1 ctn. Russian Bear Rum

1 bag Liqueur & Cigarettes

1 ctn. Rum

1 bot. Liqueur

2 Tennis Racquets

1 cm. Auto. Crib

1 Metal Folding Cot

1 ctn. G.M.U.

1 ctn. Pineapple

2 cmn. Flavour Aid

1 cm. Ricicles

1 ctn. Cake Mix

1 crate Earthenware

1 ctn, Luncheon Meat

1 ctn. Fruit Cocktails

2 ctns. White Cake Mix

1 ctn. Pickles

2 ctns. Jello

,~ I~








~1 ri,


Customs Notice Cont d.

Marks and Numbers Date Deposited Description of Goods

N/M ...

N/M ...

N/M ...

Banks ...

A.S.B. ...

E.S. & S. Ltd.

J. A. M. ...

F. S. Jonston

Pub. Health Lab.

B. B. Demerara

G.W.B.B. Antigua

N/M H. J. J.

E. S. &S. Ltd.

H. K. St. Kitts

N.B.H. ...

B. S. S. ...

A. R. ...

Plantation ...

H. J. J. ...

Musson ...

G. T. ...

D.A.C. .

Plum ..

S.P.M. ...

Advocate ...

H. L. Co ...

H. L. Co ...

S.P.M. ...


H.P.C. & Ch.

A.P.A. P.A.


C. E. Ltd.

4. 10. 65


P 1

6. 10. 65

2 ctns. Biscuits

1 bag Sundries

1 ctn. Dog Food

2 ctns. Bottles

1 ctn. No-Roach

1 ctn. Elec. Appl.

1 ctn. Luncheon Meat

1 ctn. Peas

2 ctns Merchandise

1 ctn. Salmon

2 bags Supercel

2 bags Mineral Feed

3 ctns. Sunisco Oil

1 ctn. Canned Fish

2 ctns. Lanterns

2 c/s Furniture

7 ctns. Standards

1 drum Flintkote

1 ctn. Metal Strip

1 ctn. Condensed Milk

1 bdl. Paper Bags

2 pkgs. M.T. Bags

2 pkgs. M.T. Bags

1 c/s Adv. Matter

1 Bale Periodicals

1 ctn. Adv. Matter

1 cm. Glassware

1 ctn. Adv. Matter

1 ctn. Glassware

1 ctn. Exercise Books

1 ctn. Bottles

3 ctns. Metal Studding

1 c/s Oil Burner Assembly


May 2, 1966










OFFICIAL~ ~ ~ GAET y2 9~

Customs Notice Cont'd.

Marks and Numbers Date Deposited Description of Goods

Advocate ...

Cheesman ...

Alke ...

K. R. H. ...

D. V. Cumberbatch

N/M ...

BATA Shoe Co ...

H.P.C. & Co. ...

C. A. L...
L7198 Kan


N/M ... .


Fing #6 ...

Inland Revenue ...

W. & Co ...

T. G. G. ...

A.M.Johnson ...

N/M ...

T/Bico ...

Miller Bros.


N/M ...

N/M ...

N/M ...

Peggy Best

Dennis Pollard

Shirley Gibson

Freddie Waldron

... ... ..

6. 10. 65


9. 12. 65




2. 12. 65



29. 9. 65

2. 12. 65



B. Eugene



"ay 2, 19f6


1 ctn. Periodicals

1 pkg. Paper Bags

1 ctn. Earthenware

1 ctn. Flit Cans

1 c/s Generator

1 ctn. Sundries

1 pkg. Adv. Matter

1 ctn. Pickles (6 Jars)

2 c/s Stationery

2 ctns M.T. Bottles

1 bag Fine Salt

1 bag Fine Salt

(5) gal. Pail Cement
1 c/s Motor Spares

1 c/s Letter Files

1 ctn. Glassware

1 ctn Canned Goods

1 c/s Personal Effects

1 bag Merchandise

2 ctns. Ice Cream Spoons

1 ctn. Popsicle Sticks

1 ctn. Merchandise

12 ctns. Plastic Ware

2 ctns. Sundries

1 Radio

1 Radio

1 pkg. Merchandise

1 pkg Apparel
1 sea-bag Personal Effects

1 pkg. Volt Meter

1 ctn. Cigarettes

3 ctns. Cigarettes

1 roll Window Blinds


* *

... ...

... ...

Customs Notice Contd.

Marks and Numbers Date Deposited Description of Goods

E. Pantin

N/M ...

W.I. Handicraft

N/M ...

Mrs. Bengskin

N/M .

N. Hunte

N/M ...

N/M ...

Rameo ...

N/M ...

Paul ...

N/M ..

P. Paul ..

N/M ...

N/M ...

N/M ...

Hibiscus Shop

V. Jacobs

R. Alexander

N/M ..

N/M ...

R. E. Greaves

N/M ...

L. Reid ...

A. Laidlow

N/M ...

N/M ...

G. Lee ...

J. La Saffre

A. Ward ...

N/M ...

J. McGarrell

2. 12. 65


_______________________ L

'.ay 2, 1966


2 pkgs. Personal Effects & Foodstuff

1 Bed Spring

1 pkg. Merchandise

1 Hat

1 pkg. Books

1 pkg. of 47 pkts. dye

1 pkg. Merchandise

1 pkg. 4 prs. Shoes

1 Bread Tin

1 pkg. Vegetable

1 pkg. Jute Bags

1 pkg. Merchandise

1 pkg. Animal Skins

1 pkg. Merchandise

1 drum Oil

1 bag Wood

1 pr. Boy's Sandals

1 ctn. Merchandise

1 pkg. Merchandise

1 bag Merchandise

1 box Bricks

1 Leather Bag & Towels

1 Seabag Merchandise

1 Tape Recorder

1 Ironing Table

1 pkg. Personal Effects

1 Seabag Merchandise

1 basket M.T. Bottles

1 Carpet Cleaner

1 pkg. Merchandise

1 pkg. Magazines

1 pr. Rubber Boots

1 ctn. Merchandise

r~ rri

I~ I


... ...

~ ~



Customs Notice- Contd.

Marks and Numbers Date Deposited Description of Goods

N/M ... ...

J. C. Harris ...

N/M ...

R. M. Jones ...

C. Norville ..

N/M ... ...

N/M ... ...

N/M ... ...

N/M ... .

A.R. & Ch. 312/313

Bindweed ...

C. F. H. ...

J&R&Co. ...

N/M. ... .

Reqn. 23127 ..

S.P.M ... ...

S.P.M. 199... ...

W (o)G ... .

W. W. D. ...

W (10)G ...

G.T.E. ... .

D.C. & Co. ..

T. G. G..

U.N.I.C.E.F. ...

N/M ... ...

P. L. ... ... .

Truss Ltd. ... ..

A. D. Ltd. Antigua ...

Drummond ... ...

N/M ... ...

N/M ... ... ...

M .G.D. ... ... ...

Cloister ... ... ...

2. 12. 65

21. 12. 65




1 Baby's Stroller

1 trunk Merchandise

1 Merchandise

1 pkg. Printed Matter

1 pkg. Personal Effects

2 ctns. Cigarettes

1 ctn. Salem Cigarettes

1 bottle S.A. Wine

1 Cork Pistol

2 bales Merchandise

1 ctn. Fruit Cocktail

1 bdl. Merchandise

1 crate Merchandise

3 bdls. Iron

1 c/s Containers

1 ctn. Bottles

1 c/s Merchandise

1 c/s Merchandise

1 bdl. & 2 Loose Cock Stop

1 crate Earthenware

1 Loose Pot

1 ctn. Tools

1 ctn. Tissues

1 pcl. Merchandise

2 ctns. X-Ray

2 bags Snowcrete

1 crate Merchandise

8 ctns. Corned Beef

1 pcl. Car Covers

1 cmn. Glassware

1 crate Stone

1 pcl. Calendars

1 ctn. Books

Mlay 2, 1966








Customs Notice -

Marks and Numbers Date Deposited Description of Goods

Drummond ...

H. L. ... ...

H. L. ... ...

L. E. D. ... ...

Accra Beach Hotel

N/M ... ... .

Muriel Springer ...

C. F. H. ...

L.B.W. ... ...

B. C. C. F. ...

B. H. Ltd. ...

L. De La Houssage & Co.

N/M ... ...

T.R.S. ... ...

N/M ... ...

/44785 C. F. H. ..

J. N. G. ... ...

J. N. G. ... ...

S. P.M. ... ...

Cheeseman ..

R. M. J. ... ..
J. A. Marson ...

N/M ... ...
Collins Ltd. ...

Mico ... ... ..

N/M ... ...
DRA Export ...

21. 12. 65





6. i. 66

12. 1. 66

13. 1. 66

1 Lift Van Personal Effects

2 ctns. Advertising Matter

1 bdl. of 2 ctns. Glassware

1 c/s Cartons

2 ctns. Printed Matter

1 bdl. Galv. Pipe

1 trunk Personal Effects

2 ctns. Canned Goods

2 ctns. Paint

1 bag Chemicals

1 ctn. Atlas Lighting

1 ctn. Merchandise

1 Loose Tyre

1 ctn. Merchandise

1 pc. C.I. Bend

1 ctn. Bleach

1 ctn. T/Catsup

1 ctn. Kleenex Tissues

1 ctn. Toilet Paper

2 ctns. Stanley Products
1 bdl. of 2 ctns. Butter

3 c/s Printed Matter

1 bot. Rum

1 ctn. Small Vaccine

1 ctn. Yellow
1 ctn. of 5 Bottles Cockspur Rum

6 ctns. Water Tanks

____ ____ ____ ____ ___ 1.

ay 2 1066

1I, 2 1966

Customs Notice CcntPd.

Marks and Numbers Date Deposited Description of Goods



Harris ...

S.P.M. ... ...

WBH ...

N/M ...

N/M ... ...

N/M ......

N/M ......

H. & T. B'dos Req. No. 5999

Health Centre B'dos ...

N/M ...

D D. B'dos ...

Collins Ltd. B'dos

Plantations Ltd.

K. R. Hunte ...

N/M ...

N/M ... ...

N/M ... ...

N/M ... ...

D.C.C. B'dos ...

Ruth Barrow ...

A. Algappan ...

L. P. Nassau ...

N/M ...

G. R. B'dos ...

N/M ... ...

L.B.W.I. Ltd. B'dos ...

Mental Hosp. Req. No. 7107

N/M ... ...

N/M ...

N/M ... ...

1. 66

1. 66

29. 9. 65


13. 1. 66



14. 4. 66


20. 6. 62



27. 2. 64


6. 63


1 bottle (Sample)

1 ctn. Empty

5 ctns. Razor Blades

1 ctn. Cigarettes

2 ctns. M.T. Bottles

1 ct. Bandages

3 bots. Gin

3 paper bags Liqueur & 3 ctns. Cigarettes

4 packs. Cigarettes

1 ctn. Paper Napkins

1 c/s Motor Spare Parts

2 c/s Medicinal Preps.

1 c/s Advertising Matter

1 c/s Food Supplement

1 ctn. Medicines

1 bdl. M.T. Paper Bags

1 pkg. M.T. Bags

1 pkg. Printer's Accessories

1 Boat Sail & Spares

1 c/s Machinery Parts

1 bag M.T. Paper Bags

Ic/s Tiles

1 pkg. Alum. Table

1 pkg. Books

1 ctn. Ferrol

1 pkg. Pickles

2 ctns. Lanterns

1 pkg. Film

1 ctn. Car Tops

1 c/s Knitting Material

1 c/s Emulsion

1 bag Chemicals

1 pkg. of two Brooms

'day 2, 1966



(Act 1957-40)


No. Name Locality Date Granted

Barbados Press Club

Empire Club

Leo Hutchinson

William Mason

Gerald Swiggs


Darnley Lewis

Reynold Culpepper

John Cole

Leslie Walcott

Kenneth Frost

Geoffrey Comissiry

Daphne Williams

Calston Evelyn

Neville Atwell

Vivien Cheney

Clifford Skinner

Oswald Beckles

Reginald Johnson

Hampton King

Jimmie Smith

3rd Floor, Healis building, Pal-
metto Street, St. Michael.

Pavilion Road, Bank Hall,
St. Michael.

Hincks Street, St. Michael

Bay St., St. Michael

Garrison, St. Michael


Ventnor, Christ Church

Suttle Street, St. Michael

Black Rock, St. Michael

Lr. Broad St., St. Michael

The Garrison Savannah, St. Mi.

Wildey, St. Michael

George Street, St. Michael

Friendship Playing Field, St. Mi

Dayrell's Road, Ch. Ch.

5th Ave., Belleville, St. Michael

St. Michael, Queens Park

Cr. Light Foot Lane and Bax-
ters Rd., St. Michael.

Rockley, Christ Church

Kensington, St. Michael

Opp-Aquatic Club, St. Michael

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65



.lay 2, 1966


K. L. Bayley

F. Thorne

Harold Coleman

R. B. King

Asquith Phillips

Cr. Busbey Alley and James
Street, St. Michael.

Weymouth, Roebuck Street,
St. Michael.

Brighton, Black Rock,
St. Michael.

Beckles Road, St. Michael

D.L.P. Headquarters, Roebuck
Street, St. Michael.

28. 2. 66

15. 12. 65

15. 12. 65

31. 12. 65

14. 3. 66

A I .1.

NOTICE NO. 330 (second publication)



That Colgate-Palmolive Limited, a com-
pany duly incorporated in Canada, whose trade
or business address is 64 Colgate Avenue,
Toronto 8, Canada, trading as Manufacturers
and Merchants, has applied for the registra-
tion of a trade mark inPart "A" of the Regis-
ter in respect of Dental preparations such as
dental powder, dental cream, liquid denti-
frice, tablet dentifrice, mouthwash, gargle,
antiseptic, tooth brushes, detergent-liquid,
powder, bar and tablet form, a detergent with
a fabric softener, laundry soap, laundry
brightener, soap flakes, scouring cleansers,
liquid soap, all-purpose cleaners, toilet soap,
bleach products liquid and powder, window
cleaner and household amonia, toiletprepara-

tions, talc powder, hand cream, hand lotions,
hair tonic, hair pomade, hair sprays, brillian-
tine, shampoo preparations, deodorants, shav-
ing cream, shaving soap, baby soap flakes,
baby foods, baby creams, baby lotions, baby
powder, baby oils, baby soaps and baby sham-
poos, pharmaceutical products such as anal-
gesics, cough syrup, body liniment, health
tonic, vitamins, chest rub, laxatives, fruit
salt, frozen foods canned foods, and other
similar products in the food line; and will be
entitled to register the same after one month
from the 28th day of April 1966 unless some
person shall in the meantime give notice in
duplicate to me at my office of opposition of
such registration. The trade mark can be
seen on application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

y lav 2. 1966f






(Act 1957-40)


No. Name ,Locality Date Granted


NOTICE NO. 332 (second publication)



That Wolfschmidt Limited, a British
Company, whose trade or business address
is 275 281 King Street, Hammersmith, Lon-
don, W.6., England, trading as Manufacturers,
and Merchants, has applied for the registra-
tion of a trade mark in Part "A" of Register
in respect of Vodka and Kummel, and will be
entitled to register the same after one month
from the 28th day of April 1966 unless some
person shall in the meantime give notice in
duplicate to me at my office of opposition of
such registration The trade mark canbe seen
on application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)


That Scott Paper Limited, a Company
incorporated under the laws of the Province
of British Columbia, Canada, whose trade or
business address is New Westminster, Brit-
ish Columbia, Canada, trading as manufactur-
ers, has applied for the registration of a
trade mark in Part "A" of Register in re-
spect of toilet paper; and will be entitled to

register the same after one month from the
28th day of April 1966 unless some person
shall in the meantime give notice in duplicate
to me atmy office of opposition of such regis-
tration. The trade mark can be seen on appli-
cation at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

NOTICE NO. 333 (second publication)


That American Cyanamid Company, a
corporation organized and existing under the
laws of the State of Maine, United States of
America, whose trade or business address
is Wayne, New Jersey, United States of Amer-
ica, trading as Manufacturers, has applied
for the registration of a trade mark in Part
"A" of Register in respect of Chemicals,
medicinal and pharmaceutical preparations,
veterinary preparations, bandages and plas-
ters, dental preparations, including materials
for stopping teeth, and will be entitled to
register the same after one month from the
28th day of April 1966 unless some person
shall in the meantime give notice in duplicate
to me atmyoffice of opposition of such regis-
tration. The trade mark can be seen on appli-
cation at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)


Mlay 2, 1966



NOTICE NO. 334 (second publication)



That Comet Rice Mills Inc., whose trade
or business address is 4601 Clinton Drive,
Houston, Texas, in the United States of Amer-
ica, trading as manufacturers, has applied
for the registration of a trade mark in Part
"A" of Register in respect of Rice and Food
Grain; and will be entitled to register the
same after one month from the 28th day of
April 1966 unless some person shall in the
meantime give notice in duplicate to me at
my office of opposition of such registration.
The trade mark can be seen on application at
my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)



That Comet Rice Mills Inc., whose trade
or business address is 4601 Clinton Drive,
Houston, Texas, intheUnited States of Amer-
ica, trading as manufacturers, has applied
for the registration of a trade mark in Part
"A" of Register in respect of Rice and Food
Grain; and will be entitled to register the

same after one month from the 28th day of
April 1966 unless some person shall in the
meantime give notice in duplicate to me at
my office of opposition of such registration.
The trade mark can be seen on application at
my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

NOTICE NO. 335 (second publication)



That Comet Rice Mills Inc., whose trade
or business address is 4601 Clinton Drive,
Houston, Texas, in the United States of Amer-
ica, trading as manufacturers, has applied
for the registration of a trade mark in Part
"A" of Register in respect of Rice and Food
Grain; and will be entitled to register the
same after one month from the 28th day of
April 1966 unless some person shall in the
meantime give notice in duplicate to me at
my office of opposition of such registration.
The trade mark can be seen on application at
my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)


1\ay 2, 1966

lay 2,196 FFCIL AZT

NOTICE NO. 336 (second publication)



That Lewis Berger (West Indies) Lim-
ited, a Company duly incorporated under the
Companies Law of Jamaica, whose trade or
business address is 256 Spanish Town Road,
Kingston, Jamaica, trading as Manufacturers,
has applied for the registration of a trade
mark in Part "A" of Register in respect of
paints, varnishes and lacqueurs, and will be
entitled to register the same after one month
from the 28th day of April 1966 unless some
person shall in the meantime give notice in
duplicate to me at my office of opposition of
such registration. The trade mark can be seen
on application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

NOTICE NO. 337 (second publication)



That Texaco Inc., a corporation organ-
ised and existing under the laws of the State
of Delaware, UnitedStates of America, whose
trade or business address is 135 East 42nd
Street, New York, New York, United States
of America, trading as Manufacturers and
Merchants, has applied for the registration
of a trade mark in Part "A" of Register in
respect of Petroleum products and deriva-
tives, industrialoils and greases, lubricants,
fuels and illuminants; gasoline, kerosine, ben-

zine, naphthas, waxes, hydraulic transmission
oil; and will be entitled to register the same
after one month from the 28th day of April
1966 unless some person shall in the mean-
time give notice in duplicate to me at my of-
fice of opposition of such registration. The
trade mark can be seen on application at my

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

NOTICE NO.338 (second publication)



That The Gilette Company, a corporation
organized and existing under the laws of the
State of Delaware, United States of America,
whose trade or business address is 15 West
First Street, Boston, Massachusetts, United
States of America, trading as Manufacturers,
has applied for the registration of a trade
mark in Part "A" of Register in respect of
Perfumery, cosmetics and toilet preparations,
including hair preparations; soap; and will be
entitled to register the same after one month
from the 28th day of April 1966 unless some
person shall in the meantime give notice in
duplicate to me at my office of opposition of
such registration. The trade mark can be
seen on application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)


MIay ?, 1966


NOTICE NO. 339 (second publication)



That Texaco Inc., a corporation organized
and existing under the laws of the State of
Delaware, United States of America, whose
trade or business address is 135 East 42nd
Street, New York, New York, United States
of America, trading as Manufacturers and
Merchants, has applied for the registration
of a trade mark in Part "A" of Register in
respect of Petroleum products and derivatives;
industrial oils and greases; lubricants, fuels
and illuminants; gasoline, kerosine, benzine,
naphthas; waxes, hydraulic transmission oil;
andwill be entitledto register the same after
one month from the 28th day of April 1966
unless some person shall in the meantime
give notice in duplicate to me at my office of
opposition of such registration. The trade
mark can be seen on application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

NOTICE NO. 340 (second publication)



That Hunter Douglas Limited, a Company
incorporated and existing under the laws of
the Province of Quebec, Canada, whose trade
or business address is 2501 Trans Canada
Highway, Pointe Claire, Quebec, Canada, has
applied for the registration of a trade mark
in Part "A" of Register in respect of vene-

tian blinds and parts therefore especially
coil stock; and will be entitled to register the
same after one month from the 28th dayof
April 1966 unless some person shall in the
meantime give notice in duplicate to me at
my office of opposition of such registration.
The trade mark can be seen on application at
my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

NOTICE NO. 341 (second publication)



MAICA LIMITED, Manufacturers and Mer-
chants, a Joint Stock Company organised
under the Laws of Jamaica, whose trade or
business address is 45-53 Harbour Street,
Kingston, Jamaica; British West Indies, has
applied for the registration of a trade mark
inPart "A" of Register in respect of Canned
grapefruit and canned tomatoes; grapefruit
juice and orange juice; and will be entitled
to register the same after one month from
the 28th day of April 1966 unless some per-
son shall in the meantime give notice in dupli-
cate to me at my office of opposition of such
registration. The trade mark can be seen on
application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)


tay 2, 1966


NOTICE NO. 342 (second publication)



That Asahi Kasei Kogyo Kabushiki Kaisha
(Asahi Chemical Industry Co., Ltd.) a cor-
poration duly organized and existing under the
laws of Japan, whose trade or business ad-
dress is 1/25, 1 -chome, Dojima-Hamadori,
Kita-Ku, Osaka, Japan, trading as Manufac-
turers, has applied for the registration of a
trade mark in Part "A" of Register in respect
of Textile knitted and netted fabrics; and will
be entitled to register the same after one
month from the 28th day of April 1966 unless
some person shall in the meantime give no-
tice in duplicate to me at my office of opposi-
tion of such registration. The trade mark can
be seen on application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)


(second publication)



That Sterling Products International, In-
corporated, a corporation organized and exist-
ing under the laws of the State of Delaware,
United States of America, whose trade or
business address is 90 Park Avenue, New
York, New York, United States of America,
trading as Manufacturers, has applied for the

registration of a trade mark in Part "A" of
Register in respect of medicinal and pharma-
ceutical preparations; and will be entitled to
register the same after one mdnth from the
28th day of April 1966 unless some person
shall in the meantime give notice in duplicate
to me at my office of opposition of such re-
gistration. The trade mark can be seen on
application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)


(second publication)



That Schenley Industries, Inc., a corpor-
ation organized and existing under the laws of
the State of Delaware, United States of Amer-
ica, having a place of business at 1290 Avenue
of the Americas, New York, State of New York,
United States of America, has applied for the
registration of a trade mark in Part "A" of
Register in respect of wines, spirits and li-
queurs particularly Canadian Whisky, and will
be entitled to register the same after one
month from the 28th day of April 1966 unless
some person shall in the meantime give no-
tice in duplicate to me at my office of oppo-
sition of such registration. The trade mark
can be seen on application at my office.

Dated this 15th day of April 1966.

Registrar of Trade Marks (Ag.)

%lay 2, 1966



The following accounts in the Barbados Savings Bank not having had any transac-
tionforover ten(10)years, notice is hereby given that unless claims are established
on or before the 27th June, 1966, these accounts will be dealt with as required by
Section 22 of the Savings Bank Act 1914 (1914-3):-

Old No. New No. Account $ e

494 34 Alleyne, Theresa tr. Prince Arthur
Small ... ... ... 27.05
2127 319 Arthur, Lydia Naomi tr. Christopher

N. Arthur ... ... ... 16. 11
a389 Douglas, Mabel Victoria tr. Colbert

Douglas ... .. 315.53
2466 438 Armstrong, Ernest Carlyle tr. Eliz Y.

Armstrong ... ... ... 405.25
2708 533 Alleyne, Fitz Herbert tr. Glenville

Fitz H. Alleyne ... ... 34.07
3067 712 Alexander, Madelene tr. Rosita

Leonard ... ... ... 19.96
3320 850 Adams, Eileen A. tr. Walter Adams 11.05
-- a1291 Brathwaite, Henderson tr. Miriam

Lorde .. ... ... 7.81
a1690 Best, Weston Lemuel ... ... 13.23
a1842 Arthur, Eugene Olive tr. Cleopatra

Arthur ... ... ... 9.73
2280 1885 Bayne, Est. of George J. (dec'd) (Per)

E. S. Larrier Atty.) 466.98
5412 2315 Browne, Isabel 17.64
-- a2576 Bowen, Reynold Leon ... ... 7.80
7210 2861 Best, Rupert Emerson or Wilhelmina

Best ... ... ... 7. 31
7599 3041 Barrow, Ruth Nita ... .. ... 17.46
8521 3510 Brathwaite, Millicent tr. Beryl

Brathwaite ... ... ... 27.08
a3842 40th Barbados Ranger Co. per Ruby 33.80

Gittens & Pauline Field trs.

a4974 R1 .. T.. JzL D .


'lay 2, 1966


a u ith Bernice

Savings Bank Notice Cont'd

Old No. New No. Account $ 1




















_________ 1 4 4

Benskin, Louis tr. Lilian Benskin
Boyce, Marietta Claria tr. Lloyd

Boyce, Everton Rudolph tr. Eunice
Nicholls ... ... ...

Best, Dolores Erica .. ... .
Batson, Jacob tr. Carmen Batson
Blades, Joseph
Forde, Duncan L. tr. Inez Forde...
Barbados Lawn Tennis League Per
L. A. Harrison, J. A. Marry
Shaw & S. Y. Ashby ... .
Caine, Goulbourne Hatfield tr.
Rebecca Caine

Cyrus, Holland ... ... ...
Coppin, Bertie tr. Madeline Daniel
Dottin, William W. Dec ..
Douglas, Mable tr. Irene Crichlow

Evelyn, Edward Packer...
Edey, Aubrey Ebenezer ... .

Forde, Beresford ... ...
Farrell, Gwendolyn tr. Pauline
Farrell ... ... ...
Belgrave, Reginald tr. Jestine
Belgrave ... .. ..

Brathwaite, Maudrie tr. Norman
Winfield Brathwatte ...

Babb, Keith Walter tr. Antilla Babb
Francis, Evelyn Idalia tr. Luther
Garfield Francis ...
Allen, Nancy Marie Joan ..
Browne, William & Charles Granville
Thompson trs. People's Health
& Loan Society

Cummins, Joseph Nathaniel tr.
Ronald Carlyle Cummins ...













16. 85


17. 53

Nlav 2, 1966


Savings Bank Notice Contd

Old No. New No. Account $ <































... ... ..

Inniss, Joan ... ... ...
Jordan, Constance Ethel tr. Wm.
Walrond ... ... ...
Jordan, William or Emily Blackman

King, Daphne tr. Gertrude King
Knight, Cyril ... ... ...
Lewis, Anthony Roland ... ...

Denner, Goulbourne ...

Codrington, Darnley tr. Elvira Jarvis
Davis, Irvine Theodore tr. Theodore
Cornelius Agrippa Gooding ...

Cadogan, Wendell ... ... ...
Francis, Maria tr. Angelina Francis
Greaves, Est. of Mabel L.

Gibbs, Marion Evalina tr. Margaret
D. Gibbs ... ... ...

Grosvenor, Mc. Donald tr. Ruth Hinds

Gale, Herman Edgar tr. Anthony
St. Clair Sealey ... ...
Greenidge, Ottalene or Fitz Herbert
Downes .. .. ...
Kellman, Arthur ... ...

Green, Lionel tr. Vernese Miller
Lewis, Iris Doreen ... ... .
Goddard, Eustace Orlando tr.
Abraham Goddard ... ...
Gall, John N. ... ... ...
Grimes, William Arnold tr. Angela
Grimes ...

Hoyte, Fitz Gerald tr. Kathleen
Hoyte ... ... ...
Hurley, Est. of George tr. Louise
Hurley ... ... .

Husbands, Rupert ... .. ...

________________ A _____________ I












9. 82




Hinds, John

May 2, 1966


Savings Bank Notice Cont'd

Old No. New No. Account $ l

319 41012 Morrison, Sarah C. ...... ... 402.90
1419 41067 Mahon, Est. of John E. (decd.) .. 635.75
3519 41880 MacIntyre, Ernest Gunn tr. Joyce

Meadows Maclntyre 18.76
4880 42057 Maloney, Etheline tr. Denis Maloney 8.06
5681 42501 Murphy, Seibert tr. Evrill Jordan 17.76

6006 42700 McMunn, Stephanie .. ... ... 38.24

6338 42943 Marshall, John ... .. ... 7.06
6447 43032 Moore, Keith ...... ... 51.29
43883 43883 Licorish, Edgar Seibert tr. Tina

Licorish ... ... ... 403. 15
-- 44172 Hoyte, St. Clair tr. Princes Hoyte 11.10
45156 Mandeville, Victor Olester or Zohra

Bulbulia ... ... ... 9.76
45190 Lewis, Ormond tr. Lottie Arthur 131.96

45500 Husbands, Constance Cordelia ... 10.60
45881 Knight, Mary Rosalie ... ... 14.98
46243 Grant, Millicent ... ... ... 7.80

-- 46383 Gaskin, Christopher L. ... ... 8.99
-- 46457 Humphrey, Charles Archibald ... 7.55
46781 Hinds, Donville DaCosta tr. Henrietta

Louise Hinds ... ... ... 7. 87
46902 Gilkes, Egbert Alonzo ... ... 64.49
47067 Gill, Est. of Miriam Deceased ... 38.05
47232 Hurley, Livingstone tr. Norma

Phillips ... ... ... 33.56

935 60134 Nurse, Alexander ... ... ... 11.78
344 60709 Odle, Carmen Deceased ... ... 191.84
605 60858 O'Neill, Frank ... ... ... 14.37
-- 61785 Welch, Neville St. Clair ... ... 11.11
1155 62839 Rollins, Victor C. tr. Isabelle

Rollins ... ... ... 14.39
a63570 Rudder, Willis Dexter tr. Arthur S.

Rudder ... ... ... 6.49
639 64419 Sealy, Isabelle C. ... ... .. 19.73

3255 64582 Smith, Richard Gladstone ... ... 2,460.41
4538 64847 Sealy, Isabel C. tr. Derek E.A. Sealy 19.03

May 2, 1966


Savings Bank Notice Cont'd

Old No. New No. Account $ t

5295 65071 Selby, Est. of Dorothy Simrions per
;Jos. A rchibald Winfield'& Alfred
'DeCourcey Boyce trs. ... 194.81
5954 65326 Sanidtiord, Fitz Herbert tr. Louise

Harewood ... ... ... 16.28
6347 65508 Sandmann, Mabel K. ... ... 11.55
6618 65648 Scott, Emerson tr. Randolph Scott 12.07
a65962 Springer, Merton Joseph tr. Norma

Arona Holmes ... ... ... 35.88
a66101 Senhouse, Samuel Henry tr. Benjamin

Theophilus Sisnett ... ... 7.83

8826 66959 Sealy, Derek E. A. .. ... ... 7.02
9402 67400 Straker, Richard Alonza tr. Rufus

Straker ... ... ... 8.73

9433 67427 Straughn, Clyde Laurence or /Thelma
Ira Straughn ... ... ... 7.44
4515 68148 Silver Jubilee Friendly Society ... 16.84
68168 Dawn Friendly Society ... ... 9.32
1467 68299 Tull, Ernestine ... ... ... 15.71
2302 68538 Trimingham, Harold C. P. tr. Gladyn
Paget Trimingham ... ... 19.03
3699 70128 White, Olive ... ... ... 21.49

5447 70940 Watson, Daphne Jean ... ... 8.67
6567 71586 Wickham, Clyde tr. Calvert Elcock 43.92
6770 71740 Watson, James Hamilton ... ... 88.03

72511 Welch, Clavair DaCosta tr. Ermie
Ramsay ....... 32.53

74285 Leeward Co-operative Savings
Society Ltd. .. ... ... 115.03
75324 Taylor, Estate of Lenora Bernetta Dec'd. 78. 36
76781 Payne, David Oliver tr. David Austin

Payne ... ... ... 134.14
76767 Worrell, William Wilfred tr. Ralph
Murray ... ... ... 9.19

Barbados Savings Bank,
21st April, 1966
Government Printing Office.

May 2, 1966


House of Assembly Debates



Tuesday, 26th April, 1966.

His Honour E. L. CARMICHAEL, J.P., (Deputy
Speaker); Mr. L. E. SMITH, J.P.; Mr. F. L. WALCOTT,
O.D.E.; Mr. F. C. GODDARD; Hon. C. E. TALMA, (Minis-
ter of Health and Community Development); Hon. J. C.
TI'DOl, .M.A., (Minister of Education); Mr. J. W. CORBIN;
!ion. (. G. FERGUSSON, (Minister of Agriculture and
Fisheries) Mr. W. R. COWARD; Mr. R. St.C. WEEKES,
J.P.; \-r. W. R. LOWE; Mr. G. V. BATSON, (Chairman of
Committees); Hon. N. W. BOXILL, (Minister of Communi-
cations and Works); and Hon. A. DaC. EDWARDS, (Minis-
of Trade and Labour).

Prayers were read.

l1r. HOLDER and Mr. YEARWOOD entered the House
and took their seats.


Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER: I have the honour to inform
the House that the Minutes ofthemeetings held on 21st
December, 1965, and the 4th, 11th, 18th and SAth January,
this year have been circulated, and unless there is any
objection, they will be taken as read and confirmed.

Hearing no objection, those Minutes are taken to be
Mr. HUSBANDS entered the Chamber and took his

Hon. N. W. BOXILL: Mr. Deputy Speaker, I am com-
manded to lay the following:-

The Motor Vehicles and Road Traffic (Amendment)
Regulations, 1966.


Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Deputy Speaker, on behalf of
the Hon. and Learned Premier, I beg to give notice of the

A Resolution to approve the Compulsory Acquisition
by the Crown of a parcelofland situate in Sutle Street
in he City of Bridgetown together with the buildings
erected thereon.

And on my own behalf, I beg to give notice of the fol-
A Resolution to approve the Compulsory Acquisition
by the Crown of a parcel of land situate at St, John
Baptist, in the parish of St. James.

Hon. N. W. BOXILL: Mr. DeputySpeaker, Ibeg to give
notice of the following:-

A Resolution to approve "The Motor Vehicles and
Road Traffic (Amendment) Regulations, 1966."

Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Deputy Speaker, on behalf of
the Hon. Minister of Trade and Labour. Ibeg to give notice
that Oral Reply to Parliamentary Question No. 59, asked
by the hon. Junior member for St. Joseph, is ready.

Hon. N. W. BOXILL: Mr. Deputy Speaker, I beg to
give notice that Oral Reply to Parliamentary Question No.
86, asked by the hon. senior member for St. Thomas is

Hon. C. E. TALMA: Mr. Deputy Speaker, Ibeg to give
notice that Oral Reply to Parliamentary Question No, 98,
asked by the hon. senior member for St. Thomas is ready.


Mr. WALCOTT: Mr. DeputySpeaker, Ibegtogive
notice of the following Resolutions:-

WHEREAS the low wages paid to workers in certain
sectors of the economy of this Island make it impossible
for the said workers to enjoy a standard of living compati-
ble with the minimum needs of life;

AND WHEREAS there is urgent need for a close
examination and appraisal of the situation, and for a con-
certed effort to be made to improve the lot of the said

BE IT RESOLVED that this House requestthe Govern-
ment to set up a Committee to examinethe wage structure
existing in the island as applicable to workers in all seg-
ments of the communityand to recommend a minimum wage
for the said workers that would ensure the attainment by
them of the normal requirements of life in a modern society,
BE IT RESOLVED thatthis House urge the Government
to introduce legislation to provide for severance payfor all
categories of workers in the community.


Mr. TEARWOOD: Mr. Deputy Speaker, I beg to give
notice of the following Question.-

To enquire of the appropriate Minister -

Is the Minister aware that there are two employees
of the Bridgetown City Council whohavenotbeen paid their
wages for over one year?

2. If the answer to the above question is in the affirma-
tive, will the Minister disclose onwhose instructions these
wages have been withheld?

3. Will the Minister also state what action has been
taken by the Government to safeguard the rights of em-
ployees of the Local Government Authorities and particu-
larly of employees of the Bridgetown City Council?

Hon. E. W. BARROW entered the House and took
his seat.
2.55 p.m.


Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER: I have the honour to inform
the House that I have received a letter from the Hon. Lead-
er of the House to the Honourable Speaker of the House of
Assembly dated 26th April, 1966.

It reads as follows:-

Dear Sir,

In accordance with the intimation given by the
Honourable Premier and me in the House of Assembly on
Tuesday last, I now formally request permission for the
Caribbean Broadcasting Corporation to install equipment
for the purpose of recording the Debate on the Draft
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
Leader of the House.


Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Deputy Speaker, I rise first
on a question of privilege.

Your Honour might have heard or read that the com-
position of the Opposition Parties in this Chamber have
changed owing to the re-accession to the Barbados Labour
Party of the hon. junior member for St. Peter, former
Speaker of this House. The reasons for this re-accession
need not to be entrt gained. Thd point is that the Opposition
Parties now have four members each, and I want to find
out from Your Honour whether there has been any intima-
tion given by His Excellency the Governor as to the changed
complexion of the Opposition Parties, and, therefore, to
ascertain who is the rightful Opposition Leader and to
which Party he belongs.

Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER: I regret that I am unable at
this stage to inform the Hon. Minister about that part. As
soon as conveniently possible, I will make enquiries
from His Honour the Speaker.


Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Deputy Speaker, I beg to move
the suspension of Standing Orders 5, 14, 16, 18, 40 and 45
for the remainder of today's sitting.

Hon. C. E. TALMA: I beg to second that.
The question was put and resolved in the affirma-
tive without division.

Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Deputy Speaker, Ibeg to move
that Question Time be now taken.

Hon. C. E. TALMA: I beg to second that.

The question was put and resolved in the affirma-
tive without division.


Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER: The first is Oral Reply to
Parliamentary Question No. 59 asked by the hon, junior
member for St. Joseph.

Hon. A. DaC. EDWARDS: Mr. Deputy Speaker, as re -
ga-ds -his question, when the availability of the reply was
given about four weeks ago, the file with it was brought in:
but because the Opposition Parties indicated that theywere
not attending this meeting of the House, I did not bring in
the file. I will ask leave to get the file.


Mr. DEPUTY S?EAKER: The next is Oral Reply to
question No. 78 asked by the hon. junior member for the
City who, I observe, is not in his place,


Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER: The next is Ora:l Rely to
Parliamentary Question N). 86 asked by the hon. senior
member for St. Thomas.

Mr. BATSON: To enquirer of the AppropriateMinister:

1. Is Government aware that there are buses
operating without any proper means for Passengers
stopping the said buses when they want to alight?

2. Will the Minister investigate the matter with
a view of bringing relief to the users of the said
buses without delay?

Hon. N. W. BOXILL: Mr. Deputy Speaker, theReplyis
as follows:-

"Investigation has so far revealed that one bus was
operating with a defective signalling system while others
had damaged push-buttons. These defects have now been
rectified by the companies concerned.


Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER: The next is Oral Reply to
Parlia nentary Question No. 98 asked by the hon. senior
member for St. Thomas.

Mr. BATSON: To enquire of the Appropriate Miniter:

Is Government. aware of the existence of a hand
sewing machine in the Central Sterilising Department
of the Queen Elizabeth Hospital that stitches linens and
paper bags that keep instruments after they are steri-

2. Is Government also aware that the said machine
has more than fulfilled its period of usefulness?

3. Will the Minister go into the matter with a view
to supplying the said Department with a Sewing Machine
that is more in keepingwiththepresent day standards?

Hon. C. E. TALMA: The Reply is as follows:-

1. Yes 3;r.

2. The Hospital, bymemnorandumdated 25thNovem-
ber, 1965 requested that provision be made in the draft
Estimates 1966-67 for a sewing machine for the Central
Sterlizing Department. This has bean approved and pro-
vision made in the Estimates accordingly.

3. Does not arise.

Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER: That brings us to the end of
Question Time, with the exception of the reply to Question
No. 59 which may be answered at the appropriate time,


Hon. J. C. TUDOR: I beg to move that Government
Business be now taken.

Hon. C. E. TALMA: I beg to second that.
The question was put and resolved in the affirma-
tive without division.

Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order No. 1 stands in the
name of the Hon. and Learned Senior member for St. John:
To move the passing of the follow Resolution: A Reso-
lution to approve the Draft Constitution of Barbados,
March, 1966.

On that last occasion the Hon. Premier spoke. On
motion of the hon. senior member for St. Peter, seconded
by the hon. Junior member for St. Lucy, further considera-
tion was postponed.

The Hon. Premier, if he so desires, may proceed.
3,05 p.m.

Hon. E. W. BARROW: Mr. Deputy Speaker, if there
are any other members who do not want to be in direliction
of their duty, I wilgive them anopportunity to leave while
I sort my papers out .

Mr. Deputy Speaker, I do not intend to traverse the
ground which was covered onthe last occasionthat we met,
because my speech is merely a continuation of the intro-
duction which I made although it is true that in the course
of that introduction I did refer to the constitutional position
of Her Majesty's loyal Oppasition in Barbados.

There is a fundamental principle in the Constitutions
of Commonwealth countries which has been found very
firmly established ever since the secession of the Irish
Free State in 1922, It is true that the Irish Free State did
not become fully independent untilthe Actof1937. Between
1937 and 1945 the Commonwealth countries were engaged
in a struggle for life and death, and the question of consti-
tutional changes therefore had to be left in abeyance until
matters of graver importance were settled between the
Commonwealth and its foes.

In 1945 there was a resurgence of nationalism as a
result of the World War through whi ;h we had just passed,
and the Commonwealth countries of India and Pakistan
quickly gained their independence. There are two signifi-
cant facts of which I should like to remind Your Honour.
The first thing is that India did notget its Constitution until
1950 although it was granted Independence in 1947 and
from 1947 Pakistan continued as a full independent country
until 1956 before it got its Constitution.

We are lucky, Sir, to be able to proceed to Independ-
ence on a constitutional draft that has been prepared within
the country itself, and not from Mount Olympus, as so many
people in the Opposition fondly wish. They regard the
United Kingdom as some benevolent despot who is prepared
to correct those who represent the people inthe Legislature
of this colony.

The modern view of the Commonwealth ever since the
Statute of Westminster in 1931 is not that we are merely
freely associated states and in no way subservient one to
the other: but more fundamentally that all these countries
follow their Constitution within the structure and the frame-
work of the country and the requirements of the country
itself. In other words, it is not like a book of rules that you
are handed when you join a club and to which you adhere,
but there are Articles of Association which you compound
when you form your own Limited Liability Company.

At the time of the Statute of Westminster the idea of
autochthony was uppermost in the minds of the members of
the Commonwealth who were participants intheWestmins-
ter Conference. But from 1945 onwards, because the Im-
perial Government now had to deal with people who were
not merely offshoots of what they used to call the Mother
Country, but people who had culture, civilisations and his-
tories of their own, the idea of autochthonous communities
was emphasised.

Mr. Deputy Speaker, autochthon is a Greekword which
means "sprung from the land itself".

If the members of the Opposition were aware of the con-
stitutional well springs of the Commonwealth, they would
not behave in the silly way in which they are behaving and
demonstrate their complete incompetence in an exercise
of this kind. I say that for the reason that not only has it
been accepted by Her Majesty's Government thattheprin-
ciple of autochthony is the one by which both parties should
be guided and by parties I do not mean in the domestic
sense, but in the sense of the country which is seeking to
enter into Independence and the country that you are seek-
ing Independence from.

Members of the Opposition are behaving as if it were
some kind of Test Match in which you cannot declare your
hand, in which you cannot say who your fast bowlers will
be until they get on the wicket. Every other country has
gone up as a mere formality to dotthe "I's" and cross the
"T's" and let the BritishGovernment be awarethat another
member of the Commonwealth wishes to exist as a full
and free member thereof. That is the reason for Common-
wealth Conferences: and even if you are the kind of per-
son accustomed to stretch out for a golden hand shake or
parting gift, you will go as a delegation from a country.
There will be one delegation: that is, the Barbados dele-
gation and not the Opposition as against the Government

I remember the words of the Chief Minister of Mont-
serrat in 1962 when he asked the Secretary of State for an
adjournment so that the delegates to the ; Conference in
1962 at Marlborough House could make decisions as to how
they should face the common enemy, meaning Great Britain.
Those were eight individual territories of the Caribbean.

Now that you are dealing with Independence, there is
no point in going divorced from the physical presence of
the people who will read a few carefully-sifted newspaper
accounts, and get reports sent back here for the purpose of
making headlines.
3.15 p,m.
The old idea that the United Kingdom is acting as
some kind of umpire or referee while grave constitutional
matters are fought out either at Lancaster House or Marl-
borough House is one which is not acceptable to the most
rabid, dyed-in-the-wood Conservative member of Parlia-
ment in the United Kingdom. All that has been discarded a
a long time ago, and during the course of my address, Mr.
Deputy Speaker, I willciteexamples suchas Bechuanaland,
Guyana and other Countries where this same kind of tom-
foolery was attempted by Opposition Parties, and to use a
metaphor, they were bowled out for nought. But in all these
cases, I will say this: that the Leaders of Opposition Par-
ties who tried to put brakes on the wheels of progress and
who went up to the United Kingdom to argue things which
they should have debated and discussed within the con-
fines of their own country-in each and every case they had
the decency to go back home, having lost out on their points,
and the countries proceeded happily towards Independence
without their assistance or hindrance.

In this case, Mr. Deputy Speaker, the battle appears to be
between the members of the Opposition Parties, and how
many of them caa ge: on the band wagon of Independence
to which they were so bitterly opposed six months ago. I
say, Sir, that no one can have any kind of respect for peo-
ple who should be in a position to know what the constitu-
tional proprieties are, and who are so insistent that all the

impossible to conquer the island of Barbados fromoutside.
We had a traitor within the gates inthe same way we have
traitors on the other side of the House; but our country has
enjoyed a long history of the rule of law for the simple
reason that no book of rules had to be handed down tothe peo-
pie who settled this country. The" inhabitants who subse-
quently contributed towards the growth and development,
meaning the settlers, broghtthe law withthem. The earli-
est law we have on the Statute Book, as far as I can re-
member, is dated 1667, because we have no record of the
laws made between 1639 and 1667. You will be aware, Sir,
that the Statute of Limitations of actions, suits and pro-
ceedings in Barbados is a law of the United Kingdom which
the settlers brought with them so all the Statute Law of
the United Kingdom from the time of the Magna Charta
all the way down the line to 1627 constitute the Statute
Law of Barbados. But as from the date when our country
was founded, the Founding Fathers took it uponthemseyes
to organize themselves in a General Assembly injbtIs-
land without any Imperial Act of Parliament sanctioning the
procedure. All the laws we find to be autochthonous with
the foundation of this Assemblyhave sprung from a desire
of tiepeoplethemselvesto have parliamentary institutions,
and have not sprung from a desire of the Imperial Parlia-
ment to impose on the peopleofthis island rules of conduct
which the United Kingdom Government considered that they
should adhere to. Any rules which we practise and observe
in this country are rules which we have imposed upon our-
selves by our own free institutions and Actsof this Parlia-
ment and the dint of settlers in 1627, except when the Statute
Law of the United Kingdom states that it has application to
the territory of Barbados.

Our history, if it has been turbulent, has been a tur-
bulent one only in so far as people have tried to restrict
the fundamental rights and privileges of the people of this
country. I will take two dates, one isolated in point of time.
I will take the year 1651/1652 when the inhabitants of this
island, the Lord Lieutenant, the Lords in Council and the
General Assembly of the Island declared themselves free
and independent of the United Kingdom and the Common-
wealth Government that was then in power in that country,
because the inhabitants of this island considered that they
should not be called upon to pay taxes, and they should not
be called upon to observe Navigation Laws, laws which
restricted their freedom of trade, unless they had repre-
sentation in the United Kingdom Parliament. This was 120
years before the United States' Declaration of Independ-
ence, and as a result, the event occurred to which I made
fleeting reference earlier where Sir Thomas Modyford at-
tempted to bring the people of Barbados into subjection
again; but, as I described before, hewas only able to over-
come the forces of this Island because there was a defec-
tion within the ranks of the people in the Island who were
repealing the tax. Some 4,000 of our troops were taken over
by Sir Thomas Modyford. The remarkable thing about this
period of turbulence is that under the treaty which was
subsequently signed and this is significant because here
is a Colonial territory signing a treaty with the United
Kingdom Government whose settlers were excluded from
the United Kingdom Government that the articles of cap-
itulation which were assented to in the Assembly of the
Island contained virtually a Bill of Rights for the people of
Barbados setting out that there should be a free Parlia-
ment for all those persons who had taken up arms against
the Commonwealth the Cromwellian Government in that
day; that every one's property should be restored to them
that no one should be arrested without the due process of
law that you now find in the Bill of Rights.

If we insert in our Draft Constitution a Bill of Rights,
it is only that we are taking a known precedent after the
Magna Charta to re-enshrine in the minds and hearts of
the people of this Island and indelibly in the minds of the
people in the United Kingdom who might regard themselves
as the sole authority on Constitutional doctrines that we,
the people of Barbados, have had a long history where we
have had due regard to the fundamental freedoms and liber-
ties of the settlers.

The second incidentofturbulenceoccurred as recently
as 1937.
3.25 p.m.

One has only got togo to the Report of the Royal Com-
mission under Lord Moyne whichwas set up by His Majes-
ty's Government to investigate the disturbance which
swept the West Indies at that time to see that again the
people of Barbados were fighting for their liberties. The
difference which we have to make is that whereas in 1651
the Island was united and fighting against an outside ag-
gressor, in 1937, the people of Barbados were fighting
against conditions which they found inimical to their sur-
vival. They were fighting the progenitors in office of the
Conservative Opposition, and those are the people who or-
dered it. They were fighting against masters of Barbados
which caused the disturbances of 1937 whereby many peo-
ple lost thiir lives. It was the closest thing we had to Civil
War, and some of those same people over on the other
side were participating. So, we have a period of almost
300 years between two acts of turbulence.

There is a third one which Ishall mention and that was
during the time when the Confederation Riots took place in
this.Island in the 1870's. This was just after there had been
in Jamaica a surrender of a constitution of Jamaica and a
reversion to Crown Colony status of that country. The
United States of America bad just come through a Civil
War after nearly one hundred years of existence as an
independent country. The United States had long ago de-
cided, as Mr. Abraham Lincoln said, that it would be in-
tolerable that the nation should be half slave and half free
and after one hundred years they fought a battle on
the battle field and won. They had to resolve the difficulties
without solution of which they could not survive.

As I have said, in the 1870's this country was torn
apart and there were people in this country who wanted to
fall within the dictates of the Colonial Office and take the
Island into some kind of Federation with three or four of
the islands of the Lesser Antilles. I say 'of the Lesser
Antilles' because some of those islands today are Wind-
ward. Islands and some Leeward Islands.

There was bitter resistance, not so much because
they were opposed to the idea-becausethe moreenlightened
ofthemwere not opposed to the idea of having an associa-
tion with the other territories but they resented the very
manner in which an attempt was made to force this asso-
ciation upon them. It was alleged that Mr. John Pope-Hen-
nessy was sent down to Barbados in order to bring this
association into being. The people In Barbados resented
and resisted it. Having won that battle, whether we think
it was a good or bad thing, as a result of that we have the
first manifestation of responsible Government in Barbados
with the creation of the Executive Committee Act of 1891
which is Chapter 22 on Page 584, Volume 1,of the Acts of

It was the Executive Committee, together with couple
of members of the Other Place and the Officer administer-
ing the Colony whom we had from time to time- and they
had full administrative control over the public purse of
this island. Later on in this present century and of
course we have gone on from strength to strength. I have
mentioned also the various enactments whichhave brought
us up to the present position to which we are, and that is
one of full autonomy. We have fought for and we have de-
vised and evolved our own Constitution.

The constitutional position of Barbados, Mr. Deputy
Speaker, must be carefully distinguished from the consti-
tutional position of the other territories like St. Lucia and
Grenada which were subject to the legislative authority of
the Queen-in-Council, as well as from colonies whichhave
gone on their own, Jamaica by an Act of the Imperial Par-
liament gave up their representative Government and legis-
lative authority before they became independent. Trinidad
never enjoyed this exalted position until within the last
two decades. Trinidad, Jamaica and Barbados all of us
had similar constitutions in 1886: so Barbados really should
have been much more advanced than any of those two ter-
ritories although we started off more or less on an equal
status. In one case, their; Constitution was taken away, and
in the other case that territory voluntarily surrendered
its constitutional rights. However, in both of these cases
the authority was replaced by the legislative authority of

the Queen-in-Council who had authority to enact laws on
behalf of those two territories.

The constitutional instruments of the Barbados Gov-
ernment are the Royal Instructions that the Crown has put
over, So the present day position of Barbados is this, The
authority of the Government is derived from three instru-
ments. The first is fromtheQueen inthe Barbados Letters
Patent and the Barbados (Letters Patent Consolidation)
Order, 1964 and the Royal Instructions of 1964. We also
have in this Island approximately 13 statutory instruments
which set out the administration and functions of such in-
stitutions as the Public Service Commission, the Legal
Service and other Service Commissions such as the Police
Service Commission as well as the functions and duties as
to public prosecutions, the Representation of the People
Act which is a law relating to the franchise and the rights
of the people,the Executive Committee(Vesting of Powers)
Act etc., I have a list of them somewhere,
3,35 p.m.

Those were the constitutional changes which were
enacted and there were constitutional Acts by which the
island was governed and which supplemented the Letters
Patent and Royal Instructions, and which also supplemented
those conventions of the Constitutionwhichwe specifically
from time to time have adopted by correspondence with
Her Majesty's Government, or impliedly assumed by the
observance of the provisions of the thirteen Acts to which,
I have referred Executive Committee (Amendment) Act,
1961, Interpretation (Amendment) Act, 1961; Public Service
Commission Act, 1961; the Judicial and Legal Service
Commission Act, 1961 ......... The Supreme Court of
Judicature (Amendment) Act, 1961; the Auditor General (Ap-
pointment, Conditions of Service and Dismissal) Act, of
1961; the Prommissory Oaths (Amendment) Act 1961 and
the Police Act of 1961 ....... those were the thirteen Acts.
In 1964 some of these Acts were repealed and replaced
,by other Acts and some were amended. The reason why I
have mentioned them is that in preparing the Draft Consti-
tution we have as far as possible tried to conformto the kind
of framework which we know, from former constitutional
conferences, the United Kingdom has been prepared to
agree to as a framework for a Constitution.

The remarkable thing is after we went through this
exercise in 1964 of remodelling our Constitution. His Ex-
cellency the Governor in opening the Legislature said that
the way was now clear for Barbados' Independence. Those
words were said on the 5th of May, 1964, From a careful
perusal of the Constitution which we have before us you
will see that many of the Acts such as the Service Com-
mission Act, etc. are actually repeated in the draft Con-
stitution itself: and we also have other statutes such as
the Financial Administration and Audit Act which is a
model for the whole of the Commonwealth and which the
Secretary of State has tried from time to time to get other
territories of the Caribbean to accept as a model of finan-
cial rectitude. You will find this Act in the last chapter and
you will find several of the provisions repeated word for

The reason for this is that as far as Government is
concerned we already have inthis island either provisions
on the Statute Book or conventions which are adhered to
and practised at least by the Government and by the cus-
tom and usage of Parliament. There is nothing, apart from
the chapter on citizenship, and as I said before in the earlier
chapter on the fundamental freedoms or the Bill of Rights,
as some people like to call it we put that in not because
we want a Bill of Rights. We have had one from1652.

It would be a foolish person who would like to infringe
upon or curtail any of these fundamental rights which we
now have written on our Statute Book and which the peo-
ple of Barbados have come to regard as their inalienable
rights which should not be taken away from them, You will
see that in the one case it is almost unnecessary, and in
the other case we could not haveit before because we were

governed by the United Kingdom Act as far as citizenship
is concerned. I refer to the BritishNationality Act of 1948.

When I see, however, what is happening in Great Bri-
tain, I must come to the conclusion that that Act has been
honoured more in the breach than in the observance. The
British Parliament has gone a long way in departing from
what that Act established by subsequent legislation and by
their attitude to the unfortunate members of our countries
who have had to emigrate to the U.K. We have inserted a
provision dealing with citizenship in our Constitution.

If we go through the draft Constitution carefully
chapter by chapter and look at the comparative table of
sources, you win see that in the Constitution itself there
is very little that the people of Barbados did not have or
attain before, In drawing up the draft Constitution, Mr.
Deputy Speaker, we have tried to adhere to this principle
of autochthony "sprung from the land itself" by using
in many instances the words of the Royal Instructions and
Letters Patent in so far as they can be accommodated
within the framework of the Constitution itself.

There are many references of course to the Consti-
tutions of Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago. The
reason why there are references to these Constitutions is
not because we have no provisions of our own, but in de-
parting from the actual wording of the Letters Patent Con-
solidation Order of 1964 or anyof thethirteen or fourteen
constitutional enactments which contain the constitutional
provisions by which the Island is governed, in departing
from the actual wording for various reasons we have tried
to choose the best that we can see in the Constitutions of
the three Commonwealth Caribbean countries which have
most recently attained the stature of Independence. This
was a kind of insurance policy that we do not waste time
when we go to the United Kingdom. We have had reports
of the wording and the phrasing used inthe three Constitu-
tions I have mentioned, and whichweknowthat the Imperial
Government has already accepted.
3.45 p.m.

There could be nothing obnoxious, therefore, about the
phraseology if we adopt something which has already been
accepted. I want to make it abundantly clear that wherever
you see in the TableofSources a reference to the Trinidad
and Tobago Constitution, reference to the Jamaica Consti-
tution or reference to the Guyana Constitution, except in
so far as the chapter on citizenship is concerned, there is
nothing contained in any of these Constitutions of these in-
dependent or about to be independent countries likeGuyana
that we in Barbados do not have in some form or shape in
our own independent constitutional framework. As a matter
of fact, when the constitutional changes were brought about
in 1964, the models which we used apart from our consti-
tutional instruments in so far as we wanted to re-embody
and redraft some of the old provisions, were taken from
the independent Constitutions of Trinidad and Tobago and
of Jamaica. That is why repeatedly members onthis side -
the Leader of the House and I and other members-have
stated that we do not know what the argument is about, be-
cause we are at the present moment, apart from the ques-
tion of title where you call a person Premier or Prime
Minister or Governor or Governor-General, and apart
from little incidental matters of that nature, the Constitu-
tion which we in Barbados live under is an Independence
Constitution except for the question of citizenship and ex-
ternal affairs.

We are still unfortunately citizens of Great Britain and
the Colonies, whatever that means, because members of
the House of Lords seem not to be clear exactly as to what
citizens of the United Kingdom and the Colonies mean.
They have carefully avoided coming out with any clear and
unequivocal and unambiguous definition and declaration as
to the rights of persons who are supposed to be governed
by the British Nationality Act of 1948.

Now another feature of the Constitution of Barbados,
Mr. Deputy Speaker, is this: that hitherto-that is, up to

now the Constitution of Barbados has not been a written
Constitution. The Constitution of the United States is a
written Constitution; the Constitutionof Canada is a written
Constitution; and the Constitutions of allthe Commonwealth
countries which have become independent since the year
1945 are all written Constitutions; but the Constitution of
Barbados shares one feature in commonwiththe Constitu-
tion of the United Kingdom, and that is that the Constitution
of Barbados is not to be found in any single document; and
where it is found in documents, allof it is not found in these
documents. The United Kingdom, it has been claimed by
some writers of Constitutional Law, has an unwritten Con-
stitution: but you and I know that to be incorrect, because
the Magna Charta is part of the Constitution of the United
Kingdom, and that is a written document. The Bill of Rights,
the Act of Settlement and all these are written enactments
and are constitutional documents. They have notembodied
the Constitution of the United Kingdom in any single docu-
ment within the two ends of any single book or treatise, and
so it is with the Constitution of Barbados. Although we have
many written enactments here, we still have rules which
have-not been written and we have conventions to the Con-
stitution here in Barbados, although some attempthas been
made from time to time to set out these conventions in
writing. There are no enactments in the sense that there
have been Bills or Resolutions which have a passage
through the Legislature of the territory; so the Constitution
of Barbados is also unique in that apart from the United
Kingdom, it is the only territory that I know that has a
partly written and partly unwritten Constitution, and though
we made substantial changes for the better in 1964 which
appear to have swept over the heads of the members of the
Opposition Parties because they never raised a murmur of
dissent over Barbados getting what was virtually an inde-
pendent Constitution at that time, we did not attempt to
commit to writing all of the conventions which we observe
and by which we are supposed to be governed.

I will make a disclosure at this stage to show the
autochthonous nature of our constitutional change in 1964.
When the Federation was broken up in 1962, the United
Kingdom Government a Conservative Government at that
time hastily contrived an instrument known as the West
Indies Federation Dissolution Act, 1962, and under this Act
power was given to make provision for constitutional
changes and any kind of association between one territory
and the other by Order in Council. Immediately I reminded
the Secretary of State that this might be all right for Ja-
maica and Trinidad and the Lesser Antilles, but as far as
Barbados was concerned I hoped that the provisions of this
West Indies Dissolution Act, 1962 were not intended to be
extended to the territory of Barbados, because we had
never been governed by Order-in-Council On the floor of
this House I read out on more than one occasion the Secre-
tary of State's reply. The Secretary of State was then the
Right Honourable Reginald Maudling, who subsequently be-
came Chancellor of the Exchequer: but what is significant
is that if you check the Hansard of 1962, the Official Re-
ports of the Hansard in the United Kingdom, and we have
themhere in this House, you will find that Mr. Maudling
said on the floor of the House of Commons that the West
Indies Dissolution Act was not intended to beused to make
constitutional changes in Barbados. Having got that assur-
ance from the Secretary of State, we then proceeded to
hold our discussions with the people from the Lesser

In 1964 what happened was this and I would like to
get the record straight now. Inthe Manifesto of the Demo-
cratic Labour Party which is the Government Party of
Barbados, everything that we intended to do or proposed on
behalf of the people of this country we set out in that docu-
ment under carefully categorised Chapters and Heads, and
towards the end we have Constitutional Changes included:
but we proposed that there should be representation of the
Opposition, whatever it might be. Those were our words
"whatever it might be in the Upper Chamber"
3.55 p.m.

Now, at that time, we did not propose the complete
abolition of the Legislative Council and the replacement of

the Legislative Council by the Senate, as far as I can re-
member, and there was a reason for that. When the Mani-
festo was drafted, there was a constitutional conference in
London and we did not want to give the impression that we
were derogating or going on in the continuity of any former
Government in so far as constitutional matters were con-
cerned. Therefore, we did not say that we were going to
abolish the Legislative Council. But when we came to re-
view the Constitution of Barbados, we decided thatthe Con-
stitution should be an independent Constitution. Therefore,
that was in 1964 and not 1966. This seems to escape the
people on the other side. The Government was introducing
a provision which it had not put in its Manifesto a pro-
vision which entailed and involved the members of the Other
Place in extinction, if not in permanent dissolution.

Therefore, at my request, the Hon. Leader of the
House, the Minister of Education, as far as I can remem-
ber, convened a joint meeting of the representatives of this
Chamber and the Other Place in order to get their agree-
ment for the constitutional changes which weregoingto be
made. In other words, it would be a matter of great dis-
courtesy if the members of the Other Place had awakened
to read in the newspapers that Her Majesty's Govern-
ment had agreed to abolish the Legislative Council.

Now, why did we place so much importance on this?
It was because the Legislative Council was a creation of
Her Majesty-in-Council; it was not an autonomous crea-
tion of the General Assembly of Barbados. It was not
created by members of the House of Assembly; it was
created by Her Majesty-in-Council, and under the Letters
Patent, the eligibility for disqualification and other mat-
ters were set out. Therefore, a unilateral act on the part
of Her Majesty-in-Council was all that was necessary. In
other words, we could not pass a Bill through the House of
Assembly and abolish the Legislative Council. It had to be
done by amendment or a complete change of the Letters
Patent as they existed at that time. I want to underline
"the Letters Patent" because it was a creation of Her

When this country was settled, they established atwo-
tiered system of Government. The position and rights of
the House of Assembly was to be found in the Represen-
tation of the People Act and the House of Assenb ly (Re-
muneration of Members) Act, but with the Legislative
Council, that was a different matter altogether because
those members were not elected: they were nominated and
appointed by Her Majesty the Queen's representative.

The Attorney General -- the now Attorney General -
and I spent some weeks and months drafting this new In-
dependence type of Constitution which Barbados is to en-
joy, and one of the proposals was to abolish the Legislative
Council altogether and therefore put us exactly on the same
footing with Jamaica and Trinidad which were already in-
dependent. In our correspondence, both by cable and letter,
we told Her Majesty's Government that wewouldprefer to
inform the members of the Other Place by having a joint
meeting telling them about their fate. It was like a priest
going into prison to read prayers to a condemned man who
was going to be hanged the next morning.

Now, Sir, having done that, we invited members of the
other parties and of the Other Place to the joint Meeting
and they accepted the inevitability of the change. It was
just like the Governor signing somebody's death warrant
and a priest going to tell that person that this was his
death warrant and tomorrow, he was 'going throughthe

The drafts which we then made in consortium one by
one in 1964 included the Financial AdministrationAct, The
Executive Committee (Vesting of Powers) Act and the re-
pealing of the Statute which was a creation of Sir Conrad
Reeves and introducing a new Act. In other words, before
this Party came into power, both the Attorney General and
the Officer Administering this country had a right to sit
on what was described as the Cabinet. In 1964, we said that
we were to have an independent Constitution, and, therefore,

we took the Attorney General out and we repealed the Act;
and one after the other, we gave notice of several bills. I
remember that we introduced twelve of them, discussed
and debated them in a most friendly atmosphere.

If I may go back to what I stated here, the position is
that Barbados has got an independent Constitution before
it has got independence. Pakistan got independence at least
eight years before it got a Constitution. Barbados got an
independent Constitution at least two years before weave
got Independence. Pakistan got her independent constitution
eight years after the British Government granted indepen-
dence to her.

Now, I want to make that abundantly clear. Barbados
got an Independent Constitution in 1964, and the Governor
said so then; and all members of the Opposition cheered
and said that the road is now set for Independence. You
will see in the proceedings at the opening of Parliament
in that year that His Excellency said, after the constitu-
tional changes which I have now enumerated, we are now
set for the Independence of Barbados, and then, all the
members of the Opposition cheered.

We have an Independence Constitution It istruethat a
lot of people who should havegone togaol have not gone, but
I would say that nobody who should not have gone to gaol
has gone to gaoL
4.05 p.m.

I have never heard the Bishop of Barbados of any of
the Roman Catholic Brethen or Hierarchy or the Chairman
of the Methodist Circuit talking of being afraid of going to
gaol. The onlypeople who are sayingthat they are frightened
of going to gaol are dishonest politicians who say that after
Independence they will go to gaol. We have had a lot of dis-
honest politicians before Independence who have not gone
to gaol yet; so what are they working about?
Before we get on to the actual chapters of the Consti-
tution, I want to make twoother smallpoints. The first one
is the question whether the Resolution we have before us
is one which confers Independence on Barbados. Anyone who
suggests that in introducing a Resolution approving the
draft Constitution this Government is trying to short
circuit any of the procedures which ought to be followed,
does not really understand the nature of the Constitution
which we have at the present moment and the constitutional
history of the Commonwealth. I would say that in almost
every other case in which a country has emerged from the
status of colonialism to the position of Independence, any
conference which has been held has been preceded by dis-
cussion in the Legislature of the territory and the propo-
sals contained in their Constitutions.
As a matter of fact certain countries went further. The
Republic of India went further, the Irish Dail under Mr.
De Valera did not brook any interference from the British
Government. Mr. Lloyd George decided that the gravity
of the Constitution enacted by the Irish Dail was dependent
on the authorisation given by the Imperial Parliament in
the U.K. and not from the Dail itself. In 1937 when Ireland
became a Republic we found that the Constitution was dis-
cussed and approved by the Legislature and then was re-
-ferred to I do not knowwhether they call them counties
or provinces but it was referred sothat the Legislature
did not in itself give the stamp of authority to the Consti-
tution, but merely discussed its provisions.

At this point I would like to read a passage from K.C.
Where in his "Constitutional Structure of the Common-
wealth". He said: "Al that the House of Parliament did
was to prepare a Constitution in accordancewiththe prac-
tice which had been followed already in Canada, Australia
and South Africa, and inthe Australian Colonies."Mr.
Lloyd George, the Prime Minister, expressed his view in
the House of Commons: and in introducing the Irish Free
State Bill he said: "Here we aregoingto follow the exam-
ple which has been set in the framingof every Constitution
throughout the Empire. The Constitution is drafted and
decided by the Dominion, the Imperial Parliament taking
such steps as may be necessary to legalize these deci-

I want to repeat that. "Here we are given an exanpl
which has been followed inthe framingofevery constitution
throughout the Empire." I know that the newspapers will
not report this tomorrow. They do not write shorthand
nowadays. I understand it is not a qualification. I would go
further and say that the ability to read and write does not
appear to be a qualification either. Iwinquote again: "The
Constitution is drafted and decided bythe Dominion, the Im-
perial Parliament taking such steps as may be necessary
to legalise these decisions."

You wil find that, Sir, in 149 House of Comnn s
Debates at column 42. Here is the Prime Minister of the
U.K. talking about the Irish Constitution and saying in he
House of Parliament that all Parliament did was "topre-
pare a constitution in accordance withthe practice followed
in Canada, Australia and SouthAfrica, and inthe Australian

Mr. Lloyd George said that this was an example set
in the framing of every constitution. Irepeat;he said: "The
Constitution is drafted and decided by the Dominion, the
Imperial Parliament taking suchsteps as may benecessary
to legalise these decisions." I have said that about five
times and I have done that advisedly.

In other words, Sir, the Government of Barbadosdoes
not accept that any draughtsman or member of a political
Party in the U.K., no matter how exalted his position nay
be he may be the Prime Minister Mr. Harold Wilson
himself: it is neither his job nor his duty nor his business
to prepare a Constitution for Barbados. TheConstitutionof
Barbados has not only gottobeanautonomous constitution,
but it has has tobe an autochthonous constitution that is,
one that has sprungfrom the land itself. And not from any-
body's imaginationoutside.But what these Neo-colonalists,
these long-jacket Uncle Toms that we havein the Opposi-
tion Parties wantto preserve Is that the people of Barbados
are incapable of making decisions for themselves, andthat
they have to depend on some person of a different com-
plexion to tell them what is good for them. So they are go-
ing to report us to the Headmaster That is their whole
approach in this exercise. We will be reported to de
Headmaster; but the Headmaster win tell them: "You ae
the dunces and you are the ones I am going to flog." Then
they will get a big surprise.
4.15 p.m.

They are going to report us to the Headmaster for
playing cricket, and the Headmaster will tell them he did
not know it was cricket time they were playing cricket in.
They had two umpires, a square leg, three slips, a gilly,
mid-off, a backward short leg and a man overhead, and
they are going to report you for playing cricket, when the
positions of the fielders I see were in accordance with the
rules of the game, and therefore theyarethe dunces and de
ones who should be flogged.
Mr. DEPUTY SPEAKER left the Chair and Mr. SPEAKER
took the Chair.
Mr. SPEAKER: His Honour the Deputy Speaker ad-
vised me to let the Premier complete his stroke before
I resumed.

Hon, E. W. BARROW: I have not only completed my
stroke, Mr. Speaker. I did not even have to run; the ball
hit the boundary.

Mr. Speaker, we have suspended the Rules, and I won-
der if you will give me permission to give notice of a
document which is to be laid,

Mr. SPEAKER: It would depend on whether thereis
any objection by hon. members.

The Hon. and Learned Premier is seeking leave at
this stage to lay a document which unfortunately could not
have been laid earlier this afternoon, and if there is no
objection, leave will be granted.

There being no objection, leave is granted.


Hon. E. W. BARROW: Mr. Speaker, I must apologise
for laying it at this stage, butithas only just arrived from
the neighboring territory of Guyana within less than half
an hour.

I have the honour to lay the Agreement establishing
the Caribbean Free Trade Association of December, 1965.
(Ch eers).

Mr. Speaker, before Your Honour assumed your posi-
tion, I was craving the indulgence of His Honour the Deputy
Speaker to read an excerpt from Professc r K. C. Where's
"Constitutional Structure of the Commonwealth". This
treatise, Sir, was published as recently as 1960, and, I
believe, is out of print, and had to be reprinted on more
than one occasion. I do not have to recommend Professor
Where to Your Honour, because of your familiarity with
the works of this learned author, and I do not have to re-
commend him to any member of this Chamber, because we
have made frequent references to one or other of his
constitutional works from time to time. But I have also
made reference in the House of Commons Debates to a
statement made by the Right Honourable David Lord
George, former Prime Minister of Great Britain in dis-
cussing the question of Commonwealth Constitutions. The
Prime Minister on that occasion stated -- this was in
December, 1922 in dealing with the Bill legalising or au-
thorising the institution of the Irish Free State, -- and he
and other members of the House made reference to the fact
that as far as the Irish people were concerned they had a
country and a Constitution already, and the Prime Minis-
ter said they may have a country and a Constitution, but
they were only following what had been done in the case of
every Commonwealth country. The Constitution is drafted
and decided by the territory, and the Imperial Parliament
takes such steps as may be necessary to legalise the de-

In other words, Sir, the procedure which has been
followed by Government has been sanctified by precedent -
I will almost say from time immemorial; but in so far as
Independence Constitutions are concerned, with the notable
exception of the former American colonies, the procedure
has always been and, I hope, will always be that, coming to
a state of Independence, it is not for the Imperial Govern-
ment to tell the people the laws by which they should be
governed or the system of jurisprudence under which they
should live, but for the people themselves through their
elected representatives or, as in the case of India, their
constituent Assembly nominated by the provincial Legis-
latures, in the case of Ireland, the Irish Dail, and so we
come all the way down from precedent to precedent and you
will find thatthe Constitutions have been devised and drafted
by the territories themselves. You know, Sir, if you did not
do that, whathappens if youdid not have a Constitution
which is autochthonous and which has sprung from the
people themselves and from the land itself? You would get
the same ridiculous exercise that the Windward Islands
are going through in London today, where the Constitution
was sent down fromthe Colonial Office to these benighted-
as the British think- Colonial territories, and then they
were invited to attend the Imperial Throne and to wait on
the Secretary of State for the Colonies when the Secretary
of State for the Colonies would tell them what Her Majesty's
pleasure was. What has happened in this case is that they
are speaking one language and the Secretary of State is
speaking another. He is talking about Constitutions and
they are talking about economic viability. If they had done
their Constitution, they would have tai.n it up and said:
"Here is our Constitution. Will you put your signature or
take the necessary steps to implement the wishes and de-
sires of thepeopleandtheLegislatures of our territories?"
This is what the Opposition wants. The Opposition wants us
to go up there and argue a whole lot of foolishness, and
the Headmaster is going to tell responsible people in a
Government who do not get any financial support from any
political party in the United Kingdom what to do. This is
really their trouble. Their real trouble is that they have
for so long depended on support frompoliticalparties out-

side and British Financial institutions, and I challenge
anybody to deny this. The Britishbanksgivethe Conserva-
tive Party 1,500 for their campaign in each and every
election, and I challenge the Managers ofthe banks to deny
this. There is only one bank that does not do it. They are
paid to run. They break the law because each candidate has
600 financial backing by British institutions; and it is
natural for them; although their election expenses may be
restricted to $1,100, they are paid to run $2,880. They
should be here to deny it. I told them that before and they
know it is true, because there are so many candidates we
can call as witnesses. They are so accustomed to getting
hand-outs from people in the United Kingdom that, quite
apart from the psychological and emotional difficulties in
not being able to come together with themselves, being
people of uncertain origins and background this is the
only thing they have in common: uncertainty of origin and
background. They do not know whether they are fish or
fowl or good salt herring; but having this kind of emotional
instability, they are unable to appreciate the aspirations of
the people of this country and they talk about talking when
they get to England: in other words, when they get before
the Headmaster.

Mr. Speaker, they owe a responsibility to the people
of this country; and if they had any views at all, which I
very much doubt they have, it would be their duty to say
what these views are, and the appropriate place for these
views to be expressed is on the floor of the Legislature, as
every country in the Commonwealth has done or attempted
to do.
4.25 p.m.

I am dealing with the principle where you can do some-
thing for yourself, and you do not leave it for somebody in
the United Kingdom to say what is good for you or what
should be good for you.

We come back to this principle where you can do
something for yourself, and Professor K. C. Wheare says

"But with the examples of India and Ireland in mind,
it will not be surprising if nationalism demands even
greater certainty. If this is to be achieved, then some
break of legal continuity must be made. There are various
methods by which this can be done. The simplest perhaps
is for the Houses of the Parliaments inthe Members of the
Commonwealth to prepare and pass a Constitution and not
to present it for the royal assent, providing in the document
that it should come into effect on a certain date and super-
cede the existing Constitution. Or a specially elected or
selected constituent assembly might prepare and pass the
Constitution and provided it did not do so under powers con-
ferred by an act of the legislature which had received the
royal assent, and did not submit the Constitution for the
royal assent, then it could claim that the constitution was
enacted on its own authority. Or a constitutionprepared by
the Houses of a parliament or by a constituent assembly
could be submitted for the approval of the people and could
come into effect subject to that approval."

The emphasis all the time is on a composition pre-
pared by the Legislature or submitted for the approval of
the people who become affected.

He goes on: "And there are a number of other pro-
cedures that might appropriately be adopted. The essential
point underlying all of them is that such action as is taken
must not be taken under the authority of an Act of Parlia-
ment of the United Kingdom. What procedure would be ap-
propriate would depend upon political conditions in the
Commonwealth country concerned. It is clear, however,
that a simple method of making the break -- the refraining
from presenting the measure for the Royal Assent is
available which allows for full consultation with the elec-
torate or with elected representatives, and with minority
interests, and which could be combined withanyprocedure
for the preparation of the document which was thought
necessary in the country concerned."


Professor Wheare notes this particular chapter on an
autonomous nation with these words:-

"And although traditionalists may regret the breaking
of a legal link, which in practice means very little, na-
tionalists will Iwelcome a step which places their country's
constitution and laws on a footing comparable to that en-
joyed bytheother sovereign independent states in the world.
It must be expected, therefore, that Members of the Com-
monwealth will, as a rule, take steps quite soon after they
attain their independence through a Constitution made in
Britain, to embody that Constitution and proclaim that in-
dependence in a document which, they can claim,owes its
validity and authority to no outside country or institution
but to themselves alone."

I want to make the position of the Government of Bar-
bados abundantly clear. The position is this. We are na-
tionalists and not traditionalists. We believe in tradition
so far as is necessary to the upliftment of the people of
Barbados. If tradition is of value to us, we accept tra-
dition; but if tradition is of no value to us, we reject

We accept tradition in Barbados as something which is
of value to us. The fact is that before 1951, we did not have
Adult Suffrage, Our Constitution has developed as an
autochthonous Constitution. We have to handle this on the
widest basis. If a Constitution Idoes not rest on that wide
basis, that Constitution is likely to undergo great stress
and strain. The checks and balances are, in the very nature
of this Constitution, based on the widestpossible franchise
of the people within the colony. Therefore, since we are
nationalists, we cannot tolerate or accept any proposal
that some other person in some other country is in a
better position than the elected representatives of the peo-
ple to decide the frameworkofthe Constitutionor the rules
by which we should be governed in the future. All of the
people who scorn the parliamentary procedures of the
country and who make statements to the effect, as I believe
such a statement was made in a letter to you, Mr. Speaker,
that it is tantamount to subterfuge to have a majority vote
in the democratic assembly, and that this would render the
parties on the opposite side when they go to London power-
less, that proposal, Sir, shows an abysmal ignorance of
constitutional procedures and disrespect for the long tra-
ditions of constitutional practices which we inthis country
have always boasted about. It shows a profound disrespect
for the people themselves.

They would whisper in a corner, probably at a Lodge
meeting in St. James' Place in London; but they would not
tell the people of Barbados intheopen what it is they find
so obnoxious about Independence, and what it is they find
so repugnant in the constitutional provisions whichwe have
been enjoying since 1964. The Draft Constitution is a mere
embodiment or substance of the Constitution which was
passed without any dispute in May, 1964. Because they
control all the organs of the Press in this country, they
confuse the minds of the people of the country with a lot
of nonsense which a Third Standard elementarypupilin my
day would object to and say is irrational.
4.35 p.m.

Because they have a few ambitious offspring, they would
seek to pervert all the constitutional arrangements which
have so far ordered the lives of the people in Barbados.

They want to substitute a system of minority rule which
was rejected by the peopleofthis countryas far back as 18
years ago. This is the last ditch stand of the backwoodsmen
and the reactionaries. I am glad that they have banded
themselves together because it demonstrates to the people
of the island the sort ofpeopletheyhad to deal with, people
who are prepared to sell their birthright for a mess of
pottage. I never thought that they had a contribution to
make, and therefore I was not surprised but they should

have at least have the decency to stay away from the Con-
ference in London.

I want to read an extract from the Report of the
Bechuanaland Conference. I think that after they hear this
they will change their minds not about coming here: I
mean about going to London at all They are joining forces
with Dr. Jagan in boycotting the advancement of their coun-
try for political reasons. They are now all of them

As I was saying, Sir, I want to read from the Report
of the Bechuanaland Conference proposals. That Confer-
ence took place on the 14th February, 1966 -- about three
months ago. This is the official report of the Conference,
Command Paper 2929. The representatives of Parliament
by the Secretary of State for the Colonies by Command of
Her Majesty in March 1966. Not March 1766 or 1866.

The Conference opened in London on 14th February,
1966 at Marlborough House. It says: "The early move of
Bechuanaland to Independence was envisaged in the Legis-
lative Council Paper which was published in November
1963 and on which the present constitution of Bechuanaland
is based."

You see the analogy Sir. The extract continues: "This
Legislative Council Paper, which recorded the conclusions
reached in discussions at which all the political parties,
the Chiefs and important groups in the territory were re-
presented, and on which unanimous conclusions were
reached, stated that:-

"The Conference felt that the time had come to move
directly to a form of self-government, andthat this should
be achieved by constitutional arrangements which could
lead naturally to independence,"

The Bechuanaland Democratic Party headed by a
colleague of mine, Seretse Khama, had preceded the Intro-
duction of the Constitution in 1955 with anelection. This is
what the Secretary of State has written in the Conference
Report and this is what they said clearly about indepen-
dence. "The party stands and works for the independence of
Bechuanaland within the shortest possible time, and shall
use the oncoming period of self-government as aprepara-
tory stage towards the attainment of independence."

That is all they promised the electorate indepen-
dence within the shortest possible time. Listen to the
Democratic Labour Party Election Manifesto. "The road
to destiny is the road to Independence. Towards this goal
the country must press "- Not withtheshortestpossible
time, getting a little practice at the nets and opening the
innings now. -OurManifestowentonto say"As the country
has never been a grant-aided territory, there is no reason
why Barbados should not achieve the fullest stature" (and
this was in very black type) "of independence now within a

Compare that statement with that of Seretse Khama
who said that they believed in Independence and would like
to have it in the shortest possible time, that after his party
was elected they would tryto practise self-government. We
in Barbados were practising self-government for 300 years.

The Bechuanaland Democratic Party said: "The Party
stands and works for the independence of Bechuanaland
etc .,..,. .Compare that with the statement inourManifesto
that "the road to destiny is the road to independence.
Towards that goal the country must press on." We said
there is no reason why within or without a federation Bar-
bados should not attain the full statureof independence now.

Now, I go on quoting from Command Paper 2929 the
proposals which have been made by the Bechuanaland Gov-
ernment and which envisaged the establishment of Bechu-
analand as an independent sovereign Republic to be known
as Botswana. The Report goes on to say that, apart from
the change to a Republican form of Government under an
executive President, the proposals were in substance no
more than the adjustments which were required tothe 1956

~ I

Constitution to adapt it to the circumstances of indepen-
Jdence. I would say without fear of contradiction that the
Constitution of 1965 was an inferior document to the Con-
stitution of Barbados in 1964.

We have never wanted to be an independent Republic.
The only person to claim that is the former Minister with-
out Portfolio and the senior member for St. Philip who is
not in his place; but when they were asked to swear to an
affidavit about ten days ago, they were really reluctant
to do so. Some of the peoplewhomthey were advising may
be in a great deal of difficulty.
4.45 p.m.

"They were debated". Listentothat "Theywere debated,"
The British Government is making the point that these pro-
posals have been debated. This is what we are doing now,
and this is what the other people are abstaining from.

"they were debated and, subject only to two amend-
ments proposed by the House of Chiefs, and one consequen-
tial amendment proposed by the Legislative Assembly,
endorsed by both the House of Chiefs and the Legislative
Assembly as a basis on which the attainment of independence
by Bechuanaland should be negotiated between the Govern-
ment of Bechuanaland and Her Majesty's Governmentinthe
United Kingdom."

This is what the Draft Constitution is put before the
Legislature for to be debated and discussed and to be
amended. I have got about twenty-five amendments, most
of which have been submitted by members of the Govern-
ment Party, some of which have been submitted by the
Chamber of Commerce one or two of which we did not
find obnoxious and some by the Law Society. So we have
this paradox in this country today that the elected repre-
sentatives of the people will be taking no part that is,
the Opposition side of the House, and some people in the
Chamber of Commerce exercising their democratic right
to submit to the Government proposals which they think
ought to be embodied in the Constitution, and which the
Government has accepted; but it is not for the Chamber
of Commerce to safeguard the people of Barbados,

As I said, there will be twenty-five amendments which
I will be drawing to the attentionof hon members, because
the short space of time for preparing the Independence
Constitution and presentation of the document to the House-
or both-for printing is necessarily limited, and we did not
profess that the Constitution we have could immediately go
to print. We said we would lay it in the House in Draft and
have both Houses of Parliament discuss it. Let me go on
not only to remind them, but to remind any new Secretary
of State what was decided inMarch, 1966 before the Brit-
ish General Elections. It goes on:

"Before the debates, more than one hundred and fifty
public meetings were arranged throughout the country at
which the proposals were explained to the people, and the
meeting of the House of Chiefs was postponed to permit
those Chiefs who wished to do so to hold Kgotlas to discuss
the proposals. These Kgotlas were attended by Ministers
in the Bechuanaland Government."

We have explained this Constitution to our constituent
branches. You will remember what the to-be President of
the to-be independent State of Bechuanaland said of Bechu-
analand when he married a certain young lady friend of
his when we were students together in London. The same
Chiefs had Kgotlas and sided with the British Government
to keep him out of Bechuanaland, and he is the person to
bring them to Independence. The wheel has taken full circle:
and the British Government was able to get up and say that
the Chiefs had held these Kgotlas and they did not want a
European residing in Bechuanaland.

"Mr. Matante who, as leader of the Bechuanaland
People's Party represented the threeOppositionMembers
in the Bechuanaland Legislative Assembly......" he has
about the same power as the hon. junior member for St.
George wields in this august Assembly representing three

people "expressed the view that there had been inadequate
consultation.." have you heard this phrase before? -
"with the people of Bechuanaland over the proposals which
had been put forward for the Independence Constitution and
asserted that the present Government of Bechuanaland had
no mandate to carry the country into independence."

I am not reading from Adam Smith's "The Wealth
of Nations" published in 1760: I am reading from the re-
port presented to Parliament in March, 1966 this year; in
other words: presented last month and received by me on
the 16th March, which is only five weeks ago, but it is after
it was presented in Parliament a couple of days before,
may be three. This is what I am reading from, something
which took place after this document was on the Table of
this House. And they are so duncyl They do not read the
Times Newspaper or any of the Constitutional Reports to
find out what the form is now, whether you play left foot
forward or right foot, or whether it is a six ball or eight
ball over, because they are going on with bats and do not
know what the game is they are supposed to be playing.
It could be ice hockey.

Let us go on:

"Mr. Matante...." substitute for Mr. Matante an-
other of the City Fathers and see if it does not sound fami-
liar and see what the conclusions are "who as leader of
the Bechuanaland People's Party, represented the three
Opposition members in the Bechuanaland Legislative As-
sembly, expressed the view that there had been inadequate
consultation with the people of Bechuanaland over the pro-
posals which had been put forward for the Independence
Constitution and asserted that the present Government of
Bechuanaland had no mandate to carry the country into
Independence. He proposed that consideration of the pro-
posals which had been put forward by the Bechuanaland
Government.." under Seretse Khama "should be post-
poned until further consultation had been carried out with
the Chiefs and the people of Bechuanaland through the ap-
pointment of a Commission consisting of representatives
of all political parties, the Chiefs, the British Government
and the Bechuanaland Government, and that before inde-
pendence was attained there should be a further General
Election." Does that sound familiar to you? It sounds very
familiar to me. They must have been in correspondence,
or followed in some way.

"In the light of the position as recorded above, the
other delegates to the Conference were unable to accept
that there was validity in Mr. Matante's points. He said
that he had come to the United Kingdom to deliver his
message that the Conference should be postponed until
further consultations had taken place. Having done this,
he felt that he had no further contribution to make to the
Conference proceedings and he was not prepared to express
any opinions on the details of the constitutionalproposals.
He did not attend the concluding sessions of the Conference.
The Conference approved the Bechuanaland Government's

Now the Opposition is absent just as how Dr. Jagan
absented himself. The Opposition Parties regard politics
as a game. They believe in minority rule, and when they
cannot get their way, they talk about democracy and dicta-
torship. When they cannot get their way, they say there
has been abundant precedent, and they play the game in
these things by withdrawing themselves not from the Legis-
lature, but from the Conferences; but all these fellows
want is to get a free trip to England. Personally I have no
desire to go. You are aware that I told the Secretary of
State that the Conference should take place in Barbados.
If the Conference was held in Barbados, and we were hold-
ing it at Ministerial Buildings, you could not get one to
attend at all. You could send a Policeman with a summons
to them; you could not get them to Ministerial Buildings to
attend the Conference.

When we held the Federal discussions at Ministerial
Buildings and invited the hon. junior member for St. George
and the hon. senior member for Bridgetown, they turned

up the first morning, and when we got down to work some-
times they sent excuses; but most of the time they just
absented themselves. Well, if we were holding the Confer-
ence here in Barbados and I wanted it held in Barbados
in this Chamber perhaps or in the Ministerial Buildings -
you would not have had any of this confusion.
4.55 p.m.

I know that sitting members of Opposition Parties are
very embarrassed because they have a lot of people telling
them that they have to be on the team.

Now, let us look at what happened five weeks ago in
London. "Mr. Matante who, as leader of the Bechuanaland
People's Party, represented the three Opposition mem-
bers in the Bechuanaland Legislative Assembly, expressed
the view that there had been inadequate consultation with
the people of Bechuanaland over the proposals which had
been put forward for the Independence Constitution and
asserted that the present Government of Bechuanaland had
no mandate to carry the country into Independence."

Seretse Khama held a debate on this thing. Mr. Matante
said so when he went up to London to put his views, "He
proposed that consideration of the proposals which had
been put forward by the Bechuanaland Government should I
be postponed until further consultation had been carried
out with the Chiefs, the British Government, representa-
tives of all political parties and that before Independence
was attained there should be a further General Election."
He said that they should bring in the British people to have
some Commission and all that he was trying to do was to
throw red herrings across the trail.

I have to read this and it is not going to appear in the
Press tomorrow:-

"The Conference approved the Bechuanaland Govern-
ment's proposals, subject to certain modifications, and the
form which it was agreed the Independence Constitution
should take is set out in Annex A to this Report."

Listen to this which is the next paragraph, It is a
very concise paragraph. I read:-

"The Conference agreed that Bechuanaland should be-
come independent under the name of Botswana on 30th
September, 1966."

Now, Sir, Mr. Matante's objectives were thatyouhave
not got a mandate for independence and that you must have
elections. On the same page it sets outthese objectives. He
was Leader of the Opposition in Bechuanaland. The Con-
ference agreed that Bechuanaland should obtain indepen-
dence on the 30th September, 1966,

What I regret about all of this is that here in Barbados
in 1651, we defeated the full might of the British Govern-
ment and declared ourselves independent. They signed a
treaty with Barbados in which our freedoms are preserved.
This is not a country in which you have Rulers and Chiefs
as you have in Bechuanaland. But Bechuanaland is a vast
country with millions of acres of land. They have more
people, but less schools than you have in the parish of
Christ Church. It is a country which is completely sur-
rounded by South Africa and other hostile states. The peo-
ple raise very little crops and they have very little or no
industries, Seretse Khama introduced this system of repre-
sentative Assembly, as far as I know, with a limited fran-
chise and they have a Leader of the Opposition.

In 1965, they got a self-governing Constitution. Let us
say, for argument's sake, that our Constitution is on the
same level with theirs and that it is not infinitely superior
to theirs. They can go up to London and get independence
on the 30th September this year and we are still down here
wasting time with these humbugs whom we have in Bar-
bados who know not whence they come or where they are
going. All that they are trying to do is to fool the people
in Barbados that the members of the Government Party and
other self-respecting people in Barbados still have to go

cap in hand to some European gentleman in St. James
Place asking him: "Please beg your pardon, Sir; will you
tell us if it is possible for us to have elections or whether
we should wait until we get our independence?"

That is what the hon. senior member for the City, the
hon. senior member for St. Philip, the hon. junior member
for St. George, the hon. junior member for Christ Church
think. That is the mentality which they have; and they do
not read, as the hon. senior member for St. Peter has said
so often. They only read the pictures inthe newspapers and
only when it is their own picture. If they had come to me in
a decent way, I would have loaned them any of these papers
because I have had them from all the time in 1946. But
they have this idea that they are going to report to some-
body. They say: "Wait until I get inside the Conference
rco n and I shall report." They do not believe in the prin-
ciple of autochthony. I spelt it in here and I doubt whether
any of them can spell it correctly. "Autochthony" is one
word which is accepted by the most benighted part of the
Commonwealth and by the most Conservative in the United
Kingdom as meaning that the people of the country have a
right to devise a Constitution for themselves, and that
Constitution is to receive the same authority as an Act
ofthe ImperialParliament.Ithashappened from 1922.It did
not happen with the British North American countries be-
cause the Britishwas dealing with a plural society and
widely-spread ethnic groups who did not even speak the
same language; and the result is that they imposed the
British North American Act on the Canadian people, and
after these years they still do not have autochthony and
the country is in danger of breaking up.

A Constitution can only be amended by an Imperial
Act of Great Britain. When we take our destiny in our
hands, we intend to amend by our hands: and any one who
abstains from participation in the exercises which we are
carrying on now should abstain from living in the country
and go to a country which has that rarified atmosphere.
They should go there and settle down there so that they
could jostle with the British rank and file.
5.05 p.m.

Let them stay out of the sunshine of Barbados and
leave us who want to live inthe sunshine down here. I should
be very glad to givethem a one-wayticket and pay for their
boarding and lodging for a limited period of three to four
weeks. They will have to be on their own after that. You
cannot reprobate and approbate at the same time. You
cannot say:"Ilamnothingtodowiththeexercise," and
then try to push someone through the door at Seawell try-
ing to get on the plane to London.

At least Mr. Matante had the decency to withdraw
from the Conference when he did not get his views accepted.
Dr. Jagan did the same thing. He said he did not believe
that British Guiana should get Independence. That was be-
cause he was not in power. Because the Opposition is not
in power, they are the Jaganites of Barbados.

Anyone who has lived beneath the yoke of Colonialism
cannot be deemed to be other than a traitor to his country
when for political reasons he opposes the independence of
his country. Every patriot has the rightto join forces with
all and sundry to achieve independence if he considers that
his people are worthy of a position in the sun. You have to
look at these people as an extremely sinister, malevolent,
malicious band of brigands as you have ever set your eyes

They are people, as I said last week, who believe in a
Government in which you get rich overnight. There are
only three ways to get rich quickly, as far as I know: if
you are not born with money, or you do not strike oil on
your property, you have to win a sweepstake or the pools,
or you have to rob somebody. They like to choose the third
way, because they feel that if they get into positions of
authority they will be able to exploit the rest of the com-
munity and get rich as quickly as possible.
This Government is not here to allow anyone to get
rich quick. Whatever they may tell the general public, or

Whatever they may write to the newspapers, their funda-
mental opposition to the Government involved is that they
cannot get rich quick. They want to become millionaires
overnight. That is the one factor that binds them together
because they have no ideology, because ideology is a thing
of the spirit and of the mind.

Apart from the Bechuanaland Conference there have
been of course during the past twelve months about three
to four Conferences held in the United Kingdom on Indepen-
dence for various states. I have cited two of them, both
of which took place this year -- that of Guyana, that of
Bechuanaland. In both of these places the Opposition Par-
ties acted up in the same way that you find the Opposition
acting up in Barbados, They wanted to postpone the Inde-
pendence of their countries. They say that this, that, and
the other is unconstitutional, and that it has been too sudden
for them. They want elections and things of that nature,
and I cannot find a single case in which their views were ac-
ceded to.

Now, Sir, if I may proceed to the Constitution itself.
As I intimated earlier, there are abouttwenty-five amend-
ments which, after discussion and consultation I will be
introducing. In addition to these amendments you will find
that in the front of the document itself as printed and cir-
culated there are certain errata which have to be included
in the Constitution and these are concerned mostly with
typographical errors. The Constitution itself, Mr. Speaker,
is divided into a total of ten chapters. The first one is the
preliminary chapter which contains the Interpretation
Clause and provision that in the event of any conflict be-
tween the Constitution and other laws of the island the
Constitutional provisions shall prevail. It reads: "This
Constitution is the supreme law of Barbados and if any
other law is inconsistent with this Constitution, this Con-
stitution shall prevail and the other law shall to the extent
of the inconsistency, be void."
5.15 p.m.

Mr. Speaker, I do not propose togothrough the errata
because members should have made those corrections for

There are ten chapters, as I said before. The second
chapter deals with citizenship. It deals with persons who
become citizens on the appointed day, that is, on D-day
minus one, and every person born in Barbados will be a
citizen on the day before the day of Independence. Then
there are other persons who were born outside Barbados
in section 2-01 (2). If their fathers had died before In-
dependence Day and the fathers were entitled to become
citizens of Barbados on the day before Independence Day,
then those persons are without any further formality en-
titled to become citizens of Barbados as well. Every person
who was born in the island of Barbados prior to the day be-
fore Independence Day is a citizen, and every person whose
father becomes or would but for his death have become a
citizen, that is a person born outside, shall also become a
citizen of Barbados.

In 2-01 (3) any woman who on the appointed day is or
had been married to a person who became a citizen of
Barbados by virtue of subsection (1) or subsection (2) of
this section shall become a citizen of Barbados. The first
amendment, therefore, is to insert "or subsection (2)" after
"(1)" in line two of section 2-01 (3) (a). The next amend-
ment is to substitute the word "sub-section" for "section"
in line four of section 2-01 (3) (b): so that the section will
now read as follows:-

"(b) who, having died before the appointed day would,
but for his death, have become a citizen of Barbados by
virtue of that subsection shall become a citizen of Barba-

Page 7, Sir, also deals with Citizenship, andthere are
amendments which I should like to make. They are as

In Section 2-02, line two -- for the word "has" sub-
stitute "had", and delete "subsequently".

In line three -- for the words "registration under"
substitute the words "virtue of".

In line four for "(2)" substitute "(4)"; for "this
section" substitute "section 2-01".

In line seven -- after the word "allegiance" insert a

In Section 2-05, remove the bracket symbols appear-
ing in lines four and six, and insert a comma after the
word "and" in line 4.

There is a long amendment to Section 2-07 (3) on page
8, This Section deals with the status of Commonwealth
citizens in so far as the Constitution is concerned, and it
reads as follows:-

"Save as may be otherwise provided by Parliament,
the countries to which this section applies are the United
Kingdom and Colonies, Canada, Australia, New
Zealand, India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Ghana, the Federation
of Malaysia, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, theRepublic
of Cyprus, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Jamaica, Trinidad and
Tobago, Uganda, Malawi, Kenya, Zambia, Singapore,
Gambia, Malta, Guyana, and such other Commonwealth
countries as the Governor-General may declare by pro-

With the exception of the first three of them, every
single country that I have read out will have had Indepen-
dence since 1945,
5,25 p.m,

I would just like to point out that we have left out the
interpretation of "Commonwealth" deliberately because
I think it would be for the United Kingdom Government to
say what their definition of "Commonwealth" should be.
We could not define what a Commonwealth citizen is. If
you ask us what a British subject is, we cannot describe it.

If you go to page 12, Section 3-02, line six for the
words "Act of Parliament" substitute "law". This section
would now read:- "3-02. Subject to the provisions of sec-
tions 3-03, 3-04 and 3-05 of this Constitution, no law shall
abrogate abridge or infringe or authorise the abrogation,
abridgment or infringement of any of the rights and free-
doms hereinbefore recognized and declared and inparticu-
lar no law shall do any ofthethings which are enumerated
here thereunder,"

On page 12, in Section 3-02, paragraph (c) (i) the Law
Society has suggested that we should make provision for
legal advisers to have the right to have private communi-
cation with their clients, We have inserted the word
"private, It will now read:-"

"(c) deprive a person who has been arrested or
detained -
(ii) of the right to retain and instruct with-
out delay a legal adviser of his own
choice and to hold private communica-
tion with him;"

The word"private"has been inserted beforethewords
"communication", We know what it is with a Sergeant of
Police leaning over your shoulder. Therefore I would be
the first person to uphold this amendment, Ido not say that
the Police go infor beating. Iknowwhat it has been like: so
I want to make it clear that when a lawyer interviews his
client and the client should make any statement that he is
ill-treated by the Police or any statement which he may
care to make, the Police Force is not near to hear such
statement. We have therefore put in this section to be en-
shrined in the Constitution.

Some hon. members may have on page 11, Chapter iii,
the words, "The Recognition and Production of Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms" printed intheir copies
which have been circulated. The word "Protection" is the
correct word: therefore, delete the word "Production"
and substitute the word "Protection".

On page 15, Section 3-06, line three after "sec-
tions" add the words "of this Chapter".

The Section would now read:-

"3-06. (1) For the removal of doubts it is hereby de-
clared that if any person alleges that any of the provisions
of the foregoing sections of this Chapter or section 3-07 of
this Constitution has been, is being, or is likely to be con-
travened in relation to him, then without prejudice to any
other action with respect to the same matter which is law-
fully available, that person may applyto the Supreme Court
for redress.

On Page 17, in Section 3-08. (1) (b) in the first line
the word "Proclamation" is spelt with a capital "P".
Substitute a common "p".
5.35 p.m.

I come now to page 35 Section 5-11. After the word
"Barbados" delete the word "and" and words following
thereafter down to the word "state". In Section 5-11(2) -
the whole paragraph is to be deleted and the following sub-
"Parliament shall have the power to make provision
for -

(a) the accession to Barbados of another territory
or state;

(b) any union or other form of association between
Barbados and any other territory or state on such
terms as may be agreed upon."

So there are two changes, the deletion in Section
5-1(1) and the addition of provisions for accession in
paragraph 5-11(2), that paragraph being divided into sub-
sections (a) and (b) so that it will read: "Parliament shall
have power to make provisions for (a) the accession to
Barbados of any other territory or state: (b) any union or
form of association between Barbados and another terri-
tory or state on such terms as may be agreed upon,"

There is no such provision in the Constitution of Trini-
dad and Tobago; hence the Grenada predicament. It is a
very important section.

Section 5-12 deals with amendments to the Constitution
and it reads as follows:- "Subject tothe provisions of this
section, Parliament may alter any of the provisions of this
Constitution." Sub-section (2) says: "(2) In so far as it
alters -

(a) this section;

(b) Sections 2-01 to 2-10 (inclusive), 3-01 to 3-14
(inclusive), 4-01, 5-01, 5-04, 5-11, 5-20, 5-25,
5-26, 6-01, 6-15, 6-19 to 6-21 (inclusive), 7-01
to 7-10 (inclusive),9-01 to 9-08 (inclusive),
10-01, 10-06 to 10-10 (inclusive)

a Bill for an Act of Parliament under this section shall
not be passed by Parliament unless at the final voting
thereon in each House it is supported by the votes of not
less than two-thirds of all the members of each House."

These Sections, you will remember, deal with what you
may call the entrenched provisions which cannot be altered
by a simple vote of Parliament and Section 1-02 provides
that the Constitution shall be the supreme law of Barbados.
The figure 1-02 and a comma will be inserted after the
word "Sections" in line 2 and you delete "3-14" and sub-
stitute therefore "3-08", We originally had fourteen sub-
sections but in doing the first re-draft we found that we had
some of these provisions in our existing laws in Barbados
and we would be only repeating something which was un-

After 5-01 in the same line insert 5-02. Section 5-02
of the Constitution deals with the composition of the Senate
and this is one of the entrenched amendments which pro-

vides that the composition of the Senate cannot be altered
by a simple vote of the Legislature because that will mean
that you will be able to change an entrenched provision of
the Constitution by a simple vote. This is one of the amend-
ments which the Law Society put forward and one which
we ourselves without detracting in anyway from the
suggestions made by the Law Society felt soon after the
document was printed it would be safe to put in,

If you go back to the errata you will see that on page
42 we are inserting a new section to be numbered 5-23
which deals with restrictions on the powers of the Senate

5.45 p.m.

"Restriction on
powers of
Senate as to
certain statu-
tory instruments

"5-23 (1) Any statutory instrument
to which this section applies and which,
having been laid before the Senate in any
session at leastonemonth before the
end of the session, is not approved by
the Senate in that session shall, if it is
again laid before the Senate at least one
month before the end of the next suc-
ceeding session (whether or not the
Senate and the General Assembly have
been dissolved between those two
sessions), be deemed to have beenap-
proved by the Senate at the end of the
latter session if it has notearlier been
so approved:

Provided that the foregoing provi-
sions of this subsection shall not have
effect unless at least seven months have
elapsed between the date on which the
statutory instrument is laid before the
Senate in the first session and the date
on which it is so laid in the second ses-

(2) In this section "statutory in-
strument" means any document by
which the Governor General, a Minister
or any other executive authority has
exercised the power to make, confirm
or approve orders, rules, regulations
or other subordinate legislation, being
a power conferred by any Act of the
Island (whether enacted beforeor after
the dayof 1966) and the sta-
tutory instrument to which this section
applies are all statutory instruments in
respect of which it is provided (in what-
ever terms) that they may not come into
force until approved by the Senate.
(3) For the purpose of this section
statutory instrument that is laid before
the Senate in any session shall be
deemed to be the same statutory instru-
ment as a former statutory instrument
laid before the Senate in the preceding
session if, when it is laid before the
Senate, it is identical with the former
statutory instrument or contains only
such alterations as are certified bythe
President of the Senate to be necessary
owing to the time that has elapsed since
the date of the former statutory instru-

(4) Where the office of President is
vacant or the President is for any rea-
son unable to perform the functions con-
ferred upon him by the preceding sub-
section that function maybeperformed
by the Deputy President.

(5) Any certificate of the President
or Deputy President given under sub-
section (3) of this section shall be con-
clusive for all purposes and shall not be
questioned in any Court."


That is quite a long amendment, but it is in the Errata
on pages 4, 5 and 6; and as a result of the insertion of that
new provision, Section 5-23 now becomes 5-24, 5-24 be-
comes 5-25, 5-25 becomes 5-26, and 5-26 becomes 5-27,

In line 9 of Section 5-26 (3) on page 43, 5-26 should
read 5-27.

We are still dealing, Mr. Speaker, with Section 5-12
(2) (b) on page 36, and the amendments are as follows:-

Line one -- the figure "1-02" and a comma to be in-
serted after the word "Sections".

Line two -- substitute 3-08 for 3-14; after "5-01,"
"5-02" and a comma to be inserted.

Line three substitute "5-26" for "5-25" and "5-27"
for "5-26".

Line five after the word "(inclusive," the numeral
and words "8-01 to 8-03 (inclusive)," to be inserted.

Line six after "10-01" the comma to be deleted and
the words "to 10-04 (inclusive)" and a comma to be in-

Now Sections 8-01 to 8-03 which wehavejust inserted
are the sections dealing with the Public Service Commis-
sion the Powers and Functions of the Public Service
Commission, and Sections 10-01 to 10-04 deal with the
matters of finance to which I referred before. I have a new
Section 10-04, but I will deal with that when I come to it;
but this new Section 10-04 is going to be entrenched. This
is one which will be inserted through us in the Ministry
of Finance that is, myself and the Financial Secretary;
but the suggestion for the entrenchment of the Powers and
Functions of the Public Service Commission, 8-01 to 8-03
have come from the Law Society and we accepted these

We now turn from page 36 to page 42, but I think we
have already done that, and on page 43 all the re-number-
ing is done there as well. The next page is page 54 which
deals with the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions
whose office shall be a public office. After the word "of-
fice" delete the full stop and add "and who shall be appoint-
ed by the Governor-General by instrument under the Public
seal acting on the advice of the Judicial and Legal Service
Commission" This places the Director of Public Prosecu-
tions on the same footing as the Puisne Judges. The whole
Section 6-19 (1) reads as follows" -

"There shall be a Director of Public Prosecutions
whose office shall be a public office, and who shall be
appointed by the Governor-General by Instrument under the
Public Seal acting on the advice of the Judicial and Legal
Service Commission."

This is also a suggestion from the Law Society, an
amendment which is accepted by the Government.

On page 61, Mr. Speaker, dealing with the acting
Judges of the Supreme Court in the proviso to Section
7-03 (2), inline2 -- after theword "office" delete the
full stop and add "by writing under his hand addressed
to the Governor-General". The proviso therefore reads
as follows:-
"Provided that he may, at any time, resign his acting
office by writing under his hand addressed to the Governor-
General, "

In Section 7-06 (1) on page 62 the same thing applies:

"he may at any time resignhis office by writing under
his hand addressed to the Governor-General;"

And then it goes on:


(b) the Governor-General, acting in the case of the
Chief Justice on the recommendation of the Prime
Minister or in the caseof another Judge on the ad-
vice of the Judicial and Legal Service Commission,
may permit a Judge who attains the age of sixty-five
years to continue in office until he has attained such
later age, not exceeding sixty-seven years, as may
be agreed between them."
5.55 p.m.

On Page 67, you will remember that we entrenched an
amendment; therefore 8-01, 8-02, and 8-03 deal with the
powers and authority of the Public Service Commission.

We then come to Page 83, Section 10-03 (5), lines six
and ten for the word "into" substitute "in" wherever it
it appears. That deals with "introduce into the General
Assembly" and it should read "introduce in the General
Assembly". The word "into" appears on two occasions
in lines six and ten."Into" is substituted by "in".

There is a very long amendment on page 84. It is one
which I erroneously referred to and this is dealing with the
finances. This again reiterates the autochthonous position
of our Constitution. This is in our existing Constitution.
As far as we are concerned, we are satisfied that there
is no misunderstanding with section 10-04 as it stands,
but in order that there should be no mistake about it, we
are deleting 10-04 and we are replacing it by clause 38
of the existing Letters Patent mutatis mutandis. It should
therefore read as follows:-

"All public monies raised, or which shall be raised,
by authority of any law of the Island, shall be issued by
warrant under the hand of the Minister responsible for
finance or under the hand of some person authorised by
him in writing and disposed of for the support of the Gov-
ernment of the Island, or for such other purposes as shall
be particularly appointed by such law, and nototherwise."

On Page 87, Section 10-07 (4), line three delete the
words "appointed day" and substitute day of
1966." That is what we have to decide.

On page 89, Section 10-10 (2) (b), last line for the
word "Public" substitute "Police". It is to be "Police
Service Commission" and not "Public Service Commis-
sion". This is another amendment from the Law Society.

On page 92 and this is the last page in the document -
dealing with "Oaths" there is an amendment and there is
good reason for that. In line seven- after "as" delete the
word "a" and substitute "Prime" and after "/" insert
the word "Minister".

I have had a long correspondence over that. The Gov-
ernment is very concerned about the reckless untruths and
misstatements which were made by members of the Oppo-
sition about transactions or other matters which were al-
leged to have taken place in Cabinet. That is why I said
that there are people in this country who deserve to be in

We had a long correspondence withthe United Kingdom
Government explaining that members of the Opposition had
broken all the rules of the Constitution, and it was pointed
out to us that the provisions of our Oaths of Allegiance did
not sufficiently bind members of the Cabinet to the oath in
the way it does in Great Britain. In the other Common-
wealth countries all that they used to say was:-

"I ............... .......... ... ......do swear to Al-
mighty God that I will be faithful to Her Majesty the Queen,
Her Heirs and Successors" or something like that.

Now, we are amending it that you may say:-
"I being appointed
Prime Minister/Minister/Parliamentary Secretary, do
swear that I will to the best of my judgment, at all times
when so required, freely give my counsel and advice to the
Governor-General (or any other person for the time being

lawfully performing the functions of that office) for the
good management of the public affairs of Barbados, and I
do further swear that I will not on any account at any time
whatsoever, disclose the counsel, advice, opinion or vote
of any particular Minister or Parliamentary Secretary and
that I will not, except with the authority of the Cabinet and
to such extent as may be required for the good management
of the affairs of Barbados, directly or indirectly reveal
the business or proceedings of the Cabinet or the nature
or contents of any documents communicated to me as
Prime Minister/Minister/Parliamentary Secretary or any
matter coming to my knowledge in my capacity as such and
that in all things I will be a true and faithful Prime Min-
ister/Minister/Parliamentary Secretary.

So help me God."

The amendment is inserted as well.

The ridiculous situation that we have found ourselves
in is when we had certainpurveyors of lies and speculators
in evil, certain things taking place in Cabinet or that were
not taking place, were brought out. We found ourselves in
this position that I could havegot upand said that this thing
did not take place or that this thing took place in order to
refute what those very people were going around saying:
but then I would be disclosing a secret. They went around
saying to the Leader of the Opposition that this thing had
taken place or had not taken place because they were in
debt to him politically, financially or otherwise.
6.05 p.m.

You get the Leader of the Opposition'getting up and
saying that it is an open secret that such-and-such a thing
took place in the Cabinet. I could have called any of them
damned liars or anything that would have been parliament-
ary, but as a lawyer I realized that if you say that some-
thing did not take place in Cabinet you are saying what did
take place. I wrote to some of the various experts in the
U.K. and we were advised that there was not much that we
could do about it, as a resultof the rather inadequate Pro-
missory Oaths Act which we have in this country. This
follows the U.K Oath of Allegiance and it is one which we
intend to embody in the Constitution,

I do not have to warn other Ministers that from the date
of Independence if they are so misguided as to get up in the
Legislature and say that something did or did not take
place in Cabinet it would not be a question of resignation,
The Director of Public Prosecutions would beinduty bound
without any direction to prosecute them under the Promis-
sory Oaths Act. There are some people who are so indis-
creet or malicious that they should never aspire to be
Cabinet Ministers because they cannot keep their mouths
quiet and they will only put themselves in trouble after In-
dependence. I mean members on the Opposition side, of

Mr. Speaker, in introducing any matter ofthis kind in
this Chamber, we usually postpone the Preamble. Wehave
prepared a Preamble, but the customary procedure would
be to circularise members of the Assembly, and the Pre-
amble would be put after the approval ofthe House is given
to the Constitution itself.

Before I sit down I should like to make it clear that
any sensible amendments which would improve the Consti-
tution and make it a more democratic document than it is
would be welcomed by the Government, and this is a matter
of free conscience. In a matter like the Constitution any
members of the House whether absent or present can in
this House, in this Place, make any proposals to the Gov-
ernment, and the Government will give them the same
mature consideration that we give tothe submissions made
by private practitioners, the Law Society as a body and the
members of the Chamber of Commerce. We cannot do any-
thing more than that. They have had the opportunity, but
this Government will never show so muchcontemptfor the
Parliamentary institutions of which we form an integral
part, or debase the Constitution by discussing it in Cheap-
side, Bullens Alley or Watkins Alley and not have it on

record of the Legislature. That is this Government's con-
tention, and we are prepared to defend that contention. We
are not prepared to defend our Draft to the death if some-
thing appears to us to have someelementof commonsense
or justice: but we do not intend to keep this debate down to
the gutter where the Opposition now has it.

They can keep it there, Mr.Speaker. Theywill emerge
from the gutter and with the grime on them they will get on
the plane. I do not want any dirty person sitting down in
a plane with me; so I advise themto make use of the facil-
ities we have at Graves End and have a bath and get the
dirt off them,

When they get to London they must realise that Mr. Lee
is no school master for this Government. I want to make
this clear. The Government has accepted, as you can see,
a large number of amendments from people who are not
even elected representatives of the people. You would not
want me, Sir, to reiterate what Mr. Lloyd George said at
the time the Irish Constitution that "we are going to follow
the example which has been set in the framing of every
Constitution throughout the Empire. The Constitution is
drafted in this Island by the territory, the Imperial Par-
liament taking such steps as may be necessary to legalise
these decisions."

Mr. Speaker, I beg to move that this Resolution do
now pass (Cheers)

Hon. G. G. Fergusson: I beg to second that.

Mr. WALCOTT: Mr. Speaker, after theHon, Premier
has given a long dissertation on this Constitution I do not
think I should do more than move the adjournment; but I
know that the motion should be seconded in its formal
sense and I think that we should take the opportunity to
place on record not only our satisfaction at the way in
which the Premier dealt with the matter, but the conspicu-
ous inability of those who adorn this Chamber to partici-
pate in a useful exercise.

If I were a dictator I would make it a condition of
entering this Chamber that a member should have some
elementary lessons in parliamentary conduct and under-
standing. Governments cannot be run by fools, the unedu-
cated and unlearned. There are too many uninitiated people
practicing politics, Fortunately it is a crime for any un-
registered or quack doctor to practice on the human body,
but it is nothing wrong for abunchof fools to send a whole
nation into misery.

Those who have stayed away must have seen the writ-
ing on the wall, that the time is coming when outside of
this Chamber is the place for them. They go into the mar-
ket place. They are reducing the Constitutiondebate of this
country to the Market Square. May be in these days they
hear so much about the European Common Market that
they believe that any market place is an appropriate place
to discuss serious matters. But the European Common
Market in itself is not a debate on markets, but a debate
with the parliamentarians of the six European Countries.
6.15 p.m.

The Premier did not emphasise this, and it is for him
to do it, but I am going to do it; I think we have demon-
strated and will continue to demonstrate that there are
people in this Island whose main intention is to create a
damaging image of the Hon. Premier and his Party to the
extent that they do not care iftheydamage the whole coun-
try. I have enough positive evidence by the number of
threatening letters I have received from time to time which
could form a picture gallery in any museum. Underlying
all of them is the theme that the Premier and myself and
the Hon. Minister of Education are collaborating. I was to
have died on 1st March, 1966. But I am like Saint Paul; I
die daily. In public life you die daily with the evil around
you and sometimes the monumental ignorance you have to
wade through, and this number of threatening letters
coincides with the speeches you hear, and the innuendos
you get coming out of the mouths of some of their satellites


about who should be destroyed; and some of them acciden-
tally use the same type of language that is found in their
poison pen letters.

Now I find in Barbados that too many Barbadians are
unwilling to speak out boldly against wickedness and ignor-
ance. They are two twin brothers. It is difficult for an ig-
norant man to be other than wicked, and sometimes things
are done more out of ignorance thanout of evil-mindedness.
Those who pretend that they represent people and who have
been placed in a position of responsibility are completely
unaware of what their responsibility involves, and this
whole exercise of independence and the debate throughout
this country is a classic example of the stupendous ignor-
ance we have to deal with in political matters. They have
absolutely no political sagacity whatsoever, because if they
had they would realise that even the recently independent
nations of East Africa, Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika find it
difficult to federate even after becoming independent. Why?
To federate is a political exercise for the leaders: so you
must find a common community of interest with the other
territories with whom you going to federate before you can
begin to talk. Some of them speak about federation as if it
is welding two bodies of steel together in some engineering
shop, and all you need is a good welder to join Barbados
with St. Lucia or Dominica by applyingthetorch, removing
the sea and bringing the land together so that it is one bit
of land. They forget you have to dealwith persons who are
political leaders, and you have to ask if they have the same
political faith or the same political philosophy If you want
a classic example of the difficulties, take our little island
where some of them pretend that they possess the same
Socialist philosophy as the members of the Government, and
yet they cannot find a common area of agreement. How much
more can we find a common area of agreement with people
who live in another territory?

Some of the members who belong to this Chamber have
said so much against and aboutthe Premier in a derogatory
manner that even in their letter to you, Mr, Speaker, they
had the impertinence of writing about some spurious au-
thority which the Legislature would give to the passing of
this Draft Constitution, They are absolute political dunces,
They are talking about Parliament giving spurious authority,
As the Premier has rightly said, notonlydo they want rule
by the minority, but without understanding politics what-
soever they want to project in a community like this that
in political issues there must of necessity be two sides,
The Hon, Premier likened it to a cricketor football match,
This is no cricket or football matchwithtwo opposing par-
ties, and therefore to have good politics you must of
necessity have opposition to commonsense, and common-
sense must be reduced to the ridiculous farce where it
must be opposed on a political issue in order to demon-
strate that you are giving the Opposition a chance.

I think in my political career I have dealt with the
Leader of the Opposition. The Leader of the Opposition
is not the Leader of that Party. He has been used by that
Party as a physical demonstration to project an image that
is damaging to the body of politics and society in this coun-
try as a whole. Imake that analysis to show that it is easier
to get a man in any colonial territory like the Leader of the
Opposition in this melodramatic role which he plays than
ever to getthe hon. junior member for Christ Church stand-
ing on a political platform and demonstrating with sincerity
and purpose a belief in the causeofthe working class man,
The reason for that is that when men like the Leader of the
Opposition become the standard bearers of the rich, they
are no longer poor, but are brought out of the realms of
poverty and adorned by those who sit in rich places,
6.25 p.m.

Men like the hon. junior member for Christ Church
should get on a public platform as was done when we had a
demonstration here by the late A. E. S, Lewis who went to
a premature grave based on the strengthofhis conscience
in associating himself with the working class movement in
a positive manner. Because of that, he paid the supreme

I met the Hon. Leader of the Opposition at a meeting
when we were discussing this matter and to have become
the leader of the Opposition, he needs to be thankful. All
that he has got is this old time political vote-catching
technique. He has no projections for the removal of pov-
erty, but repeats the same injunction, that philosophy, that
"the poor shall always be with us and had it not been for
the grace of God, there would I have been." He has made
that benediction: therefore you can have millions of poor
people. You find him making use of all these meaningless

The time has come when people must be bold enough
to have ideas; and as regards this amalgamationof nothing-
ness, if I had my way about it I would hurt a lot of people,
Who ever engineered this idea that in Barbados this
little composition on this side of the Table calling itself
the Opposition has any right to go to London, creating un-
necessary expense on the public purse? The Opposition is
comprised of two little groups of four members each, and
you get mathematicians and the newspapers writing quite
a lot of ignorance saying that the Party which lost the last
elections got more votes than the fifteen members of the
D.L.P.. I should like to flog all those who write these
things until they write the right thing. I told a man so and
he said that somebody at Oxford had written it and he is a
mathematician. I do not mean to attack mathematicians,
but the question of voting is not difficult mathematics for
one to work out. You have double member constituencies
and you have the overlapping of votes. According to how
you worked out this, you are givingmyvotes to my losers,
and when you have finished counting upyouare saying that
my losers got more votes than I got

Some years ago, they appointed a man as Elections
Officer to control elections and he came up with the ma-
thematical calculation to prove that by the number of votes
polled, they would be bigger than the total population of
Barbados, including the people in the almshouse, the
little children and the people in Glendairy. They came to
this conclusion by multiplying one vote by four. He then
added them all together and said that so many people voted
for those who were elected and then you add up all of the
votes for the losers together and you said that more people
voted for the losers. He produced a conundrum of a larger
number of votes in the parish than the population of the
whole parish because you had this mass ignorance that in
St. Michae; of the candidates who lost theelection, one got
10,000 votes, another 22,000, and another 7,000 and another
4,000 and the man who wontheelectiononly getting 23,000,
When you added up the votes of the people who went to the
poll, you only got 20,000. He produced more votes than
persons. Therefore, you got this sort of thing, this non-
sense which was written in the newspapers,

One of our colleagues said that unfortunately, there is
no medical prescription for ignorance. You cannot send a
man to a pharmacy and prescribe to give him Phensic or
Cafenol or any anti-biotics that would remedy ignorance;
therefore, unfortunately, we have to live in a democracy
with it. Since the projection of independence came up, we
have had this unleashing of ignorance which has caused
people outside of Barbados who gave Barbadians credit for
being an educated people to be now wondering what it is
now that the Barbadians are eating. In this exercise which
we have been discussing, by the actions of members of the
Opposition, they cannot imagine that there could bethis lot
of ignorance over independence. It is damaging to our
country, and our friends on the other side have lost the
debate and the battle on independence.

Sir, I am going back prior to the debate in this Cham-
ber on independence. One of the former Ministers who left
the Government told me: "You will never win the debate
in the House on independence." At that time he was satis-
fled that the House was the correct place to determine
whether you should have independence or not. They went
throughout the island holding meetings, and when the de-
bate came to an end and theyfoundthat the Party in power
won the debate in no uncertain manner, then they started

with their suggestion that you should have elections first.
They said that after independence and the present Premier
was in power, there would be no election.

Mr. Speaker, look around us. The Hon. Premier would
be a fool to imagine that he can look at the present mem-
bers of the Barbados Legislature and state that after in-
dependence, there would be no election.
6.35 p.m.

That was as damaging a statement as anyone could make
about our image.

Then they put in the question of Elections. As I said
on the last occasion even the Chamber of Commerce which
has always boasted that they are non-political, said that
they liked the draft Constitution. They said that it is a good
draft and they have made amendments, but they too are
calling for Elections, before what?Before Independence?

Mr. Spraker, analyse it. Are there any conflicts -be-
tween the holding of Elections and Independence in the Bar-
badian context? Here in the Barbadian context an Election
has to be held in the normal course of things; but Inde-
pendence is not a 'must' in the normal course of things.
Independence is a projection by the Government in power
and it is a projection that has taken our opponents by sur-
prise. Their way of approaching this Government is to
oppose the Government by mistakes. They are Just like
-some boys who like to copy. They look into your book, and
right or wrong they are writing also; so when one has to go
out of the class both must go. But they are not projecting

What do they have to say? They say they wanted Fed-
eration. Do you believe, Mr. Speaker, that the Labour
Party as a Party should have the brass, the affrontery and
the shamelessness seeing what has taken place with Fed-
eration to invite this country to form a Federation after
the painful exercise that the first Federal Prime Minister
has produced, with all the opportunities that destiny gave
If ever there was a man to whom destiny was kind it
was kind to the firstrPrime Minister of the West Indies.
But if every man could have been born dumb he would have
been a better Prime Minister because he would not have
been able to make those empty, meaningless, stupid, anti-
Federation speeches that he made and kill the whole idea
of Federation under his very feet,

He is accusing someone of dictatorship, After having
had to deal with him so long I could give lessons on dicta-
torship when the hon. junior member for St. Peter was in
here. I know that on a number of occasions he cried like a
baby at the hands of his new Dean. We all remember speci-
fically when the then Premier said that he wanted to restore
the lost dignity of the Chair, and he did it by removing him
from the Chair and elevating Dr. Cummins. These are ex-
amples we can show when the time comes.

Mr. SPEAKER: The hon. member would, of course,
make it clear to which Speaker he is referring.

Mr. WALCOTT: You, Sir, were never removed. You
were installed.

Mr. SPEAKER: I am grateful for that assurance.

Mr. WALCOTT: The hon. member wanted to run for
Elections. The whole Party said that this is the man who
should run, but the man who believes in the tenets of de-
mocracy said to his whole Party that if they ran him he
will get up and speak on the other man's platform. I was a
fledgling in those days but now resentment was boiling in
me to see that one- man can say that for a whole body of

The Premier is being accused by this gentleman of
-being a dictator and he has promised to remove this coun-

try from dictatorship; but that is playing the game that the
business people have been playing and are stillplaying, the
game of economic dictatorship the game of ostracism,
keeping us, as they say, in our places economically. Those
people who are accusing the Premier of dictatorship are
not saying what they are going to do to stop this type of
economic dictatorship which we see in this island. Here
in this island there is a mass of people on one side and a
minority of people on the other; and the disparity of living
between the two is as great as that between the developed
nations and the developing nations. Those of us who try to
erase this find that we meet this strong opposition from
these political mocking birds.

It is time that we must be blunt in our statements and
not hide anything or be even willing to make believe that
we do not want to call a spade a spade. The Premier is
being accused of being a dictator. If he had gone to London
without stating what the Constitution was, they would have
said: "We do not know what the Constitution is." When they
went to England on the Federal Constitution they had meet-
ings and meetings on closer association. They had private
meetings and public meetings, but no draft came here. We
approve in principle the idea of a Federation,No members
of the Opposition and no political party at that time had a
greater majority standing in the House than the present
Government possesses. The present Government has 15
out of 24 members. So far as the Opposition is, vis-a-vis
the whole membership of the House, they cannot claim any
greater representation than the one they have.

The Government has placed this draft Constitution
before Parliament who are the ones to decide. But Par-
liament is no longer sovereign, apparently: it is subsidiary,
They forget that you get your authorityto be in Parliament
from the outside. We do not get our authority to be in Par-
liament by privilege, class or birth. Our authority comes
from the electorate: but each time you get the authority
of the electorate the minority wants to say: "No; you do not
have the authority; we have the authority." They are now
saying that they are in a better position to know how the
Government could make its plans than the Government it-
self, because the members of the Government are so in-
6.45 p.m.

I would like to make it quite clear that in some mat-
ters the Premier is more tolerant than I am. I believe I
am a man who is not given sometimes to being as rash as
he is, but I make no apology for saying that when you have
to choke a man, youshould chokehimto the death. I realise
that in this political area in which were dealing now, they
are leaving no stone unturned from the point of view of
damage. They are not debating or discussing anything, but
they have said that the Premier is going to put us in gaol
and people would not be able to go about freely. What has
surprised them and they are not willing to say it is that
the Draft Constitution is so liberal in content that they
have nothing really to say. It is not a document for criti-
cism; it is a document for tidying up if you want to do
something about it. They do not want us to see what they
are writing, but will keep their issues until examination
day to see who has come first, as if the Conference is being
held at their instigation. The Government has a responsi-
bility; and if the Government walks out there can be no
Conference because the Secretary of State cannot meet
them; so the reverse is really the situation. They have
the idea that Mr. Lee or somebody iswaiting until they go.
If this was not a public affair, I would like to show then
how powerful they are by refusing to go to London and let
them go and tell Mr. Lee.

The Salvation Army is a very good organisation that
we respect. It is doing an excellent work in this community,
but some political leaders seem to be gradually following
the Pentecostal style of holding meetings and begging for
things to take them into Glory. They are going to boycott
Parliament where you do not have to pay to enter and to
where they have been elected. They want to fleece the
pockets of the people in being sent to London, but the grava-
men of their argument is that they must go to London, and

they are so silly about these matters that they want to tell
the Secretary of State that we do not want independence, or
if we are going to have independence, let it come in 1980.
They do not understand the trend of the world today. Great
Britain has its hands full with Rhodesia, and Mr. Ian Smith
is giving the Prime Minister of Great Britain the biggest
dance he has ever had by a minority Government. I do not
want to be unkind to any of them, but I know that if it had
been a Government of black men over the majority, there
would be no question of not using force. As much force
was used against the Kikyuans in their own country for the
minority of people living in Kenya as if it had been a war.
Somebody has to tell the British that they cannot go on with
the preservation of the white English as against the African
where they were born in their own country.

Mr. Speaker, we have some Kenyans inthis Assembly
and they are projecting in this Island the same sort of idea;
and when you press them on whytheydo not want Indepen-
dence for Barbados and having Barbadians become self-
reliant and coming to terms with themselves, they ask the
stupid question whether we can afford it, like the old time
concept about marriage. The Barbadian concept isthatyou
should not marry unless you own a house, but you can have
an unmarried woman have nine children for you in a house,
and when you die, they can say: "So-and-so was my father."
This is the sort of slave mentality injected in Barbados
which has permeated our society, and that is why you find
among the working classes in this island the idea that
this is not an exercise that was meant for them, but meant
for people who can afford it,

Now they want to know if we can afford Independence,
We can afford poverty, but we cannot have freedom. Do
you know why? There is still prevalent in this island the
idea that we must have a reserve force of unemployed
available even to do the job of cutting cane. There is a row
if you cannot get a cane cutter because somebody has a
cane cutter put in a corn jar until he pulls him out to cut
his canes, and when he is finished cutting the canes, he can
disappear in the atmosphere like a sputnik. Nobody asks
what has become of him after, because it is his business or
the Government's business

In Independence we have to come to terms with these
problems which have been left with us from Colonial days
and which we have never challenged at the very core. That
is where our task will lie. We are aware that we are not
entering into any easy road on Independence, but we are
not looking for Easy Street.. If we were looking for Easy
Street, we would not enter public life. The only ones in
public life who can look for Easy Street are the ones who
are indifferent and want to live a life of ease: but those of
us who have spent many years in public life will realise
that it is no East Street, especially in communities where
you have to toil daily with an army of thousands of people
at your heels and you have to be thinking momently of how
to deal with them.
I think the Premier has been very considerate in that
he fave all members of the Community an opportunity to
criticise the Draft Constitution, We are not passing a Bill.
With all due respect to you, Mr. Speaker, people do not
realise that there are lawyers and lawyers, and I do not
know what I would do with some of them if I had my own
6,55 p.m.

People do not realise that there are doctors and doc-
tors and that there are priests and priests. That is why
they have examinations. A lawyer that has just scraped
through in his examinations cannot be the same thing as
one that ran through, There are runners and runners,
"Goot" better known as Mr. Hutson was a runner also,
Not long ago, there was an Ethiopian who ran a marathon;
he ran it bare-footed, but won it.

I have been saying to the Premier some time ago that
I hope he will not fall into this Barbadian trap that many
people who have been educated have fallen into. Some peo-

ple said that he did constitutional law and somebody said:
"In diapers". They also said that after he did Constitutional
law, all the books were burnt. You get all these fulmina-
tions which mean nothing. Therefore, when you tell me
that you know what this Constitution means, look and see
if there is a one-man Constitution. You hear these stupid
ideas coming from the other side that they have the last
word in constitutional matters: yet they do not want to help
the Government. They talk as iftheGovernmentis drawing
water out of a well, and the Government finds it difficult
to get it out; therefore, the Government has to come to
them and ask for help. They had two men who used to go
up to Colonial Office and come back and fool us. Colonial
Office is an old building inChurchStreet, London and when
you go in there, you find some people wearing some cor-
duroy jackets and some of them have never even seen the
Secretary of State. Those people whom I was talking about
make a big issue out of this sort of thing that they went up
to Colonial Office and had a talk with the Secretary of
State for the Colonies, Mr.AnthonyGreenwood, the former
Secretary of State told me that whenever Icome to London
I should drop in and see him. They came back here and
made a rumpus. They said "I went over to Colonial Office
and had a chat with the Secretary of State." They talk as
if, when they saw the Secretary of State for the Colonies
and had a chat, they had some secret conversation with
him. They talk as if the Secretary of State when he is
meeting persons other than the Governor, talks anything
other than the same pleasantries which he would talk to
anybody else. They talk as if when you go up there, the
Secretary of State would say: "I really have something
which I would like to let Mr. Barrow know."

Mr. SPEAKER: I hope the hon, member is not ad-
dressing a member of this House.

Mr. WALCOTT: I am talking of the conversations
which they say go on in England, They say: "You know,
when Mr. Brancker came up here, he came in and had a
talk with us and I know you know something of the law."
They come back here and make these kind of statements
as if people do not go to England, and they have this sort
of country idea that you came back telling some person that
you had a conversation with the Secretary of State.

I go to Geneva, I would not come back and say that
in Geneva the sun does not shine, or that when you drink
water there, you do not have to eat food. That is the sort
of nonsense which must be removed frompeople's mouths,
their giving the public the idea that the Secretary of State
for the Colonies is going to tell this Government: "You
know that I know you wrote the Draft Constitution before
you sent and told me anything about it, and since you have
drafted it before you told me, I am going to tear it up,"

The object of what they want to do is to create the
impression that they can perpetuate the dilly-dallying
tactics, and that by creating this sort of political mon-
strosity this amounts to doing something to the Govern-
ment. That is why they want the Secretary of State for the
Colonies to feel that they are not in favour of it.

They talk of having an election first. I can take on
both the two political leaders in the Opposition before the
Secretary of State. I would let them talk first and I am
sure that whenever they are finished, they are bound to
end up like fools. For men to engage in these political
matters, they must read; they cannot play this by ear.
They always play their politics by ear, that is to say, they
always hear something. When you come inhere, you cannot
hear; you are not a lawyer. The two leaders of the two
parties of the Opposition remind me of an article which I
read about in a newspaper. The columnist went from one
point to another and after you had tried to come down to
earth with all that he wrote, youwere still left in mid-air,
That is indicative of Barbadian temperament. Here is a
writer writing something on a political issue. The position
is that the Opposition was staying away from the debate,
and he had not looked for an area of agreement but is
keeping himself with an open view. You have not fallen,

but you are not standing. When you read the newspapers
here and you look for a body of positive thinking, all that
you find is somebody coming out against the Hon. Premier
and saying that he is taxing the people too high. There is
always some negative thinking.
7.05 p.m.

On this question of Independence they do not feel that
there is any question of creating a spirit of nationalism in
the Barbadian, and letting Barbadians feel that they have a
right to be able to govern themselves, although in one
context they will say that the Barbadian is individualistic.
If a person is individualistic, that is one of the components
of independence. It means that you are thinking for yourself.

In this exercise, all that we are demonstrating is that
the Barbadian society after so many years of political
tutelage should be in a position totake care of its political

My view, Mr. Speaker, is that this is not only an
occasion for courage, but it is a moment of destiny for us.
This is our moment of destiny, and there will be nothing
to turn us back from this road of our destiny. No man, no
woman, living in a Colonial territory like ours at this stage
of our social and political history has any right to begin
to talk about the postponement of accepting the vital
challenge of governing ourselves. We have been governed
by others for hundreds of years, and all that it has left us
still is a community of barefootedness, poverty, ignorance
and disease. It is still a communitywitha large number of
inmates in the Mental Hospital. It is still a community in
which although the national income has risen workers are
still poor. That is the challenge you have to accept. That
is why I said that this is the moment of destiny. That is
what the Premier and all of us have to face, this nonsense
about the process of democracy, which is merely an attempt
to work against us on our onward road to Independence.
Because we are trying to emancipate the people, we hear
this hogwash about dictatorship and this contention that in
the name of democracy they will notdothis or that. But in
the name of democracy we do not only have a duty to our-
selves, but to posterity: and when you talk about putting
people in gaol, gaol was meant for criminals, and therefore
the criminal element must be set aside fromthe law-abiding

We are not going to sit down and allow the criminals
to take over. We have seen that in many instances the
processes of democracy have been misused. We can see
that as long as some people can get their end served, they
will use any method in pursuing it. I feel that this time we
need men of courage in the real sense, men who see these
issues standing out in their community,

Why do they keep on talking about dictatorship? They
know that in Western democracies dictatorship is one of
those sort of terms that can be used to give an impression
of sabotage and corruption. When you are not afraid of
what is being said, every aspect of your rule is taken as
being dictatorship.

The British Parliament endows the Prime Minister
with power no less than what the Russian Parliament endows
Mr. Kosygin with. The difference is that one is used within
the confines of Parliament and the other in the confines
of their Party. Mr. Harold Wilson tonight is as much a
dictator in the U. K. as Mr. Kosygin is in Russia. The
difference is that one is a Police State and the other is a
Free State. In so far as the powers reside in the Prime
Minister of Great Britain, he has all the powers that Mr.
Kosygin or even Castro of Cuba possesses. You cannot
run a Government without power and you cannot run a
country when you are afraid to rule; and with people who
have no respect for the rule of law and order you have
sometimes got to be relentless in order to bring those
people to their senses,

I can see that there was a gradual inroad into the
breaking down of good government in this country by those
unworthy elements that exist and are being used by people

under the guise of wanting democracy. Theywant democracy
until they get one; but when they get into power, you see
what they do. Those of us who have had dealings with the
Labour Party for many years have chapter and verse for

We have heard what they said about single member
constituencies. They said they would not introduce anything
that was not suitable to them. But the Government in power
must introduce something that is not suitable to them! This
pressure for an election is to suitthem. Mr. Harold Wilson
called an election when it suited him. Why not call him a
dictator? The Premier of Barbados must call an election!
They do not want an election now: they want to go to London
now. When it comes to things like this, the Secretary of
State knows how to deal with this sort of element.

When some of the British people pulled out from some
of these territories, that is why they leave a lot of blood
shed behind. They give the impression to these elements
that they can rise up and create all of these things and then
they use their Navy to quell them.
7.15 p.m.

You have this example in many of the newly independent
countries, because they gave grist to the mill of some of
the unsavoury elements which existed under the guise of
democracy, and we have to watch this. It is not a question
of democracy that is at stake, because in the Constitution
which the Premier has read out, what more do you want
entrenched than the fundamental rights of freedom of the
individual? What I would like to seeaddedto this Constitu-
tion some day is the citizenship of a person made easier
and not expensive, and a breaking awayfromthis old-time
English legal system which degrades the communities in
which you live. When children are born, they are citizens
and you should stop this jazz about legitimacy, and allow
children to be born and be respected as citizens. Tell the
Churches that they must cut out all this jazz they are
talking about, and let there be no fooling. You cannot super-
impose a Western European civilisation on people of
African descent who have to live in these communities with
the heritage they have, without giving them all the things
and the traditions they have todealwith, and it is time that
we in these colonies start to emerge with something to give
the community self-respect in the same way that the African
can reckon that everybody is born as a citizen without any
reference to these things over which they have no control.
Maybe some persons should be made to get citizenship.

The Premier knows, Mr. Speaker, that there are some
people in this community who are satellites; they are
neither British subjects or any kind of subjects; they have
been squatting here, may be, for the last thirty or forty
years, and I think that is something we will have to do to
help them.

I would like to end, Mr. Speaker, by drawing the Pre-
mier's attention to what I consider would be an important
exercise in London. Seeingthe reactionwhichthedelegation
in England is receiving from the Secretary of State on
economic aid, I feel that the political idiots we have should
be in their places to join in a concerted effort when we go
to talk about economic aid. I want to say here and now that
I do not subscribe to the political ignorance that exists in
Barbados and elsewhere that when you are becoming
independent, you cannot seek economic aid. They have not
one single clue as to what economic aid with the context
of political independence means. Britain is giving aid to
many countries, and the United States is giving aid to many
countries. If the money spent on the war in Vietnam had
been utilised within Vietnam itself for economic aid, all
the Vietnamese would stop fighting. We have to be bold and
courageous enough to say that economic aid is going to be
essential to us. We will have our problems after Indepen-
dence, because Britain is talking about joiningtheEuropean
Economic Community. Ask the two leaders what exercise
they have given to the thought of economic aid. Ask the
leaders what thought they have given to the relation with
the International Monetary Fund. Ask them whether they
think it is working in the best interest of developing

countries. They think this is an exercise not for them, but
for theManager ofthe Royal Bank of Canada or the Manager
of Barclays Bank. They do not realise this is an exercise
for politicians and these are the things we should be clear
on. They are not willing to see these things, and they have
contracted out of a responsibility they have in the Assembly.

The Premier said that those who are calling for an
election got bowled out, but I know that during the election
as has been the case during elections, they will appeal to
the umpire. They cannot bat so well: so they say you are
bowling too fast, and they send around their satellites to
tell you that you should not tell him so. That is what you
and I have done, but they are free to say all things about
the Premier and Walcott. The only thing they have not
called me is a gentleman. They have said that I am joining
with the Premier to take over, but two cocks cannot live
in one house. They are still playing standpipe politics, and
their association has to be viewed from what they think
they can get out of it, thattheir public life would be condi-
tioned to what they have.

Mr. Speaker, I would be failing in my duty not only
as a citizen but as a man who is in an organisation that
wields some power in this Island if Idid not see the subter-
fuge, the subversive tactics, and the undermining techniques
that are militated against one man atthis stage, and I know
it will interfere with the body politic. I feel I would be
failing in my duty if I did not take the stand I am taking.
In many respects, some of us in Barbadian politics take
it for granted. I am not taking it for granted. We are at
a very serious stage of our existence. I have been reading
everything that people have been saying. Only two days
ago an employer in the Windward Islands made a speech
to the extent of talking about dictatorships. Whenever
people like us begin to come to grips with political or
economic power, they cry wolf.
7.25 p.m.

When this Government came into power in 1961, they
were charged with being "wild boys". From the charge of
being "wild boys", it was changed to "joining with the
rich." Personally, I would say that when you reach a cer-
tain age, whether in cricket, football, politics, dancing,
singing or anything like that, you must know when to retire,
However, you have some people who have no riddance of
themselves and they do not take any introspection to re-
alise that "this is the time for me to come off the track."

I feel that the demonstration which the Opposition has
made will in no way damage the Hon, Premier nor his Par-
ty but rather enhance our reputation. Like the idiots they
are, with no political sagacity, they came into the House to-
day not even knowing parliamentary tactics, waited for us
to accommodate them with something, and then theypicked
up their papers and walked back out like political fools,
They have not only demonstrated but manifested beyond any
doubt what they are.

Sir, I have great pleasure in secondingthis Resolution,


'Ir. (;C01HIA rose to speak.
Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Speaker, I beg to move that
this sitting be now suspended until 8,15 p.m.

Hon. N. W. BOXILL: I beg to second that.
The question was put and resolved in the affirma-
tire without division.

The sitting was adjourned accordingly.
7.30 p.m.
On resumption,
Mr, SPEAKER: When the sitting was suspended, what
took place on the motion before the House was that the hon.
junior member for St. Lucy moved, seconded by the hon.
junior member for St. Thomas, that the sitting be sus-

Hon. N. W. BOXILL: Mr. Speaker, I reserve my right
to speak later.

Mr. SPEAKER: The question is -

Mr. CORBIN: Mr. Speaker, when the House was sus-
pended, as I understand from Your Honour, the bon. junior
member for St. Lucy moved the motion and the hon. Junior
member for St. Thomas seconded it. The hon. Junior mem-
ber for St. Thomas has given way. I think it is your pre-

rogative to tell me what to do.

Mr. SPEAKER: Well, the hon. senior member for St.
Andrew caught my eye; therefore, he may proceed.

Mr. CORBIN: Sir, this is one of the most distinguished
times in the history of Barbados. I understand from the
Hon. Premier that this Island for 300 years was under colo-
nialism and the time has come now when you intend to
make a change in the Constitution.

I have in my hand a copy of the Draft Constitution of
Barbados, and the Hon. Premier andtheGovernmenthave
invited all hon. members of this Chamber to make a con-
tribution ontheDraft Constitution. Members of the Oppo-
sition have boycotted the debates on it. This is something
which I never thought they would do because this is a dis-
tinguished time. However, the Hon. Premier has invited
members of this House to contribute to the debate and if
their material is good, I believe this Government would
attain what they have in mind,

As regards the action of members of the Opposition,
it puts me in mind of undergraduates attending a University
and after years of attendance, they boycott their final ex-
amination. Every man in this Island is longing to hear what
the Opposition has to say on this matter, but where are
they? Are we to understand that they cannot measure up
to the examination standard, so they have all stayed away?
Mr. Speaker, I remember when God guided the people of
Israel in a inspiration to go and choose a king, He said
that if they chose a king, 'I will give him unto you'. The
people went and chose a king.

Why has the Opposition boycotted this debate? I shudder
to think that they have boycotted this debate because it has
shown me clearly that they have nothing to offer.

Sir, there is tobe achangenowof this Island's Consti-
tution after 300 years. There are amendments to be made
to the Draft, and the Opposition should be here even to say
what is wrong, and if they think something is wrong, to get
up and debate it,
8.25 p,m.
If the Premier is a dictator, why did he invite them to
share in this constitutional debate? If he was a dictator,
everything would have been done at short notice. We are
building a new building and we are willing to accept any
material that is good. That is what we are here for. The
fact that they have not come shows weakness on their part,
they have no material to offer.

Mr. Speaker, you are a lawyer and you know that in
the Law Court when a complaint is lodged there is a de-
fendant and a complainant, and that case has to be taken
before the Magistrate, before it can go before the Judge
of the Supreme Court. If the case breaks down at the low
Court, it need not go to thb Supreme Court. Here now we
are in our preliminary discussion of this Constitution, and
we are asking members to contribute tothisdebate and thy
are afraid. They are waiting until they get to the Supreme
Court to make their arguments. That will not be needed
there at that time. This is the time for reasoning. As the
Bible says, "Iet us reason together, saith the Lord".

If there is any one who does not have the materials,
we are not responsible for his ignorance. As I said in some
preliminary speech there is no physician under the Heavens
who can give a remedy for ignorance.

What trust or what confidence can the people of Bar-
bados have in these Opposition people? The Leader of the
Opposition sent and asked the Government to amend certain
things in the draft Constitution and said that if they were
not amended they would not come. That is hypocrisy. They
should come here and argue it out here and say: "This is
wrong and this is right and that is what we are willing to
accept." I have been through this draft Constitution as far
as my knowledge can, and the Premier has tried to make
his own amendments.

The Opposition, Mr. Speaker, reminds me of the time
when they brought a woman before Jesus for committing
adultery. When the Master sat on the ground and wrote:
"Let the man that is without sin cast the first stone, every
one walked away. He said to the woman: "Where are thine
accusers?" She said: "They have all gone;" and He said:
"Go thy way and sin no more".

They tell us they are for the people. They are not for
the people. They would like to see the people live in colo-
nialism until they die. When they look at the Premier, the
Leader of this House -

Mr. SPEAKER: The Leader of this House is the hon.
junior member for St. Lucy.

Mr. CORBIN: I mean the Premier of the Island, What
do they hate him for? They hate him for his works. I re-
member that when Jesus came before Pilate it was said:
"He did good works, butwe do not like him because he said
he will pull down the temple and build it back in three
days." The Premier is a man like Homie Corbin ...

Mr. SPEAKER: Are you using the name of a member
of this House? Thought Iheard the name Corbin mentioned,
not necessarily the hon. senior member for St. Andrew,

Mr. CORBIN: The Premier expresses his opinion to
certain people in this island and they do not like him for
that, just as Jesus said: "I am the son of God," and they
did not like him for that. But I want them to know that the
Government of Barbados, like every other Government, is
in the hands of the living God, and that the good God of
Heaven ruleth in the heart of man and whom He chooseth
to rule will rule, as long as he does not make mistakes,
When He sees that man's desire and purpose is good, God
will let that man carry on.

This Constitution does not prevent Barbados from
seeking economic aid from any country of the world,
8.35 p.m,

Independence does not prevent us from seeking eco-
nomic aid from any country in the world, Even the United
Kingdom borrows, and if we borrow it is no sin, We are
not here to have a dictatorship established. I am saying
Sir, that if anyone we put as head over us fails to carry
out our instructions, it is better for one man to die for a
nation than for the nation to die for one man. Barbadians
are God-fearing, and you will never find a nation in the
world like Barbadians; so we should live socially and im-
prove our livelihood.
We have the Constitution before us, Mr. Speaker. Can
the Opposition tell any man something that is bad in it? If
there is something bad, why not come here and say it? This
is a Draft Constitution and not the final document, and we
can delete or insert. If the Opposition brings in anything
that is good, this Government will accept it; but if it is not
good, we will not receive it. They say they are boycotting
this debate, but Mr. Speaker, the moon runs until day
catches it, and when the sun shines the light of the moon
is not seen.

As far as my knowledge tells me, there is none in the
Opposition who has anything to offer to this Draft Consti-
tution, because if they had anything to offer, they would
come here and say it. The Premier and his Cabinet have
drafted this Constitution which you can read from over
to cover, and if there is anything that the Opposition sees

that is detrimental to the people of Barbados, they should
let us know so that we can amend it. They should not wait
until they go to the London Conference to quarrel and make
a fuss. We have a majority in this Chamber and the other
Chamber, but we are willing to reason. They are making
false accusations, but where are our accusers now?

Mr. Speaker, according to what Ihave read in this Con-
stitution, the Government is doing nothing to hamper the
people of Barbados. There are changes in it which the Gov-
ernment would like the Opposition to discuss, but they have
failed to be present. There is nothing in this Constitution
to hamper the working-class, the middle-class or the up-
per-class: therefore, Sir, I am contributing all I have to
this Constitution. I thank you, Sir.

Mr.SPEAKER: The question is that this Resolution do
now pass........

Hon. C. E. TALMA: Before you put the question, Mr.
Speaker, on such important debates, I think it is only fair
and right that a few supporting speeches should be made
even though the Opposition is not present to participate.
We are considering tonight the terms of the Draft Constitu-
tion on Independence for Barbados, and I would not care to
reopen old issues which have all been resolved, I refer to
the Independence Debate which was passed by an over-
whelming majority in this Chamber and inthe Other Place,
and of the other Resolution appertaining thereto in con-
nection with elections. It is for us who are members of the
Government Party who would like an opportunity of exam-
ining the Draft proposals for the Constitution of Barbados
to express our views and sentiments in that respect,

Now this Draft Constitution has been in the hands of
hon, members both of the Government and the Opposition,
and the public at large, the various organizations like the
Law Society, the Chamber of Commerce and other bodies
both politic and impolitic; so everyone has had an opportun-
ity during the last few weeks of examining the terms and
the various proposals contained in the Draft Constitution.
No one can say, therefore, that this Draft Constitution was
hastily done or that interested parties were not consulted.
As has been expressed here, proposed amendments have to
a great extent been debated, though coming from bodies
that really are not political as such.

The Hon. Premier in moving the passing of the Reso-
lution dealing with the Constitution, made it clear that he
was adopting no less than twenty-five amendments which had
been submitted by the Law Society and the Chamber of
Commerce and other interested bodies. That in itself is
clear and ample proof that the combined Oppositiongroups
and splinter groups have lost a golden opportunity of com-
ing on the floor of this House and making their presence
felt by putting forward their points of view, and making
certain amendments and improvements as they may have
thought fit; but it may well be that our Draft Constitution is
an improvement on other Constitutions in the area I refer
to Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica partly because it is
based on other Constitutions in the area. It may well be, too,
that the terms and proposals of our Draft Constitution are
so clear, unequivocal and so precise, well written and in
easy language, that it may be difficult for any responsible
person to find any flaw or fault with them. It is probably
for that reason that the Opposition has thought it fit to ab-
stain, but they used the word "boycott", though it may
mean that they have no useful contribution to make, and
think it wise to abstain from participating in the meeting.
8.45 p.m.

They have lost their opportunity of putting forward
their point of view and making any additional proposals in
our final Draft. This final Draft is not actually implemented

In other parts of the world, when a Constitution is being
discussed, all parties would be verygrateful for an oppor-
tunity like this to come forward and set out their areas of
disagreement so that you would have a knowledge of what is
to be discussed at the London Conference.The areas of dis-

agreement would then be discussed and threshed out by the
British Government. The Opposition has thought it best to
abstain and boycott these meetings, and I think that they
have acted in a very irresponsible manner. Barbados has
always been prided with very literate and intelligent per-
sons who are capable of grappling with these problems. It
seems on this occasion that the Opposition parties are ex-
posing Barbados to ridicule and appear to be irresponsible
and unrealistic.

When the Conference on this question is held in Eng-
land, it may be that the whole matter would have to be
debated owing to the non-attendance of the Opposition here,
and this matter may be more protracted than it should
have been. It may cause a lengthy stay in England. However,
Sir, I do not seethe terms of these proposals really entail
any lengthy debate because the Draft Constitution contains
proposals in writing which are now in actual practice. When
you study the Draft Constitution, you would see that it is
based on what was going on inthis Island from May, 1964,
and is indeed routine. Whereas our Constitution in the past
was based on conventions, this is the first time that the
Constitution of Barbados has been written and in such un-
equivocal terms that the average person can understand.

I will tell the Oppositionthis. The officials of Colonial
Office are not concerned with petty squabbles and differ-
ences which go on here betweenpolitical parties; therefore,
if they are reserving any petty squabbles for up there, they
would not be so well entertained, in that petty squabbles
are suitable only for this local Assembly, and the British
people have no time to be concerned with that,

Therefore, Sir, it is very deplorable that the Opposition
has not seen fit to participate and to take full advantage of
discussing these proposals.

They say that the terms of our Resolution should be
amended so that the Draft Constitution should serve as a
basis of discussion. It is for that reason that it was put
before the House and to seek the approval of the Legisla-
ture as such. The Party In power has fifteen seats, as was
stated; and to say that it does not represent the majority
of the people of Barbados, certainly it is not gainsaying
a fact. This Party in power represents the views of the
majority of the people of Barbados, and indeed the Cham-
ber of Commerce which is regarded as avery reactionary
group has come out in the open after deliberations on the
Draft Constitution and said that it is a good document with
very few areas of disagreement and that bodyhas endorsed
it as such. How much more so, should the Opposition party -
the Barbados National Party and the other group endorse
the views of the Barbados Chamber of Commerce?

Mr, Speaker, I hardly think a lengthy speech is
necessary. The terms are clear, explicit and easily under-
standable. I personally feel that this is a very good docu-
ment and its proposals for the freedom of the people would
be entertained at every stage, especially so as regards
law and justice, in that the administration of law and justice
is kept widely apart and the function of law and justice
would be implemented in a manner in which it is imple-
mented today, I see no harm whatsoever is done, I think
this is a step forward, and we can look forward to having
a better Constitution and greater prosperity in the years
to come.

Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr, Speaker, there will not be
very much more to be said from our side except I think it
should be made abundantly clear not only that this Gov-
ernment fulfilled its obligations to the people of Barbados,
but it has leaned over backwards in doing so. There might
be conceivably some misunderstanding on the part of our
opponents. They may believe that we have tried to do
things our own way and that we have not been scrupulously
fair in handling this matter, that we do not know what we
are doing and that we can be pushed beyond a certain point.

I therefore rise to make clear the Government's atti-
tude to the London Conference. First of all, this Govern-
ment as is presentlylconstituted and led would not take part
in any Conference unless the persons who are speaking

for Barbados and are participating in the Conference for
Barbados are members of either or both Houses of the
Legislature. I want to make this absolutely clear, and I
think it has to be made known that if the people speaking
for Barbados are not going to be either members of this
House or of the Senate, the Government will not take part
in the Independence Conference.

The second thing which I want to make clear on behalf
of the Government is that if the Conference Agenda includes
any item which directly or indirectly alludes to the holding
of GeneralElections, the Government of Barbados will not
participate in the Conference.

The third thing is that the Agenda for the Conference
must be the result of joint consultation between the Gov-
ernment of the United Kingdom and the Government of
Barbados with no other parties participating inthedraw-
ing up of the Agenda,
8.55 p.m.

In other words, what we are going to discuss must
be agreed jointly between the Government of Barbados and
by the Government of the United Kingdom, and nobody else.

The next point and this is important because it has
relevance to this exercise is that a draft Constitution
which is to be the subjectof discussion at the Independence
Conference must be a draft approved by the House with
amendments and no other draft. Any attempt therefore to
introduce for discussion at the London Conference a draft
which has not been approved by this House, will not, I
repeat, will not, be debated or discussed by us, because
we feel strongly that the only draft Constitution that ought
properly to be the subject of discussion at the Conference
must be the one laid onthe Table of the House and no other.

I think that the Secretary of State should be left in no
doubt. First of all we are not sitting with any one except
they are members of the Legislature. Secondly we are not
discussing elections at all, and if the Secretary of State
was to be misguided as to think that the question of elec-
tions could considerably be a topic for discussion, he will
have to hold these discussions with whomever he wants to
hold them, but he will not be holding them with us.

The next point is that the Agenda of the Conference must
be a joint effort based on a joint agreement between the
Government of the U.K. and the Government of Barbados.
No matter must be produced into the Agenda except with
the consent of the Government of Barbados; and the draft
Constitution which with amendment is going to be ap-
proved by this House is the only draft Constitution we will
discuss and no other.

This has to be made clear or there will be a consider-
able amount of misunderstanding in this island and else-
where, and it will not be fair to the British Government to
leave them in any doubt as to the attitude of this Govern-
ment. We will not be pressurised by the Opposition party
into taking up positions that are not justified in the cir-

Everything that is reasonably required to be done will
be done. We have done all this work on the draft Constitu-
tion without neglecting in any respect the normal day-to-day
work of the Government. When the draft Constitution was
being prepared, the Estimates for the financial year were
being done; while these discussions were going on, plans
were going forward for the improvement of the lot of the
people of this island. We have done all this in addition to
our chores and in addition to the things we have to do in
any case and upon which we wish to be judged.

It is significant that although we have produced a
draft Constitution not only because it was the sensible
thing to do but because we could do it, we have not been
considering ourselves so self-sufficient as to bethe repo-
sitory of all wisdom, For six weeks the draft Constitution

has laid on the Table of the House. It has been circulated
all over the island and has been the subject of much com-
ment. We accepted reasonable amendments from the Law

Society, the Chamber of Commerce and other groups in the
same manner that we would have accepted reasonable
amendments from the two Opposttiton Parties. It is, there-
fore, too late for them to retrace their steps. After the
House has spoken the matter is closed, so far as that as-
pect of it is concerned.

I do not regret myself the trouble that they have put
us to in the last six months, because the people can realise
what a bitter thing it is and what it cost them to maintain
free institutions in this island. It will not be easy because
the people who are benefiting most from the free institutions
are the people who will try to undermine them and break
them up. But that is no reason why every effort should not
be made to maintain free institutions. They have spread a
story that the country will become a republic. It will not. It
will become a monarchy with all the guarantees which they
want to make the outside world think that we did not want to
come into this House and discuss. I have every reason to
believe that what we have done will be very pleasing to the
authorities in the Colonial Office, because no matter how
much trouble you may have in the course of negotiations
with the British Government, there are certainthingsthey
expect to see.

They expect to see people who are emerging from
Colonialism into Independence as warmly attached to par-
liamentary institutions as they themselves are; and no
British Government looks with favour on political nuisances
who ignore and by-pass their own parliamentary institutions
in order to raisethe complaintthat theyhave not been fair-
ly treated. The Secretary of State is bound to say: "Why
raise these matters with me now and not in your own Par-
liament?"If they are truthful they are bound to say: "No;
we did not take part." The Secretary of State is bound to
say that they do not understand their constitutional position
clearly, No British Government can be expected to uphold
the theory that minority rule in the Parliamentary system
must be the order of the day.
9.05 p.m.

The Government Party in power in the United Kingdom
was in the political wilderness for thirteen years until the
won the General Election in 1964 and again a month or so
ago, and they well understand the parliamentary system
and are not likely to support the contention that the minority
in Parliament must dictate not onlythe pattern, but the pace
of, constitutional advancement in the Island; and all British
Governments, no matter what their complexion, are uphold-
ers of constitutional practice. The appeal, therefore, which
the hon. members wish to make against this Government to
the Secretary of State must perforce fall on deaf ears, not
because of any special favouritism which the Secretary of
State may feel for us, but because such an appeal would
challenge the very foundations of British constitutional

Another point I want to make isthisi I hope the people
in this Island .will- realise, Mr, Speaker, how we have
reacted and when I say "we" I mean the Government --
to this crisis, Whenever they sought to throw the people
of this Island into a panic bymakingthe people believe that
their liberties were in danger, wehave soughtand succeed-
ed in expanding these liberties. At the very moment when
they are staying away from the fulfilment of their parlia-
mentary duties and defecting and running away from the
people, at that very moment we are offering them greater
and greater opportunities of freedom; and it is nowhere a
coincidence that inthe very week inwhichwe are discussing
the form of Government under which we shall live when we
are independent, the Government announces that the Oppo-
sition Parties can have time for political broadcasting. This
is how we do it. When they are trying to denigrate their
country, to bring it down and to male it appear to be less
han nothing in the eyes of the outside world, we answer
hem by giving them and everybodyelse more opportunities
of freedom.

If the country goes independent, it is as well that, if
they have any view, they must be able to air them; so be-
tween now and whenever an election takes place, they have


time on the radio to attack the Government, and we shall
answer them, and the people will sit in their own homes and
judge between us. We have nothing tofear;we have nothing
to worry about; but this is anexerciseof how you preserve
freedom. When people are trying to attack it, to drag it
down and trample it, youhave to see in answer to them that
you enlarge the areas of freedom.

I have been a member of this House since 1954. Sir
Grantley Adams used to occupy the seat where I am now,
and I can remember standing over where the hon. junior
member for St. Andrew is now sitting and hearing him deny
our request for the useofradio time. All this the Barbados
Labour Party has done. All those protagonists for freedom
now have gone down in black and white on record of denying
opportunities for freedom and the expression of members
of the Opposition when they had the Government. This is the
dictatorship now that they want to make the outside world
believe is the Government of Barbados.

Mr. SPEAKER: Do I have the assurance of the hon.
senior member for St. Peter that he is not contravening
Standing Order 29(5) which says:

"Members shall not read newspapers, books, letters
or other documents, except such matter thereinas may be
directly connected with the business under debate."

Mr, WALCOTT: I am not aware, Mr. Speaker, of what
you are drawing to my attention.

Mr. SPEAKER: It appears from here that the hon.
member for St. Peter is reading or at least looking at a
newspaper, and I merely wanted his assurance that what he
appears to be looking at or readingwas directly connected
with the business under debate.

Let the hon. junior member for St. Lucy proceed.

Hon. J. C. TUDOR: As I was saying, Mr. Speaker, all
that we have done in this Island has been the direct opposite
to what they have done when they held the reins of Parlia-
ment, and therefore the people of this country need have no
fear as to the quality of life, so far as constitutional prac-
tice goes, which will exist under Independence. They have
got a Constitution in which every conceivable liberty that
any citizen of a country could want has been entrenched,
enshrined and cemented. All the safeguards which make
for good living and which protect the individual arbitrarily
from oppressive Government are here, and this is nothing
which has been forced out of us. This Is something which we
the Government Party are giving to the people. Do you
know what has made this the kind of document it is, Mr.
Speaker? When we drew this up, we did not think of our-
selves as being the Government of the country; we asked
ourselves this: what sort of Constitution would you like to
live under if you were not the Government but were in
Opposition? We drew it up, therefore, looking at the matter
not from the point of view of Government, but from the
point of view of people outsideofGovernment; and since we
see that if we ourselves were in Opposition we would
accept this Constitution, we are content to have it so,
because it contains all the liberties which we ourselves
would be happy to have If we did not control the reins of
Government. The Courts will be free, and this is something
that does not obtain in a lot of countries,

I do not want to detain the House, Mr. Speaker, but I
just want to emphasise that theycanpushus just so far and
no further. We are satisfied that for the running of good
Government everything that has been expected of us we
have done, but there are certain things we are not going
to do. We are not going to sit down and discuss anything to
do with the future of Barbados with people who are not
members of this House or inembers of the Senate; we are
not going to sit down to discuss elections, because we feel
that the question of elections since there is going to be
an election this year anyhow is a matter for the Premier
of this Island to decide; we are not going to discuss any
Agenda but the one which has been mutually agreed to by
the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government
of Barbados, and therefore no Opposition Parties may in-

produce anything on the Agenda which has not previously
been agreed to by us, or else there would not be any Con-
ference; and we are not going to discuss any Draft Consti-
tution but the one which this House has with amendments

I think, Mr. Speaker, that as long as these four points
are clearly taken and understood, a lot of good can come
out of this Constitutional Conference. If these points are
not taken in by the hon. members who have absented
themselves, I think they are in for a very dusty time.
The question that the Resolution do now pass was
put and resolved in the affirmative without division.
9.15 p.m.

Mr. SPEAKER: The next Order of the day is Order
No. 2 which stands in the name of the Hon, Leader of the
House: To move the House into Committee of Supply to
consider the grant of sums of money for the service of the

Hon. J. C. TUDOR: I beg to move that Your Honour do
now leave the Chair and the House go into Committee of

Hon. C. E. TALMA: I beg to second that.

The question was put and resolved in the affirmative
without division.
MR. SPEAKER left the Chair and the House went
into Committee of Supply, MR. BATSON in the Chair.



Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Chairman, I think that all
hon, members are familiar with the subject matter of this
Resolution. However, the Commissioners are engaged in
the preparation of their Report, having completed some
part of it and it would be necessary for the Chairman of
the Commission to return to the island in order to confer
with his colleagues who live here. Therefore this amount
of money, $1,650 is to cover an additional fee to the Com-
missioners, susistence allowance, hotel accommodation
and return air passages to Grenada for the Chairman and
other incidental expenses of the Commission,

I beg to move that this Resolution do now pass,

Hon, C. E, TALMA: I beg to second that,
The question was put and resolved in the affirma-
tive without division.
On motion of Hon. J. C. TUDOR, seconded by lion.
C. E. TALMA, Mr. CHAIRMAN reported the passing of
one Resdution in Committee of Supply.
Mr. SPEAKER resumed the Chair and reported ac-

On separate motions of Hon. J. C. TUDOR, seconded
by Hon. C. E. TALMA in each case, the Resolution was
read a first and second time and agreed to.
Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Speaker, this completes
Government Business for today.


Mr. SPEAKER: Before any motion is made for the
adjournment, I take this opportunity to give a ruling which
I promised this Chamber a few weeks ago. It is in connec-
tion with a matter which is nowonthe Order Paper. I gave
careful consideration to the matter and this is my ruling:-
9.25 p.m.


On the 5th October, 1965, the hon. senior member for
Bridgetown, (te hon. Leader of the Opposition) gave notice
of a Bill to repeal the West Indies Hospital Fund Limited
Act, 1964 (1964-20). This Bill was read a first time later
the same day.

On 15th March, 1966, the said hon. member moved,
seconded by the hon. junior member for Christ Church, that
this Bill be now read a second time. During the debate on
the Second Reading, the Hon. and Learned senior member
for St. John queried whether the Bill was properly before
the House on two grounds: namely (1) that there were
financial implications therein; and (2) that it was a Bill
which reflected on a vote of the House taken during the
current session. On such matter, my Ruling was sought.

I will consider with the second point first.

Standing Order 26(4) of the House reads:-

"It shall be out of order to reflect on any vote of the
House or attempt to reconsider any specific question
upon which the House has come to a conclusion during
the current session except upon a substantive motion
for rescission"

The West Indies Hospital Fund Limited Act, 1964,
passed this House on 18th February, 1964, was debated by
the Other Place on 7th March, 1964, and was again con-
sidered by this House on 23rd March, 1964, when amend-
ments of the Other Place to the said Bill were agreed to.
The Bill received Royal Assent on 26th March. 1964,
appeared In the Official Gazetteof6th April, 1964, and, in
accordance with Section 18 thereof, came into operation by
Proclamation of the Governor contained in the :) ficial Gaz-
ette dated 4th day of June 1964. It appears from the record
set out above-that allvotes takenbythis House with respect
to the said Bill were taken not later than on 23rd March,
1964. As the House was prorogued on 31st March, 1964,
and a new Legislative Session was opened by His Excellency
the Governor on 5th May, 1964, no vote in connection with
the said Bill can be deemed to have been taken 'during the
current session'. However even if the West Indies Hospital
Fund Limited Act, 1964, had been considered bythe House
during the current session, the Bill which is now before
the House would not, in my opinion, be out of order, I deem
a Bill which has as its object the repeal of another Bill
passed during the current Session to come within the ambit
of "a substantive motion for rescission'.

As to the first point, that there are financial implica-
tions in the Bill which is now before the House, the law
governing the introduction in this House of measures
involving financial provisions is embodied In section 6 of the
Financial Administration and Audit Act, 1964 (1964-23), of
this Island which replaces Section 4 of the Executive
Committee Act, 1891 (1891-22) now repealed by the
Executive Committee (Vesting of Property and Transfer
of Functions) Act, 1964 (1964-12): and is expressed in
detail in Standing Order 59(1) of this Honourable Chamber.
For purposes of convenience, I shall cite the relevant
passages verbatim:

Section 6 (1) of the Financial Administration
and Audit Act:

"Saving of
certain rights
of General

Nothing in this Part shall be construed
as restricting, or in anywayinterfering
with, the right of Individual members of
the general Assembly to introduce any
bill, resolution, or any other measure
of legislation where such bill, resolution
or other measure oflegislationdoesnot
create any charge upon the revenue of
the Island or does not provide for the
expenditure of public moneys,"

Standing Order 59 (1) says:-


"Except on the recommendationofthe Cabinet, the
House -

(a) shall not proceed on any Bill (including any
amendment to a Bil) which makes provision for
imposing or increasing any tax, for imposing or
increasing any charge on the revenue or other
funds of the Colony; and for compounding or
remitting any debt to the Colony: and

(b) shall not proceed on any motion, the effect of
which is that provision shall be made for any of
the purposes aforesaid."

It is clear from the passages quoted above that the
emphasis is upon imposing or increasing any burden
upon the Revenue of this Island, or compoundingor remit-
ting any debt due to the Territory whereby the Treasury
of the Island may suffer.

Now the provisions of the West Indies Hospital Fund
Limited Act, 1964, make certain taxes payable into the
Treasury upon the sale of tickets or chances in lotteries
and sweepstakes conducted by the Company, and such
impose taxation on the winnings of prizewinners in such
lotteries and sweepstakes. For the twelve month period
after the day upon which the Act came into operation, cer-
tain lump-sums in lieu of the stipulated tax were also
due to the Treasury of this Island, There cannot therefore
be any doubt that the Treasury has benefitted and indeed
might expect always to benefit from the continued
operation of the Act. This fact is incontrovertible. However,
the question to be decided in my opinion is not the
influx into the Treasury of continued benefits, but whether
repeal of the said Act 'imposes or increases any tax'
(which manifestly it does not), 'imposes or increases any
charge' here I must interpolate that the word "charge"
implies a lien or other legal incumbrance, and must be
strictly Interpreted in its legal meaning 'on the revenue
or other funds of the Island' or 'compounds or remits any
debt due to the Island'. To this, the answer emphatically
must be in the negative. In fact, Clause 3 of the Bill to
repeal the West Indies Hospital Funds Limited Act, 1964
expressly saves the provisions of the West Indies Hospital

Funds Limited Act as to the collection of monies already
due under the Act, hence the question of 'compounding or
remitting any debt due to the Island' does not arise. En
passant I may observe that Subsection 3 of Order 25 of
Schedule 2 of the Barbados (Letters Patent Consolidation)
Order 1964 provides with regard to the Senate, that "the
Senate shall not -

(a) proceed upon any Bill, other than a Bill sent
from the General Assembly, or uponanyamend-
ment to a Bill, which in theopinionof the person
presiding, makes provision for any of the follow-
ing purposes -

(1) for imposing or altering any tax;

(11) for imposing or altering any charge on the
revenues or other funds of the Island: or

(111) for compounding or remitting any debt due
to the Island."

The word "alter" it is to be noted, appears neither in
the Financial Administration and Audit Act, 1964 nor in
any relevant Standing Orders of this House,

In the result, I do not rule that this Bill cannot be
considered; accordingly it may be further proceeded with,
at the pleasure of this House.


Hon. J. C. TUDOR: Mr. Speaker, I beg to move that
the House do now adjourn until Tuesday, 3rd May, 1966,
at 2.30 p.m.

Hon. C. E. TALMA: I beg to second that.

The question that this House do now adjourn until
Tuesday next 3rd Mlay, 1966, at 2.30 p.m., o'clock was
put and resolved in the affirmative without division
and Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House accordingly.
9.30 p.m.


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