Half Title
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 List of Illustrations
 A history of the United States...
 Launching the ship
 Setting sail
 Hamilton's financial policy
 The emergence of parties
 Genet and neutrality
 British diplomacy and the...
 Spanish diplomacy and the...
 Jay's treaty
 The first rebellion
 The last years of Washington's...
 John Adams at the helm
 The quasi-war with France
 The alien and sedition acts; the...
 The fall of the Federalists
 On the threshold of a new...
 Jeffersonian simplicity
 The war with Tripoli
 The purchase of Louisiana
 Exploring the new domain
 The Federalist party in distre...
 Diplomacy and discord
 The Constitution of the United...
 Washington's farwell address

Group Title: History of the United States and its people, : from their earliest records to the present time.
Title: A history of the United States and its people
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00076585/00007
 Material Information
Title: A history of the United States and its people from their earliest records to the present time
Physical Description: 7 v. : col. fronts., illus. (part col.) plates (part fold.) ports. (part col.) maps (part fold.) plans (part fold.) facsims. (part fold.) ; 26 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Avery, Elroy McKendree, 1844-1935
Abbatt, William, 1851-1935
Publisher: Burrows Bros. Co.
Place of Publication: Cleveland
Publication Date: 1904-10
Subject: History -- United States   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Bibliography: "Bibliographical appendix" at end of each volume.
Statement of Responsibility: by Elroy McKendree Avery ...
General Note: On t.p. of v. l, "in twelve volumes"; on t.-p. of v. 2-4, "in fifteen volumes"; on t.-p. of v. 5-7, "in sixteen volumes." No more published.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00076585
Volume ID: VID00007
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01466912
lccn - 04032329

Table of Contents
    Half Title
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Title Page
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
    Table of Contents
        Page viii
    List of Illustrations
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
        Page xix
        Page xx
        Page xxi
        Page xxii
        Page xxiii
        Page xxiv
        Page xxv
        Page xxvi
        Page xxvii
    A history of the United States and its people 1788-1806
        Page xxviii
    Launching the ship
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 10a
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
    Setting sail
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 18a
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 22a
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 34a
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
    Hamilton's financial policy
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
    The emergence of parties
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 72a
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
    Genet and neutrality
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 88a
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
    British diplomacy and the Northwest
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 94a
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 96a
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 102a
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 104a
        Page 104b
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
    Spanish diplomacy and the Southwest
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
    Jay's treaty
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
    The first rebellion
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 148a
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
    The last years of Washington's presidency
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
    John Adams at the helm
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
    The quasi-war with France
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 204a
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
    The alien and sedition acts; the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions.
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 228a
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
    The fall of the Federalists
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
    On the threshold of a new century
        Page 260
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 262a
        Page 262b
        Page 262c
        Page 263
        Page 264
        Page 265
        Page 266
        Page 267
        Page 268
        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 270a
        Page 270b
        Page 271
        Page 272
        Page 273
        Page 274
        Page 275
        Page 276
        Page 276a
        Page 277
        Page 278
        Page 279
        Page 280
        Page 281
        Page 282
        Page 283
        Page 284
        Page 285
        Page 286
        Page 287
        Page 288
    Jeffersonian simplicity
        Page 289
        Page 290
        Page 291
        Page 292
        Page 293
        Page 294
        Page 295
        Page 296
        Page 297
        Page 298
        Page 299
        Page 300
        Page 301
        Page 302
        Page 303
        Page 304
        Page 305
        Page 306
        Page 307
    The war with Tripoli
        Page 308
        Page 309
        Page 310
        Page 311
        Page 312
        Page 313
        Page 314
        Page 315
        Page 316
        Page 316a
        Page 317
        Page 318
        Page 319
        Page 320
        Page 321
        Page 322
        Page 323
        Page 324
    The purchase of Louisiana
        Page 325
        Page 326
        Page 327
        Page 328
        Page 329
        Page 330
        Page 330a
        Page 331
        Page 332
        Page 333
        Page 334
        Page 335
        Page 336
        Page 336a
        Page 337
        Page 338
        Page 339
        Page 340
        Page 341
        Page 342
        Page 342a
        Page 342b
        Page 343
        Page 344
    Exploring the new domain
        Page 345
        Page 346
        Page 346a
        Page 347
        Page 348
        Page 348a
        Page 349
        Page 350
        Page 351
        Page 352
        Page 353
        Page 354
        Page 355
        Page 356
        Page 357
        Page 358
        Page 359
        Page 360
        Page 361
    The Federalist party in distress
        Page 362
        Page 363
        Page 364
        Page 365
        Page 366
        Page 367
        Page 368
        Page 369
        Page 370
        Page 371
        Page 372
        Page 373
        Page 374
        Page 375
    Diplomacy and discord
        Page 376
        Page 377
        Page 378
        Page 379
        Page 380
        Page 381
        Page 382
        Page 383
        Page 384
        Page 385
        Page 386
        Page 387
        Page 388
        Page 389
        Page 390
        Page 391
        Page 392
        Page 393
        Page 394
        Page 395
        Page 396
    The Constitution of the United States - 1787
        Page 397
        Page 398
        Page 399
        Page 400
        Page 401
        Page 402
        Page 403
        Page 404
        Page 405
        Page 406
        Page 406a
    Washington's farwell address
        Page 407
        Page 408
        Page 409
        Page 410
        Page 411
        Page 412
        Page 413
        Page 414
        Page 415
        Page 416
        Page 417
        Page 418
        Page 419
        Page 420
        Page 421
        Page 422
        Page 423
        Page 424
        Page 425
        Page 426
        Page 426a
        Page 427
        Page 428
        Page 429
        Page 430
        Page 431
        Page 432
        Page 433
        Page 434
        Page 435
        Page 436
        Page 437
        Page 438
        Page 439
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        Page 441
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        Page 445
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        Page 451
        Page 452
Full Text

A History of

the United States


Th o" ,i

tjitk, b kem'bran4l P
'Cotleciioo of fhe'Nev I r,a
,ocyq ......

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.. .
. . ... *.







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**S .** S *
S ****


THE sixth volume of this -history closed with an
account of the federal convention that shaped the
constitution of the United States. The old articles
of confederation were still in force and the struggle for
the adoption of the new magna charta was impending.
This volume, the seventh, takes up the story at that point
and carries it along to 1806.
The narrative covers Washington's two administra-
tions, John Adams's one, and Jefferson's first. According
to my best ability within the space at my disposal, it
sets forth the policies of that period and the trials and
the triumphs, the greatness and the littleness of the men
who inaugurated the new government, solidified the
loosely coherent parts of the new nation, and shaped its
destiny for greatness.
For the helpful criticism and suggestion of reviewers
and many others, for the continued liberality of my pub-
lishers, for the artistic excellences developed by engravers
and printers, and for the manifest appreciation of the
cultured reader for whom these volumes are especially
intended, I am very grateful. I take especial pleasure
in recording my appreciation of the continued aid of
Dr. Paul L. Haworth to whom I am under obligation
as acknowledged in the prefaces to the three preceding
Cleveland, January, 1910

Ii* i, 1



Introductory: Preface; List of Maps and Illustrations.
I. Launching the Ship I
II. Setting Sail 14
III. Hamilton's Financial Policy 42
IV. The Emergence of Parties 60
V. Genet and Neutrality 78
VI. British Diplomacy and the Northwest .92
VII. Spanish Diplomacy and the Southwest .114
VIII. Jay's Treaty 123
IX. The First Rebellion .141
X. The Last Years of Washington's Presi-
dency .156
XI. John Adams at the Helm. 180
XII. The Quasi-War with France .94
XIII. The Alien and Sedition Acts; the Kentucky
and Virginia Resolutions 217
XIV. The Fall of the Federalists 234
XV. On the Threshold of a New Century .260
XVI. Jeffersonian Simplicity 289
XVII. The War with Tripoli 308
XVIII. The Purchase of Louisiana 325
XIX. Exploring the New Domain 345
XX. The Federalist Party in Distress 362
XXI. Diplomacy and Discord 376
The Constitution of the United States .397
Washington's Farewell Address 407
Bibliographical Appendix. 429
NOTE.-A general index will be found in the last volume of this work.


Thomas Jefferson Frontispiece
A reproduction of the painting by Rembrandt Peale in collection of the
New York Historical Society. It was painted in 1803.
Traced from an autograph letter in the New York Public Library. It
was written at Monticello, July 26, 1803.
Autograph of George Clymer 2
From a letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Autograph of James Wilson 3
From a letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Title-page of Richard Henry Lee's Pamphlet, known
as Letters from the Federal Farmer 4
From the original edition in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Coat of Arms of John Hancock 5
Drawn by Mr. Henry C. Strippel.
Cane used by John Hancock 6
In collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Copper Tea-kettle made by Paul Revere and Once
Owned by John Hancock 6
In collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston.
The First Number of the Federalist, Published in
The Independent Journal and General Adver-
tiser, October 27, 1787 between o1 and ii
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Autograph of Melancton Smith 12
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Arms of the United States, correctly Emblazoned 13
Continental Congress Broadside appointing the
Day for Electors to Vote for the First President
under the New Constitution 14
From original in the Library of Congress, Manuscripts Division.

x Illustrations

John Adams (Portrait and Autograph) 16
Reproduced in colors from original painting by Gilbert Stuart (painted in
1798) owned by Adams's great-grandson, Mr. Brooks Adams, Quincy,
Massachusetts. Autograph from letter dated May 29, 1785, in the New
York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Title-page of John Adams's Pamphlet, A Defence of
the Constitutions of Government of the United
States of America 16
From original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Portrait of Fisher Ames 17
From original painting by Gilbert Stuart in possession of the Hon. Henry
Cabot Lodge. It was painted from life for the Ames family and was given
by them to Mr. Lodge's great-grandfather, George Cabot, who was Ames's
most intimate friend and executor of his will.
Officer's Desk used in First National Congress in
Federal Hall 18
From collection of the New York Historical Society.
View of Mount Vernon in Washington's Time
between 18 and 19
From a print in the Library of Congress, published in 1808.
Washington's Mansion at Mount Vernon 19
A modern view in colors, reproduced by permission of The Detroit Photo-
graphic Company.
Program for the Inauguration of the First President 20
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
View of Federal Hall 21
This building occupied the present site of the United States sub-treasury on
Wall Street at the head of Broad Street, New York City. It was erected
in 1700 and taken down in 1813.
Reproduction made from engraving, "Printed and Sold by A. Doolittle
New-Haven 1790," in the New York Historical Society's collection.
Railing from Balcony of Federal Hall 21
The central portion of railing, now in the New York Historical Society's
The "Government House" in Bowling Green,
built for the President in 1790
between 22 and 23
Washington never occupied it as the capital was removed that year to
Philadelphia. It was afterwards used by Governor Clinton. Reproduced
from original drawing made by C. Milbourne in 1797, now preserved in
collection of the New York Historical Society.
Civilian Dress in 1789 24
Drawn by Mr. H. A. Ogden.
Members' Desk used in First National Congress in
Federal Hall 26
From collection of the New York Historical Society.

Illustrations xi

Chair used in First National Congress in Federal
Hall 26
From collection of the New York Historical Society.
Robert Morris (Portrait and Autograph). 28
From painting by Charles Willson Peale in Independence Hall, Philadel-
phia. Autograph from a letter dated July 29,1785,in the New York Public
Library (Emmet Collection).
Home of Henry Knox, at Thomaston, Maine 29
From a drawing in the collection of the Old South Meeting House, Boston.
John Jay (Portrait and Autograph) 32
Reproduced from portrait by Gilbert Stuart owned by Mr. Nathaniel
Thayer, Boston. Autograph from letter dated January 1, 1784, in the New
York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Act providing Salary for the President and Vice-
president 33
From original broadside in the Library of Congress, Manuscripts Division.
Official Draft, on Vellum, of the First Twelve Amend-
ments to the Constitution Proposed by Con-
gress to the Legislatures of the States
between 34 and 35
From original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). Meas-
ures 26j x 30 inches.
Title-page of the Printed Collection of Acts Passed
by the First Congress 35
From copy of the original official edition in the New York Public Library
(Lenox Building).
Livingston's Thanksgiving Proclamation, October
28, 1789 36
From original broadside in the New York Historical Society's collection.
Portrait of Mrs. Betty Lewis (Sister of George
Washington) 37
From a painting formerly owned by the late Parker C. Chandler.
Insignia of the National Mary Washington Memorial
Association 38
Engraved in colors from one belonging to Mrs. Elroy M. Avery.
Monument Erected in Memory of Mary, Mother of
Washington 39
From a photograph.
John Hancock's Vest 40
In collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston, loaned by
Franklin Hancock.
John Hancock's Clock 40
In collection of the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massa-

xii Illustrations

Title-page of Hamilton's Report on Public Credit 43
From original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Portrait of Alexander Hamilton 43
From Trumbull's painting owned by the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York.
Broadside announcing a Lottery in New York City
for Repairing and Enlarging the City Hall 48
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Rhode Island Bill calling a Convention to Consider
the National Constitution 5
From original in the Library of Congress.
Rhode Island Bill of Rights and Amendments to the
Constitution, March 6, 1790 51
From original in the Library of Congress.
Title-page of Hamilton's Report on the Subject of
a National Bank 52
From original edition in the New York Historical Society's collection.
Map of United States Boundaries and Territorial
Settlements, 1789-99 54
From data compiled by Miss Susan Myra Kingsbury, Ph. D.
Amendment to Act Establishing the Seat of Govern-
ment of the United States 57
From original in the Library of Congress.
Announcement of Washington's Arrival in New
York 6
Slave Advertisement 60
These two items, referred to in the text on page 62, appeared in the New
rork Gaztte, April 24, 1789. Reproduced from a copy in the collection of
the New York Historical Society.
Map showing Distribution and Center of Population
of the United States in 1790 61
Compiled from United States census reports.
Paragraph from The Daily Advertiser, April 24,
1789, announcing the Arrival of Washington at
New York .62
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Accounts of the Yearly Meeting of Friends' Expenses
in Recovering Negroes from Bondage, 1793-95 63
From original in the Library of Congress.
Silhouette of Doctor Benjamin Rush 63
From the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).

Illustrations xiii

Portrait of Benjamin Franklin 65
From pastel portrait by Duplessis presented in 1908 to the New York
Public Library by the Hon. John Bigelow.
In his letter of presentation, Mr. Bigelow says: "The portrait was
painted by Joseph Siffred Duplessis for Franklin in 1783, and by Franklin
presented to M. Louis Le Veillard, who during Franklin's residence in
Paris was the Mayor of Passy, one of Franklin's most intimate friends
and his constant competitor at the chess board. He became, doubtless
under Franklin's tuition, an ardent Republican, and when Franklin
returned to America, M. Le Veillard accompanied him thither for a short
visit. On his return the French Revolution was raging in its lurid fury.
He was soon required to expiate the crime of having been a public officer
under the Bourbon regime and was guillotined.
"The portrait is a pastel, and though finished a full century and a quarter
ago, has been pronounced by the late Mr. Champney, our own most suc-
cessful pastel painter, as giving no sign or evidence of deterioration of any
sort from the lapse of time a commendation which perhaps has never
been paid to any oil painting upon canvas of equal age without reparation.
On the back will be found a memorandum in French, which I presume was
inscribed there by Le Veillard or by a member of his family, of which the
following is a translation:
"'Benjamin Franklin in his 77th year, painted in 1783 by Duplessis, pre-
sented by Franklin himself to M. Louis Le Veillard, Gentleman in Ordinary
of the Queen, his friend and his neighbor at Passy.' "
Act Permitting the Formation of Kentucky as a State 67
From original in the Library of Congress.
Jefferson's Seal 68
From a wax impression of the original seal. It is owned by Mr. Wat
Henry Tyler, Hague, Virginia, having passed down to him from his great-
grandfather, John Tyler, to whom it had been presented by Jefferson.
Title-page of Paine's Rights of Man 72
From original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
The Columbian Centinel of June 8, 1791, Containing
the First Letter Signed "Publicola"
between 72 and 73
From original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Philip Freneau's Receipt for a Subscription to his
Paper 73
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Hamilton's Letter, signed T. L., in Fenno's Gazette 74
From original in the New York Historical Society's collection.
Affidavit by Philip Freneau 75
Published in Freneau's Gazette, August 8, 1792. Reproduced from a copy
in the New York Historical Society's collection.
Portrait of Louis XVI. 79
From Catalogue of the Collection of Miniatures, the Property of J. Pierpont
Morgan. The portrait was painted by Jean Baptiste Albert Barthelemy
Picot de Buissaizon, a clever amateur who held a court position under
Louis XVI. His miniatures are of peculiar rarity. They are all of large
size, possess considerable merit, and are invariably signed in full. He was
born May 5, 1752, and died April 25, 1841.



Edmond Charles Genet (Portrait and Autograph) 82
From original painting by Ames in possession of Mrs. George Clinton
Genet. This portrait has never before been reproduced. Autograph from
a letter dated July II, 1822, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
A Contemporary Caricature of Washington and his
Policies between 88 and 89
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Edmund Randolph (Portrait and Autograph) 90
Portrait from an engraving in the Library of Congress; autograph from
letter of May 12, 1793, in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Treaty with the Oneida Indians at Fort Schuyler,
September 22, 1788, Ceding all their Lands in
the State to the State of New York
between 94 and 95
From original in the New York State Library, Albany.
View of Fort Harmar in 1790 95
From an engraving in the Library of Congress.
Autograph of Richard Butler 96
From letter of February 9, 1783, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Autograph of Josiah Harmar 96
From letter of August 28, 1784, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Map of the Eastern Part of the Northwestern Ter-
ritory, Showing the Various Grants and Sur-
veys, Settlements, Forts, Indian Tribes, and
Expeditions, 1785-96 between 96 and 97
Prepared from data compiled by David Maydole Matteson, A. M., with
additions by Miss Alice Lerch.
Map of Harmar's Defeat 97
Title-page of Pamphlet Containing the Proceedings
of the Court Martial of Josiah Harmar 98
From original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Sign Manual of Simon Girty 98
From a letter, dated August i, 1776, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Autograph of Alexander McKee 99
From a letter, dated August 6, 1773, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
View of Fort Hamilton as Originally Built in 1791 Ioo
From engraving in Ohio Archaological and Historical Quarterly.
Map of Saint Clair's Defeat o

Illustrations xv

Broadside Containing Official Account of the Slain
and Wounded by the Indians, November 4,
1791 between 102 and 103
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Compare the alleged picture of Major-general Richard Butler that appears
in this "official account" with the portrait of Joseph Warren given on
page 270 of the fifth volume of this history, and notice the paragraph on
"School-books" on page 279 of this volume.
Two Pages from Washington's Memoranda Con-
cerning the Characters and Claims of the
Generals of the Revolution who were Alive in
1791 between 104 and 105
Prepared by him in anticipation of making an appointment of a new com-
mander, following Saint Clair's defeat by the western Indians. These
notes were intended for his personal use and for the deliberations in council
with his cabinet. Reproduction made from the original manuscript pre-
served in the New York State Library, Albany.
First Page of the First Number of The Centinel of
the North-Western Territory, November 9, 1793
between 104 and 105
From original on file in the Ohio State Library.
Plan of Fort Defiance 1o6
Map of the Battle-field of the Miami 107
From a print in the Library of Congress.
Map Illustrating Battle of Fallen Timber 108
Musket used in the Battle of Fallen Timber 109
From collection of Mr. H. A. Ogden. The following inscription, crudely
carved in the stock, briefly tells its history: Ticonderoga, Brandywine,
Chads Ford, Paoli Tavern, Germantown, Monmouth, Highland, Stony
Point, James River, Miami, & Home. I was body gaurd to Gen.
Fort Wayne in 1795 II
From print kindly furnished by Mr. George A. Baker, secretary of the
Northern Indiana Historical Society.
Page from General Wayne's Orderly Book at the
Time his Headquarters were at Greenville III
From the original book of orders in collection of the New York Historical
Map Illustrating the Greenville Treaty I12
Wayne's Monument in Saint David's Church Ceme-
tery, Radnor, Pennsylvania 113
From photograph by Miss Lucy A. Sampson, Berwyn, Pennsylvania.
Autograph of John Sevier .118
From letter dated January 17, 18o1, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).

xvi Illustrations

Autograph of William Carmichael 120
From letter dated July 8, 1781, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Autograph of William Short 120
From letter dated February 23, 1796, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Autograph of Thomas Pinckney 121
From letter dated March 31,1791, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Additional Instructions from King George III. to
British War-ships and Privateers 124
From original in the New York Historical Society's collection.
Title-page of the Jay Treaty published in Pamphlet
Form ... 30
From original edition in the New York Historical Society's collection.
Address of Boston Selectmen to Washington, pro-
testing against Jay's Treaty, July 13, 1795 131
From the original manuscript in the Library of Congress (Manuscripts
Hamilton's Draft of Washington's Refusal to Submit
to the House of Representatives Papers regard-
ing the Jay Treaty 133
From the original manuscript in the Library of Congress (Manuscripts
Title-page of Hamilton's Pamphlet, A Defence of the
Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation 134
From original edition in the New York Historical Society's collection.
Portrait of Gouverneur Morris 135
From painting by Thomas Sully owned by Mr. Gouverneur Morris. It
hangs in Hartley Hall, Columbia University.
Portrait of James Monroe 136
From painting by Thomas Sully, owned by the officers of the Corps of
Engineers in the United States Army, and deposited in the library of the
United States Military Academy, West Point.
Autograph of Adet 139
From a letter dated July 18, 1797, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Map to Illustrate the "Whiskey Rebellion" 142
Albert Gallatin (Portrait and Autograph) 143
From portrait by Gilbert Stuart formerly owned by Mr. Frederick W.
Stevens; now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Autograph
from a letter of June I 1803, in the New York Public Library.
Letter by John Nevill to Daniel Morgan 147
From original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).



Map of Pittsburg in 1795 between 148 and 149
From a print in the Library of Congress.
Broadside Reporting the Conference between United
States and Pennsylvania Commissioners 151
From a copy of the original in the Library of Congress.
Autograph of Henry Lee 152
From a letter of June 30, 1794, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Title-page of a Volume on the "Whiskey Insurrec-
tion," published in 1795 153
From original edition in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Portrait of Doctor James McHenry 157
From portrait by Saint Memin owned by the heirs of Doctor James
Senate Chamber at Philadelphia 58
Showing gallery erected in 1795 for visitors. Before that date the senate
sat behind closed doors, no visitors being admitted. Reproduction from
a water-color drawing by Miss Mary McClellan.
Attack on the Ship "Columbia" 60
From an original drawing in collection of the Massachusetts Historical
Portrait of Captain John Barry 161
From original portrait by Gilbert Stuart, in possession of Mr. W. Horace
Hepburn, Philadelphia.
Autograph of David Humphreys 162
From a letter dated May 17,1781, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Portraits of Oliver Ellsworth and his Wife 164
From painting by Ralph Earle in possession of the Hartford (Connecticut)
Autograph of Muhlenberg .165
From a letter dated August so, 1780, in the New York Public Library
(Myers Collection).
Title-page of Gallatin's Pamphlet on the Finances of
the United States 166
From copy of original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox
The First Copper Cent Struck in the United States
Mint (1793). 167
The First Gold Coin ($1o) Struck in the United
States Mint (1795) 67
Reproduced from specimens in collection of the American Numismatic
Society, New York. Reproductions are made in original size.
Portrait of George Washington 170
From original painting owned by Yale University.

xviii Illustrations

Title-page of Thomas Paine's Pamphlet, Letter to
George Washington 172
From the original issue in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Title-page of Washington's Farewell Address 173
From the original issue in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Election Map of 1796 175
Washington's Book-plate 177
From the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Portrait of George Washington 178
From unfinished portrait by Gilbert Stuart, painted from life. It is owned
by the Boston Athenaum and deposited in the Museum of Fine Arts.
Autograph of Philip Mazzei. 83
From a letter dated May 3, 1780, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
The "Constitution" as she Appears at Present 186
Now kept at the Charlestown Navy Yard.
A Page from the Log of the "Constitution" .187
From the original log of her first cruise,preserved in the Naval War Records
Library, Washington.
Portrait of John Quincy Adams 189
Painted by John Singleton Copley in 1795, when Adams was minister at
The Hague. He was then about thirty years of age. The portrait is
owned by the Hon. Charles Francis Adams, and is now hanging in the
Copley gallery of the Boston Art Museum.
Title-page of the Proceedings on the Impeachment of
William Blount 192
From the original edition in the Library of Congress.
Autograph of Talleyrand 194
From a letter dated March o1, 1803, in the New York Public Library.
Map of the West Indies 20
From Paine's Universal Geography, published in 1799.
Page from the Log of the "Constitution," containing
Mention of Her Meeting with Barry's Vessel in
the West Indies 202
From the original log of her first cruise,preserved in the Naval War Records
Library, Washington.
Diagram of the Action between the "Constellation"
and "L'Insurgente" 203
From data by Mrs. Annie H. Eastman.
Map of the West Indies to Illustrate the Engage-
ments between the "Constellation" and "L'In-
surgente," and the "Constellation" and "La
Vengeance". 204
From data by Mrs. Annie H. Eastman.



Commission given to Washington by Congress, July
4, 1798, Appointing him "Lieutenant-general
and Commander-in-chief of all Armies Raised
or to be Raised for the Service of the United
States" between 204 and 205
From photograph of the original document in the Naval War Records
Library, Washington.
Thomas Truxtun (Portrait and Autograph) 205
From miniature owned by Miss Marie H. Moore, Duxbury, Massachusetts,
great-granddaughter of Captain Truxtun. Autograph from a letter dated
May ii, 180o, in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Review of Boston Troops on President Adams's
Birthday, October 31, 1799 213
From engraving in collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House,
Autograph of Joseph Bonaparte 214
From a letter dated April 18, 1803, in the New York Public Library.
Last Page of the Treaty of 1800 with France 214
From facsimile reproduction in the Library of Congress.
Vans Murray's Passport, signed by Talleyrand,
dated "17 Thermidor l'An 9" (August 4, 1801) 215
From original in the Library of Congress.
Caricature of the Lyon and Griswold Affair 218
From original in collection of the Hon. James T. Mitchell, Chief Justice,
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania.
Autograph of William Cobbett 219
From a letter dated February 6, 1797, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
The First Number of Porcupine's Gazette 220
From collection of the New York Historical Society.
Caricature against Cobbett 221
From original in collection of the Pennsylvania Historical Society.
Title-page of the Report on the Memorials and Peti-
tions Against the Alien Act 226
From original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
First Page of the Kentucky Resolutions 228
From the original quarto edition, printed at Frankfort, 1798.
The Kentucky Resolutions, Published as a Broad-
side between 228 and 229
From original in the Library of Congress.
Tomb of Patrick Henry 235
From photograph kindly supplied by Mrs. Elizabeth Henry Lyons, Brook-
neal, Virginia.


John Randolph of Roanoke (Portrait and Autograph) 236
Portrait kindly furnished by Mr. John Stewart Bryan of Richmond, Vir-
ginia, from an original painting. Autograph from a letter dated March
z1, 1815, in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Autograph of Theodore Sedgwick 236
From letter dated October 1o, 1793, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Bust of Washington by Trentanove 237
From collection of the Boston Athenaum.
Washington's Tomb 237
From an early print in colors in the Library of Congress.
Proclamation by President Adams after Washington's
Death 238
From collection of the New York Historical Society.
Page of Washington's Diary, Showing the last Entry,
December 13, 1799 239
From the original preserved in the Library of Congress.
Autograph of Samuel Dexter 241
From letter dated January z6, 18o1, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Autograph of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 242
From letter dated December 24, 180o, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Plan of Washington in 1792 246
Shows the town laid out by the engineer L'Enfant. Reproduced from
Universal Asylum and Columbian Magazine, March, 1792, in the Library
of Congress.
East Elevation of the United States Capitol 248
Designed by William Thornton and adopted by the government. Repro-
duced from an engraving in the Library of Congress.
John Adams (Portrait and Autograph) 250
Portrait by John Singleton Copley at Harvard University. Autograph
from letter dated January 19, 1797, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Portrait of Abigail Adams (born Abigail Smith) 251
From painting by Gilbert Stuart painted in 1804. It is owned by her
great-grandson, Mr. Brooks Adams.
Portrait of John Marshall by Saint Memin 256
From a full-size facsimile reproduction, published by C. Klackner, by
special permission.
The original portrait is owned by Mr. Thomas Marshall Smith of Balti-
more. His mother was the daughter of the Chief-justice's eldest son, and
the portrait has always remained in the family. It is regarded as the best
likeness of their honored ancestor.
Map Showing Distribution and Center of Popula-
tion in 800o 261
Compiled from United States census reports.

Illustrations xxi

First Page of the First Number of The Western Spy
and Hamilton Gazette, May 28, 1799
between 262 and 263
From original in Young Men's Mercantile Library, Cincinnati, through
courtesy of Mr. William B. A. Taylor, librarian.
Patent for Western Reserve Land of Connecticut,
dated March 2, 1801 between 262 and 263
From original in the State Capitol, Hartford, Connecticut.
Joseph Brant's Letter to Moses Cleaveland
between 262 and 263
From original in the Library of Congress.
Map of the United States, 1800-02, Showing Terri-
torial Adjustments Prior to the Louisiana
Purchase .264
Prepared by Miss Susan Myra Kingsbury, Ph. D.
Title-page of the Laws of the Mississippi Territory. 265
From original edition in the New York Public Library.
Beginning and Ending of the Articles of Cession
of Georgia, April 24, 1802 .266
From original in the Library of Congress.
Diagram of a Township with Sections Numbered
According to Present System .267
Broadside Announcing a Lottery in New Jersey 268
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Diagram of Fitch's Steamboat 269
One of Fitch's own plans, now in the Library of Congress (Manuscripts
Model of Fitch's First Steamboat 270
In collection of the New York Historical Society.
Model of Fitch's Steamboat with Paddles for Pro-
pelling 270
In the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C.
Title-page of Jonathan Hulls's Book on Steam Navi-
gation and Engraved View Accompanying Same
between 270 and 271
Reproduced from original edition of 1737, in the New York Public Library
(Lenox Building).
Map of Collect Pond in New York City where John
Fitch Conducted his Experiments in Steam
Navigation between 270 and 271
From a print published in 1846, in the New York Public Library.

xxii Illustrations

Title-page of Pamphlet Published in Defense of
Fitch's Claims 271
From original edition in the New York Public Library.
Title-page of Fulton's Treatise on Canal Navigation 271
From original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
This particular copy was presented by Fulton to Napoleon in 1798. Accom-
panying it are a four-page letter and two manuscript memorials relating
to the practicability of canal navigation in France.
Portrait of Eli Whitney 272
From painting by King owned by Eli Whitney's grandson, Mr. Eli Whitney,
New Haven, Connecticut.
Model of Whitney's First Cotton-gin 273
Reproduced by courtesy of Mr. Eli Whitney from a model in his possession.
Broadside Offering Employment to Children in a
Newark Stocking Manufactory 274
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Portrait of Samuel Slater 275
From engraving in White's Memoirs of Samuel Slater.
Carding and Spinning-machines in Samuel Slater's
Mill 276
From engraving in White's Memoirs of Samuel Slater.
New York Bank and Neighboring Buildings in Wall
Street in 1798 276
The buildings shown in the picture are, from left to right, the New York
Bank, the United States Bank, and the New York Insurance Company.
Reproduced from original drawing by Robertson in collection of the
New York Historical Society.
Two-dollar Note Issued, August 24, 1804, by the
Bank of Albany, and Ten-dollar Note Issued,
February 22, 1802, by the Farmers' Bank of
Troy between 276 and 277
Reproduced from originals preserved in the New York State Library,
Portrait of Mercy Warren 280
From original painting owned by Mr. Winslow Warren, Dedham, Massa-
Title-page of Timothy Dwight's Travels 282
From a copy in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Autograph of Joel Barlow 282
From letter dated April I9, 1796, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Title-page of Joel Barlow's Hasty Pudding 283
From original edition in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Portrait of Thomas Jefferson 289
Painted by Charles Willson Peale. Owned by the city of Philadelphia and
deposited in Independence Hall.

Illustrations xxiii

First Page of Jefferson's Inaugural Address 290
From the original draft in the Library of Congress.
Jefferson's Summary of Expenses from 1802 to
1803 302
From original manuscript in the New York Public Library (Lenox
Circular from a London Mercantile House Ex-
plaining Act of Parliament relative to Imports. 305
From a copy in the Library of Congress.
Sword of the Tripoli Campaign 308
Taken by Stephen Decatur in the siege of Tripoli in 1804. Preserved in
the United States National Museum, Washington, D. C.
Map of the Mediterranean and Northern Africa, to
Illustrate the War with Tripoli 309
Prepared by Mrs. Annie H. Eastman.
Commission Given to Thomas Barclay when he
was Sent as Consul to Morocco, March 31,
1791 312
Thomas Barclay was the first United States consul to France and after-
wards to Morocco, where he was sent in 1785 to make a "treaty of peace"
with that country and our infant republic. In 1791 he was again sent as
consul to Morocco. The commission given to him then is in the possession
of his great-grandson, Mr. J. J. Barclay, Bethany, West Virginia, who,
from 1893 to 1896, filled the same position as his great-grandfather.
Letter by Bainbridge to Mohammed Dghies Respect-
ing Treatment of Prisoners, dated November
15, 1803 315
From original in the Library of Congress.
Midshipman Lewis's Map of Tripoli Harbor, Show-
ing the "Philadelphia's" Grounding-place,
Route of the "Intrepid," etc. between 316 and 317
From original manuscript copy made in 1804, preserved in the Library of
Portrait of Stephen Decatur 317
From painting by Sully in the Comptroller's Office, New York City.
Tripolitan Kris captured by Midshipman Frederick
de Krafft, U. S. N., in hand-to-hand Fight in
Boats at the Time of the Burning of the "Phila-
delphia" 318
Midshipman de Krafft shot the man, who was about to strike him with
the kris. This kris was later given by him to his son, the late Rear Admiral
J. C. P. de Krafft, U. S. N., and now is in the possession of Miss F. B. de
Krafft, daughter of the Admiral and granddaughter of Midshipman
Frederick Cornelius de Krafft.



Stephen Decatur's Conflict with the Algerine at
Tripoli, showing Reuben James interposing his
Head to Save the Life of his Commander .319
From a print in the Library of Congress.
Cannon Captured by Decatur at Tripoli, now at the
United States Navy Yard, Washington 320
Silhouette and Autograph of Richard Somers. 320
The original silhouette is owned by Mr. A. M. Heston who procured it
from a grand-nephew of Captain Somers, the late Dr. J. B. Somers. It
is the only likeness of Captain Somers extant.
Medal presented to Edward Preble by Congress 321
Gallatin's Letter to President Jefferson, October 14,
1802, Respecting Regulation of the Mississippi
River Trade between 330 and 331
From original in the Library of Congress.
Autograph of BarbE Marbois 334
From letter dated September 28, 1795, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Robert R. Livingston (Portrait and Autograph) 335
From portrait by Gilbert Stuart in possession of Mr. Carleton Hunt and sis-
ters- Louise Livingston Hunt and Julia Barton Hunt Barrytown-on-
Hudson, New York. Autograph from letter dated April 27, 18o2, in the
New York Public Library.
Monroe's Draft of Convention respecting Payment
of French Debts to United States Citizens 336
From the original manuscript in the Library of Congress.
First and Last Page of the Treaty Transferring
Louisiana to the United States
between 336 and 337
From original manuscript in the Department of State, Washington.
First Page of the Treaty of Cession of Louisiana 337
From original in the Department of State, Washington.
Portrait of Talleyrand 338
From a colored engraving after an original painting at the French embassy
in London.
Draft of Proposed Amendment to United States Con-
stitution Anent the Louisiana Purchase 340
In Jefferson's handwriting. The manuscript is in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building).
View of the City of New Orleans, Showing an
American Man-of-war taking Charge of the
City between 342 and 343
From a colored print, made in 1803, in collection of Mr. T. P. Thompson
of New Orleans.



Two Pages from General James Wilkinson's Orderly
Book, Showing Orders Issued December 19,
1803, the Day Before the United States Troops
Took Possession of New Orleans
between 342 and 343
From original manuscript in the Library of Congress.
Portrait of Meriwether Lewis, by Saint Memin 345
From original portrait owned by Mr. C. Harper Anderson, Charlottesville,
Portrait of William Clark 346
From original painting in Independence Hall, Philadelphia.
Commission Given to Meriwether Lewis, April 15,
I8o2 .between 346 and 347
The original parchment is owned by Mr. B. R. A. Scott of San Antonio,
Texas; reproduction made from a photograph in possession of Mrs. E. C.
Griffith of Mount Vernon, New York.
Map of United States, 1803-06, Showing Territorial
Expansion, the Louisiana Purchase, and Route
of Lewis and Clark between 348 and 349
Prepared from data compiled by Miss Susan Myra Kingsbury, Ph. D.,
with revisions by David Maydole Matteson, A. M.
Portrait of William Clark 351
From original painting by Harding in possession of his grandson, Mr. John
O'Fallon Clark, Saint Louis.
Lewis and Clark's Map of the Lower Falls of the
Columbia River 353
From original in the Library of Congress.
Lewis and Clark's Map of the Mouth of the
Columbia River 354
From original in the Library of Congress.
Title-page of First Pamphlet describing Pike's
Journey 358
This pamphlet was a forerunner of the edition of 18io, described in Coues's
Pike's Expedition. Reproduction made from an original in the personal
library of Mr. Wilberforce Eames.
Title-page of the First Edition of Pike's Account of
his Expedition 359
From an original copy in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Autograph of Charles Pinckney 363
From letter dated March 23, 1802, in the New York Public Library.
Portrait of George Clinton .. 365
From oil portrait in Old South Meeting House, Boston.



A Campaign Circular in Support of Morgan Lewis
for Governor of New York 367
From collection of the New York Public Library.
A New York Election Broadside of the Campaign
of 1804 368
From collection of the New York Public Library.
A passage in it reflecting on Aaron Burr was used by him as ground for
his challenge to Alexander Hamilton.
Tablet which Marked the Spot where Hamilton
fell in his Duel with Burr 369
This tablet formed part of a monument erected by the Saint Andrew's
Society in 1806 and, on account of public feeling against duelling, destroyed
about x820. The slab was found in 1833, and passed into the hands of
James Gore King who owned the property where the monument stood. It
remained in the King family until 19oo when it was presented to the New
York Historical Society by Mrs. John King Van Rensselaer.
Aaron Burr (Portrait and Autograph) 369
Portrait from original painting by John Vanderlyn in collection of the
New York Historical Society. Autograph from a letter dated October 21,
1806, in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Portrait of DeWitt Clinton .. 370
From painting by Jarvis in collection of the New York Historical Society.
John Marshall's Country Residence 372
From painting owned by Mr. Thomas Marshall Smith.
Silhouette of John Randolph 373
Drawn in 1830, by William Henry Brown. From collection of the Penn-
sylvania Historical Society.
Passport to a New York Ship signed by President
Jefferson, dated June 15, i808 379
From original in the Library of Congress.
Letter by Albert Gallatin respecting a Seaman
claimed to be a Deserter from a British Frigate 381
From original in the Library of Congress.
Notice of Draft for Payment of Claim of One John
Peters 384
From original in the Library of Congress.
Letter by Commodore John Rodgers to Lieutenant
David Porter ordering him to Malta to obtain
Bread for the United States Squadron at Syra-
cuse 391
From original in the Library of Congress.
Autograph of William Pinkney 392
From a letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).



Broadside Announcing Success of Monroe's Nego-
tiations with England
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
First Page of Washington's Farewell Address


between 406 and 407
Last Page of Washington's Farewell Address
between 426 and 427
This address, in Washington's own handwriting, is written on thirty-two
pages of letter paper (size 7 x 9 inches) sewed together and tied at back
with a pale blue ribbon. One thousand and eighty-six lines with one
hundred and seventy-four erased lines constitute the address. It was
first published in the Philadelphia Daily Advertiser (September 19, 1796),
nearly six months before Washington's term of office expired. The pro-
prietor of the Daily Advertiser, Mr. David C. Claypoole, had received it
for publication and was permitted to retain it afterwards. At an auction
sale of his estate, Mr. James Lenox purchased the manuscript for
$2,ooo.oo and in due time it passed into the Lenox Branch of the New
York Public Library. It is preserved in a dark leather framed case,
under lock and key, the opening and closing pages showing through the
beveled glass front.

A History of the United States
and Its People





HE constitution, as completed by the convention The Old
and accompanied by a letter from Washington Congress and
as its presiding officer, was at once laid before Constitution
the congress of the confederation, then sitting in New
York; its reception was not enthusiastic. Richard Henry
Lee of Virginia, Nathan Dane of Massachusetts, Melanc-
ton Smith of New York, and others opposed it vigor-
ously. The adoption of the constitution would put an
end to the congress; for the congress to ask the people
of the states to ratify the document would be to ask them
to sign its death-warrant. It was also contended that the
constitution should be amended before it was submitted
for ratification. But, under the leadership of Madison
and after eight days of delay, congress, by unanimous
vote of the eleven states present, ordered the constitution September 28,
and Washington's letter to be "transmitted to the several I787
legislatures, in order to be submitted to a Convention of
Delegates in each state by the people thereof in conform-
ity to the resolves of the Convention." For the next ten
months, the constitution was under consideration in the
several states and the people were divided into Federalists
and Anti-federalists, warm friends and active opponents of
the proposed union-the first formation in America of
political parties on a truly national issue. The first con-
test came in Pennsylvania; the first victory in Delaware.
In Pennsylvania, Franklin, the president of the cor- In
monwealth, had already presented a copy of the consti- Pennsylvania

Launching the Ship

I 7 8 7 tution to the unicameral legislature and, in a brief but
September I8 pithy speech, begged for its favorable consideration. A
new election was to be held on the first Tuesday of
November and the Anti-federalists attempted to postpone
consideration of the document until a new assembly had
been chosen. But the Federalists were anxious to hasten
the event and, on the twenty-eighth of September, George
^Clymer, who had been a
delegate to the convention,
moved that a state conven-
Autograph of George Clymer tion should be called to
accept or to reject the new plan. The Anti-federalists
protested that the motion was out of order both because
previous notice had not been given and because congress
had not yet taken action, but the Federalists carried the
question by a vote of forty-three to nineteen. When the
house adjourned for dinner, the nineteen met and pledged
themselves to defeat the attempt to call a convention in
the only way then possible to do so. When the house
was again called to order, it was found that there was
no quorum present and an adjournment until the next
day was necessary. In the morning, a mob broke into
the lodgings of two of the Anti-federalists and dragged
them, struggling and cursing, to the state-house and
The Quorum there held them in their seats. A quorum being thus
obtained, the house ordered the election of a state con-
vention to meet at Philadelphia on the twentieth of
The The campaign was bitter and, in some respects,
Pennvania picturesque. "Cincinnatus," "Brutus," "Biscayanus,"
campaign "Homespun," "Tar and Feathers," and other writers
deluged Pennsylvania with pamphlets and newspaper
articles. Sixteen members of the legislature who had
September 29 withdrawn to break the quorum issued an address that
brought upon them the wrath of the friends of the con-
stitution. The Anti-federalists made much of the fact
that there had been disagreement in the convention and
loudly affirmed that the new government tended to
aristocracy, contained no bill of rights, provided for .a

Launching the Ship 3

standing army and for custom-house officers, made no I 7 8 7
provision for annual elections, and would destroy the
sovereignty of the states. The Federalist reply was that
a strong government was needed and that if the constitu-
tion was rejected anarchy would follow. In a great meet-
ing held at the state-house, Wilson defended the consti-
tution in a speech remarkable for strength of argument
and dignity of language. When the Federalists pointed
to Hamilton, Franklin, and Washington and asked:
"Would such men as these advise a course that would
result in tyranny ?" the Anti-federalists declared they were
not "to be misled by the glamour of great names. They
had seen names as great as any at the foot of the consti-
tution subscribed to the present reprobated Articles of
Confederation." As for Franklin, he was too old; Ham-
ilton too young. One writer, "Centinel," even went so
far as to assert that "to talk of the wisdom of the Great
Commander and the Great Philosopher was to talk
nonsense; for Washington was a fool from nature, and
Franklin a fool from age."
At the election, the Federalists carried most of the older A Federalist
settled districts, including Philadelphia; the Anti-federal- victory
ists won in the newer districts where "the somewhat law-
less population looked askance at any plan that savored
of a stronger government and a more regular collection
of revenue." On the twentieth of November, the
convention assembled at the state-house. Wilson and
McKean led the Federalist majority;, Whitehill, Findley,
and Smilie the Anti-
federalist minority. To
gain time, the minority Autograph of James Wilson
spent days "in discussing the meaning of words with
which every member on the floor was as familiar as with
his own name," insisted upon more than a dozen amend-
ments, and urged an adjournment in order that the
people might consider the matter. The Federalists, how-
ever, insisted upon their program and, on the twelfth of
December, the convention ratified the constitution by a
vote of forty-six to twenty-three-the occasion of great

4 Launching the Ship

I 7 8 7 rejoicing. The supreme council, the convention, and the
faculty of the university went in procession to the court-
house where the ratification was read to the assembled
throng. Bells were rung, cannons were fired, the mem-
bers of the convention dined at Epple's tavern, and there
were other demonstrations.
A Quartet While the Pennsylvania convention was still debating,
December 6 a Delaware convention had assembled at Dover. Thanks
to the concession of equal representation in the senate,
there was little opposition and, on the second day, the
convention ratified the constitution unanimously. Eleven
days later, the New Jersey convention acted with similar
unanimity, as did that of Georgia on the second of
January 9, January. A week later, Connecticut ratified the articles
1788 by the decisive vote of one hundred and twenty-eight

Massachusetts ,. :

SPb.o....n'. ru .s
0 0 t'N V E N T I "14

L E T T E.,R


-' f... a. su..6 ,.

Title-page of Richard Henry Lee's
Pamphlet, Letters from the
Federal Farmer

to forty.
Five states had thus
announced their intention
of living under the "New
Roof," but the real strug-
gle was yet to come. It
was probable that with-
out the adhesion of Mas-
sachusetts, Virginia, and
even the less populous
and powerful New York,
the new government
would fail, and in all
three there was bitter
opposition. In Massa-
chusetts, the commercial
and professional classes
were, in general, favor-
able to the constitution.
Knox wrote that "the
people of Boston are in
raptures with it as it is,
but would have liked it
still better if it had been

Launching the Ship 5

higher toned," but many in the back districts, the advo- 1 7 8 8
cates of fiat money, and the supporters of the Shays
movement aligned themselves against the new system.
Pamphlets, such as Richard Henry Lee's Letters of the
Federal Farmer, and many newspaper articles were scat-
tered broadcast by the Anti-federalists. Elbridge Gerry,
who, as a member of the convention at Philadelphia, had
refused to sign the constitution, addressed to the general
court a letter of objection because the document did not
contain a bill of rights and was defective in other respects.
"The constitution proposed," said he, "has few, if any
federal features, but is rather a system of national govern-
ment." Other writers objected to the power given to
congress to tax imports, to the annihilation of the confed-
eration, and to the right of congress to maintain a standing
army in time of peace, while still others indulged in heated
declamation and appeals to class prejudices. To these,
the clauses forbidding the states to impair the obligations
of contracts and to issue paper money were particularly
obnoxious, and the old hostility to the people of Boston
and to lawyers flamed up afresh. The supporters of
the constitution were declared to be generally members
"of the NOBLE order of C[incin-
natu]s," holders of securities, bankers,
and lawyers.
When the convention assembled, the John Hancock
Federalist leaders saw that unless they
could win over some of the dele-
gates who were open to convic-
tion the constitution would be
rejected. Especial efforts were
made to convert John Hancock
and Samuel Adams, without whose
assistance success would be almost
impossible. Hancock was chosen
chairman of the convention, but
he remained at home for some
time fighting "an attack of gout
which some of his friends thought John Hancock's Coat of Arms

6 Launching the Ship

I 7 8 8 would disappear as soon as a majority was shown on
either side of the difficult question." It was whispered
to him that, if he would declare for the new govern-
ment, Bowdoin's friends would support him for
reelection as governor. He was also flattered by the
suggestion that he would probably be chosen vice-
president and that, if Virginia remained out of the
union, he would doubtless be chosen president. As
will be seen later, these influences were not without
Sam Adams From the first, Adams was inclined to be hostile
to the plan, but he was not an open Anti-federalist.
"I stumble at the threshold," he wrote to Richard
Henry Lee in December. "I meet with a national
government, instead of a federal union of sovereign
states." For the first two weeks of the convention,
he listened but did not speak. Later, a great crowd
of shipwrights, brass-founders, and other workingmen
held a meeting at the Green Dragon tavern, passed
strong Federalist resolutions, and appointed a com-
mittee of which Paul Revere was one to present the aJohned
resolutions to Adams. When the great popular leader Hancock
had read the paper, he asked
Revere: "How many mechanics
were at the Green Dragon when
these resolutions were passed ?"
More, sir," replied Revere,"than
the Green Dragon could hold."
"And where were the rest,
Mr. Revere ?" "In the
streets, sir." "And how
many were in the streets?"
"More, sir, than there are
stars in the sky." Believing
that the voice of the people is
the voice of God and perhaps influ-
enced by other motives, Adams
Copper Tea-kettlemade byPaul became a firm supporter of the
Revere and once owned byconstitution.
John Hancock constitution.

Launching the Ship 7

In the convention, the constitution was considered sec- I 7 8 8
tion by section with anxious care. Many delegates looked Objections
with suspicion on the provision that the representatives
should hold office for two years. There was a strong
belief that "where annual elections end tyranny begins"
and it was feared that congress might set itself up as a
perpetual oligarchy. The provision that the federal gov-
ernment should have absolute control over the ten-mile-
square district that was to be set aside for the capital
caused uneasiness and the power to maintain a standing
army aroused opposition. "Had I the voice of Jove,"
declared a delegate from the Maine district, "I would
proclaim it throughout the world; had I an arm like
Jove, I would hurl from the globe those villains that
would dare attempt to establish in our country a standing
army!" The failure of the constitution to recognize the
existence of God or to provide religious tests for office
troubled some of the country members more than it did
the ministers of whom there were more than a score.
"Human tribunals for the consciences of men," said the
Reverend Philip Payson of Chelsea, "are injurious en-
croachments upon the prerogatives of God. A religious
test would have been a great blemish." "Religion is
ever a matter between God and the individual," said
another minister; "the imposing of religious tests hath
been the greatest engine of tyranny in the world." The
power of congress to regulate federal elections and the
compromise regarding the slave-trade were among the
other provisions that were fiercely attacked.
On the twenty-first of January, the Boston Gazette Outside
charged that large sums of money had been brought from Influences
a neighboring state for the purpose of bribing delegates
to vote for the constitution and hinted that there might
be "collections for the same accursed purpose nearer
home." Whether or not there was any truth in the
charge is uncertain, but it is known that the contest in
Massachusetts had excited eager interest beyond her
borders, for the action of Massachusetts would influence
powerfully the result in New York, New Hampshire, and

8 Launching the Ship

1 7 8 8 other states. Richard Henry Lee wrote to Gerry urging
Massachusetts not to adopt the constitution without in-
sisting upon amendments and proposed a new federal
convention for that purpose. Lee's advice was counter-
balanced by a letter from Washington in which he said:
"I am fully persuaded that it [the constitu-
tion] or disunion are before us to chuse from. If the
first is our election, a constitutional door is opened for
amendments, and may be adopted in a peaceable manner
without tumult or disorder." Washington's letter was
published in a Boston paper and bore good fruit.
Ratification The most serious objection to the constitution was that
it did not contain a bill of rights guaranteeing religious
liberty, freedom of speech and of the press, and other
fundamentals. It was now suggested that the constitu-
tion should be ratified and the ratification accompanied
with a request for a bill of rights. Through the shrewd
management of the Federalist leaders, the plan was pro-
posed by Hancock; Samuel Adams supported it; and,
on the sixth of February, Massachusetts ratified the con-
stitution by a vote of one hundred and eighty-seven to
one hundred and sixty-eight. The large minority patriot-
ically acquiesced; not a murmur was heard.
In New The New Hampshire convention assembled at Exeter
Hampshire in February. A majority of the delegates were opposed
to the constitution and, though some of them were won
over, they were fettered by instructions from their towns.
That they might have opportunity to consult their con-
stituents and for other reasons, the convention adjourned
In Maryland until June. The Maryland convention met at Annapolis
on the twenty-first of April. Some of the Anti-federalists
in Virginia had held out a substitute plan for a southern
confederacy, but their efforts were more than neutralized
by the exertions of Washington and Madison. In the
convention, Luther Martin, Samuel Chase, and others
fought ratification vigorously but, after a session of five
days, they were decisively beaten by a vote of sixty-three
In South to eleven. The contest in South Carolina was more pro-
carolina longed. In this state, Rawlins Lowndes, speaking in the

Launching the Ship

legislature, denounced the constitution because it gave I 7 8 8
congress power to abolish slavery and because of other January
alleged defects. He described the articles of confederation
as "a most excellent constitution,-a blessing from
heaven," that should not be lightly cast away. In the
election of delegates, the up-country showed itself Anti-
federalist, but the general result was in favor of the con-
stitution. After a session of eleven days, the convention
ratified the new plan by a vote of one hundred and forty- May 23
nine to seventy-three.
Eight states had now ratified the constitution. Could In Virginia
the needed ninth be secured ? The next contest was in
Virginia, where, as in Massachusetts, the parties were
evenly matched. At the head of the Anti-federalists stood
Patrick Henry who, in the first continental congress had
exclaimed "I am not a Virginian, I am an American!"
But Henry now was all aglow with the idea of a southern
confederacy, and he was aided by Mason, Richard Henry
Lee, Grayson, Benjamin Harrison, John Tyler, and
James Monroe. "The madness of Mason and the enmity
of the Lee faction to General Washington" were named
by Oliver Ellsworth as the chief causes of opposition, but
there was more than "personal pique and mean-minded
jealousy: the spirit of local pride and the fear for personal
liberty were easily aroused in Virginia;" her western sec-
tions were already excited over the possibility of allowing
Spain to close the lower Mississippi upon which her
Kentucky lay, while others feared the commercial power
of New England.
The leader of the Federalists in the convention was Madison and
Madison. In the long debates he displayed unfailing tact Marshall
and readiness and, "at one moment crushed, at another
conciliated his opponent, but always won the day." He
was ably assisted by a tall and gaunt young man, John
Marshall, only thirty-two years of age but already one of
the first lawyers in Virginia, by Governor Randolph who
had been won over from the other side, and by young
"Light Horse Harry" Lee. Washington, although not a
member of the convention, rendered invaluable aid.

Io Launching the Ship

I 7 8 8 The convention assembled at Richmond on the second
A Narrow of June. From the first, Henry's attitude was very
Margin aggressive. He demanded an investigation of the action
of the Virginia delegates at Philadelphia: "Even from
that illustrious man who saved us by his valor, I would
have a reason for his conduct." He and Mason both
declared that the constitution set up a national govern-
ment and deprived the states of sovereignty. Madison
replied that the new government was neither a mere
confederation nor a thoroughly consolidated government.
"It stands by itself. In some respects, it is a government
of a federal nature; in others, it is of a consolidated
nature." This explanation by no means satisfied the
Anti-federalists some of whom indulged in violent decla-
mation. At last, the vote was taken and the Federalists
June z5 won by a vote of eighty-nine to seventy-nine. As in
Massachusetts, the convention accompanied the ratifica-
tion with a request for a bill of rights and numerous
other amendments.
Rejoicing and While the Virginia convention was debating, the New
Anger Hampshire convention reconvened on the fourteenth anni-
versary of the battle of Bunker Hill and, after a four
days' session, won for that state the honor of being the
June 21 ninth to ratify the constitution. The vote stood fifty-
seven to forty-six. Nevertheless, the result in the Old
Dominion was of great importance. Virginia was the
most populous of all the states, and the new system
needed the services of Washington, Jefferson, Madison,
and other statesmen of that commonwealth. With both
New Hampshire and Virginia under the "New Roof,"
people felt that success was assured and the Federalists
celebrated the Fourth of July with much rejoicing. At
Philadelphia, there was a long procession in which were
the "Federal Roof" supported by thirteen columns three
of which were unfinished, and the "Ship of State" the
bottom of which was made of the barge that John Paul
Jones took from the "Serapis." It was proclaimed that
the old scow "Confederacy; Imbecility, master," had
foundered at sea and that the sloop "Anarchy" had gone

k King of

Papa's Ict-

g up Ave

t1 a paper

p money to


i. .2 tale
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Bay, Ja-


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would have
his fubjects,
and even to-
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his domni-
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im, they ha-
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ne iLirt and
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kept cairria-
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if the Royal
given tnat
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-ench thaa-
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S j i frank!y!acknowlede toy .~,7 y onvision 7
oer .h. le sd .. or-a'i.' ,' ee li y before you the ralfr.s on which
I fn,,,J. The coutioufnefs of good inten.
The F CE I E RALIS T. N I : : ia uite. I IhIll not hwevermmlti.
f+ .ions on thil s;.:ad. My motives Jul .- "
To the PeopleOf the State of New-Yo'.. My motives siut. .t.
:Tl the depofitary ofw7y own breatal; My argil.- NC
AF c ER an unq':iv AlF rER an uneq :icalxperienr of the ;.: he open to all, and may he'ji Igeof hy
cacy of thle lu>liilti. F e lral Govrrnment, yuu 1ie_, l. ly 'iii flali at lelf lie offered in a fpirit, which
railced Ipon to dehiieare ,e n i a n-e. (,... ,ilu,.r, tor di.ace the caufe of truth.
the Uniited ates p f A:oeri.a. The i ji t I,'*es. .cpic; in a series of papers. to difcul "the per
ilsowni|poance;Com rethend'i!.gini onftquen- ..; interellins paiticulars-'le slitility o it rive
res, r.:ohin: iefs than the rxitence of the UNION,- ','[ o uyar poal tica! -aperit-Tli infujicieacy Han
thei, fc;y ani wlAre ot'ftie pirtsofwhichit is com. i h r pr,'nt' Costdration to preitrve that Union- Iron
pisld, rh..s ate of an empire, io many refpe:ts, the t ,r rrfiy of a government at !.ij l eqsallj energert i :
molt inter c.i c g in the world. It has beei reqsunt. i tl on prosjrid to the attainnet of trbii ob- a q
l leislkedl tear it feens to h.lve been re!fervpd to m e cofirmityofthb prapofed csnflitutien to the
tire Ip:Ge c! t;his cc untry, by their condult and e. cips republican goernmtet-lts analogv
.rn s, to decide the biwlrtant quefl;on, whether f.- ,' pru'iw fat cflati-ad laftlv ,Theaddpt
i-ien of ; men are really cap|abe or not, of ttablih .acurit. O teich its adotl dwill laford te tOde
,n gtod oigo'erinr.ent from refction and cleihe, ,r c' atioofrtbay, fciet o"f govrinllf i to lib rt
wiet;cr they are forever declined to depend, for their t 10 n y
political canit::Wions,, naccident.ndforce. If thee a .hall enpa rtV.aour
,be any truth in the semirk, the crifs, at which we in thr p "rofgre of li n I fall en eaviour
Itre airie.f, mnay with propriety be regarded as tr4 g tgive a fattsfa-ory anfwer to all the ojte&ions
z a in whlih t *t decfion is to lie made and a wsong hich Ihall have made their appearance that may feem r
cl:lton of te part we hill ai, may. in this view;, to have any claim to your attention.
d1 irve to becenfidcred .. the general maisiortune of : It may perhaps he 'thoht firpefltous to offer ar-
tnuakiled. i -E; imnts0to prove the utility of the UNION. a point, ".
This idec will add the inducements of philanthrot %l '7i doubt, deeply *nmraved on the heart of the great
to.. reofpatrdotifintoeighten thefollicitude, which holyof i.e poi ;.n evety fate, and one which it 1
.i11 tonfirdrate and good men n ult feel for the eveit. nra be im inc.l has no adverfries. But the fal. i, V
Happy will it he if our choice Ihould be de. that wes lraly liear it welifpered in the private tcr- M
cided by a judici,.us ellisate of our true inftercls, des-f thufe who oppose the new conftitntion, that B
unperplexed and nuhiafied by coonfderatioaton aot.aA. the Thirteent States are of too great extent for any ge.
need with the public ood. But this isa thing more ,neal fyftem, ,nd-that we mlit of necetiy refirt to f
ardently' to he wished, than feriouly to ine exlpetd. Iperate confederacies of diltint1 po0ioos of the D
I he pln offered to our deliberations, a..fes too na.. I whole This doctrine will, in all pbrobaiity, he
:y rarticuhlar intr-eils, innovate o:oWn tpomas pytD.lc Igradually propagated. till it has votaries enotgn to
.4tl tutions, not to invote inr its dfutlion ia watri countenance an opeo avowal of it. For nothing ean
of oijeC foreign to its muerjs, and of vieq, pawli- e more evident, to tofe .wh ar le to take an n,
M anndwiiju-.s es lflic fia*urabie to the iv t, d i ft l t a

y ai r .nnnusuw einor i power, en1C i.u... r| acCodinfly e lts t M!
c.infeqcence of the offeir trhoy hold tindrr t'ie Sate- rj L
cttablifhments-aid .he lerve't d anb.i.-n of G.rbher' "" PUSLIUS.
clai of nen, who rtill ei:hcr hope to a.-Jtgnjie .
rhemfelves by the cinfufions uf their cotintry,ir will 4T fame du a, tW% lrri t ar'Weeas t to thrir
flatter themselves with tairer profpeas of elevation' crtu 'rqnceet- ir d ed o tl rr 'qf ir ti e fla pli.
trom the fuldivilion of the empire into ftveral par.- : tios agaitjgifrtrWAt inor il.
tial confederaies, than from its uiniha surder one go- --- -
vajnment. Lalf night arrived hits Britannic Majefty's
It is not. however, my deign to dwel upon ohfer- Pack t the Anrriope, CaprjanCurris, in 46 days
vationsof this nature. [am well awar; that it would I om f ilmJ ith-but the letters could nJo he de-
he disingenuous to resolve indicriminately the ippo- I, slivered early eiol- t fr to tagod oJr readers

.o'pulition which has made ihs apprranct,'i or may Id; fome .iy. tey ive likely to be compro-
ierelfter make its appearance, will firing from ifour- tize, and that eace will a n regime her
res, blatiolels at lealt. if ot refpcirtabl., the ho f in t e ite Provioc
errors of minds led altra y yproceiv ia in tr GTeSthe Ho

menti that we upo l mainy lcc f .on.f, fee wilfe antd 1g -, .-it ai in i
me n on the wong as web al on the right a rv f I I; B ritatsic arjey's aketob Heal/tfa
.Iluefton. nf the rlt memrnitude to e society. Ir Ca llnr r .t A)l l oti.Yvel fai"t" wifth.h,
i. afthlldanr e. Lpdupy ti n lhled to, w i 1 e hll ..o.- an p* i l r. "p a_ l ag ai n
an Im deratip, I ui.Ie. li, h .srtes to r mu r .ir
.led cfp.s ,r hi irs. -fiIn tlie i. 1s i *,.., -. i-e'. ,
And fa utre or .n um o u i l r p i. H RDIE

tri r cs 1; puri ,- *,(r. ii.hn he :r.s dinztt I s. i i Infoirms his frirtiJ and
t I Lsi hic_4 hj' lll ,ll nnir a lll hb t iithiejnl I '
., n...i ms..yother oattre, ncr mnaor.' Indae than *. *%rr*. ro a l.ar.e and cgm-
iCrl .*n apt o pers as wri* llt Iun Imteri o fe ah i- ., f :r. 3 i : iI ur to ith MV I h'-Jirl Charch
p r, a u ih t ho oppose ite r t,. 1e or a i .. -I- he r he tll c l.a.iue o10 e..c
is r.a I there 'or eve ln trnl I .lihe.srr. s ta (hci Ek L. If La*;. aesI 8
rl a,.;lpri..l ir,, t i ssi. 1 h mr .t1,1x1,e 0 hi n *- ,
in.Ir it.pli sr, wittll LI ." re I sus re r 1e

s ile i Ie lle... ir.s I n:h rar..rely be ,- c, s ,in -, .2 -D rd
AnBi ll ntrr rr iil ihfe tear lir. tni i'n ll her t'.I .1
:wad rn li. e si .- '- a.l ull.eu nd car.o L I I -E.L d ll lD
ri..l it il hr, `in l, I ti' a.. lu i r tes fD
Srentl sstonal t.l.ulir tn ronrnIt ol .n ry antl il.. L E I ITOP E,
inl.r.'t paffionus will he lei li- I. Ts. -dile lina tshe
n 9 dlaof lhe ppo.ireparui.rt e U hte led Ion- Lr ocr'pied liy Mr. lAc-.a S .r y,s l
l.ude, h3 r d .i lltMafil -oliv por, ineduIejud. 1 \* *i. b cre I. l Z..-.- .. l and l .an ro '
PI sla Of ih ir l B Riiad.% ,icII e- th.naml r.f rar' f ,'..r., s. -w a
l i ai fu itt i lanhe Ins ep l te ftir dci imt ern ,a
M i byt l ~e ro(f heir inneAirele. An rnlighl-r ,.., s
e It Mlli theg -o.de .-: -V. r:h.cy ;d Rgocrman 0 T1N e Lnta N rri
si. h'a.inail., as the oT lprumg of i temper ft e.
'l I +illlmclealp I.wat i lt, me, e.i lli% lea o .- 'li ne% ,
hen). a jiiuul. i a u .1 I r i.i- "nso he" .
rightner i e prop, which a maor rw.esa nl the -.AS re ited. by the I.nJ1s,n P .kHr. Cfap.
.tM tli tlea thiian of she haresi i tull e repr;n-. o 1 lles. intl arrild Ir 'n England, ali af. c
Atd a. nar i p ller-nce anrl -rtli ti, ( bsit t hmrmn; of the i e invcnieJ

cowceaities eof vie.i llfa ,. ad tiha % he noble siub-
hrafof .lilU.s ioj 1 s le i.caa! rl n ii t' ol' ;int, wr.rXSL an d imad.v:sly aJiated
t arn (ircal atarlt. O.r (loue to G tElr-nen's wei, in rh; winter Icfon.
i .i l, Ia cfir,- gcn IFI r4YRIn A r O 6, ,
... ifb".a ittli'e a onri t M f r0a._ '" I .'6' 0
eicglinsta of o fwmnd and well inAr. pIjp-ani _-
*"nwh aef er '' DANCIN G
a itneat-apbttinRS NoUMBR OFTHd to cRA ," 1 SE .
lfyderithee.a hde yitfippranZ alrlot Mi R. PIC KF.N begfi leae to infwim the
4istste"faNciEe ergceranntT. OU LadLes amN Gernllrent of NRA -York,
's atpoir he a bn fnada pened his SC !> OL. at the Ciy
n titasADVl E S of 67iO O PE 7 W no, B872.WaV, i oe he iec
An-ro aoriifioe E tilitir sto merica le Aprobaiot

r ij)llesesop rc s fmN lcteoby the rkls) of 1si oC ap -.

W~ up y y^ Pas&.elt-ioand r^as 1 w dh LlS .bah. W the lt rnti of is
: jj >, I ta nl (e h o hrcay rt a t Credsrm, -I
toa gesohut lqell vi love. -iJ e n. tlt.et 'mhe rnobles.
Of adiviflir "A:ef ofrii Ta lk. OF a"e I ll in. ch. u-i"r Ia

'i lt-It. ypnr d n J aa.uha, hMa 6 ELLLi

l& ,.i ,, >^. ^'- 'a' '"** -* *

(From original in collection of the New York Historical Society)
-fvlw Il" eenllulda l" ,. hil'lpen:4hisS !1U L.attheCk


ciii b

r 4~

,nJ Iii
,aij OA1



13 u

0 N





V rill
D 1ir

Launching the Ship 11

ashore on Union Rocks. Philadelphia had an especial I 7 8 7
interest in the event; she expected to become the national I 7 8 8
capital. At Providence, there were a Federalist barbecue,
an Anti-federalist attempt to break it up, and almost a
riot. At Albany, the Anti-federalists burned the consti-
tution, but the Federalists hoisted another copy on a pole
raised on the spot where the first had been burned. A
conflict between the two factions followed in which some
blood was shed.
Meanwhile, the struggle in New York was virulent. In New York
Governor George Clinton and his powerful following were
bitterly opposed to the new system and, at first, had a
majority of the people. Although not then the Empire
State, New York extended from the ocean to the lakes
and cut in twain the Union that was now assured. The
feeling that the state was necessary was so keen that it
was seriously proposed that, if she did not come in peace-
ably, she be conquered and dragged in. Face to face
and foot to foot with Clinton stood Alexander Hamilton
backed by such men as Chancellor Livingston and John
Jay. In the preceding fall, Hamilton had conceived the
idea of explaining the new system to the people in a
series of essays and secured the assistance of Madison
and Jay. Of the eighty-five numbers, Jay wrote five, The
Madison twenty-nine, and Hamilton fifty-one; collect- Federalit
ively, the papers are called The Federalist. They were
published in the newspapers at intervals during the period
from October to August. Although their immediate
influence was not as great as some have supposed, The
Federalist still stands as the best commentary on the
constitution and as one of the most profound treatises on
government ever written.
The convention assembled at Poughkeepsie on the The
seventeenth of June with a majority of the delegates convention
hostile to the constitution. The contest was long and
bitter, but Hamilton's eloquence and the news from New
Hampshire and Virginia worked wonders. Melancton
Smith, one of the leaders of the Clinton party and one of
the foremost debaters in the country, turned Federalist

12 Launching the Ship

I 7 8 8 and, on the twenty-sixth of July, by a vote of thirty to
twenty-seven, New York ratified the constitution. It was
SHamilton's tre-
mendous triumph
and, in the subse-
Autograph of Melancton Smith quent rejoicings
the emblematic ship of state was drawn through the
streets with his name emblazoned on her side. Before
the vote was taken, however, the convention "clogged its
acceptance" by adopting a resolution to the effect that a
circular letter should be prepared and sent to the legis-
latures of the various states recommending a general con-
vention. There was less to fear from such a call than
there was from New York's rejection of the constitution.
Rhode Island All of the states were now under the "New Roof"
and Noth except North Carolina and Rhode Island. The North
Carolina convention assembled on the twenty-first of
July, but, influenced largely by Jefferson's desire that
nine states should ratify and the others hold aloof until
August 2 amendments had been adopted, adjourned without defi-
nite action. In Rhode Island, which was said to be "in
no condition to do anything wise," the constitution was
printed and distributed by order of the legislature. As
directed by that body, the town-meetings met on the
fourth of March to consider the constitution, but the
Federalists generally abstained from voting and the result
stood two thousand seven hundred and eight against
adoption and only two hundred and thirty-seven for it.
The new government under the constitution was put into
operation with these two states "out in the cold," but,
not long thereafter, both of the laggard members took
their places in the family circle, as will be set forth more
fully in succeeding chapters.
The But the backwardness of North Carolina and Rhode
New Life Island was of little real importance. Eleven states had
adopted the constitution as the supreme law of the land.
All that remained was to elect and install the officers who
were to make the great experiment a concrete actuality.
The consummation and justification of the Revolution

Launching the Ship 13

were at hand. At times, the outlook had been dark, but I 7 8 8
the good sense of the American people and the training
of the colonial school for self-government had triumphed.
All sodden yesterday were sea and sky;
A rood, perhaps, beyond the strand-not more-
The straining eye could dimly pierce. The roar
Of reefs unseen died in a sullen sigh.
Crept shuddering back ships that would blasts defy;
In shrouds close, wet, and chill they hugged the shore,
While momently, that waste of waters o'er
The deep-mouthed fog-horn poured a moaning cry.
To-day, the merry Morn, with glorious flight,
Wheels up the jocund East, and gilds the deep.
The ships of yesterday, aglow with light,
Crowd on full sail, and seaward lordly sweep;
And I, I gaze with glad but baffled sight,
That from such boding gloom such life can leap.

O 7

\rR.., .f the United Stales, correctly Emblo.:.ned

I r-__ Y--I3----



Presidential N the second of July, 1788, the president of the
Electors continental congress announced to that body
n that nine states had ratified the constitution
and suggested that steps be taken to put the new
government into operation. After some delay, congress
Sy e U S i nres named the first Wed-
By the United States Congrefs nesday of January,
affembled, 1789, for the choice of
sEPTEMtt 'ts presidential electors in
SW HEREAS theConvention alembled in'Philadelphia, the several states, the
purfuant to the Refolution of Congrefs of the 2it
S February, 1787, did,onthel7thofbeptemlberinthe first Wednesday in
fame year, report to the United States in Congrefs
tlitembled, a Conflitution for the People of the United States; February for the meet-
Whereupon Congre, on the 2ath of the fame September, did re-
rolvenanimoin ly, That the faid report, with the Refolutios 1ing of the electors to
and Letter accompanying the fame, be tranfinitted to the several
Legillatumre in order to he fumitted to a ConventionofDelegat.es choose a president and

T ir,e he ,,lr= .-, I' i e C l ~% .rL.. 1 I b' r..r e L .... ...... a '
c.- re,.,r.i..l,,,ie. l. .. ..T, I.,II..r IIe. iII .... ia,. first W wednesday in
mIni iaT"cr t. lr cd.<.i *ertulf..c. lorirfibihar (f arne slub dayI% in
i l, I... ,.a i, I. 1,,1 .....i ..i, t .i.htI 11..I,,:J lh. bhe t. M arch "for com m enc-
r...i., ,cs ,', r.... d l, soh o l.,, SCr ', ing the proceedings
fSOdLVE TI...., ..1 w V. diin ..7so under the said consti-
.uihrast ,lr'ap.tld i...e-i.i.r, ar., ciires iir. Y tuition In some
r' rCthe la~d ,yi ll.lb .erl,,fil.rii dsCt'Ll rld t ,r ; r..rabr l
Whe.riayinFebrp.ry nesmt ,he Jr.y flotrise Le. states the election was
l ofj ur oyr.e Smatmu ri .oe fr s Prldcen, mwu'
frl W t., iy rn Mah r.l,. ...i..-e, a.ol ,L by direct vote of the
f AA pl~e Pe r, .,..-,.m P.,>sld(.ur, J
""a; Lra e se ,. people; in others, by
January 7 ;' the legislatures, either
Continental Congress Broadside appointing the by joint ballot or by
Day for Electors to vote for the first
President under the new concurrent v ote of
Constitution b o t h branches; in

Setting Sail I5

Massachusetts, two electors were chosen at large by the I 7 8 9
people and eight more were selected by the legislature
from a list of twenty-four sent up by the eight congressional
districts. In New York, owing to a quarrel between the
senate and the assembly, the Federalists predominating
in the former and the Anti-federalists in the latter, there
was no choice of electors; during a great part of the period
of the first congress, the state was not represented on the
floor of the upper house.
On the appointed day, the electors met in their respec- First in Peace
tive states as the constitution provided and each cast two
votes. Their choice for president was a foregone con-
clusion. There were many who had rendered great serv-
ices both in field and in council-chamber and whose
names were held in high esteem throughout the country,
but there was one who towered above all the rest as a
mountain towers above its foothills. During the contest
for ratification, one of the most effective arguments for
allaying the fears entertained by many had been that he
would be at the head of the new government. Although
it was known that he was averse to reentering public
life, every one of the sixty-nine electors cast one of his February 4
votes for George Washington to be the first president of
the United States. Never but once since then has there
been such unanimity.
The selection of a vice-president had been a matter of The
uncertainty. Samuel Adams, the "Father of the Revb- ice-presi-
lution," might have been awarded the prize had it not
been for his hesitation regarding the adoption of the con-
stitution. The same objection, as well as others, applied
to John Hancock. But many felt that, as the president
was to be from the South, the vice-president ought to be
a New Englander, and the most available man seemed
to be John Adams, the "Atlas of Independence." Adams
had just returned from his weary and almost fruitless
mission to the court of Saint James. He was a man of
great ability, but vain, irascible, and lacking in tact.
Furthermore, it was feared by many that while abroad
he had imbibed monarchical notions, a fear that was

16 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 strengthened by the fact that, in a dull book called a
Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the
United States of America, he
had seemed to express the
opinion that "the rich, the
well-born, and the able"
ought to have the chief share
in government. The New
York Anti-federalists pushed
George Clinton for the place,
but the chief leader of the
opposition to Adams was
Alexander Hamilton. He af-
fected great alarm lest Wash-
ington might receive fewer
votes than Adams and that
the latter might thus become

president. He even sent a
special messenger to the
Connecticut electors warn-
ing them of the pretended
danger and, to the same end,
exercised his influence over
the electors of New Jersey.
As a result, Adams lost two
votes in Connecticut, five in
New Jersey, and doubtless
others in other states. He
was, however, elected, by a
plurality vote of thirty-four
out of a total of sixty-nine.
His nearest competitors were
John Jay of New York who


,r rti,-

OF 7 n r



L 0 N D V T'
T i INt-pa f 1g T .JIL LY. 1, mL POL'LI hY

Title-page of John Adams's Pamphlet

Setting Sail 17

received nine, Robert H. Harrison of Maryland who re- I 7 8 9
ceived six, John Rutledge of South Carolina who received
six, and John Hancock of Massachusetts who received four.
Hamilton's plot thus failed, but it marked the beginning
of dissensions that were later to bear bitter fruit.
The election of senators and representatives aroused The First
greater excitement than did that of president and vice- con"ess
under the
president. The manner of choosing them varied greatly Constitution
in different parts of the country. In New Jersey, for
example, some of the polls were kept open for weeks
for the selection of representatives. In Connecticut,
two elections were held; at the first, three candidates
were named, one of whom was chosen at the second.
As custom required that the successful candidate must
have a majority instead of a mere plurality, the con-
test was often protracted and much animosity aroused.
The question of whether the election of senators should
be by concurrent vote or by joint ballot provoked
contests in several states.
Most of those elected
as members of the first
congress were compara-
tively new men. In the
house, the most notable
member was Madison
who had been elected
in spite of desperate
efforts on the part of
Patrick Henry and other
Virginia Anti-federalists
to defeat him. In
Massachusetts, Samuel
Adams had been defeated
by the youthful Fisher
Ames. Elbridge Gerry Fisher Ames
was another Massachusetts representative; now that
the constitution had been adopted, he had declared
his intention of supporting it in good faith. Connecticut
sent Jonathan Trumbull and Roger Sherman; South

18 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 Carolina, (Edanus Burke and Thomas Sumter. Among
the senators were John Langdon of New Hampshire,
Robert Morris of Pennsylvania, Richard Henry Lee of
Virginia, and Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut.
The Official After much hesitation, congress had fixed upon New
Count York as the temporary capital and had set the first Wednes-
day in March, which fell upon the fourth, for the opening
of the first session of the national congress. To the pres-
ent time, each successive administration has been begun
on the fourth
o f March, a
date fixed not
by any consti-
tutional provi-
sion but by a
resolution o f
the almost de-
funct congress
Officer's Desk used in First National Congress of the confed-
in Federal Hall eration. But
at that time, in 1789, some of the members had not been
elected; others were dilatory in assembling. The roads
were bad and some of the distances to be traveled were
great. The house of representatives was not organized
until the first of April and the senate not until the sixth.
On the sixth, the senate chose John Langdon as president
"for the sole purpose of opening and counting the votes
for President of the United States." The electoral votes
were counted in joint session of the two houses and mes-
sengers were sent to inform Washington and Adams offi-
cially of the honors and duties to which they were called.
A Triumphal Just returned from a nine years' stay in Europe, Adams
March at once set out from Boston for New York. He was
escorted by a troop of horse through Massachusetts and
Connecticut and in similar manner from the state line
to New York City. Two days after he was notified of his
April 16 election, Washington set out from Mount Vernon to take
up his duties as the first chief magistrate of the United
States. At Alexandria, he was given a public dinner by

Ir :
: 1.1

';-~. *
: "'I~:"" $: ~
'-'' '' .Y

::?91.?, t\ .


ili.i .- Ge W1j~I~a..


(From a print in the Library of Congress, published in 1808)

Setting Sail 19

his friends and neighbors and in feeling words replied I 7 8 9
to the speech of the mayor-the beginning of a chorus
of praise and God-speed that rose and swelled as he

Copyright, 19oo, by Detroit Photographic Co.
Washington's Mansion at Mount Vernon
advanced. The road "was lined with people to see him
and cheer him as he passed. In every village the people
from the farm and workshop crowded the streets to watch
his carriage, and the ringing of bells and firing of guns
marked his coming and going. At Baltimore, a cavalcade
of citizens escorted him and cannons roared a welcome.
At Chester, he mounted a horse and, in the midst of a
troop of cavalry, rode into Philadelphia, beneath triumphal
arches, for a day of public rejoicing and festivity. At
Trenton, instead of snow and darkness, and a sudden
onslaught upon surprised Hessians, there were mellow
sunshine, an arch of triumph, and young girls walking
before him, strewing flowers in his path and singing songs
of praise and gratitude." At Elizabethtown Point, he
met a committee of congress and thence was rowed to April 23
New York, followed by a long procession of barges with
music and song, while the flag-bespangled ships in the
harbor fired salutes in his honor. Accompanied by Gov-
ernor Clinton and dressed in the familiar buff and blue,

T HE Committees of both Houres of Congie!,, appointed
to r k, 'order f-i con.J..-l;n the cer,.monial of Ihe formal rec ipeon, At. of rite
P.icfdcnioftheUnited State., oni I.,urila nert, ihare agreed to d.e fulloti.p order ilaeori, viz
hbat G.:niallWebb,C.lelSmlh,Lieutenani Colonel TFihLeuc.Col.Frar.kT,%.MjorL'* ...l, i
M3aorB1letcLi, apil Mr. John R. Living(lon,bt ieqicftld to firve as Aliants on theoccifion
4- r a chii-be placed in the Senast.C imbcr fur the Prefidram ni the Unitlr.
Stairs. ThA a chair be placed in de Scrate-Chainber for the Vice-Prefidenr, to she
right of rhe PrefidJT-a chair and that the Senators rake hcui irats on that fide of the
chamberorf o hlchl. te c c-Prefldent's chair (hall bepliced, That a chair be placed in
the Senacl.Ch ,ierT. e .r ti .Speakrr of the Hoi.fl oi Reprenrarive;, to the leftof the Prll.
dent', chair-and thr the Ileprefentaives tLke their feats on that fide of the chamber on whch
tire Speiker's chtir hi.ll be piiJed
I That rleaks be provided in the Senare-Chamber. fUriciet o ace mmo. lre te lare PrdXlcnt or
S'ongre~ the Governor of te h terror, the Rfie perfuns be..g the heads of the
* thne greatrdpartment, the Minuler Plrnipotraniar of France, the Lniirpedo de negocroi of
Sain, the Chaplain of Congrrl', the perluns n the lute of the P.ef.d:cni, ind alir to Mr-n.
imodate the following Public Offiker of the State, vi. TheGovcRr.,r, die Liru:cnini.Gove-.
por, the Chancellor, the Chief Jiftice, and other Judges of the SFprri...r Cou.r, inl the Ma .
orof the city. Thi at r oie uth Afllants nyaic on the grneldemen, and ,.n'iii them that leais
S areproyided.for thi accommoIdaion, and allb to finify to them that prrcedtir- of fca t i.
P intended, and that .v. I'lutarin is neperled fron them on ther enrrar, c Inr, j. d.i, dei r.
ture from the Senate-Chamber. s
That the neinmber of both Houf inafemble in thetr rtelf'r;.fe Chambersprecifely nr t~le i i
o cluck, and dint tIhe Kepirlcnraives preceded by the sptaki, and attended by their Cirrl., d4nd :
tIl.er OrUicers, proceed to ihe Senare-Chamber, Ith.lc I) b.: received by the Vice-PrelidJen and
1 Iht iiit. Comimiutce, inted the Prefiderr f.,Cm I,; refl.ene,- r., the Senate.Chamb.r, r,.l that
c. b there i.;lvedlb) the Vice-PiefiJenm, the Sruots ial Rterl.cfcntatives rising, and be by
i \ ce. ricint Lc.i.. ifte to hi chain .
I hat airer the lPre drcnit (.ll be feature. in his Chir, nJd ihr Vice.lerfc.'rar, Senatorn nd
Iteprrfentu.tes Iall be ii_-n frestl, the Vice Prcfidert Irall announce i, Ic Prefder.r, alat
rli mrnbte of borb 1 hliu i .ll .,i t.rJd h.n to be prele't .r Ii raking Ii..: 'if it ice re-
Sirqrcd by the Coitirulti,.. 'l i c ic,l lthat the Oath of Oicc m;, be. J...a.ilhred to the .-
Predett in the nmot public manner, and that the greatest number of the prjpic ot the Lnithd
Sates'~idt without diftindion, may be witnelfes to the solemnity, that il.ctiure itie OQ.ui be
a.tdinitered in the outer Gallery adjoining to the Senate Chamber.
i'hat when the Prefident (hall proceed tothe gallery to take the Oath, he be attended bethr
Vie-Prefident, andbe followed by the Chancellor of the State, and pads through tl.f middle
door, that the Senators pas through te door on the right, and the Reprefentitives, prrrece.le by
the Speaker,pafs thrmn gh the door on tie left, and fuch of the persons who hal have br. er, .iiltir-
ted into thef Senite-Chanber, and may be defirous to o the gallery, arethen .;i s to pd i
S through the dor on the right. That when the Prefident (hall have taken the Oath, and return- .
e. into the Senite-Chamber, attended by the Vice.Prelident, and hall be feared in his chair,
S that the Senators ahe the Reprefentatives alfo return into the Senate-Chamber, and that the
S ice-Prefident and they refumetheir refpetive feats.
S. Both Houfs having resolved to accompany the Prefldent after he hall have taken the Oath,
to St. Paul's Chapel, to heardivine service, to be performed by the Chaplain of Congrefs, that
the following order of procellion be obferved, viz. The door-keeper and melenger of tile
Houfe of Reprcfentatives. The Clerk of the Houfe. The Reprefentatives. The Speaker.
h.'he Prefident, with the Vice-Prefident at his left hand. The Senators. The Secretary of
the Senate. The door-keeper, and meflenger of the Senate.
That a Pew be reserved for the Prefident-Vice-Prefident-Speaker of the Houfe of Re-
prefenta:ives, and the Committees and that pews be aloreferved sufficient for the reception sh i
the Senators and Reprefentatives.
That after divine service hall be performed, the Prefident be received at the door of the
S Church, by the Commiecs, .and )b them attended in carriages to his refCdence. .
That i e intruled to the A iTitar to take proper precautions for keeping the avenues to the
Hl open, and tha for pur they wait on his Excency that preh t hie Governor of dl,, Sarr.,
nd. In the rjme of the Commrres rqueft his aid, by an order or recommendation to tie Clia
S O alicers, or n filridi of the c;), to attend and fervc on the occasion, as he (hall juJ e ifm.i
S-. proper.
April ath, t789.
Oficn ormltao h *1,g tedadtrco h cain sh hUjl1l T l


Setting Sail 21

he walked from the landing to his house. "As the people I 7 8 9
caught sight of the stately figure and beloved colors, hats
went off and the
crowd bowed as he
went by, bending
like the ripened
grain when the
summer wind -
passes over it, and
breaking forth into
loud and repeated ',t
At noon of the The
thirtieth, six days Inauguration
of Washington
before the meeting
of the states gen-
eral at Versailles,
Washing ton,
dressed in a suit of
dark brown cloth
of American make, F L D E A L I
w i t h white silk
hose, silver-buckled View of Federal Hall
shoes, and a dress sword, and accompanied by a military
escort, went to Federal Hall and, in the senate chamber
where both houses were assembled, was received by
Vice-president Adams who had been inaugurated a few
days before.
Thence those
there assembled
repaired to the
senate balcony
fronting Broad
Street where, in
the presence of a
vast crowd,Chan-
cellor Livingston
of New York ad-
Railing from Balcony of Federal Hall ministered t h e

22 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 oath of office. In solemn words Washington responded,
"I swear," and then added in a whisper, "so help me
God!" He then bent and kissed the bible that Otis, the
secretary of the senate, had brought forward. "Long live
George Washington, President of the United States!"
shouted Livingston, turning to the sea of upturned faces.
At the signal a glad huzza rent the air and the cannons
at the Battery thundered the first of presidential salutes.
The president then withdrew to the senate chamber and
there read his inaugural address.
Sunrise for Washington's inaugural oath was the epilogue of the
America historical drama, the prologue of which was spoken by
King George when he announced his purpose of taxing
America; the cannons at the Battery had ushered in a
new day. For many years, the colonial timepieces had
been "ticking to the pressure of the English government,
the giant wheels playing calmly, till 1775, when there was
a strange stir and buzz within the case. But the sixtieth
minute came and the clock struck. The world heard:
The battle of Lexington, one; the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, two; the surrender of Burgoyne, three; the
siege of Yorktown, four; the treaty of Paris, five; the
inauguration of Washington, six; and then it was sun-
rise of the new day, of which we have yet seen only the
glorious forenoon." The history of the United States
under the constitution was begun.
Republican In accordance with an English and colonial custom,
Simplicity congress decided to return a joint address in reply to the
speech of the president. This brought to the front an
already mooted question, by what title should the chief
magistrate be addressed ? A senate committee reported
in favor of addressing him as "His Highness the Presi-
dent of the United States and Protector of their Liberties."
It is said that Washington would not have been unwilling
to accept some such title. But the democratic spirit was
strong in the representatives who insisted upon the more
simple form: "The President of the United States"-a
wise decision in which the senate concurred.
Embarrassed On the appointed day, the members of the two houses





.I~C~L~~ CI:(
ii :!

aii~i ~1
B r~ll

(Washington never occupied it as the capital was removed that year to Philadelphia. It was afterwards
used by Governor Clinton. Reproduced from original drawing made by C. Milbourne in
1797, now preserved in collection of the New York Historical Society)

P~qrF' '

T -)T
.% ,o

Setting Sail 23

trooped to the president's "audience chamber" where, I 7 8 9
as previously arranged, the vice-president delivered the
address. As on many similar occasions, Washington was
much embarrassed when it came his turn to renew the
assurances of his distinguished consideration. According
to the account given by Senator William Maclay, "the
president took his reply out of his coat pocket. He had
his spectacles in his jacket pocket, having his hat in his
left hand and his paper in his right. He had too many
objects for his hands. He shifted his hat between his
forearm and the left side of his breast. But taking his
spectacles from the case embarrassed him. He got rid
of this small distress by laying the spectacle case upon the
chimney-piece. Having adjusted his spectacles,
which was not very easy considering the engagement
of his hands, he read the reply with tolerable exactness
and without much emotion."
Many similar matters of form and ceremonial, trivial Presidential
in themselves but important as precedents, came up for Etiquette
settlement. How, for example, should the president com-
municate with the senate, orally or in writing ? It was
decided that he should make his nominations in writing,
but that when a treaty was to be communicated he should
come in person and remain while the subject was under
discussion. One trial, however, produced a change and
thereafter treaties were sent in as written messages. The
question of presidential etiquette was also a difficult one.
There were no precedents to fall back upon and Wash-
ington was uncertain where to draw the line between dig-
nity and republican simplicity. Some people of fashion
hoped for much of elaborate and courtly ceremonial, "but
the extreme Anti-federalists, the men who every election-
day denounced aristocracy and the well-born, begrudged
him even the fine house and the fine furniture already
given him by Congress, and cursed the vandals who were
leveling the ramparts of the old fort to make way for a
new mansion, yet more costly and spacious than the old."
In his dilemma, Washington drew up a set of questions
concerning his "system of conduct, in matters of etiquette

24 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 and private intercourse" and submitted it to Adams,
Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, for their opinions. Adams,
who had just returned from Europe, was inclined to
favor a good deal of state and talked much of aides-de-
camp, chamberlains, secretaries, and masters of cere-
monies; but, in the main, the suggestions of all favored
r keeping the
"'. nice line be-
S.. .. tween too
7- r. a." much reserve
| and too much
l D familiarity."
... decided that

t ceive no gen-
eral visits ex-
Scept on certain
'. specified days,
Rt that official
visitors should
E. 'come at speci-
fled hours, and
that he would
return no calls.
As to dinner
parties, he
I" .decided not to
keep o p e n
...table as the
Civilian Dress in 1789 president o f
(Drawn by Mr. H. A. Ogden) congress had
formerly done; he would invite strangers of distinction
and persons of official rank, but would accept no invita-
tions for himself. In time, he came to have a public
reception every Tuesday, while Mrs. Washington held a
similar levee on Fridays.
Receptions The president's receptions were held from three to four

Setting Sail 25

o'clock in the afternoon. Promptly on time, the door of I 7 8 9
the anteroom was thrown open and Washington entered,
sometimes accompanied by secretaries of the departments
or other high officials. He usually wore a black velvet
suit, pearl-colored waistcoat, black silk stockings, silver-
buckled shoes, dress sword, and yellow gloves, and car-
ried a cocked hat under his arm. "Thus attired, he
would walk solemnly about the room and, being intro-
duced to each of the company in turn, exchange a few
words of brief conversation and then pass on. The agony
of dislocation to which his later successors submit he
seldom risked;" he allowed no familiarity and simply
bowed his salutations. "A polar atmosphere," "though
after the first formalities there was a brief thaw." At the
close of the hour, the president retired to his anteroom,
"a signal that the parade was dismissed." Lady Wash-
ington's levees were somewhat more lively and were
attended by all the beauty, talent, and social distinction
of the little capital. The president usually attended these
functions and at them was more affable than he was at
his own receptions. The liveliest of the ladies are said to
have been "not a little ambitious of the rare distinction
of making the great man smile."
In spite of all his efforts to avoid extremes in these Petty
matters, Washington did not escape criticism. Some criticism
were grieved because he was so often seen at the theater
and others were dissatisfied because he surrounded him-
self with too much ceremonial. Some were displeased
because at his receptions every one stood and others were
offended by the pomp of a cream-colored state carriage
drawn by six blooded horses and attended by footmen
and outriders in livery. To a criticism concerning the
manner in which he bowed, he replied: "That I have
not been able to make bows to the taste of poor Colonel
B. (who, by the by, I believe never saw one of them) is
to be regretted, especially too, as, upon those occasions,
they were indiscriminately bestowed, and the best I was
master of. Would it not have been better to throw the
veil of charity over them, ascribing their stiffness to the

..'.. ...
-* -* : .. .:. ..
*** '. *. .. .
a. .
.* .*

26 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 effects of age, or to the unskilfulness of my teachers,
rather than to pride and dignity of office, which God
knows has no charms for me ?"
In the These social matters, however, were of little impor-
Beginning tance compared with the creation of the necessary gov-
task. When
entered upon
his duties, the
government of
the United
Members' Desk used in First National Congress in States c o n -
Federal Hall sisted of a
constitution, a president, and a congress, nothing more.
"The imperfect and broken machinery of the confedera-
tion still moved feebly, and performed some of the abso-
lutely necessary functions of government. But the new
organization had nothing to work with except the outworn
remnants of a discarded system."
There were no executive departments,
no funds, no financial resources, and
no provision for the collection of reve-
nue or the management of the postal
service. There was no judiciary, no
navy, and nothing that could be fairly
called an army.
A Tariff Bill One of the first steps taken was in
the direction of securing a revenue.
The new congress, unlike the old, had
power to levy taxes. Two main sources
of supply were now available: customs
Chair used in First Na-
duties and an excise. Before the presi- tional congress in
dent was inaugurated, Madison had Federal Hall
April 8 brought forward in the house of representatives to which
body the right of initiating revenue legislation belonged, a
resolve that led to the first of American tariff debates. His

*''.". ". -
: *.
*.... ..' ..
..**... .....-. *.
.. *: 5- :..": i .. ".

Setting Sail 27

proposal was much like the one that, in 1783, had failed I 7 8 9
by the vote of only one state. It provided for specific
duties on certain enumerated articles such as tea, coffee,
sugar, molasses, wines, and spirits; for an ad valorem tax
upon other imports; and for tonnage duties. Madison
reminded his hearers of the disgraceful financial conditions
under the old congress "and urged that the Union, in its
first act, revive those principles of honor and honesty that
had too long lain dormant."
There was, however, much difference of opinion on the The First
tariff question. Some members objected to high duties American
as provocative of smuggling. Massachusetts members
protested against the proposed duty of eight cents per
gallon on molasses, one of the chief articles for which
New England fish could be exchanged in the West India
markets, and the tariff tax was lowered to six cents.
Representatives from the South objected to high tariff
rates because their section, being almost wholly agricul-
tural, would bear most of the burden. A proposal to lay
a tax on the importation of slaves aroused a particularly
strong protest, as was to be expected. But compromises
were made, both houses passed the bill, and, on the fourth
of July, the president signed it. Since that time, many
national issues have arisen and been definitely settled,
but the first such question to engage the attention of con-
gress under the constitution still persists the perennial
tariff question. In deference to the wishes of merchants
in some of the larger towns who, in anticipation of such
a measure, had ordered large cargoes of goods from
Europe, the impost bill did not go into effect until the
first of August. This aroused considerable criticism, for
the merchants raised the price of imported goods at once;
the treasury lost the taxes and the merchants pocketed
their increased profits. A tonnage act was passed as a
separate measure.
Thus was the first American tariff law enacted. Reve- The
nue was its main object, but the act contained protective Protection
features and the preamble contained the phrase, "for the Principle
encouragement and protection of manufactures." It was

28 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 expected, for example, that the high duty on rum would
promote a home industry, and similar hopes were enter-
tained concerning nails, salt, and other products. The
idea that the rate of wages and the standard of living
could be thus raised did not appear in the debates. The
separate tonnage act also contained protective features
supplementary to those of the impost act. The rate per
ton on ships built and owned in the United States was
fixed at six cents; that upon American-built but foreign-
owned ships at thirty cents; and that upon foreign-built
and foreign-owned ships at fifty cents. The rates of duty
on goods brought in American ships were to be less than
on those imported in foreign bottoms.
Executive The representatives also took the initiative in the mat-
Departments ter of establishing executive departments. On the nine-
teenth day of May, Boudinot proposed the creation of a
treasury department to manage the finances, but congress
finally determined to establish
three such departments, state
(foreign affairs), treasury, and
war, with a secretary at the head
of each. Provision was also
made for the appointment of an
attorney-general, an officer who
did not become a member of
the president's cabinet until the
department of justice was estab-
lished in 1870.
The secretaryship of the treas-
ury was offered to Robert Morris
who had served the confederation
as its superintendent of finance,
had been a member of the con-
A Digression vention that framed the con-
stitution, and was now a
member of the senate, a posi-
tion that he held until I795-
Morris declined the appoint-
ment and recommended

Setting Sail 29

Hamilton for the place. He had devoted his great for- I 7 8 9
tune to the welfare of his country and now was poor. To
rebuild his wrecked estate, he went largely into trade, but
his speculations failed and the country that he had adopted
and had served with marked ability and almost unique
unselfishness allowed him to spend several years in a
debtor's prison! He died at Philadelphia in May, I806.
In September, Washington nominated Alexander Ham- Two and
ilton for secretary of the treasury; General Henry Knox Two
for secretary of war; Thomas Jefferson for secretary of
state, and Edmund Randolph for attorney-general; the
nominations were
confirmed by the
senate. Knox had
held a like office
under the confed- -
eration and had
been Washing-
ton's chief of artil-
lery. He was a
somewhat pomp-
ous man of
moderate ability,
but his task of Home of Henry Knox, at Thomaston, Maine
looking after an army that numbered fewer than a thou-
sand men and a navy that was nori-existent, and of super-
vising the public lands was not particularly strenuous.
Randolph was a good lawyer and popular in Virginia,
but neither he nor Knox measured up to the stature of
the other two. To the task of bringing order out of
financial chaos, Hamilton brought energy and patriotism,
a vigorous mind and a fascinating personality, and a keen
insight into the science of finance. Jefferson's mental
ability, social capacity, and his cosmopolitan tastes well
fitted him for the delicate task of dealing with foreign
representatives, while his experience in France where his
success had been second only to that of Franklin had
given him a knowledge of practical diplomacy. Here
were two men of transcendent ability, but their antagonistic

30 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 political views rendered it impossible for them to remain
long in office together.
The Cabinet When the convention that framed the constitution voted
down a proposition to create a sort of privy council con-
sisting of the president of the senate, the speaker of the
house of representatives, the chief-justice of the supreme
court, and the principal officers in each of the five depart-
ments, to advise the president, Mason declared that "we
are about to try an experiment on which the most despotic
government has never ventured; the grand seignior him-
self has his divan." Instead of such a council, the con-
stitution provided that the president might "require the
opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the
executive departments, upon any subject relating to the
duties of their respective offices," but it said nothing
about a cabinet, nor did congress, in creating the depart-
ments, make mention of such a term; it was a ques-
tion whether the president should bring the secretaries
together in a council or deal with them separately. Dur-
ing the first presidential administrations, practice varied.
Washington ordinarily took the opinions of his secre-
taries and of the attorney-general separately or by letter,
but on occasions when the subject was of great impor-
tance he assembled them in the form of a council for oral
discussion. The second president followed a similar
course, but under the third president, when the question
was of sufficient magnitude, the heads of departments
were called together, the subject was discussed and gen-
erally decided by a vote in which the president counted
himself as but one. Though still unknown to constitu-
tion and laws, the cabinet has come to be more fully
recognized and its chief function of advising the presi-
dent and bringing to the administration the support of
the different sections of the country now has a greater
importance in the real as distinguished from the written
government of the United States.
Cabinet and Then came the question as to whether the heads of
Congress departments should have seats in congress, as in England
cabinet ministers sit in parliament and present their

Setting Sail 3

measures personally, or meet congress occasionally for I 7 8 9
that purpose, or communicate with it by writing only,
leaving personal communications to be made to members
individually or in committees. On one occasion, Secre-
tary Knox wished to explain to the senate a pending
treaty with the southern Indians and went with Wash-
ington into the senate-chamber. Washington took the
vice-president's chair and explained the object of their
visit. Knox then produced some papers that were read.
But the presence of the president and secretary embar-
rassed the senate and a motion was made to refer the
matter to a committee. Senator Maclay spoke in favor
of such reference. "As I sat down," says he, "the Presi-
dent of the United States started up in a violent fret.
'This defeats every purpose of my coming here,' were the
first words that he said. He then went on that he had
brought his Secretary of War with him to give every
necessary information; that the Secretary knew all about
the business, and yet he was delayed and could not go
into the matter." Finally Washington said that he would
be willing to postpone the matter until the following
Monday, but that he did not understand the reason for
commitment. "We waited for him to withdraw," says
Maclay. "He did so with a discontented air." On
another occasion, Hamilton asked to be allowed personally
to present to the house his famous first report on the
public credit. His opponents, jealous of his rising fame
or fearful of his eloquence and personal magnetism, man-
aged to secure a refusal. That decision, though specific
and purely personal, became a precedent that has been
followed to the present day.
Another question that affected departmental heads and Removalfrom
other appointive officers was whether they could be Appointive
removed from office by the president or whether the Offices
concurrence of the senate was necessary. The constitu-
tion required such concurrence for appointments, but was
altogether silent regarding removals. In the Federalist,
Hamilton had taken it for granted that such concurrence
would be necessary. When the subject came up in the

3 2 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 house of representatives, Madison urged that the presi-
dent should have the sole power. Sherman and Gerry
took the opposite view, but a majority of the house sup-
ported Madison. In the senate, which was more nearly
concerned, the contest was very close; the vote of the
vice-president decided that the president should exercise
the power unhampered. So the matter remained until
the passage of the celebrated tenure-of-office act under
President Johnson.
The The decision thus reached was of great importance.
Evolution of Had the opposite rule been followed, the head of a depart-
Power ment might have secured the favor of the senate and
then defied the president with success and safety. Under
such circumstances, any effective control of his adminis-
tration by the president would have been impossible and
its efficiency greatly lessened. This unhampered power
of removal has grad-
ually led to a presi-
dential power that was
not contemplated by
the framers of the con-
stitution. In this
respect, t he federal
executive has an influ-
ence far more effective
than has the executive
of any of the states
where such officers as
secretary of state, au-
ditor, and treasurer
are elected directly by
the people and are
practically independ-
ent of any
control by the
The National The organi-
Judiciary zation of the judiciary occasioned less dispute. The
bill originated in the senate and was largely shaped by

Setting Sail

Ellsworth of Connecticut who later became a chief-jus- I 7 8 9
tice. As finally approved by the president, the act pro-
vided for a supreme court composed of a chief-justice
and five associate justices. Federal districts, with limits
that coincided with state lines whenever possible and to
be presided over by district judges appointed by the
president, were also created. These districts were grouped
into three circuits, the circuit sessions being held by a
court composed, at first, of local district judges over which
a justice of the supreme court presided. Clerks, mar-
shals, and district attorneys were also provided for. It
was this act that created the office of attorney-general.
John Jay, who had continued in charge of foreign affairs March 21,
until Jefferson's ar- ... S tOND .CO GR S 790
rival, became the first N ED P6 '. R S. '
chief-justice. i -- ,' '
The first general ,. Appropria-
appropriation act set ,i Salaries
apart one hundred sa ..
and thirty-seven thou-
sand dollars for the
war department, nine- ''
ty-six thousand for in-i ."
valid pensions, and .v
two hundred and six- Act providing Salary for the President and
teen thousand for the Vice-president
civil list. One hundred and ninety thousand dollars was
also appropriated to pay warrants drawn by the late
treasury board, but no general provision was made for
meeting the public debt, a problem that called for exhaust-
ive study. The salary of the chief-justice was fixed at
four thousand dollars per year and that of the vice-
president at five thousand. In his inaugural address,
Washington had said that he did not desire any compen-
sation beyond payment of his expenses, but the constitu-
tion declared that he should have a salary and congress
felt that it was its duty to provide one. Opinions as to what
it should be ranged from seventy thousand dollars a year
down to fifteen thousand; in February, 1793, twenty-five

34 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 thousand dollars was agreed upon. No president received
more until General Grant entered upon his second term
in 1873. To themselves the congressmen voted an allow-
ance of six dollars for every day of the session, with
mileage; to the speaker they granted a per diem allow-
ance of twelve dollars. This very moderate congressional
stipend excited much criticism in the newspapers, but the
members pointed out that it was less than the salaries paid
by most of the states to their delegates to the old congress.
The First The fifth article of the constitution of the United States
Amendments provides that amendments to the constitution may be
to the
constitution proposed by two-thirds of both houses of congress or by
a convention called upon the application of the legis-
latures of two-thirds of the states. An amendment
proposed in either way becomes valid when ratified by
three-fourths of the states acting through convention or
legislature as congress may direct. Although hundreds of
propositions to amend the constitution have been made
and although several of the states that ratified the original
constitution called for a federal convention for the pur-
pose of revision, it is a remarkable fact that the conven-
tion plan has never been put into operation. At the time
of ratifying the constitution, several states had expressed
a desire for further declarative and restrictive clauses, as
recorded in the preceding chapter, and Madison and
other leading Federalists had pledged themselves to work
to that end. From the many amendments proposed,
some of which were practically identical while others
contemplated changes too radical for his approval, Madi-
son made a selection and, on the eighth of June, brought
the matter up for congressional action. Seventeen of the
August 22 amendments that he offered received the requisite two-
thirds vote in the house; the senate reduced the number
to twelve. Of this dozen, ten were subsequently ratified
by the states; the other two were rejected. The ten
amendments that thus became a part of the constitution
formed a supplemental bill of rights, guaranteeing free-
dom of speech, of the press, of petition, and of religion.
They are printed in the appendix to this volume. The

I .o f ,( I ctf(
,I I,.c ,I.//,.kJ///A ,* .. l |

r._,'r ,n/ l l .. .......(. .,",., r"imuy dH l.J S", ,.. ',', .... ........ ,..,- ; ', ,*"t' "
'r. .- .. .. ,i. ,, / t I.. .. ... 7 > ,,iA ., ,.. ,, ..... ,../
' : l., 1 .. . .... .... .* ..;.^ .. .. ....- :. .. .. .. .,'. ... .. ../. ... ]
r .// '..... '.j ..t ....... i .1... .. Virs : ,. .1,41.' ,.n l M/ ft

.1/ /

. ./'/, ,,.' n./ 7

/'*, /. *, ', ,*,,/,,


[ .t i

[.'; "'-, **. *

tj / ', '('i. //^ ..,
, r '' '.i,!. 'r.***

... ... .. : '/ '......> ^" ^' i.... ": .. .'.f.. <^ .A ''* .. ': -./,',t .. /l "/' ', .* . '.. .-" .
.. ... .. ........ ,, .. ../. ... ,, ..,, '..; ...... ,, ,, : ...... tfi t ,^/..... I .. .. .* ,,
.... ,, :. ...... ,.,. .. .*/',, i .. ,, .... 1.4. .. .... ....... ... .... ... .. /' J ,
4.. I O t '.
..., ., '... '. ..... ., .. . a...V'Ip*i ,rl .', ,, 'k'., ,' ,,' ,,.
'. .... .. .... J ,'/.. .. .< ., ," '? ..": ". / ... ../ "'* ; ... ^ ^y'" "'' '.. '/ "'

S' .'; ... "' a I"f" '-. 1' ", ,. bi' ..., /. ..6,4.i ;.A 7i.r.r ..H 1
.' ',4 4, it1! ,, ,. ,- ,i ..... .... ; ... '.,." '..... '., / d/ i .
.. .&. ,, ,, ,i. ,., ,'l .... h,, ..-,,, ,, > ......4 ^ ,,. ,, A -.. ... ..., .I / y f .. .y -
;7rv .,QirY.4c',9 .q/1 .... / .. i"y.,".. M' 1.4/ "
','. ......... ,i ,, ..p. .. aL.. s..',% y1 .A. .. i '
"" j' k'd 4 I r9sv.,. ; .. .. ....... ...... .,. .. .. y ,

:. !. ..
U :.. ....i ... .. ......".. . ,.

.M-4 t.rI., J'Afl ..p. M. .9 ..i.

(From original in the New York Public Library, Lenox Building)

Setting Sail 35

Anti-federalists had aimed at changes in the framework I 7 8 9
and were not at all satisfied.
Under the stress and strain of war, congress had The National
been compelled to hold its sessions at eight different Capital
places. In December, 1784, it adopted a resolution
providing for the appointing of commissioners to
lay out a district near the lower falls of the Dela-
ware River for "a federal town, a federal house for
congress and for the executive officers thereof, and
houses for the president and secretaries of foreign affairs,
war, the marine, A r
and the treasury." T
A motion to sub- PASED AT A
stitute "George- N G R S.
town on the Poto- C N G R E
mac" as the site oF Tas
of the federal town N, TE D S T A TE S
was lost, all the
states except Vir- '
ginia voting in the A M E R
negative. For oE r .-.
some reason, the
carried into effect. IE ER M o MAR CL
In May, 1787, an- o
other effort was sa3 vseanr or e itfaswc e*ace,
made to take up a THE TRH IEENTI
congressional res-
olution for the :- :.::. .:'::: : .. :: ..' .
erection of govern- ::.. ..*......... :., ..
ment buildings but .
it did not succeed. I
The matter was
fully discussed in W oN -R K.
the constitutional .CI.CIIDS. OHN
Convention and Title-page of the Printed Collection of Acts
the following was passed by the First Congress
included in the enumeration of the powers of congress:
"To exercise exclusive Legislation in all cases whatsoever,

36 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as
may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance
of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the
Article I, United States." Almost as soon as congress was organ-
Section 8 ized under the constitution, it received memorials urging
the claims of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Alex-
andria, Georgetown, Harrisburg, Trenton, and other


I. A M A .. O. N,

September 3, '," ', '
1789 '"..

I ..I
1* ".I "'- '- i ".. 3- '
.. ,- .,-- '* .. ,,.,'" .jI',.dn

September 26 r. g ,
I ,. r. ,

places. Maryland
and Virginia had
authorized the ces-
sion of any such
district that con-
gress might select
for the "seat of the
new government,"
but the house of
voted to establish
the capital at
" some convenient
place on the east
bank of the Sus-
quehanna River in
The senate voted
to fix the site at
Germantown; the
house agreed but

G-- ,/ l. .....r ..o... A~ / .. & added an amend-
Day f OR,& i. 1b. r- of +.r Lor-1 0.r T'-ji- S- iluH-mr
Wr WIL. LI.INCSTON ment providing
..""" "'.... .. oI that Pennsylvania
Livingston's Thanksgiving Proclamation laws should con-
tinue in force in the district to be ceded by Pennsylvania
until congress should otherwise order. The amendment
made it necessary to send the bill back to the senate for its
concurrence, the session was near its end, many members
were clamoring for action upon many important matters,
and the federal city bill was left in the hopper. When
the second session of congress came, the membership and

Setting Sail 37

temper of both houses had changed considerably, com- I 7 8 9
plications sprang up, and the capital was lost to Pennsyl-
vania as will be explained in the next chapter.
The organization of the new government-the laborious Adjournment
task of the first session of the first congress-being well
under way, congress requested the president to recom-
mend a "day of public thanksgiving and prayer in
acknowledgment of the many signal favors of Almighty
God and especially his affording the people an opportunity
peaceably to establish a constitution of government for
their safety and happiness" and, on the twenty-ninth of
September, adjourned. By this time, the new government
was so strong that North Carolina called a second conven-
tion and ratified the constitution by a vote of one hundred November 21,
and ninety-three to seventy-five. I789
On the twenty-fifth of August, Mary, the mother of The Death
Washington, died at Fredericksburg, Virginia, in the of Mary, the
a Mother of
eighty-third year of her age. She Washington
had been a widow forty-six years.
She was buried on the twenty-
eighth, but the president did not
hear of her death until the first of
September. In a letter to his sister,
Mrs. Betty Lewis, he said: "Awful
and affecting as the death of a
parent is, there is consolation in
knowing, that heaven has spared
ours to an age beyond which few
attain, and favored her with the
full enjoyment of her mental facul-
ties, and as much bodily strength
as usually falls to the lot of four Septem-
score. Under these considerations, ber 13
and a hope that she is translated Mrs. Betty Lewis
to a happier place, it is the duty of (Sister of George Washington)
her relatives to yield due submission to the decrees of the
Creator. When I was last at Fredericksburg, I took a
final leave of my mother, never expecting to see her
more." In speaking of his mother's will, he gave good

38 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 business advice as to the settlement of the estate, accepted
certain specific legacies "as mementos of parental affec-
tion" and thus as of value much beyond their intrinsic
worth, and added that "there is a fellow belonging to
that estate now at my house, who never stayed elsewhere,
for which reason, and because he has a family I should
be glad to keep him. He must I should conceive be far
short in value of the fifth of the other negroes which will
be to be divided, but I shall be content to take him as
my proportion of them-and, if from a misconception
either of the number or the value of these negroes it
should be found that he is of greater value than falls to
my lot I shall readily allow the difference, in order that
the fellow may be gratified, as he never would consent
to go from me." All over the country, the mourning was
general, press and pulpit made note of the event, and
members of congress wore mourning for thirty days. In
Sa note of thanks to congress for
the passing of a resolution to
build a monument in memory of
his mother, the president wrote:
"I attribute all my success in life
to the moral, intellectual and
physical education which I re-
ceived from my mother." But
the new government had more
pressing duties than the building
of monuments and, when Lafay-
ette visited the United States in
1825, nothing but a little head-
stone marked the grave of Mary
Washington. In 1831, the citi-
zens of Fredericksburg had se-
cured about two thousand dollars
for the building of a monument
over the grave when Silas E.
Insignia of the Mary Washington Burrows of New York asked
Association to be allowed the honor of indi-
(Engraved from badge belonging to be allowed the honor of indi-
Mrs. Elroy M. Avery) vidually erecting the monument."

Setting Sail 39

The generous offer was accepted and President Jackson I 7 8 9
laid the corner-stone on the seventh of May, 1833. In
the next four years, the base of the monument with its
little Doric columns was completed and the obelisk was
on the ground ready to be lifted into place when the work
was suddenly abandoned. After providing money for the
completion of the work, Mr.
Burrows went to China where
he died; then the contractor
died. The first monument was
never completed, its stones crum-
bled and fell, and around them,
for four years, surged the great
armies of the civil war. From
time to time, attempts were made
to complete the monument or to
build a new one; two or three
times, bills for that purpose
passed the United States senate
and failed to pass the so-called
lower house. The Fredericks-
burg Mary Washington Monu- Monument erected in Memory of
ment Association was organized Mary, Mother of Washington
and chartered in 1889, raised a considerable sum of
money, and received by gift from the city of Fredericks-
burg and others the land that was needed. In 1890, the
National Mary Washington Memorial Association was February 22
chartered in the District of Columbia. This organization,
composed almost wholly of women and limited to six
hundred hereditary life members, received by gift the
land that had been deeded to the Fredericksburg asso-
ciation and, with the active cooperation of the Daughters
of the American Revolution, secured the money needed
and built therewith a new monument and lodge, the
title to which is vested in the president and the chief-
justice of the United States and the governor of Virginia,
ex officio, as trustees. The corner-stone was laid on the
twenty-first of October, 1893, and, on the tenth of May,
1894, the new monument was dedicated with masonic

40 Setting Sail

I 7 8 9 ceremonies and in the presence of the president of the
United States and many other distinguished guests. The
old-time cottage that was the home of the "Roman
Matron" has been bought, restored, and refur-
nished as in the days of Mary Washington by
the Association for the Preservation of
Virginia Antiquities.
Washington Soon after the adjournment, President
Visits New Washington set out on .
a New England tour.
His way lay through
Connecticut and Mas-
sachusetts into New
Hampshire, and thence
back by a different route.
John Hancock's Vest He did not enter Rhode
Island, a state that had not yet come
into the Union -technically foreign
territory. At Boston, Governor Han-
cock, who seemed to think that on
Massachusetts soil he should take preced- IA B
ence of the president, endeavored to
compel Washington to make the first
formal call, but public sentiment forced
him to plead an attack of gout and to
notify the president that if he was "at
Sunday, home and at leisure, the Governor will
October 26 do himself the honor to pay his respects
in half an hour." Fisher Ames said
that "the gout came so opportunely last
Saturday that it has been doubtful
whether his [Hancock's] humility would
be gratified with the sight of his supe-
rior." Except for this affront, which
was of more historical significance than
might at first appear, Washington was
everywhere received with great enthu-
siasm. There were feasts, bonfires, and John Hancock's lock
triumphal arches, and the people came (Still keeps time)

Setting Sail

by thousands. There was still a kind of royal atmos- I 7 8 9
phere and many shouts of "Long live George Washing-
ton!" and "God bless your reign!" were heard. Choirs
that had carefully practiced stilted odes in which praise
ran wild "launched the loud paean at a face which relaxed
nothing of its habitual expression of calm serenity."
"We have gone through all the popish grades of worship
and the president returns all fragrant with the odor of
incense," wrote John Trumbull, the author of McFingal.
So fulsome and obsequious were the usual formalities
that the simple and sufficient greeting of a Quaker select-
man excited much merriment throughout the country:
"Friend Washington, we are glad to see thee, and in
behalf of the inhabitants bid thee a hearty welcome to




Washington's HE second session of the first congress was
First Anual opened at New York on the fourth of January,
Address to
Congress 1790. On the eighth, both houses assembled
in the senate-chamber to receive the president's first
annual address which Washington delivered in person,
the sending of a written message being a later custom.
He congratulated congress on the recent accession of
North Carolina, on "the rising credit and respectability
of our country, the general and increasing good will
toward the government of the Union, and the concord,
peace, and plenty with which we are blessed." Then he
called attention to what he considered the leading sub-
jects for legislation. "Among the many interesting
objects which will engage your attention, that of providing
for the common defense will merit particular regard. To
be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means
of preserving peace." The threatening condition of
Indian affairs, the importance of making provision for
intercourse with foreign nations, for establishing uniform
naturalization laws, uniformity in the currency, weights
and measures, patent laws, post roads, the promotion of
science and literature, were also referred to, but the chief
emphasis was laid upon "an adequate provision for the
support of the public credit." The several items of the
address were referred to congressional committees for
Washington's reference to finance was doubtless in-

Hamilton's Financial Policy. 43

tended as a preparation for a report upon which Hamil- I 7 9 0
ton, the secretary of the treasury, had by direction of the Hamilton's
house been working for First Report
on Public
E P o some time. The house Credit
E PO R. T having declined to receive
J the report orally, the secre-
SLr.c(L RT \R o the T R EAS Lr Y tary transmitted it in
written form. In this fa-
!.. .. RI.i.: ., mous report on the public January 14
credit, one of the most im-
[ IT.. ., AF, portant of American state
papers, Hamilton under-
Lt ', I R T took to set forth the
P U B L I C C 11 E I i amount of the public debt
and to lay down the prin-
S; I i i. i'I s T \- T r ciples that should be fol-
lowed in meeting it. He
found the total debt of the
United States to be ap-

Title-page of Hamilton's Report
on Public Credit
proximately fifty-four mil-
lion dollars including for-
eign obligations, unliqui-
dated claims, and
outstanding federal money.
He estimated the debt con-
tracted by the individual
states for general objects at
twenty-five million dollars,
principal and interest.
As regarded what should
be done to meet the debt, The Price of
the report had no uncer- Liberty
tain sound. It pointed out Alexander Hamilton

44 Hamilton's Financial Policy

I 7 9 o that, in the future, exigencies would occur when there
would be necessity for borrowing. "It is equally evident,
that, to be able to borrow upon good terms, it is essential
that the credit of a nation should be well established.
If the maintenance of public credit, then, be truly so
important, the next inquiry which suggests itself is, By
what means is it to be effected ? The ready answer to
which question is, by good faith; by a punctual perform-
ance of contracts. States, like individuals, who observe
their engagements, are respected and trusted, while the
reverse is the fate of those who pursue an opposite con-
duct." The observance of that good faith rested also
"on the immutable principles of moral obligation." The
debt "was the price of liberty. The faith of America has
been repeatedly pledged for it, and with solemnities that
give peculiar force to the obligation." To justify and
preserve the confidence of friends of good government;
"to promote the increasing respectability of the American
name; to answer the calls of justice; to restore landed
property to its due value; to furnish new resources, both
to agriculture and commerce; to cement more closely
the union of the States; to add to their security against
foreign attack; to establish public order on the basis of
an upright and liberal policy;-these are the great and
invaluable ends to be secured by a proper and adequate
provision, at the present time, for the support of the
public credit."
A Lesson Upon the advantage of cementing "more closely the
from History Union of the States" Hamilton did not dwell, but it is
unquestionable that throughout his career as secretary
this was one of the objects he had most in mind. He
realized that by pursuing a strong financial policy he
would draw to the government's support the moneyed
classes. "In this respect he profited by his knowledge
of English history; for he knew that since the days of
Walpole the wealthy part of the population had exercised
a political influence out of proportion to its numbers.
More than this, he calculated that a strong financial policy
might be made to knit the nation together, and thus to

Hamilton's Financial Policy 45

aid in breaking down the separateness which he deeply I 7 9 o
deplored. If individuals held the obligations of the
nation, they would sacrifice more to prevent its dissolu-
tion, and thus a national debt might be made a national
blessing It was an argument which men had heard for
many years in England, where it had long since ceased
to be believed that the public debt would ever be paid."
The report further declared that the advantages to the Confidence
public creditor of honesty on the part of the nation needed Capitalized
no further explanation. "But there is a consequence of
this, less obvious, though not less true, in which every
other citizen is interested. It is a well known fact, that,
in countries in which the national debt is properly funded,
and an object of established confidence, it answers most
of the purposes of money. Transfers of stock or public
debt, are there equivalent to payments in specie; or, in
other words, stock in the principal transactions of busi-
ness, passes current as specie." The same thing, Hamil-
ton thought, would in all probability happen in the United
States under like circumstances, though the advantages
described might not be instantaneous, as "it might require
some time to bring the value of stock to its natural level,
and to attach to it that fixed confidence, which is neces-
sary to its quality as money."
As regards the foreign debt, Hamilton stated that it Payment at
was agreed on all hands that it should be paid "accord- Par
ing to the precise terms of the contracts relating to it."
Concerning the domestic debt there was not the same
unanimity of sentiment. There were those who asked:
"Whether a discrimination ought not to be made between
original holders of the public securities, and present pos-
sessors, by purchase ?" In favor of such discrimination
it was "alleged that it would be unreasonable to pay
twenty shillings in the pound, to one who had not given
more for it than three or four. And it was added that
it would be hard to aggravate the misfortune of the first
owner, who, probably through necessity, parted with his
property at so great a loss, by obliging him to contribute
to the property of the person who had speculated on his

46 Hamilton's Financial Policy

I 7 9 o distresses." Hamilton, however, rejected the doctrine
"as equally unjust and impolitic; as highly injurious,
even to the original holders of public securities; as ruin-
ous to public credit." Discrimination would be a breach
of contract because "the nature of the contract, in its
origin, is, that the public will pay the sum expressed in
the security, to the first holder or his assignee." The
precedent of an invasion of the fundamental principle of
the rights of a free purchaser would tend to weaken all
such securities in the future.
Assumption of The enunciation of such principles as these would
State Debts alone have aroused great public interest, but the report
contained a still greater sensation. Not only did Hamil-
ton express himself in favor of paying both the foreign
and domestic debt but he also advocated having the
federal government assume the state debts that had been
contracted in carrying on the war for independence.
His arguments in favor of such a course were that the
state debts were incurred in the common defense, that
by removing a large quantity of American obligations
from the market the value of American securities would
be strengthened, and that assumption would tend to
strengthen the nation. Again, however, knowing the
deep-seated prejudice in some quarters against a strong
national government, he did not stress the last mentioned
Probabilities To meet all these obligations, Hamilton proposed that
the debt should be funded at a lower rate of interest,
that the existing system of imposts should be continued
and increased, and that an excise should be levied.
"Probabilities," said he, "are always a rational ground
of contract. The Secretary conceives, that there is good
reason to believe, if effectual measures are taken to
establish public credit, that the Government rate of
interest in the United States will, in a very short time,
fall at least as low as five per cent.; and that, in a period
not exceeding twenty years, it will sink still lower, prob-
ably to four. There are two principal causes which will
be likely to produce this effect; one, the lower rate of

Hamilton's Financial Policy 47

interest in Europe; the other, the increase of the moneyed I 7 9 0
capital of the nation, by the funding of the public debt."
Government obligations had already appreciated in Profitable
value since the inauguration of the new government; Speculation
Hamilton's report brought them up to fifty cents on the
dollar. Speculators sent out agents to buy up the cer-
tificates. "Couriers and relay horses by land, and swift
sailing pilot boats by sea, were flying in all directions,"
says Jefferson, with probable exaggeration. "Active
partners and agents were associated and employed in
every State, town, and county, and the paper bought up
at five shillings and even as low as t.r shillings in the
pound, before the holder knew that Congress had already
provided for its redemption at par." It was charged
that Hamilton gave his friends advance information that
enabled them to make large profits.
The secretary's report aroused both enthusiasm and Funding the
bitter opposition. Many persons favored scaling the Continental
public debt and paying it at its market rather than its
face value, urging that the certificates had been floated
far below par and that the government had never received
an equivalent of their face value. Many others bitterly
opposed paying full value to holders who had perhaps
obtained the certificates at an absurdly low rate. Even
Madison, misled by the specious plea of injustice to the
original holders and doubtless influenced by public opin-
ion in Virginia, declared himself in favor of discrimina-
tion. Ultimately Hamilton's idea prevailed and a funding
act was passed which provided that holders of certificates August 4
were to receive face value, the only exception being that
the still outstanding continental bills of credit were to be
cancelled at the rate of one hundred for one. With this
exception, owners of the old obligations might exchange
their holdings at par for new bonds, two-thirds of which
were to bear six per cent. interest from the date of issue
and the other third, known as deferred stock, at the same
rate from 18oi. Arrears of interest were to be funded
at three per cent. Only two per cent. of the new bonds
were to be redeemable each year, a provision that gave

48 Hamilton's Financial Policy

I 7 9 o some color to the charge that Hamilton "wished to make
the debt all but perpetual."
Concerning The proposal to assume the state debts aroused greater
the State opposition. In Massachusetts, South Carolina, and Con-
necticut, with their large state debts, the plan was popular,
while Virginia, which had been able to reduce her debt
greatly by funding it and by selling Kentucky lands, took
the lead in opposition and was supported by Georgia,
WTeI- I k '. Maryland, and New Hamp-
ew-York CityLottey. shire. Pennsylvania stood
neutral; New York and
." '" k.... .".'....." New Jersey supported Ham-
ilton. In congress, the anti-
S C --E Jl J L assumptionists argued that
'ef .. C. 3 .. such a scheme would tend
S: toward encroachment upon
: *. :local revenue powers, that it
S~a. ~~. .... would be unjust to saddle
h- ....ai,..&,' the states that had small
alocpi ," t ........ debts with those of other
.Idleof CONim RBS, wbhicoB fen sormkl h AcLLi, dv We .
-Mn,- .... .I ..f l... r........... states less thrifty, and that
wlly r inrlclhe fi l e id& A hlktu ba hkrl d tolly d fa r nfre 6,llt cL r
i.... there was no way of know-
Theb ooSCIiEMEJ icollKtd iMnne r l o Advi a,.,
.*-.. ...- ing what those de bts
ThL.ou I inld *n d"Mi9 1W *,ff Md in Ag,, 0
...,,~......', .""n. *- amounted to. The assump-
..... I.P'.. ........... ... .......... i" tionists replied that the
'S ".oUENIU. amount could be deter-
OHAMN- .'' mined with sufficient accu-
r oad"i.d* .racy, admitted that the
Broadside announcing a Lottery in New debts thus assumed ought to
York City for Repairing and En-
larging the City Hall be limited to those incurred
in winning independence, and urged that it would be of
advantage to the country as a whole once more to set the
states upon their feet. In March, the assumptionists car-
ried the day in committee of the whole house, but the
North Carolina delegation soon appeared and the measure
April 12 was lost by a majority of two. The house then adopted a
substitute measure prepared by Madison who wished to
take into account all debts incurred by the states in the
common defense, whether paid off or not, "or, in other

Hamilton's Financial Policy 49

words, to liquidate and apportion among them the I 7 9 0
expenses of revolution ab initio."
In all probability, Hamilton's plan for the assumption of Hamilton's
the state debts would have failed had it not become con- and
nected with another measure that was troubling congress. Bargain
At the end of the first session, the selection of a site for a
permanent capital had been left undecided, as told in the
preceding chapter. The southern members wanted to
have the capital on the Potomac and the Pennsylvania
delegation wanted it at or near Philadelphia, and at this
second session, the subject became complicated with the
assumption bill. The Pennsylvania delegates entered into
a bargain with the southern delegates to oppose assump-
tion; in return, the capital was to be fixed at Philadelphia
for fifteen years, after which it was to be removed to the
Potomac. But the story got abroad and the house struck
out Philadelphia and inserted Baltimore. Then Hamilton
had an interview with Jefferson and, on the next day,
Hamilton, Madison, and others took dinner at Jefferson's
house where the bargain was completed over fine punch
and Madeira. The capital was to be removed to Phila-
delphia for ten years and then permanently established on
the banks of the Potomac; the state debts were to be
assumed. Both parties lived up to the terms of the
agreement; before adjournment, the question of the
capital had been settled and assumption had been made July 16
a part of the general funding act. The amount of state August 4
debts assumed was arbitrarily fixed at twenty-one and a
half million dollars. A prompt settlement of the ques-
tions of dispute was of greater immediate value than the
careful adjustment of the several burdens.
Hamilton's recommendation for additional impost duties The End of
upon distilled spirits and for an excise upon those pro- the Second
duced in the United States was rejected by the house by June 2
a vote of twenty-three to forty-five. But some provision
had to be made to meet the large estimated deficit and,
on the ninth of August, the house directed Hamilton to
report, on the second Monday of December, "such fur-
ther provisions as may, in his opinion, be necessary for

50 Hamilton's Financial Policy

I 7 9 o establishing the public credit." Three days later, con-
gress closed its second session by adjournment.
The Early in the year
Accession of and by the casting
Rhode Island r State of Rhode-Iand and Providence-Plantations. an t casting
In GENERAL ASSEMBLY. vote of Governor
7aruary Seffion, A. D. 1790. Collins in the board
4w ACT for calling CONVENTION, of assistants the
to take ito Corderalim tChe Co litawm nl o i e
for the Vnited Stater, pafed the 7th fSep. Rhode Island as-
,,, p.W^ Rhode Island as-
tealab .d D. 1787, by kth GENERAL
SCi ENTION hn phdadciphla. sembly passed a bill
at.,,,,., ,. ,E. .Naa;, calling a conven-
;n| ,n 0,llr T i5*tf't 1 l.. U.rt 6A u1 % .78 h( tl,
,a, 7 .Hoi, ..L h, -o~ua tion to consider the
T Nht Pata. Ja.n p. U1 hi d M A
S, r,'. .or.nd ri. I ON. national constitu-
lrt &r r fal f-~ 11bgaldon ,A rDh.
h January zi he Rai,.o i.o C. Z...o ,. he tion. In the con-
January ZI ratem eda >J ihe Pr ,ne, tb i f--al To. qui.'
S%~i ,-..*~,~,I".. ,. vention, the Anti-
federalists had a
.. -,r= .. -. doubtful and un-
S. ,,i,,' u aK. easy majority. The
Sh ..rCo.Z i i t secession of the two
Sil, h .riido commercial towns
ri r t of Providence and
Newport was
Openly talked of in
m Rhode Island, and
k e9 the upper house of
congress supplied
added stimulus by
May i8 ,,~ passing a bill that
Rhode Island Bill calling a Convention to Consider prohibited com-
the National Constitution mercial intercourse
with the recusant state and authorized a demand upon
her for her share of the continental debt. After an
adjournment and much procrastination, Rhode Island
May 29 ratified the constitution by a majority of two votes.
The "Original Thirteen" were again united. On the
first of June, a message from the president announced
the accession of Rhode Island and the tardy members
from that state soon took their seats in congress. As
soon as congress adjourned, Washington visited Rhode
Island and was there received with as great enthusiasm

The $d LL Lof R I G H'TS,. At 1 ENDM'.E NT the
CoF TITUrION or THE UNITEb STATES, as agreed It by ihe1 N-
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A. A. 790o.

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52 Hamilton's Financial Policy

I 7 9 o as he recently had been in the other New England
I 7 9 I states.
Hamilton's The third session of the first congress was opened at
Second Philadelphia on the sixth of December, 1790. On the
Report on
Public Credit thirteenth, Hamilton submitted his second report on the
public credit. The report showed that nearly a million
dollars must be raised by added taxation and proposed a
duty on foreign distilled spirits and one on spirits distilled
within the United States. These
recommendations were in ac-
R E P 0 R T1 cord with Hamilton's general
4 theory that it was wise to have
I as little direct taxation as pos-
ialci. i i or ri sible and to raise as much reve-
A1' 1.r i" nue from articles of luxury as
AI.ES\'NDE was consistent with successful
i '. I collection. The excise proposal
a, .' P P
-. -. '..- was distasteful to states-rights
NATI9nAL. Bt,; men, for it implied a resort to
internal taxation and the pres-
"""F "' '- ... ence of federal officials, but,
.. after considerable opposition, a
"IE bill embodying Hamilton's sug-
....... ...m.., gestions passed both houses and
"':" became a law by the signature
it of the president on the third
Title-page of Hamilton's Report on the of March, 1791. A member
Subject of a National Bank remarked that it was "like
drinking down the national debt."
Hamilton In December, 1790, Hamilton laid before the house a
Proposes a plan to institute a national bank. It is a fact, well under-
Bank stood," so ran the report, "that public banks have found
admission and patronage among the principal and most
enlightened commercial nations. They have successively
obtained in Italy, Germany, Holland, England, and
France, as well as in the United States. And it is a cir-
cumstance which cannot but have considerable weight, in
a candid estimate of their tendency, that, after an experi-
ence of centuries, there exists not a question about their

Hamilton's Financial Policy 53

utility in the countries in which they have been so long I 7 9 0
established. Theorists and men of business unite in the I 7 9 I
acknowledgment of it." The principal advantages of a
bank he found to be "the augmentation of the active and
productive capital of a country," "greater facility to the
Government, in obtaining pecuniary aids, especially in
sudden emergencies," and "the facilitating of the payment
of taxes." He, therefore, recommended the creation of a
bank, the capital stock of which should not exceed ten
million dollars, of which not more than two million dollars
the federal government should hold. At this time, there
were but three banks in the country, one at Boston, one at
New York, and one at Philadelphia.
A bill embodying Hamilton's plan passed the senate The Bank of
"with the customary secrecy," but when it reached the the United
house it gave rise to the longest and bitterest debate ofStates
the session. One of the arguments most urged by those
opposed to such an institution was that the constitution
nowhere conferred upon congress the right to establish a
bank. The supporters of the plan met this with the doc-
trine of "implied powers" and, being supported by the
financial interests, forced the bill through the house. As February 8
finally passed, the bill chartered for twenty years the Bank
of the United States with a capital stock of ten million
dollars in shares of four hundred each. The United
States might subscribe two million dollars but need not
pay its subscription at once. Individuals were to have
the privilege of paying three-fourths of their subscriptions
in government securities, and bills of the bank were to be
receivable for all payments due the government. The
bank was to be a depository for public funds, but it was
not, without the consent of congress, to loan more than a
hundred thousand dollars to the treasury.
When the bill came up to the president, he asked for the Jefferson as
opinions of the attorney-general, the secretary of state, a Strict
and the secretary of the treasury as to the constitution- tionist
ality of the measure. Randolph's reply is not important,
but the opinions submitted by Jefferson and Hamilton
remain today among the ablest statements of the "strict

Nots on Tennessee: '
From 1780 toe179 formed prin- G~ L F
cipal part of Territory South of
the River Ohio.

The 1in13 ,..f ar.lumbla 0s,
created by sessions of Maryland
(1788) and Virginia (1789), but J I B X I
these States exercised jurisdiction
over the lands until 1800.
N.l.p gn by r la ty 1-
,:r*:'l trlhl3 at, N:worhlin-
rl i i; .- t > e L i;3 d i i. r
Spain; granted by Treaty 1795.

Boundary of the United States: ... ...
Boundarres not settled:..... ..---.....
Thed.r.nr nt Srttesarecoloredgreen:
Statiami mtid aince1789: ....... I I
ferr.iorcao the U.S.arre coloredbuff:
Terra,irle claiemed by the U. S., Georgia,
Spa, .a.nj Great Britain are indicated by
i:ll.r bIr. of heerespective claimants.
British Possessions: ... . .
Spanish Possessions: . .... .
The Seat of the U. S. Government was in
New York until Dec. 1790, when it was
removed to Philadelphia.
Capitals of States are shown thus: ...

5o 100 o o s0o
Scale of Statute Miles


Hamilton's Financial Policy 55

constructionist" and "broad constructionist" views of the I 7 9 1
constitution. Jefferson pointed out that the federal gov-
ernment was an authority of delegated powers and that
the power to establish a bank was nowhere mentioned in
the constitution. It was true that to congress was given
such powers as to levy taxes, borrow money, regulate
commerce, and "to make all laws which shall be necessary
and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing
Powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution
in the Government of the United States, or in any Depart-
ment or Officer thereof." But Jefferson contended that
the words "necessary and proper" in this "general clause"
were to be construed strictly, not in the sense of merely
"convenient." A bank, argued he, is not an absolute
necessity for carrying into effect any of the delegated
powers, hence a bill establishing such an institution is
unconstitutional. "If such latitude of construction be
allowed to this phrase as to give any nonenumerated
power, it will go to every one, for there is not one which
ingenuity may not torture into a convenience in some
instance or other, to some one of so long a list of enumerated
powers. It would swallow up all the delegated powers,
and reduce the whole to one power, as before observed.
Therefore it was that the Constitution restrained them
to the necessary means, that is to say, to those means
without which the grant of power would be nugatory."
Hamilton's opinion was in the nature of a reply to the Hamilton as
stand taken by Jefferson and Randolph. He thought it a road Con-
"essential to the being of the national government, that
so erroneous a conception of the meaning of the word
necessary should be exploded. It is certain, that neither
the grammatical nor popular sense of the term requires
that construction. According to both, necessary often
means no more than needful, requisite, incidental, useful,
or conducive to. It is a common mode of expression to
say, that it is necessary for a government or a person to
do this or that thing, when nothing more is intended or
understood, than that the interests of the government or
person require, or will be promoted by, the doing of this

56 Hamilton's Financial Policy

I 7 9 I or that thing." He then traced "a natural and obvious
relation between the institution of a bank and the objects
of several of the enumerated powers of government," such
as collecting taxes, borrowing money, regulating com-
merce, and raising and maintaining fleets and armies.
A Strong Hamilton's argument was so convincing that Washing-
National ton signed the bill which thus became a law. The first
great battle between strict construction and broad con-
struction had been fought. The doctrines so ably set forth
by Hamilton were afterwards confirmed by Chief-justice
Marshall. "The sound construction of the Constitution
must allow to the national legislature that discretion with
respect to the means by which the powers it confers are
to be carried into execution, which will enable that body
to perform the high duties assigned to it in the manner
McCullochvs. most beneficial to the people," was the conclusion of the
Maryland supreme court. It became the settled theory that when
the grant of a power to the national government has been
established that power is to be construed broadly. "Let
the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the
Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which
are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited
but consistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitu-
tion, are constitutional."
A Successful The Bank of the United States was cordially welcomed
Fiscal Agent by the financial world. Business men saw that the con-
nection of the bank with the government was bound to
make the enterprise profitable, and there was great eager-
ness for the stock. When the books were opened in
Philadelphia, all the shares were taken up within an hour.
In a year they were selling at fifty per cent. above par,
much to Hamilton's dismay. The bank rendered impor-
tant services to the government and for eighteen years
paid an average annual dividend of eight and a half per
cent. It restrained the issue of state bank-notes, provided
a safe and ample currency, and made easy the manage-
ment of the public revenue. The fact that its bills were
paid in gold and silver when presented at its counters
inspired confidence in the business world and raised the

Hamilton's Financial Policy

credit of the government from which it had received its I 7 9 I
Late in January, Hamilton sent to congress a report The United
on the establishment of a mint and congress adopted most States Mint
of his suggestions. In this essay on coinage, he advised
the adoption of the decimal system and outlined a plan
that, in the main, has been followed since. The only
point that aroused debate was the proposition that each
coin should bear a representation of the head of the
president in whose administration it was issued. This
suggestion was rejected -a
as too monarchical; the 'Affi .itftState's,.'. I
head of the goddess of .w,'o.
liberty was finally sub- llphl, .r
stituted. For us, the M ," i'and nner).
most interesting feature A'A iP c.,,,
of Hamilton's report e' '",. ". ..
lies in his advocacy of a W th e. .Li %i.
O tLe d 2jl&PfoT mkn.dk -. alndtpliJj, 61.1" [arra ihe
double standard. He -. day .n d -h L. d i.
i t ;tT-n biteconfnted, that the diltri of Kentucky, within
admitted the necessity .." "ia oofh o.n lth. ndccordingto
Sro Intoll a n- 6tiac ,i d wh ere a onvtion of dele rates
of conforming to the crth,,- L,:I b. ..difria of Kentuk, h- e pti
0cotr1, u0aL,1 ein commer- rda Coclun,, one thousand fe-
practice of th the commer- d "' -oul ,e fdi ormedino
SSituu. and ermtie into the Union, by the nme of the
cial world and especially ,ne and H.ous. Rua-m.re
of England, with which .dd d i.. n C.IVd ;d i,
SdlridofKentcky, hit tihej onar doiWefth Common, that l of
we had our largest deal- iind.ccordi to in bmu di... ghfgAih
0Dlrnfa fn. ber, orn e to u!"d evea hundred a n tylUhl
ings. HeT admitted the .." 7WR ; g.n'l.h. d&o,.ai.dCdd -m. .
ing e admitted t e be edinto b e St ea fa S tllt from, and independent of,
difficulties attendant on thfad Commonwealth of Virgina.
di cu b ifatten ant on ,anda d, That uponthe foreaid fir
day of June, one thoufandfeven hundred and ninety-wo, the faid
m maintaining a proper nea.Stat, bythe name and ileofthe State of Kentucky, iall be
teleived and admitted into thi Union, as a new and entire member
ratio between the metals, ofthe United Stao sfA mria.
so that one by being sp s ,tr./ overvalued should not JO'HND0'MSP" n s'eSas.
drive the other out. But Ap"ovoFebuary hefounh, 79'.
1 GEORGE WASHINGTON, PrtfdntflheUnltedStatet.
after all deductions and [.. con.]
with full allowance for .
all possible risks, he ... ,^y ^"
comes clearly to the con- Amendment to Act Establishing the Seat of
clusion that in the long Government of the United States
run greater steadiness is acquired by maintaining a double
rather than a single standard, and that a better circulating

58 Hamilton's Financial Policy

1 7 9 1 medium, larger, more convenient, and less subject to
dangerous fluctuations, is thus attained." After amend-
ing the act establishing the permanent seat of government,
the first congress finally adjourned on the third of March,
1791. On the fourth, the senate met in extra session and
adjourned the same day.
Washington's Soon after the final adjournment of the first congress,
Southern Washington set out on a three months' tour through the
our southern states. He went by way of Richmond, New-
bern, Wilmington, and Charleston, as far as Savannah
and returned by way of Columbia, Charlotte, and Hills-
boro, a journey of more than eighteen hundred miles.
"So highly were we favored," says he, "that we arrived
at each place where I proposed to make any halt, on the
very day I fixed upon before we set out. The same
horses performed the whole tour; and, although much
reduced in flesh, kept up their full spirits to the last day."
These tours appealed strongly to the warm human interest
that gathers much more readily around great men than
it does around constitutions and forms of government.
Washington's personal presence brought home to the
people the reality of a central government that to many
had seemed shadowy and distant. They knew him
and loved him; his very name symbolized freedom and
victory; and "when he came among them as the head
of a new government, that government took on in some
measure the character of its chief."
Hamilton's At the first session of the second congress, Hamilton
Report an put the finishing touch to his financial policy by sending
tures to congress his report on manufactures, the most elabo-
December 5 rate and, in some respects, the most important of all his
reports. It set forth the existing status of American
manufactures and urged that they be fostered and devel-
oped; it has been called "the strongest presentation of
the case for protection which has been made by any
American statesman." On the twenty-third of January,
1792, it was put on the calendar for consideration by the
committee of the whole house on the thirtieth, but it
appears that no further action was taken upon it. In the

Hamilton's Financial Policy 59

opinion of Senator Lodge, Hamilton hardly looked for 1 7 9 1
immediate results from this report; he "knew that prog-
ress would be deliberate and growth slow in this direction.
But he wished to sow the seed, to prepare the way and
lay down the lines to be followed, and so much he did."




The First T its second session, the first congress authorized the
Census first federal census. The enumeration showed
that the total population of the republic was 3,929,-
214. Of the states,Virginia stood firstwith 747,610; Penn-
sylvania second with 434,373; and North Carolina third

Ncvw-York, April 24.
N'Hci' .li frcrnoonocm, 5bgo- ol i 0rk, a,-
ri-- i rhi. Cith,-w, the cclamaiian% o I
I oriv _-idy o: Cmz-s,1( Hii E iCellen.:V
I'i P ziicallih %ilibe gi,ca inlr~ar~'
n. rble er7iin lils FE, el ahy hl:e h it ter
-A 'Fe h-cAJ of bhe gocr enena of i6e L:n;r.d
;;c; kd br thr e moll b'1lliar. exhibi-
rim of FIR(E %'OP P ever shiirairid in thi:
ci: 5, (~.~ 'P'5 n~~lll *sJr n~e iapen niendacc~e
ii H i msn, coinrelajer of t;.c cicy regi.
31 1; ilr .

Announcement of Washington's Arrival in
York, from the New York Gazette,
April 24, 1789
6,866. The centerof pop-
ulation was across Chesa-
peake Bay from Balti-
more, at the beginning of
its remarkable movement
westward closelyfollowing
the thirty-ninth parallel.
There were 697,696 slaves
of whom only 40,360

With 393,751; Rhode
Island stood last with
68,825,fewer than the ter-
ritory of Vermont which
had 85,425, or the terri-
tory of Kentucky which
had 73,677. The popula-
tion west of the moun-
tains was only 109,368,
and that north of Mason
and Dixon's line and the
Ohio River exceeded that
south of them by only

For Sale,
A I 1n i H L'. ,T -I, yOUN*C
LrV EUN firten ndi lCi:7cin \ls'car .,J.
She as bs n b ufed la e f rm ing It..
ntis. ScI,- ,r fm ..nt r-f Eiryt._.--Liq ,ro ii
N o ,, 9 ilii E.llr c .
Ne.-)yoik, Mlirch ,o, I-Rq.
A Slave Advertisement, from the New
York Gazette, April 24, 1789

Cfer f PI ..l aI .
tran u, ramn I, R uds

(Based upon map in Fifth Census of the United States)

62 The Emergence of Parties

i 7 8 9


April 24,

N W-Y OR K, April 4.
Ycfterday Arrived the illuifrious Gteon R c raK-
rMoTroN, F'rclldent df tile United States, amndlt the
Sjyft'l acclan;tin os ofl'very party and every dcfcripd-
on r cvrienls.
On this gpeat cccaiion, the hand o industry was iif-
pended, and the v rio:au plefures of the capital, were
concentered to a single cnjoymenc.-Eve ry nind was
filled with one idea, and every bic-r ft'elled with one
enmoion. Abforbecd and agitated by the ientime:: which
our adored leader and ruler inspired, the pr.nrer appre-
hends, that he cannot with perfeti prediction describe
tle various fcene uf fplendour whicn this event exhibi-
ted. The eye could inoi rove with freedom th.-ongr the
various parts tf this Icrne. One great object e. CaLed it,
and \VASrIiNTo : acrrelled and fnxcd it gaize.
The Prelident was rcceivendat Elizabeli-Townoby a
deputation of three Senators, fve Reprresnratives of
the Coiirefs of the United States, and three ofli-
cers ofrthe State aid Corporation i with wlhol he emn-
barked in the barge, built for the purpose ol .vaft'ing
his excellence across the bpy, ald ro.;ed by thirteen.
pilots of this harbour, drelfed in white uLifori ; Thit
mnasRandal, Elq a.tiaig as cockii% ain.
No lalguage cacn paint the beautiful liIplay made.on
his excellency's apple oath to the city. The lho'cs were
croudced with a vuat concouil-l e of cuizeni,5 wniring with
exulhingt anxety his arlival.-His Catholic Majetty's
fl'top of war the Gahiloni ( .i,. Doilrman's) lhip North-
Carolina, and thi oiter vEi; e in port, we-e relied
id decorated in the imol. per b nia .ner.-1-- is ex
.elienc-'s barge was ticco.npanied by the barge of the
~-., r. Gen. Knox, and a gieat nuismber of"vefhl I and
b.. trom Jerley and Ncv.-Yock, in his traia.-As
'.e .ifed the Gaivitton, he received a lilute of thirteen
tn. t, and was welcomed by -an cqual number front the
TTi:e whole water scene was animated and moving
beyond d!lc option T'ihc grand gala formed an obje.a
the Lnolu intoredig initginsable.
On iis excellency's arrival at the ttairs, prepared and
ornaeniiloled, at Milrray's wshal for his landing; h1-
w.: received aoil Cngriauiated by his exce:lency, the
Gverno: ,i sll State, aid the officers of the S;ate and
Ctr.ioration, aiit the I'aliowinl pior siion was formed.
i'il4R. Col. I.e,;s, aicompanped by two rfficerstiad fol-
loved by the t oon ui' dragoonst commanded by Capt.
Stake'.-Thc GaJsmn grenoaders, headed by Caprt. Scri-
ba-miufhc.-Ilnfantty of the bi.-dc, under the com-
mand of captains Swartw,-out aid Steddiiord -Grena-
diers, under Capt. Harlia.-Col. Bhulmant at the head
of tile regimentt of artiilery-mufic.-Gei. tMaleom and
aid-Officers ot the militia.-Commnitteeof Congreti -
Toe PInsDa .rlOJ ftippo tedby Governor. Glintln.. -.
The Predeaut'. luitc.-tllicers of the $t' e.-Vi.yr
and Alaerr.cen of New-Yo k.-The Fren',: and Zpanitil
-Aintiaiidrs, r their carriages.-'l-e whole order fol-
lowed u" s an j'laa'nlg concoulice l' citizens. '''
The p ,orifi'on advanced throu-l.1 Queen ft'eet to l
buhoe ltitd u for the reception o this k xcellency,
whelreit terminated. After which, he was cundudbea
!u-t formto thel onfe of Governor Cli.rnrs, isI
Shii Excellency dinled.-fIl tihe uvenln: cr., e iof,
1 Uthe citezelt wsiv brilloynly ill unminatcd.

Paragraph from The Daily Advertiser, April 24,
1789, announcing the Arrival of Washington
at New York

were in the states
north of the line just
referred to. Only
three and four-tenths
per cent. of all the
inhabitants resided in
cities of eight thou-
sand or more. There
were six such cities
with a total popula-
tion of 131,472.
At the beginning of
the new national gov-
ernment, slavery had
a nominal existence
in every state except
Massachusetts. When
Washington came to
New York as the
president-elect, one
column of the Gazette
contained an an-
nouncement of his
arrival and another
column bore an ad-
vertisement offering
for sale "a likely,
healthy, young negro
wench, between fif-
teen and sixteen years
old." In less than a
month, two runaway
negroes were seized in
Boston and sent back
to slavery- a quick
use of the slave-
holder's privilege un-
der the constitution of
the United States.

The Emergence of Parties 63

But Wilberforce and Clarkson were busy in England and I 7 8 9
abolition sentiment was increasing in America. There I 7 9 I

^ .^I l

A s e6 "A M I A- En i" Rcvrg
...,',v. 7 ,

: o t- c
..1- d7sx- U

-- I .. .. S, i

.7t ne m tA.. ,
..^. '^^ ,. ^- I .'

us, oh ay a en n Re

wSere p ooiti s--c a-s in s.. ie ver hata e
"par. izcu/lerar n the meidle os c..ti.ontau. Pen:s

thle unnert, ernd Pi theout o ctreoutfr
A. .T. .. ,.j ".i- "?

Accounts of the Yearly Meeting of Friends' Expenses in Recovering Ngefo Bna ,I -9
were abolition societies in several of the states,
"particularly in the middle section, Pennsyl-r
vania being a missionary State surrounded by "
the unconverted, and Philadelphia the centre of
anti-slavery operations." Among the leaders in silhouette
of Doctor
the new movement were Tench Coxe, Benjamin Benjamin
Rush, John Jay, and Benjamin Franklin. Rush
Some progress had also been made in actual emanci- The First
nation. When the people of Vermont framed a constitu- Fruits
tion in 1777, the declaration of rights provided that "no
male person, born in this country, or brought from over

64 The Emergence of Parties

I 7 8 o sea, ought to be holden by law, to serve any person, as a
I 7 9 0 servant, slave or apprentice, after he arrives to the age
of twenty-one years, nor female in like manner, after
she arrives to the age of eighteen years, unless they
are bound by their own consent, after they arrive to
such age, or bound by law, for the payment of debts,
damages, fines, costs, or the like." In Massachusetts,
the constitution of 1780 declared that "all men are born
free and equal" and, on the strength of this clause,
the state courts held that slavery was unconstitutional.
The New Hampshire constitution of 1784 declared that
"all men are born equally free and independent" and
this clause resulted in the extinction of slavery in that
state. In 1790, however, the census enumerated one
hundred and fifty-eight slaves in New Hampshire and
sixteen in Vermont, Massachusetts being the only state
in which there were none. In 1780, Pennsylvania,
through Quaker influence, adopted a system of gradual
emancipation; Connecticut and Rhode Island followed
her example in 1784. Three years later came the
ordinance of 1787. Even in the South, and especially
in Virginia, there was at this time considerable antislavery
sentiment, though the institution was too firmly intrenched
for actual abolition to carry the day.
The Elastic In the first session of the first federal congress, Parker
Conscience of Virginia moved in the house that an import duty be
levied on slaves, but members from South Carolina and
Georgia poured forth such angry tirades and members
from New York and New England were so lukewarm
that the motion was withdrawn. Northern members
wanted southern votes for protective duties and the
assumption of state debts, and the stream of eloquence
that had flowed strong on rum and molasses was checked
by an attempt to discourage the infamous traffic. The
matter was silently dropped and no tax on the slave-trade
was ever laid.
Antislavery But the ghost would not down. On the eleventh of
moriales in February, 1790, certain Quaker memorials adopted in
1789 at the yearly meetings in Philadelphia and New

The Emergence of Parties 65

York and "praying the attention of Congress in adopting I 7 9 0
measures for the abolition of the Slave Trade; and, in
particular, in restraining vessels from being entered and
cleared out for the purpose of that trade" were presented February zi
to the house of representatives. The next day came a
similar memorial from the Pennsylvania Society for Pro-
moting the Abolition of Slavery, signed by Benjamin
Franklin as president.
The memorials provoked a discussion the bitterness Typical
and vulgarity of which exceeded anything of the kind Treatment of
the Slavery
that congress had yet heard. Jackson of Georgia and Question
Smith of South Carolina used violent language and in
terms abused the
Quakers as ene-
mies of freedom
and as spies and
guides of the Brit-
ish armies during
the late war. The
names of the sign-
ers of the memo-
rial were called
over and their
black u p o n the
floor of the house.
Even Franklin,
then upon his
death-bed,did not
escape. Efforts
were made to
prevent even the
reference of the Benjamin Franklin
resolutions to a committee, but they failed. On the fifth of
March, the committee reported a series of seven resolu-
tions, of which three denied the right of congress, in
certain instances, to interfere with slavery, three affirmed
the right of congress to tax and regulate the slave-trade,

66 The Emergence of Parties

I 7 9 0 while the seventh provided that "the memorialists be
informed, that in all cases to which the authority of
Congress extends, they will exercise it for the humane
objects of the memorialists, so far as they can be pro-
moted on the principles of justice, humanity, and good
policy." On the twenty-third of March, the report of the
special committee was considered in committee of the
whole house. By this time, the delegates from North
Carolina had arrived. With the aid of their votes, the
seventh resolution was stricken out, as was the fourth
which asserted the right of congress to lay a tax not
exceeding ten dollars on each slave imported. Other
amendments were ordered, after which, by a vote of
twenty-nine to twenty-five, the report was ordered to be
printed in the journal and to lie on the table. The
matter as finally agreed to was in the following form:
I. That the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing
shall think proper to admit, cannot be prohibited by Congress prior to the year I808.
2. That Congress have no power to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the
treatment of them within any of the states, it remaining with the several states alone to
provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require.
3. That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the United States from
carrying on the African trade for the purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of
providing by proper regulations, for the humane treatment during their passage of slaves
imported by the said citizens into the states admitting such importation.
4. That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels in
any port of the United States for transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port.
Of course, these resolutions were more acceptable and
soothing to the proslavery extremists than they were to
the memorialists. We have no full record of the debates
and votes, but the result could not have been obtained
without the aid of northern members. The principles of
the report of the committee of the whole typifies con-
gressional action on the slavery question for many years.
Two New Among the other acts passed by the first congress are
States and a an act defining crimes against the United States and fixing
New Territory the punishment therefore, a naturalization act, a copy-
right act, and a patent act. When North Carolina came
into the Union she ceded the territory that is now the
state of Tennessee on condition that "no regulations
made or to be made by Congress shall tend to emancipate
April z slaves" held there. Congress accepted the territory with

The Emergence of Parties

the accompanying conditions, and organized it, with the I 7 9 o
twelve-mile strip ceded by South Carolina, as "The I 7 9 I
Territory Southwest of the Ohio River." The new May 26, 1790
Southwest territory was to be governed as the Northwest
territory was, except that slavery was to be permitted.
Other acts provided for the admission of Kentucky and February,
Vermont into the Union.~ I791
On the fourth of March, ,
1791, Vermont came .ig,
into the sisterhood of e
states, the first addition ye
to the original thirteen.
Her free constitution, a"
adopted in 1777, had ,
been slightly amended at
in 1785. On the first of -
June, 1792, Kentucky L,
was formally admitted
"as a new and entire
member of the United : .
States of America" and ,. .. .j
under a slave constitu- 9.* .a.mW .
tion framed at Danville
by a convention .that I,.D -
completed its labors on .
the nineteenth of April GFOGt ...
of that year. Mr. '
Schouler remarks that
"the first Congress with
all its practical states-
manship could boast..Act permitting the Formation of Kentucky
little tenderness of con- as a State
science touching human rights or a broad apprehension
of the dangerous antagonisms it fostered for the sake of
present harmony." The time was not yet ripe for parties
to divide on the slavery question.
The adoption of the constitution had destroyed the Political
significance of the old division into Federalists and Anti- Alignment
federalists. Many of the latter at once accepted the new

68 The Emergence of Parties

I 7 9 o system, and all possibility of successful activity on the
I 7 9 I part of those who remained hostile soon came to an end.
Not very successful efforts have been made to trace the
parties that now developed back to the parties that
favored and opposed the constitution, to the Whigs and
Tories, and to the factions existing at the time of the
Conway cabal. With better reason, John Adams said
that the new parties had their origin in human nature.
The antagonistic tendencies that characterized them were
most prominently exemplified in two members of Wash-
ington's first cabinet-the men who were the founders
of the two new parties.
Thomas Jefferson had sailed from France in October and, on
Jefferson the twenty-third of December, was welcomed by his
slaves at Monticello. He had returned for a visit of a
few months only and expected to go back to watch the
progress of the French revolution
in which he was deeply inter-
ested. He was not wholly pleased
to receive, on his arrival, Wash-
ington's invitation to become his
secretary of state to which office
he had been appointed in Sep-
tember. He accepted his port-
folio only after the earnest solici-
tation of the president. His
Jefferson's Seal residence in Europe had left
undiminished his hatred of monarchical rule and had
intensified his enthusiasm for popular liberty. "His
faith in the laxest form of democracy, scarcely removed
from anarchy, stood to him in the place of a religion;
he preached it with a fervor, intensity, and constancy
worthy of Mahomet or Wesley." He was opposed to a
strong central government and could hardly even "bring
himself to declare that the people should govern, because
he had a lurking notion that there should be no govern-
ment at all." A philosopher and experimentalist, he was
opposed to imitating European forms, for this, he believed,
would tend to class rule. Equal rights for all, special

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