Half Title
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 List of Illustrations
 For the building of a nation
 On the way to revolution
 The stamp act
 The repeal of the stamp act - The...
 The townshend acts
 Repeal of the townshend acts
 Strengthening the colonial...
 The beginning of Colonial...
 The tea episode
 Over the mountains
 The five intolerable acts
 Moving toward the union
 The first continental Congress
 The war begun
 The first months of war
 The second continental Congres...
 Beleaguered Boston
 The second continental Congress...
 The northern campaign
 Temper of middle and southern...
 The first attempt upon the...
 The stamp act Congress
 The Virginia resolutions, adopted...

Group Title: History of the United States and its people, : from their earliest records to the present time.
Title: A history of the United States and its people
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00076585/00005
 Material Information
Title: A history of the United States and its people from their earliest records to the present time
Physical Description: 7 v. : col. fronts., illus. (part col.) plates (part fold.) ports. (part col.) maps (part fold.) plans (part fold.) facsims. (part fold.) ; 26 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Avery, Elroy McKendree, 1844-1935
Abbatt, William, 1851-1935
Publisher: Burrows Bros. Co.
Place of Publication: Cleveland
Publication Date: 1904-10
Subject: History -- United States   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Bibliography: "Bibliographical appendix" at end of each volume.
Statement of Responsibility: by Elroy McKendree Avery ...
General Note: On t.p. of v. l, "in twelve volumes"; on t.-p. of v. 2-4, "in fifteen volumes"; on t.-p. of v. 5-7, "in sixteen volumes." No more published.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00076585
Volume ID: VID00005
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01466912
lccn - 04032329

Table of Contents
    Half Title
        Page ii
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Title Page
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
    Table of Contents
        Page viii
    List of Illustrations
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
        Page xix
        Page xx
        Page xxi
        Page xxii
        Page xxiii
        Page xxiv
        Page xxv
        Page xxvi
        Page xxvii
        Page xxviii
        Page xxix
    For the building of a nation
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
    On the way to revolution
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
    The stamp act
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 54a
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 60a
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
    The repeal of the stamp act - The mason - Dixon line
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 72a
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 76a
        Page 76b
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
    The townshend acts
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
    Repeal of the townshend acts
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
    Strengthening the colonial body
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
    The beginning of Colonial Union
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 146a
        Page 146b
        Page 146c
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 148a
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
    The tea episode
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
    Over the mountains
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 174a
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
    The five intolerable acts
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
    Moving toward the union
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
    The first continental Congress
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 222a
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
    The war begun
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 243a
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
    The first months of war
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
        Page 260a
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
        Page 265
        Page 266
        Page 267
        Page 268
        Page 268a
        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 271
        Page 271a
        Page 272
        Page 272a
        Page 272b
        Page 273
    The second continental Congress
        Page 274
        Page 275
        Page 276
        Page 277
        Page 278
        Page 279
        Page 280
        Page 281
        Page 282
        Page 282a
        Page 283
        Page 284
        Page 284a
        Page 285
        Page 286
        Page 287
        Page 288
        Page 289
        Page 290
        Page 291
    Beleaguered Boston
        Page 292
        Page 292a
        Page 293
        Page 294
        Page 295
        Page 296
        Page 297
        Page 298
        Page 299
        Page 300
        Page 301
        Page 302
        Page 303
        Page 304
        Page 305
        Page 306
        Page 307
        Page 308
        Page 308a
        Page 309
        Page 310
        Page 311
        Page 312
        Page 313
        Page 314
    The second continental Congress - September to December
        Page 315
        Page 316
        Page 317
        Page 318
        Page 318a
        Page 319
        Page 320
        Page 321
        Page 322
    The northern campaign
        Page 323
        Page 324
        Page 325
        Page 326
        Page 327
        Page 328
        Page 329
        Page 330
        Page 331
        Page 332
        Page 333
        Page 334
        Page 335
        Page 336
        Page 337
        Page 338
        Page 339
        Page 340
        Page 340a
        Page 341
        Page 342
        Page 343
    Temper of middle and southern colonies
        Page 344
        Page 344a
        Page 345
        Page 346
        Page 347
        Page 348
        Page 349
        Page 350
        Page 351
        Page 352
        Page 353
        Page 354
        Page 355
        Page 356
        Page 357
        Page 358
        Page 359
        Page 360
        Page 361
    The first attempt upon the south
        Page 362
        Page 363
        Page 364
        Page 365
        Page 366
        Page 367
        Page 368
        Page 369
        Page 370
        Page 371
        Page 372
        Page 373
        Page 374
        Page 375
        Page 376
        Page 377
        Page 378
        Page 379
        Page 380
        Page 380a
        Page 381
        Page 382
        Page 383
        Page 384
        Page 385
        Page 386
        Page 386a
        Page 386b
        Page 387
        Page 388
        Page 389
        Page 390
        Page 391
        Page 392
        Page 393
        Page 394
        Page 395
        Page 396
        Page 396a
        Page 397
        Page 398
        Page 398a
        Page 398b
        Page 399
        Page 400
    The stamp act Congress
        Page 401
        Page 402
        Page 403
    The Virginia resolutions, adopted May 16, 1769
        Page 404
        Page 405
        Page 406
        Page 407
        Page 408
        Page 409
        Page 410
        Page 411
        Page 412
        Page 413
        Page 414
        Page 415
        Page 416
        Page 417
        Page 418
        Page 419
        Page 420
        Page 421
        Page 422
        Page 423
        Page 424
        Page 425
        Page 426
        Page 427
        Page 428
        Page 429
        Page 430
        Page 431
        Page 432
Full Text

A History of

the United






Portrait of

Samuel Adams

From original oil painting
from life by John Singleton Copley,
now owned by the city of Boston
and deposited in the
Museum of Fine Arts

Signature from an autograph
letter in the New Yorh Pub-
lit Library (kmmet Collec-
tion I

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:.'- .- '.; .= ,t -" : ,.I .. ,








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4. 4 44



THE fourth volume of this work had to do
largely with the elimination of France from
America. The French and Indian war had
given English colonists a military training and made them
conscious of their strength. In the glory of the final
triumph they had a pride not less than that of English-
men across the sea. But the issue of that war had
cleared away the menace of traditional enemies at the
door and made possible a close and quick consideration
of economic and political grievances that had been ill-
borne at best and that were now extended and intensi-
fied by new conditions born of the supreme struggle of
insular and continental England.
The next issue was to be one of constitutional govern-
ment, an issue that was pivoted on the question of how
far English laws were binding on those who had no share
in making them. To the consideration of this question,
as solved in the dozen years that filled the gap between
the peace of Paris and the declaration of American inde-
pendence, this volume is devoted.
My obligation to Dr. Paul L. Haworth, as acknowl-
edged in the preface to my fourth volume, has been
enlarged by his assistance in the preparation of the
fifth. I am also deeply indebted to Professor William
MacDonald of Brown University for valuable help. For
the many friendly suggestions that I have received and
for the continued approval of readers and reviewers, I
am grateful.
Cleveland, January, 1908

I 4i L .1


Introductory: Lists of Maps and Illustrations.
I. For the Building of a Nation I
II. On the Way to Revolution 28
III. The Stamp Act 46
IV. The Repeal of the Stamp Act -The
Mason-Dixon Line 64
V. The Townshend Acts 8
VI. Repeal of the Townshend Acts 99
VII. Strengthening the Colonial Body 119
VIII. The Beginning of Colonial Union 134
IX. The Tea Episode I54
X. Over the Mountains 171
XI. The Five Intolerable Acts 189
XII. Moving Toward Union 200
XIII. The First Continental Congress 211
XIV. The War Begun 226
XV. The First Months of War 257
XVI. The Second Continental Congress-Its
First Session 274
XVII. Beleaguered Boston 292
XVIII. The Second Continental Congress-Sep-
tember to December 315
XIX. The Northern Campaign 323
XX. The Temper of the Middle and Southern
Colonies 344
XXI. The First Attempt upon the South 362
XXII. Independence. 370
Appendices 401
Bibliographical Appendix 407
NOTE.- A general index will be found in the last volume of this work.


Samuel Adams Frontispiece
This is the well-known Copley portrait, deposited by the city of Boston
in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Reproduced in colors in close
facsimile of the original painting.
From an original letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Col-
Rhode Island Census, I774 2
From original in collection of Rhode Island Historical Society, Providence.
The Avery House in Dedham, Massachusetts,
built by William Avery, about 1675 2
From photograph in collection of the New England Historical and
Genealogical Society, Boston.
The Mansion at Westover, Virginia 3
From a recent photograph.
Tobacco Roller, and Sketch showing how it was
Used 3
From model and sketch in the National Museum, Washington.
Plow used at Boxford, Massachusetts, on the Morn-
ing of April 19, 1775 4
Photographed and colored from the original in the Essex Institute, Salem.
Ax, used about 1750 4
From collection of Essex Institute.
Advertisement for a Runaway Slave 5
From contemporary issue of the Maryland Gazette.
A Clockmaker's Advertisement 6
From contemporary print.
A Boy's Shoe, worn previous to the Revolution 7
From original in the Essex Institute.
A Loom 7
From original in the Essex Institute.
A Reel 7
From original in the Essex Institute.

x Illustrations

Carpenter's Tools of Colonial Times 8
Including a wooden square, auger and bit, reamer and adze. Reproduced
directly from the original articles kindly loaned by Mr. John E. L. Hazen,
of Shirley, Massachusetts.
Tooth Extractor, and Surgeon's Saw 9
From originals in collectionof the Bostonian Society,Old State House, Boston.
Saddle-bags in which Mrs. Ruth Perley Curtis of
Boxford carried Food and Powder to her Hus-
band, Lieutenant John Curtis, fighting at Bun-
ker Hill 9
From originals in the Essex Institute.
Watch and Chain once worn by John Gedney Clark 10
From originals in the Essex Institute.
Spectacles and Case of Colonial Times 10
From originals in the Essex Institute.
Old Wall Paper at the Quincy Mansion, Quincy,
Massachusetts I1
Photographed and colored in close facsimile.
Bruton Parish Church, Williamsburg, Virginia 12
From a photograph. The church was built in 1678 and rebuilt in 1715.
Foot Stove 12
From original in the Essex Institute.
Warming Pan 13
From original in the Essex Institute.
Steelyard 14
From original in the Essex Institute.
Old Panniers 14
From original in the Essex Institute.
Conestoga Wagon 16
From model in the United States National Museum, Washington.
One-horse Chaise 16
From the Essex Institute, said to be the only one of Revolutionary period
in any museum.
Routes of Travel with Table of Distances, from
Philadelphia 17
Reproduced from Philadelphia Almanack, 1779, in collection of the
Massachusetts Historical Society.
Stage Coach Announcement, May 20, 1772 18
From original broadside in New York Public Library ( Emmet Collection).
Tavern-sign of Israel Putnam's Inn, called the
"General Wolfe" (in colors) 18
From collection of Connecticut Historical Society. The illustration shows
its present appearance.
Leather Mail Bag, carried between Hartford, Mid-
dletown, and New Haven, in 1775 19
From collection of the Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford.


Joseph Wanton, the Tory Governor of Rhode
Island (Portrait and Autograph) 19
From original painting in Rhode Island State House; autograph from a
letter in the Emmet Collection of the New York Public Library.
John Hancock's Double Chair (in colors) 20
From collection of American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachu-
Fire Bucket 20
Lamp used about 1775 20
Old-time Umbrella (in original colors) 20
Old Kettle or Dutch Oven 21
Candle M old 21
The five preceding objects reproduced from originals in the collection of
the Essex Institute.
Horn-book. 22
From Andrew W. Tuer's History of the Horn-Book. His reproduction
is from "an absolutely immaculate horn-book in the collection of Mr.
Robert Drane of Cardiff. It was found wrapped up with two others of
the same kind, whose whereabouts has long ago been lost sight of, in the
drawer of a Bath bookseller in x8zo, when the business changed hands."
Original size is zY4 by 44/ inches.
View of William and Mary College 23
From a photograph.
Seal of Harvard College 23
Engraved about 1764, and for many years used on the "deturs" or prizes
given for scholarships.
Enlistment Blank, with engraved View of Fort
Hill, Boston 25
From an original print in the Essex Institute.
A Colonial Printing-press and Type-case 26
Said to have been used by Franklin. Preserved by the Bostonian Society,
Old State House, Boston.
A Pistol of Revolutionary Time 27
From the collection of the Essex Institute.
Shipping-bill, dated December 15, 1764 31
Reproduced directly from the original document, loaned for that purpose
by the Essex Institute.
We are especially indebted to Mr. George Francis Dow, Secretary, for
generous advice in the selection and assistance in photographing the numer-
ous objects in the Essex Institute which appear in the foregoing pages and
further on.
Governor Francis Bernard (Portrait and Autograph) 3 I
Portrait photographed by special permission from original painting by Copley
in Christ Church College, Oxford.
Autograph from letter of October 27, 1764, in the New York Public
Library (Emmet Collection).
Portrait of James Otis 32
Reproduced in original colors of portrait in the Old State House, Boston.

xii Illustrations

Title-page of Otis's Pamphlet, A Vindication of the
Conduct of the House of Representatives of the
Province of the M assachusetts-Bay 34
Reproduced from a copy of the original edition in the Boston Athenaeum.
Autograph of Charles Townshend 35
From an original letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collec-
Autograph of George Grenville 36
From an original letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collec-
Portrait of Peter Faneuil 39
From portrait in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Exterior and Interior View of Faneuil Hall, the
"Cradle of Liberty" 40
Both are modern views based upon photographs in colors.
Coat of Arms of James Otis 48
Based upon design in A Genealogical and Historical Memoir of the Family
of Otis, by Horatio Nelson Otis, and printed in correct heraldic colors.
Title-page of Stephen Hopkins's Pamphlet, The
Rights of Colonies Examined 52
From original edition in library of the Rhode Island Historical Society.
A Page from Boston Post Boy and Advertiser, May
27, 1765, between 54 and 55
From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Portrait of Isaac Barre 55
From mezzotint, published in 177x, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
A Two-shilling Revenue Stamp of I765 55
From an original specimen in collection of the Massachusetts Historical
Silver Head of the Mace used in the Virginia
House of Burgesses up to the Revolution 57
Redrawn from a copyrighted photograph by permission of Miss Edyth
Carter Beveridge of Richmond, Virginia.
Patrick Henry (Portrait and Autograph) 58
Reproduced from the Sully painting, owned by Mrs. Matthew Bland Harrison,
a great-granddaughter of Henry, and loaned to the State Library at Rich-
mond, Virginia. Sully worked from a miniature on ivory, painted direct
from life by a French artist, and Chief-justice John Marshall and others
attest the fidelity of this likeness.
We are indebted to Mrs. Elizabeth Henry Lyons, another great-grand-
daughter, for kind assistance in securing this reproduction.
Broadside issued by the Maryland Sons of Liberty 59
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Autographs of the Twenty-eight Delegates appointed
to the Stamp Act Congress between 60 and 6 I
Collected from various original documents in the New York Public
Library ( Emmet Collection).

Illustrations xiii

Portrait of John Dickinson 62
Reproduced from Peale's painting in Independence Hall, Philadelphia.
Last Page of the Petition to the House of Lords 62
From original document in the Library of Congress.
First Page of the Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly
Advertiser, Issue of October 31, 1765 66
From an original in the New York Public Library ( Emmet Collection).
Broadside of Verses entitled, "A Dose for the
Tories" 69
From print in the Library of Congress.
Broadside announcing the Repeal of the Stamp
Act between 72 and 73
From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Fragment of the Statue of William Pitt in New
York ..74
It is interesting to note that the statues of the king and of Pitt were voted
on the same day by the New York assembly ; were carried to New York
from London on the same vessel four years later, and were, in the year when
independence was declared, pulled down by opposing factions -the king
being molded into bullets to be used against his own troops and the
minister wantonly decapitated by the king's forces, in order to vent their
spleen against their fellow countryman whom their enemies revered as a
friend and ally. This fragment of Pitt's statue is preserved by the New
York Historical Society.
Large Lantern that hung upon the Liberty Tree at
the Illumination in Honor of the Repeal of
the Stamp Act 74
From original in collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House,
Portraits of George III. and Queen Charlotte 74
From photographs kindly supplied by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet.
Penn's Order for the Survey of the Circular Bound-
ary between the Counties of Chester (Pennsyl-
vania) and New Castle (now Delaware) and
Report of the Commission between 76 and 77
Reproduced from the original documents in possession of the Pennsylvania
Historical Society.
One of the Stones marking the Pennsylvania and
Maryland Boundary 77
From a photograph.
Map of the Topography of the Region 78
Map showing the various Surveys of the Curved
Boundary 79
Compiled by Dr. Paul Leland Haworth.
Pitt Medal 82
From the Emmet Collection of coins.

xiv Illustrations

Bernard's Thanksgiving Proclamation, November
6, 1766 82
From original broadside in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Plan of New York in 1767 83
Facsimile of a modern engraving of a contemporary map.
Portrait of Lord North (in colors) 86
From original crayon drawing by Nathaniel Dance, in the National Por-
trait Gallery, London.
Title-page of Dickinson's Letters from a Farmer 87
From the original edition in the Library of Congress.
James Bowdoin's Desk .87
From the collection of the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester,
John Hancock's Sideboard 88
From the collection of the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester,
View of Castle William 90
From a line-engraving made probably in 1770, in the New York Public
Library ( Emmet Collection).
Lord Hillsborough (Portrait and Autograph). 91
From an engraving made about 178o; autograph from a letter in the
New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Christian Remick's "Perspective View of the Block-
ade of Boston," 1768 94, 95
Close facsimile of original water-color sketch in the Essex Institute. It
measures 61Iy by 12a inches. Six copies of this view are known to be
extant, all varying in some details.
Paul Revere's View of Boston, 1768 96
Facsimile of a copy of the original engraving in colors in the collection of
the Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston.
Statue of Lord Botetourt standing in front of Wil-
liam and Mary College, Williamsburg, Virginia 97
From a photograph.
Autograph of Lord Botetourt .. 97
From a letter of July 31, 1769, in the New York Public Library (Emmet
Iron Stove or "Warming Machine" used in the
Virginia House of Burgesses 100
Preserved in the Virginia State Library.
Autograph of John Wilkes 101
From a letter, February 4, 1769, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Title-page of 7unius 102
From a copy of the original edition in the John Carter Brown Library,
View of Old State House, Boston, 1791, from
Washington Street 103
From Massachusetts Magazine.

Illustrations xv

Autograph of Thomas Preston 107
From a military document, dated June 25, 1767, in the New York Pub-
lic Library (Emmet Collection).
The Bloody Massacre on the Streets of Boston,
March 5, 1770, engraved and colored by Paul
Revere 108
Reproduced in reduced facsimile by special permission from a copy of the
original engraving kindly loaned by the Essex Institute, Salem, Massa-
chusetts. The engraved portion, including lettering, measures 8Y x 10
Indictment of Captain Thomas Preston for Killing
Samuel Maverick and others in the Boston
Massacre 109
From original manuscript in Old State House, Boston.
Boston Massacre Monument (in colors) I
Title-page of the Published Narrative of the
Massacre III
From a copy of the original edition in the Boston Athenaeum.
Mayor Hicks's Proclamation for Preservation of
Order in New York .. 113
From original broadside in possession of the New York Historical Society.
Black-list published in Edes and Gill's North Ameri-
can Almanack, 1770 114
Medalet of John Wilkes 116
From the Emmet Collection of coins.
Portraits of Thomas Hutchinson and his Wife 124
From oil portraits in collection of Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston.
Portrait of William, Lord Mansfield 128
From engraving of portrait by Sir Joshua Reynolds in the Emmet Col-
lection of the New York Public Library.
Map of the Regulators' War 129
Title-page of A Fan for Fanning 130
From a copy of the original pamphlet in the New York Public Library.
Early Map of Wyoming and Lackawanna Valleys. 131
Redrawn from Pearce's Annals of Luzerne County, Philadelphia, 1866,
kindly supplied by Rev. Horace Edwin Hayden, corresponding secretary of
the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsyl-
View of Brown University in 1793 132
A southwest view of the college, garden, and president's house. Repro-
duced from print in possession of the Rhode Island Historical Society.
Silver Goblet saved from the "Gaspee" by Captain
Abraham Whipple 136
Now in collection of the Rhode Island Historical Society.
The Earl of Dartmouth (Portrait and Autograph). 137
Portrait from an engraving in London Magazine, October, 1780; autograph



from letter of October 19, 1774, in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Title-page of Pamphlet, The Votes and Proceedings
of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the
Town of Boston 140
From a copy of the original edition in the John Carter Brown Library,
View of the Birth-place of Warren, Roxbury, Massa-
chusetts 141
Built in 1720o; taken down in 1846. Reproduced from an engraving in
collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston.
Summons to Arthur Fenner to Appear before the
Committee of Inquiry to testify regarding the
Burning of the "Gaspee" 146
From original in collection of the Rhode Island Historical Society.
Royal Instructions to Commissioners appointed to
Investigate the burning of the Gaspee .
between 146 and 147
From original document in the office of the Secretary of State, Providence.
Ballad on the burning of the "Gaspee" .
between 146 and 147
From original in collection of the Rhode Island Historical Society.
The Virginia Resolves published by the Boston
Committee for Distribution in other Towns 148
From a print kindly loaned by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet from his private
Portrait of Thomas Cushing 148
From original painting in the Essex Institute.
A Page from the South Carolina Gazette
between 148 and 149
Dinner Plate owned by Governor Thomas Hutch-
inson 149
From collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston.
Title-page of the Hutchinson Letters 152
From a copy of the original edition in the Essex Institute.
Portrait of Alexander Wedderburn, Baron Lough-
borough 156
Reproduced from an engraving of painting by James Northcote, R. A.
Copy in New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
The "Earl Grey" Portrait of Franklin. 157
From the original portrait by Benjamin Wilson, painted from life in 1759,
now in the White House, Washington, D. C. During the British occu-
pation of Philadelphia in 1778, several British officers were quartered in
Franklin's own house, among them Sir Charles Grey. On his staff was
Major Andr6. When the British left the town, Andre took this picture
for his commanding officer. It was carried to England and for more than

Illustrations xvii

a century and a quarter hung on the walls of Howick House, the home
of the Greys. On the bi-centennial of Franklin's birth in 1906, the
governor-general of Canada, Albert Henry George, fourth Earl Grey and
a great-grandson of Sir Charles Grey, most graciously restored this portrait of
Franklin, as a gift in commemoration of the occasion, to the American na-
tion. This portrait was regarded by Franklin as a very excellent likeness and
this fact, in connection with the circumstances of its capture and return,
endow it with greatest interest. The canvas measures 24 x 59 inches.
The Alarm, Number I I59
The first of a series of papers relative to the East India Company's mo-
nopoly of trade. Reproduced from original in collection of the New
York Historical Society.
W warning issued by the Sons of Liberty. 161
From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
View of the Old South M eeting-house 163
Section of William Price's A Southeast View of ye great Town of
Boston in New England in America," published in 1743, showing the
building erected in 1729.
Original is in possession of Dr. James B. Ayer.
M ap of Boston, 1765- 75, Showing Places of Interest 165
Based upon Faden's map.
Compiled by David Maydole Matteson, A. M.
Punch Bowl used by the Boston "Tea-party" on
the Afternoon before the Tea was thrown
Overboard 166
From collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
China Tea-caddy I66
Holds some of the tea found in the pockets and boots of Colonel John
Crane, when taken injured to his home, after participating as one of the In-
dians who helped throw the cargo of tea overboard in Boston Harbor.
From original owned by Mrs. Richard Perkins and deposited in the Old
State House, Boston.
Portrait of George Robert Twelves Hewes, Member
of the Boston Tea-party 167
From oil portrait painted from life in 1835 by J. G. Cole, in collection of
the Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston.
Portrait of Thomas Melville, Member of the Bos-
ton Tea-party 167
From oil portrait in collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House,
Pocket-book of Colonel Abner Cheever, Member
of the Boston Tea-party 167
From original in the Essex Institute.
Handbill issued by the New York Vigilance Com-
mittee 168
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Handbill issued by the Philadelphia Vigilance Com-
mittee 169
From a print in the private collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet.

xviii Illustrations

Receipt for Iroquois Lands sold to the Penns at the
Treaty of Fort Stanwix .. 173
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Map illustrating Dunmore's War and the Proposed
New Colonies in the West between 174 and 175
Prepared by Dr. Paul Leland Haworth and David Maydole Matteson, A. M.
Lord Dunmore (Portrait and Autograph) 180
Portrait in original colors reproduced from painting in Virginia State
Library, Richmond; autograph from an original letter in the New York
Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Coat of Arms of Lord Dunmore. 181
From Sir Robert Douglas's Peerage of Scotland; reproduced in correct
heraldic colors.
Map of the Battle of the Great Kanawha 183
Prepared by David Maydole Matteson, A. M.
"The Bostonians paying the Excise Man, or, Tar-
ring and Feathering," a Cartoon published in
London in 1774 I 190
From a lithographed print in collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State
House, Boston.
First Page of the Boston Port Bill 19
From original edition in the Library of Congress.
Title-page of the printed Edition of Burke's Speech
on American Taxation 196
From copy of the original edition in the New York State Library, Albany.
Coat of Arms of Thomas Gage 202
From Burke's Peerage and Baronetage; reproduced in correct heraldic
Portion of Document sent by the Boston Committee
of Correspondence to various Towns, announc-
ing the Passage of the Port Act and soliciting
United Action by the Colonies 203
From original in collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House,
Title-page of Josiah Quincy's Pamphlet on the Bos-
ton Port Bill. 204
From a copy of the original edition in the New York Public Library.
Autograph of Christopher Gadsden 207
From an original letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collec-
Map of British and Other Possessions in North
America, 1775 212
Compiled by David Maydole Matteson, A. M.
John Hancock's Crimson Velvet Coat 214
From original in collection of the Bostonian Society, Old State House,



View of North Square, Boston .217
From heliotype from a sketch by George R. Tolman, in Old State House,
Boston. Shows Nos. x9-2z North Square, the homestead of Paul Revere,
erected soon after the fire of 1676. Said to be the second best example
of houses with overhanging stories now (1889?) standing in the limits of
old Boston."
Paul Revere's Pistol 218
From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Last Page of Articles of Association of the First
Continental Congress, with Autographs of all
Members between 222 and 223
From original in the Library of Congress.
View of W ashington Street, Salem, 1765-70 227
Showing old school-house and whipping-post. The original water-color
sketch drawn by Dr. Joseph Orme, between 1765 and 1770, is in the
Essex Institute.
Title-page and a Diagram from Pickering's An Easy
Plan of Discipline for a M ilitia 228
From original edition in the Essex Institute.
Revolutionary Relics (Bullets, Cartridges, Cartridge
Paper, Bullet M old, and Lddle) 229
Reproduced directly from originals kindly loaned by John E. L. Hazen,
Shirley, Massachusetts.
The bullets, cartridges, and cartridge paper were found in the old Unitarian
meeting-house at Shirley, Massachusetts (built in 1773).
Connecticut Forty-shilling Bill of 1775 230
From original specimen in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collec-
Method of Making Gunpowder 231
From Ames's Almanack for 1775 in the Boston Public Library.
Title-page of a Treatise on the Manufacture of
Gunpowder .. 232
From original edition in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Site of Old North Bridge, Salem (in colors) 236
Joseph W arren (Portrait and Autograph) 237
Reproduced in colors from Copley's famous painting in the Museum of
Fine Arts, Boston, by generous permission of the owner, Major Warren
Putnam Newcomb, U. S. A., a descendant of Warren.
Title-page of Warren's Memorial Oration of March
6, 1775 238
From original edition in library of the New York Historical Society.
Portrait of Hugh, Earl Percy 238
From photograph of original painting in Middlesex Guild Hall, Westmin-
ster, England. Reproduced by special permission of the Justices of the
Peace for the County of Middlesex.
Interior of Saint John's Church, Richmond 239
From a photograph.

xx Illustrations

Paul Revere (Portrait and Autograph) 240
The portrait is a reproduction of Gilbert Stuart's painting which shows
Revere when he was about eighty years of age. It is in the possession of
Mrs. John Revere of Canton, Massachusetts, through whose courtesy we
obtained a photograph of it.
Mrs. Revere's husband was a grandson of Paul Revere.
Map of Route from Concord to Lexington and
Boston 240, 241
Portrait of W illiam Dawes .. 242
From original painting in Cary Library, Lexington, Massachusetts, through
courtesy of Marian P. Kirkland, librarian.
Hancock-Clark House, Lexington, where Adams
and Hancock were staying on the Night of
April 19 242
From a photograph kindly furnished by Marian P. Kirkland, librarian,
Cary Library.
Page from Paul Revere's Diary, recording Midnight
Ride of William Dawes and Himself
between 242 and 243
From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
The Battle of Lexington, engraved by Amos Doo-
little 243
This is Plate I of a series of four, all of which are of great scarcity.
Direct reproduction from original engraving in the collection of the Ban-
gor (Maine) Historical Society, kindly loaned for that purpose.
Clapper of the Bell that summoned the Citizens of
Lexington on April 19 244
Owned by the town of Lexington, and reproduced by special permission,
through kind effort of Marian P. Kirkland, librarian, Cary Library.
Monument to Captain Parker and his Men at Lex-
ington .. 244
From a photograph kindly supplied by Marian P. Kirkland, librarian,
Cary Library.
Pitcairn's Pistols 244
Owned by the town of Lexington, and reproduced by special permission,
through kindness of Marian P. Kirkland, librarian, Cary Library.
Musket carried by Robert Peele of Salem at the
Battle of Lexington 245
From collection of the Essex Institute.
Buckman Tavern near the Lexington Common 245
Pierced by bullets April 19, 1775.
Reproduced from a painting in Old South Meeting House, Boston.
Sewall House, Burlington, Massachusetts 245
Hither Adams and Hancock retreated during the battle of Lexington.
The house was burned April 23, 1897.
Reproduced from photograph in collection of the New England Historical
and Genealogical Society, Boston.



Sword carried by Major-general William Heath
during the American Revolution .. 246
From original in collection of the New England Historical and Genealogical
Society, Boston.
Drum beaten at the Battle of Lexington .246
Reproduced by special permission from the original in collection of the
Lexington Historical Society, through kind efforts of Marian P. Kirkland,
librarian, Cary Library.
Battle-ground M monument at Concord (in colors) .247
Statue of the Minuteman at Concord 247
From a photograph.
Flag of the Bedford Minutemen 248
Presented to the town of Bedford in 1885 by Captain Cyrus Page, descend-
ant of Nathaniel Page who carried it to Concord with the minutemen. It
has been sealed between glass plates and placed in custody of the Bedford
Free Public Library. Considering its age and years of neglect, the flag is
in good preservation.
We are indebted to the town authorities and particularly to Mr. Charles
W. Jenks, treasurer, Bedford Free Public Library, for permission to have
it photographed and colored in close facsimile.
List of the Killed and Wounded at Lexington
and Concord .249
From original broadside in the Essex Institute.
Doctor Joseph Fiske's Bill for Services to British
Soldiers at Lexington .. 251
Reproduced from original in collection of the Lexington Historical Society,
by courtesy of Marian P. Kirkland, librarian of Cary Library. While it
has often been asserted that the Americans gave the wounded British no
care whatsoever, indeed, even brutally treated them, this document-
probably the only one in existence-proves that the wounded British were
given most careful medical attention.
Title-page of Lord Chatham's Speech in the House
of Lords 253
From original edition in library of the New York Historical Society.
Portrait of Edmund Burke .. 255
From an engraving, published in 1780, in the Emmet Collection of the New
York Public Library. It is a copy of the painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds.
Autograph of Ethan Allen 258
From an original letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Col-
A Lieutenant's Commission issued to David Pixley
by the Massachusetts Provincial Congress and
signed by Joseph Warren between 260 and 261
From a lithographic facsimile of the original document.
Portrait of Israel Putnam 261
From oil painting by Harry I. Thompson, painted in 1876, after a pencil
sketch from life by Colonel John Trumbull now owned by the Putnam
Phalanx, Hartford. The portrait was purchased from the artist in z881
and now hangs in the governor's office, Hartford.



Autograph of Artemas W ard 261
From an original letter in the New York Public Library ( Emmet Col-
Portrait of John Burgoyne 262
Reproduced in colors of original portrait (painted by Thomas Hudson in
1759) at Hampton Court Palace, England, by special permission of Mrs.
George Stopford, a granddaughter of Burgoyne.
Gage's Amnesty Proclamation, June 12, 1775 263
From original broadside in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Homestead of Artemas Ward, Shrewsbury, Massa-
chusetts 264
From an early photograph in collection of the New England Historical and
Genealogical Society, Boston.
Autograph of W illiam Prescott 264
From an original letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Col-
View of Charlestown from Beacon Hill 265
From original pen-and-ink sketch by the British engineer Montresor,
entitled A View of Charles Town, and the back Ground, as far as the
narrow pass, taken from the Beacon Hill," made before the battle of
Bunker Hill. It was purchased by Henry Stevens with the Montresor
Papers, and is now in the collection of the Boston Atheneum.
Cartridge-box worn by Abraham Tuttle of New
Haven at the Battle of Bunker Hill 266
From collection of the Connecticut Historical Society.
Map of the Battle of Bunker Hill 267
Compiled from various sources.
Israel Putnam's Battle-sword and Sheath 268
From collection of the Connecticut Historical Society.
"View of the Attack on Bunker's Hill, with the
Burning of Charles Town, June 17, 1775"
between 268 and 269
Reproduced from an original copper-plate engraving in the New York Pub-
lic Library (Emmet Collection).
A W oodcut Portrait of Joseph W arren. 270
Published in George's Almanack for 1775.
Reproduced from copy in the Essex Institute.
"An Exact View of the Late Battle at Charlestown
June I7th 1775" between 270 and 271
Reproduced from an original copper-plate engraving in collection of the
Massachusetts Historical Society.
A Contemporary Map of the Battle of Bunker Hill 271
From an engraving in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Bunker Hill Monument 272
Portrait of Israel Putnam .between 272 and 273
From an original mezzotint engraving in the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).

Illustrations xxiii

Appeal for Provisions and Royal Welsh Fusileers
(Uniforms and Goat) between 272 and 273
From original broadside in the Boston Public Library; uniforms from Can-
non's Historical Record of the Twenty-third Regiment.
Watch used by Stephen Hopkins. 276
From collection of Rhode Island Historical Society.
Pennsylvania State-house 277
From a contemporary engraving, showing appearance,1741-50.
Currency issued by Continental Congress, 1775 282
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Brigadier-general's Commission issued to Horatio
Gates between 282 and 283
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
The Declaration of Congress, July 6, 1775, setting
forth Reasons for Taking up Arms
between 284 and 285
Showing the first page of the manuscript as drawn up by John Dickinson
and the entire declaration as printed. Both are reproduced from originals
in collection of the New York Historical Society.
Map illustrating Relations of the Colonies with the
Indians .. 285
Prepared by David Maydole Matteson, A. M.
Autograph of Richard Penn. 289
From original letter in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Guy Johnson's Map of the Country of the Six
Nations between 292 and 293
From O'Callaghan's Documentary History of New York.
Order for Coats with Sample of Cloth Attached 294
From original in the Boston Public Library.
Map of the Siege of Boston 295
Compiled from many sources.
Uniform of Morgan's Virginia Riflemen 296
From an original drawing specially prepared for this work by Harry A.
Wax Impression of Washington's Seal 297
From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Handbill printed for Distribution among the Royal
Troops to induce Desertion 297
From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
The "Yankee Doodle" Ballad of the Revolution 298
From a copy of the original in the Essex Institute.
Paul Revere's Bill for Services to Massachusetts
from April 21 to May 7, 1775 299
From original in the Revolutionary Archives, State House, Boston.
View of Nathan Hale's New London School-house 305
This building, from the desk of which Hale departed to the war, no



longer stands on its original site. It was removed many years ago and used
as a dwelling, that location being no longer available. It now stands in
Ye Antientiest Buriall Ground in New London. It is in charge of
the Daughters of the American Revolution, the local chapter, and is used
as a depository of colonial and revolutionary relics.
Nathan Hale's Powder-horn 305
From collection of the Connecticut Historical Society.
John Hancock's Money Trunk 306
From original in Old State House, Boston.
Massachusetts Bay Currency, Issue of December 7,
1775 308
From the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Soldiers' Receipt for Pay between 308 and 309
From original in Boston Public Library.
Pownall's View of Boston .. 310
From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Dorchester Heights Monument 312
Marks the spot from which Washington saw the evacuation of Boston.
View of the North Battery, Boston 313
From engraving by Paul Revere in collection of the Massachusetts Histori-
cal Society.
Autograph of John Barry 317
Governor Tryon's Proclamation to suppress Rebel-
lion and Sedition between 318 and 319
From original in collection of the New York Historical Society.
South Carolina Currency, Issue of June I, 1775 319
From original specimen in New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Esek Hopkins (Portrait and Autograph) 320
Portrait from a mezzotint published in London in 1776, a print of which
is in the Emmet Collection in the New York Public Library; autograph
from an original signature in the same collection.
Autograph of Philip Schuyler 324
From the Emmet Collection in the New York Public Library.
Richard Montgomery (Portrait and Autograph) 325
Portrait, in colors of original, is from Peale's painting in Independence
Hall, Philadelphia; autograph from the New York Public Library
(Emmet Collection).
Map of the Expedition against Canada, 1775-76 326,327
Based upon Carrington, with suggestions and corrections by Mr. Fred C.
Wiirtele, of the Literary and Historical Society, Quebec.
Autograph of James Livingston 328
From an original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Flag of the Seventh Fusileers (King's Color) 329
Captured at Fort Chambly in 1775 and now deposited in the chapel at
West Point. The illustration shows its present appearance.
David Wooster (Portrait and Autograph) 329
Portrait from a mezzotint published in London in 1776, a print of which
is in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection); autograph
from same collection.



Guy Carleton (Portrait and Autograph) 330
Copied from Doughty and Parmelee's Siege of Quebec, by permission.
Autograph from Netherclift's Autographs of the Kings and Queens, and
Eminent Men, of Great Britain, London, 1835.
Map of Arnold's March 332
Based upon Carrington with suggestions and corrections by Mr. Fred C.
Wiirtele, of the Literary and Historical Society, Quebec.
Arnold's Watch 333
From collection of the Connecticut Historical Society.
Map of Arnold and Montgomery's Attack on
Quebec 335
Portrait of Benedict Arnold. between 340 and 341
From original mezzotint in the New York Public Library (Emmet Col-
Autograph of Charles Carroll of Carrollton .341
Formula of Enlistment in the Continental Army 342
From original preserved in collection of the Essex Institute.
Suffolk's Letter to Riedesel introducing an Officer,
February 26, 1776 .. 343
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Montresor's Plan of New York and Vicinity, 1775 -
between 344 and 345
From original in the collection of the New York Historical Society.
Reproduced in exact original colors.
Marinus Willett (Portrait and Autograph) 345
From original painting by Waldo, in the New York City Hall. Painted
when he was mayor of New York.
Topographical Map of New York and Vicinity 346
New York Currency, Issue of March 5, 1776 347
From original specimen in the New York Public Library (Emmet Col-
Commission issued to the Earl of Stirling 348
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Pennsylvania Currency, Issue of March 25, 1775 349
From original specimen in New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Maryland Currency, Issue of December 7, 1775 351
From original specimen in the New York Public Library (Emmet Col-
Powder Magazine at Williamsburg, Virginia 352
Built in 1714 during the administration of Governor Spotswood, and still
Signatures of the Mecklenburg Committee 356
Kindly supplied by Mr. George W. Graham, Charlotte, North Carolina.
William Moultrie (Portrait and Autograph) 365
Reproduced from originals in the New York Public Library (Emmet Col-
lection). The portrait follows an engraving of painting by Trumbull.
Map of the Attack on Sullivan Island 367



Caricature entitled "The Wise Men of Gotham and
their Goose" 374
Printed in colors of the original from a reproduction of the caricature
appearing in The Boston Port Bill as Pictured by a contemporary
London Cartoonist," by R. T. H. Halsey, published by the Grolier
Club, 1904. Of the original only three copies are known to be in exist-
ence-all owned by Mr. Halsey. Reproduced by courteous permission
jointly granted by the owner of the picture and the council of the Grolier
George Germain (Portrait and Autograph) 375
Portrait reproduced from a mezzotint made in 1759 from the original paint-
ing by Sir Joshua Reynolds autograph from letter dated November 3,
1779 -both in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Portrait of Thomas Paine 376
From an engraving in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Portrait of John Hancock .. 378
Reproduced in original colors from Copley's painting deposited by the
city of Boston in the Museum of Fine Arts.
Portrait of Dorothy Quincy (Mrs. John Hancock) 379
Reproduced in colors from original painting by Copley, in the Museum of
Fine Arts, Boston, by special permission of its present owner, Mr. Stephen
Currency issued by Continental Congress 380
One-third dollar, showing both sides.
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Governor Cooke's Fast-day Proclamation, May 6,
1776 between 380 and 381
This was the first proclamation closing with the words God save the
United Colonies" instead of God save the King."
Reproduced from original in collection of the Rhode Island Historical
North Carolina Currency, Issue of April 2, 1776 381
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Rhode Island Currency, Issue of January 15, 1776 382
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Virginia Currency, Issue of May 6, 1776 383
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Page of a Manuscript Draft of a Constitution for
Virginia, drawn up by Jefferson in 1776 384
From original in the Library of Congress.
The first page of this document contains the sentiments of the Declaration
of Independence virtually in the same language. It was written earlier
than the Declaration, and shows Jefferson's influence in both.
Portrait of Richard Henry Lee (in colors) 384
From Peale's original portrait in Independence Hall, Philadelphia.
Resolution of General Assembly of Connecticut to
purchase Lead ... 386
From original broadside in collection of New York Historical Society.



Jefferson's Rough Draft of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence (with amendments by John Adams
and Benjamin Franklin) between 386 and 387
From photograph of the original deposited in the Department of State,
Washington, D. C.
New Hampshire Currency, Issue of June 28, 1776 387
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
New Jersey Currency, Issue of March 25, 1776 388
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Delaware Currency, Issue of January i, 1776 .389
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).
Coat of Arms of Charles Carroll of Carrollton 390
From Kate Mason Rowland's The Life of Charles Carroll of Carrollton.
Printed in exact heraldic colors.
Cesar Rodney Monument at Dover, Delaware 393
From photograph kindly supplied by Mr. Thomas F. Bayard, of Dover,
It may be interesting to note that there exists no authentic portrait of
Caesar Rodney, because, by reason of a cancer on one side of his face, he
never sat for a portrait.
The Declaration of Independence, as it was first
printed for general Distribution 395
From original in the Library of Congress.
Table and Chair used at the Signing of the Declara-
tion of Independence 396
From photograph of the originals in Independence Hall, Philadelphia.
Engraved facsimile of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence .. between 396 and 397
"The Congress Voting Independence". 397
Close facsimile of original painting in the Historical Society of Pennsyl-
vania. Painted by Robert Edge Pine, but unfinished at his death in 1788
and completed by Edward Savage. This picture was painted in the very
room in which the event commemorated was enacted. Trumbull's
famous Declaration of Independence was undoubtedly based to some
extent upon it, though in the matter of the architecture of the room,
Trumbull departs from his model.
The Liberty Bell" 398
Preserved in Independence Hall, Philadelphia.
The Declaration of Independence, between 398 and 399
From photograph of the original parchment made in 1893. It is preserved
in the Department of State, Washington, but no longer exhibited.
Hancock's Letter to the Rhode Island Assembly,
requesting that the Declaration of Inde-
pendence be entered upon its Records
between 398 and 399
From original deposited in the office of the Secretary of State, Providence.

xxviii Illustrations

Coat of Arms of Oliver Wolcott 399
From Samuel Wolcott's Memorial of Henry Wolcott and some of his
descendants. Reproduced in correct heraldic colors.
Georgia Currency, Issue of 1776 399
From original in the New York Public Library (Emmet Collection).

A History of the United States

and its People

THE COLONIES: 1764-1775;



AT the close of the French and Indian War, the 1 7 6 3
population of the colonies that were to consti- Population
tute a new nation amounted to perhaps seven-
teen or eighteen hundred thousand. This population
was almost wholly confined to the narrow strip of land
between the Atlantic and the Alleghenies. With the
exception of a few posts, such as Natchez, Kaskaskia,
Vincennes, Detroit, and Pittsburg, etc., the vast region
west of the mountains was an unbroken wilderness.
Small as was the population of the colonies, it was far The
from being homogeneous. Perhaps one-fifth of all were lumblian
negroes, the larger part of whom were in the colonies
south of Pennsylvania. Dutch, Germans, Scotch-Irish,
Scotch Highlanders, and French Huguenots made up so
large a part of the remaining population that the Ameri-
cans were even then a distinct people from the English.
Mr. Roosevelt, himself of Dutch descent, says that prob-
ably not much over half the blood was English. Of
all the sections, New England was most purely Eng-
lish; leaving out of account the negroes, the South came
next. The middle colonies, and especially New York
and Pennsylvania, were least so. New York City was
already a veritable Babel; it is said that twenty years
before it was taken from the Dutch no fewer than eight-
een languages were spoken there.
The population was almost entirely rural. Philadel- Distribution
phia, the metropolis, was a beautiful and attractive city

2 For the Building of a Nation

1 7 6 3 with libraries, paved streets, and an agreeable situation
that were praised by travelers, but it probably contained
Ti6 following is the Account of-the mber "
kl;.l.e-tfla~l, taken b hetcent C, h Moh :
.r o r ; ,: .l, ri ythe' ". l

5? i s 4
i "1j4 10-6 41 t#. 7 -- .7 7 d S
R 1' 4 ,

Rhode Island Census, 1774
fewer than twenty-five thousand persons. Boston, New
York, Charles Town, and possibly Norfolk were the
only other places
that contained
more than five
thousand each.
In Virginia, the
most populous of
the colonies, there
was only one place
that could rightly
be called a town;
The Avery House in Dedham, Massachusetts, built by William sb
William Avery about 1675 the capital, was a


For the Building of a Nation 3

straggling village with sandy, unpaved streets and about I 7 6 3
two hundred houses, "somewhat overweighted with the
public buildings and those of the college."

The Mansion at Westover, Virginia
In the North, and especially in New England where Agriculture
most of the soil was thin and poor, large estates were
exceptional, although the patroon system still existed in

_' .. .. M.f.,F
"- -A"t" .

..*i -. y :* i

Sketch showing Method of Using Tobacco Roller A Tobacco Roller
New York. In this section, farming was far more diver-
sified than in the South, where tobacco, rice, and indigo

4 For the Building of a Nation

I 7 6 3 were the great staples. In Virginia, great plantations
were the rule, though there were many small farms. The
lordly planter generally lived in a lordly mansion, situ-
ated by the side of some navigable stream and surrounded
by numerous outbuildings and negro cabins. To the
wharf of such a plantation once a year an English
tobacco-ship came to leave a varied assortment of goods
that had been ordered months before and to take away
the season's surplus crop. As a rule, the planter was
not a good business man, and ordinarily he was badly,
sometimes hopelessly, in debt to English creditors.
Everywhere the agricultural methods were indiffer-
ent, while in the use of labor-saving implements
the people of that day, in America as else-
where, had not advanced much beyond the
Egyptians of the time of the pyra-
Labor The labor system
variedgreatly. In
Plow used at Boxford on the Morning of April 19, 1775 New England
and the middle colonies, the farmer depended, in the
main, upon his own work and that of his sons; hired
labor was scarce and, north of Maryland, slaves were
few. Indentured servants were, however, numerous in
some of the colonies, especially in Maryland and Vir-
ginia. In April, 1775, Washington proclaimed, in the
Virginia Gazette, a
reward for two Scotch
serving-men who had
just absconded from
Mount Vernon.
Many redemption-
ers, persons who had Ax used about 75
sold their services to
pay their passage over sea, after the expiration of their
terms of service, became useful and substantial citizens;
but some of them, together with the free negroes and a
majority of those who had been deported for crime,
formed "the scum of society." In the South, negro

For the Building of a Nation 5

slaves performed most of the hard labor; in South Caro- I 7 6 3
lina, they considerably exceeded the whites in number
and their condition was ordinarily worse than was that
of slaves in Virginia, Maryland, and the colonies further
Slavery was generally regarded as a praiseworthy insti- slavery
tution, although the leaven of emancipation had begun
to work. As early as 1637, Roger Williams had asked
whether, after "a due time of training to labour and
restraint, they ought not to be set free?" In 1688, the
Germantown Friends, as already recorded, presented
their famous petition against the institution. Twelve
years later, Samuel _---- -- ------- -,
Sewall, in a tract FIVE POUNDS REWARD.
called TheSelling of AN away from he r.,bcribei,
Joseph, denounced lt ing in Shepherd', Town.
setdr me in Oaober fail, a lul,,to
slavery and the 89 n-amed TOBY-V.bour 14 years
.l 6 Ind haa l (car on he riehr fide
slave trade in vig- .i, ,h,,,-oalt-ad on, wh-n he
orous terms. He went away an old brown iacLet,
Sow Ihiri dnd c cktrouferr, which er.fuppofed r i'be
said: These Ethi- worn out y t ime.-ie-Whoect .takel, up the fa;d
opians, as black as Mulaito., a f-d s.him in env k~ 'o.ht hu mal-
ter may have him agaii hall recei ithe above reward,
they are; seeing from Jo H N c,tA W so N.
they are the Sons N. B. Al maflers of veael. are forw.rned not to
J ke him offat their pereil.
and Daughters of -
the First Adam, In lhc Ship Nancy, Capt. Burrow, arryv-
.. "> ed at.Baltiimore, a Cargo of
the Brethren and ed at- ltino Cigo of
Sisters of the Last Coarfe Sa t
offspringofGOD; oHN STv NS .
They ought to be Advertisement for a Runaway Slave
treated with a Respect aggreeable." By 1750, "profes-
sional anti-slavery agitators like John Woolman and
Benezet" were at work in Pennsylvania and New Jersey.
In 1758, the Friends' yearly meeting at Philadelphia
ordered that members were to set their slaves "at liberty,
making Christian provision for them." In 1776, the
society directed the monthly meetings to exclude from
membership all who refused to comply with the order.
In a new country, where fertile land is easily obtainable Manufactures



For the Building of a Nation 7

and the supply of labor is consequently scanty, manu- I 7 6 3
facturing is likely to languish. So it was in the colonies.
Still, a great many articles
that now are ordinarily pur-
chased were then made at
home. The northern farm
was almost as self-sufficient
as was the medieval manor.
Many families produced all
the clothing, furniture, etc., A Boy's Shoe, worn previous to the Revolution
that they used. In short, the man of that day was a jack-
of-all-trades who could turn his hand to almost anything,

A Loom
from making a wooden rake
to building a house. Despite A Reel
repressive English legislation and the dearth of labor,
there was, especially in the North, considerable manufac-
turing on the larger scale. Thus there were fulling-mills
in several of the colonies, and iron-works were in existence
in Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and elsewhere. Bur-
naby tells us that, in 1758, sixty thousand dozen pairs
of thread stockings, worth a dollar a pair, were made at
Germantown. The distillation of rum from West India

8 For the Building of a Nation

Wooden Square

Wooden Auger
and Bit

A Reamer

An Adze

Carpenters' Tools of Colonial Times
(Reproduced from the original articles kindly loaned by
Mr. John E. L. Hazen, Shirley, Mass.)
I 7 6 3 molasses was an important New England industry, as
will be more fully explained a few pages further on.
There were perhaps fifty colonial printing-presses, and
the production of naval stores, leather, and other arti-
cles gave employment to many.
Ship-building Of all manufactures, however, ship-building was perhaps
the most important. In 1769, three hundred and eighty-
nine vessels of an aggregate of twenty thousand tons
burden were launched. Of this number, Massachusetts
built one hundred and thirty-seven; Connecticut, fifty;
New Hampshire, forty-five; Rhode Island, thirty-nine;
Virginia, twenty-seven; Pennsylvania, twenty-two; Mary-
land, twenty; and New York, nineteen. It was generally
remarked, however, that American vessels did not last as
long as did those built in Europe.. For this, two reasons
were assigned: one was that American timber was naturally
less durable than European; the other, that the spirit of
haste, even then noticeable in America, did not allow
sufficient time for the timber to become seasoned.

For the Building of a Nation 9

Of the few existing professions, some were in a lament- I 7 6 3
able state. The physician's professional education was Physicians
usually meager, and frequently consisted of a short
apprenticeship with some established practitioner. There

Tooth Extractor Surgeon's Saw
was no medical college in the colonies before 1765, but
a few students went abroad to study at Edinburgh or
elsewhere. Elson tells us that "the practice of blood-
letting for almost any disease was universal; and if the
physician was not at hand, this was done by the barber,
the clergyman, or any medical amateur. The drugs were
few, and their rightful use was little known. Saint John's-
wort was taken as a cure for many ills, for madness, and
to drive away devils. A popular medicine was composed
of toads burned to a
crisp and powdered,
then taken in small
doses for diseases of
the blood.
In addition to the reg-
ular physicians there
were many quacks who
hawked their Indian
medicines and special
cures about the coun-
try; but these were not
peculiar to colonial
times." We wonder
at this a little less when
we understand that, for Saddle Bags in which Mrs. Ruth Perley Curtis of Boxford carried
Food and Powder to her Husband, Lieutenant John
a hundred years, Har- Curtis, fighting at Bunker Hill
vard and Yale had existed essentially to train clergymen
and that the departments of medicine in those colleges

io For the Building of a Nation

I 7 6 3 came up at first as collateral affairs. During the long-
continued reign of the clergy, the ministers were the phy-
sicians of their
Lawyers The law as a
profession had
long been looked
upon with dis-
Sfavor; the minis-
ters were always
welcome as attor-
neys. During the
reign of the New
Watch and Chain once worn by John Gedney Clark England clergy,
they not only argued cases but also acted as judges;
Colonel Higginson tells us that they "would boldly go
into lawsuits in progress, observe what was going on, and
if they were not pleased with the judge's decision would
overrule it. If they did not like the examination of the
witnesses they would examine them themselves; if they
did not like the action of the jury they would overrule
it and pro-
nounce the
Samuel Sew-
all, a man of
ability and
s t e r 1 i n g Spectacles and Case of Colonial Times
character, one of the judges during the witchcraft cases at
Salem and later chief-justice of Massachusetts for a
decade, had studied divinity and "might either be
regarded as something of a clergyman veneered over with
a little law, or something of a lawyer veneered over with
a good deal of clergy." For years after the entry of the
eighteenth century there was no required preparation or
examination for the practice of the law. When John

For the Building of a Nation I

Adams of Braintree, after graduation at Harvard, sought I 7 6 3
the hand of Abigail Smith, the paternal Smith, a clergy-
man, made opposition largely on the ground that the
suitor was a lawyer. But, in the second half of the cen-
tury, the influence and importance of the law developed
with great rapidity. It was remarked that the increase in
the numbers and importance of the legal class was the

uia wan raper at ne .umncy ivansion
most marked tendency of New England life. The same
was true, possibly in less degree, in the other colonies.
In New York, the lawyers managed to control the
politics of the colony. Some years later, Burke stated
in his speech on conciliation that an English publisher
had told him "that in no other branch of his business,
after tracts of popular devotion, were so many books as
those on the law exported to the plantations."
Notwithstanding the interest renewed by the "Great The Clergy
Awakening," religion occupied less of the attention of the

12 For the Building of a Nation

1 7 6 3 people than in the preceding century. In New Eng-
land, there was still an austerity of manner and belief
that was hardly exceeded in Scotland, and the people
continued, as a rule, to be "strictly Sabbatarian, rigidly
-. orthodox, averse to
extravagance, to gam-
bling, and to effeminate
T- amusements;" but the
S / H rigor of the Puritan
theology had been
relaxed. "A greater
variety of people came
as settlers, with differ-
ent opinions, a greater
variety of saints, and a
tolerable variety of sin-
ners." The ministers,
some of whom were
learned in Greek, He-
brew, and Latin, were
Bruton Parish Church, Williamsburg, Virginia still the leaders of the
people and dreaded papacy and episcopacy as much as
ever, but, in many respects, they were more liberal than
their predecessors. In the middle colonies, owing in part
to the great diversity of creeds, there
was a broader spirit of toleration
than elsewhere and religious
orthodoxy was less severe
than in New Eng-
land. In New
York and in all the
southern colonies
excepting Georgia,
the Anglican
church was recog-
nized by law as the
state church, but
the greater part of
the population Foot Stove

For the Building of a Nation 1 3

belonged to other denominations. In South Carolina,the I 7 6 3
Episcopal clergy were men of zeal and character, but in
Maryland and Virginia especially they were, in learning,
piety, and morality, inferior to the clergy
of New England.
In Virginia, "they
ranged from hedge W arming Pan
parsons and fleet chaplains, who had shrunk away from
England to find a desirable obscurity in the new world,
to divines of real learning and genuine piety, who were
the supporters of the college, and who would have been
a credit to any society." Many of them were men who
"worked their own lands, sold tobacco, were the boon
companions of the planters, hunted, shot, drank hard, and
lived well, performing their sacred duties in a perfunctory
and not always'in a decent manner." The established
clergy in Maryland appear to have been no better.
The fisheries gave employment to many and formed Fisheries
an unexcelled school for seamen. "Neither the perse-
verance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the
dexterous and firm sagacity of English enterprise," said
Burke in 1775, "ever carried this most perilous mode of
hardy enterprise to the extent to which it has been pushed
by this recent People." The opening of waters previously
controlled by the French greatly stimulated the whale-
fishery, and, in 1763, Massachusetts sent out eighty ves-
sels or more. The mackerel and codfisheries were still
more important. In 1763, the three hundred Massa-
chusetts vessels engaged in cod-fishing took 102,265
quintals of merchantable cod, worth about 61,359 pounds,
and 137,794 quintals of unmerchantable cod (known as
"West India Cod" because it could be sold in the West
Indies), worth about 62,007 pounds. The ninety mack-
erel vessels sent out by the same colony took 18,000 bar-
rels, worth about 16,200 pounds. In the same year,
the colony also exported about 1o,ooo barrels of
"shad, alewives, and other pickled fish," worth about
5,000 pounds. In the following year, New England
employed more than forty-five thousand tons of

S4 For the Building of a Nation

I 7 6 3 shipping and about six thousand men in the various
Commerce In spite of the annoying navigation laws, the effect of
which has been considered, commerce and trade, foreign
and domestic, had assumed important proportions. The
fur trade with the Indi-
ans gave employment
to many bold and
hardy, and to some
Snot over-scrupulous
men, and was very
profitable. The coast-
wise trade was still
more important. The
chief exports were
A Steelyard tobacco, rice, indigo,
flour, and various other agricultural products, fish, tim-
ber, vessels, furs, whale-oil and whalebone, and naval
stores. For ten years preceding 1770, the average value
of the exports of Maryland and Virginia was more than
one-third greater than that of the united exports of New
England, New York, and Pennsylvania. Among the
chief imports were textiles, wines, iron and steel goods,
furniture, spices, books, tea, and coffee. After about
1735, the much magnified "balance of trade" was always
against the colonies. Philadelphia, New York, and the
New Eng-
land ports
were the
chief centers
of the carry-
ing trade.
The West
India market
was of the
highest im-
portance and Old Panniers
the prohibitive duties of the molasses act of 1733 were
systematically evaded; in 1763, of the fifteen thousand

For the Building of a Nation 5

hogsheads of molasses imported into Massachusetts from I 7 6 3
the West Indies only five hundred came from the British
islands. From this molasses was distilled the chief
medium of the African slave-trade, a nefarious traffic that
had attained huge proportions. Sloops from Boston,
Newport, and Bristol sailed for the Gold Coast laden
with hogsheads of rum. There the rum was exchanged
for negroes, or, perchance, for gold. The wretched
human freight was carried to the West Indies and there
traded for sugar and molasses, or to Virginia where
negroes brought a good price in tobacco. Either cargo
could be disposed of to advantage on returning to the
home port. The profits of this triangular traffic were
enormous. "A slave purchased for one hundred gallons
of rum, worth ten pounds, brought from twenty pounds
to fifty pounds when offered for sale in America. New-
port could not, with her twenty-two stillhouses, manufac-
ture enough to meet the demand."
Trade was greatly embarrassed by unsatisfactory cur- Currency
rency conditions. As the balance of trade was against
the colonies and as they had no gold or silver mines of
importance, the total amount of hard money in America
was small. Even that little consisted of various sorts,
the ordinary English coins, pieces of eight, moidores,
doubloons, double johannes, etc., most of them badly
clipped and mutilated. A system of barter was ordi-
narily employed in the Indian trade, and, to a lesser extent,
in the domestic trade, but in all the colonies paper money
had been issued, much of it in disregard of parliament-
ary prohibition. In accordance with a well-known eco-
nomic law, this paper money drove coin practically out of
circulation. Burnaby says that, in 1760, the paper cur-
rency of New Jersey was "at about 70 per cent. discount,
but in very good repute; and preferred by the Pennsyl-
vanians and New Yorkers to that of their own provinces."
In the same year, he found the difference of exchange
between paper money and hard money in Rhode Island,
long a stronghold of fiat money, to be at least twenty-
five hundred per cent.

16 For the Building of a Nation

I 7 6 3 Domestic trade was also greatly hampered by primi-
Transportation tive methods of transportation and communication.
Wherever possible,
freight and passen-
gers were carried by
water, but canals had
not yet been built
and such transpor-
tation had close
limits. Packhorses
were much used in
the back country and
Conestoga Wagon in the Indian trade,
and the famous Conestoga wagon was coming into use in
Pennsylvania. Traveling was largely done on horseback.
"A farmer went to church astride a horse, with his wife
sitting behind him on a cushion called a billion; while
the young people walked, stopping to change their shoes
before reaching the meetinghouse." The roads, where
there were roads, were usually bad; bridges were almost
unknown. In 1761, only thirty-eight private citizens in
Philadelphia kept coaches or carriages. A vehicle
known as a chariot was used in some localities by the
very rich. The French chaise, Americanized into the
"shay" and immortalized by
Holmes, was introduced by Hugue-
nots before 1700. Stage-coaches
were few in number, crude, cumber-
some, and comfortless. In 1759, a
line of "Stage
Waggons without
springs made the
trip from New One-Horse Chaise
York to Philadel-
phia and return twice a week and covered the distance
in about three days-a trip that may now be made in
less than two hours.
Taverns Owing largely to the means of travel, inns and taverns,
with fanciful names and pictured signs, occupied a more

L. t -a' -p __ Ed

iX i '"4t:Ib Eeq

p o~ ob~0. LCJr t )'

M MM ;i Z. 0 ra;

4! ____________ ___%.to Ilk
lt-u -At to t
t K

ah Sr
.'t- -4 I%
bP: a Qlb 4 1

i 8 For the Building of a Nation

1 7 6 3

PhLd.,I ,.i .., Xt-C tik, ind fd
i... cm S.. T A G N. .
r.E ..r. sf i ..d Pb.c .
NICE- E hy. Tr m I. ::.

ir ii, h.p Chi r& rsB. r e..l .. l '".

g Thei-Gc4i ljm_ h oo, maiJ l.
A- -
w.ascarrieGcn d by post-
i i *, V d ( t r. wh i
Y arrkrf a urnd Phlarde, l-cr.-

Mail Service Stage Coach Announcement,

with Benjamin wr-.

generals. The mail
Mai ilvc da eli e nrd Ciac Ano n al

was carried by post-

sometimes as many

York and Philadel-
phia. In less densely
populated districts,
the intervals were
longer. The total of
mail delivered in all
the colonies in a
whole year was less
than that now deliv-eries a
than that now deliv-



Tavern-sign ot Israel rutnam s Inn, called tne
General Wolfe"


important place than do the cor-
responding institutions of today.
The entertainment that they
provided, especially in the South,
was miserably poor, but in some
of the northern colonies they
were better kept, and sometimes
carefully regulated by law. The
landlords, more particularly in
New England, were frequently
men of high local standing, some
of them being captains of militia,
or members of the legislature.
The tavern was a social center
where the "menfolks" gathered
to visit and gossip, as well as to
drink their kill-devil, bounce,
punch, cider, beer, and other
There was a Dostal system

For the Building of a Nation 19

ered in the city of New York in a single day.
traveled very slowly. It took
nineteen days to carry the Lex-
ington and Concord story to Savan-
Of course, there were great differ-
ences in social conditions and meth-
ods of living. Some of the very
wealthy lived in stately mansions
and made a brave display of fine
furniture, plate, and china, had many

News I 7 6 3


Leather Mail Bag, carried between Hartford,
Middletown, and New Haven, in 1775
liveried servants, kept
London-made coaches and Social Life
chariots, dressed magnifi-
cently in silks and satins,
and created a fair imita-
tion of English "society."
Still their luxury fell far
below the luxury of to-day;
even the richest did not
enjoy many of what are
now regarded as necessa-
ries of life. Most of those
who lived on the border,
and much of the country
was border, as well as many

Joseph Wanton, the Tory Governor of
Rhode Island

20 For the Building of a Nation

7 6 3 who lived elsewhere, -
dwelt in log cabins,

and homespun,
lived on a rude
plenty of game
and "hog and
hominy," and
enjoyed such
as log-roll-
ing s, husk- John Hancock's Double Chair
ing-bees, and shooting-matches.
The great mass of the people were neither rich
nor poor, and lived sober, industrious, laborious
lives. In New England and in the middle colo-
nies, even the men who had acquired wealth usually
kept themselves in the working class.
A Fire Bucket In the South, however, the well-to-do
led easier lives and devoted more time to
Domestic Life social functions and to such sports as cock-
fighting, fox-hunting, fishing, shooting, and
horse-racing. In reply to question as to
how the Virginia planters of the old
regime spent their time, Thomas
Jefferson once said: "My
father had a devoted friend,
to whose house he would go,
dine, spend the night, dine
with him again on the second
day, and return to Shadwell in
the evening. His friend, in
the course of a day or two,
returned the visit and spent the
same length of time at his house.
This occurred every week; and thus,
you see, they were together four days
out of the seven." With their house- An Old-time
A Lamp used about 1775 hold duties and the care of numerous Umbrella

For the Building of a Nation 2

slaves, the women of the South worked "much
harder and more steadily than their lords and
masters ever thought
of doing."
Neither socially
Snor politically
was America
democratic. In
all the colonies,
the suffrage was
limited by
property tests,
Old Kettle or Dutch Oven and, in some of Candle Mould
them, by religious tests. It has been estimated that the I 7 6 3
number of voters "was not more than a fifth to an eighth Politics and
as large in proportion to the population as at present. In Pedigree
Connecticut in 1775 among 200,000 people there were but
4,3 25 voters." Socially, the lines were pretty clearly drawn.
"At the top of the social scale stood the ruling class, com-
posed, in New England, of the clergy, magistrates, college
and other professional men; in New York, of these classes
and, above all else, of the great landholders along the Hud-
son; in the South, the proprietors of the great planta-
tions"-"Tuckahoes," they were called in Virginia-
constituted the upper stratum. Class distinctions were less
sharply drawn in Delaware, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania
than elsewhere. Ceremonious forms were in common use,
and, in some of the colonies, a man was prohibited by law
from dressing "above his degree." Students in college and
worshipers in church were seated according to their social
standing. "The upper class made much of birth and
ancestry; and, whatever our prejudices against rank, it is
significant that from this class came many of the states-
men and generals of the Revolution."
With the exception of Rhode Island, New England Elementary
led the rest of the country in matters of education. Education
Owing largely to her system of town schools, probably a
larger proportion of the population of that section could
read and write than in any other country excepting per-

22 For the Building of a Nation

1 7 6 3 haps Scotland. Even in New England, however, the
school seldom "kept" more than four months in the year;
"the teacher was often a youthful
divinity student, and sometimes the
minister of the parish, or even the
innkeeper." The methods of in-
struction were poor; the text-books
and other pedagogical appliances,
including the ferule and the birchen
rod, were far from satisfactory. In
the middle colonies, commendable
efforts were made to educate the
young; in the South, the education
of the masses was almost wholly
neglected, except for some feeble
efforts in Maryland and Virginia. In
Governor Martin's time, there were
but two schools in North Carolina.
In this section, the children of the
rich were generally educated by pri-
vate tutors, frequently by the minister of the
parish, sometimes by indentured convicts.
Despite the lack of school advantages, many of
the common people managed to acquire a smat-
A Horn-book tering of learning; a love for books sometimes
revealed itself in unexpected places. When the "Long
Hunters visited Kentucky in 1770, they took with them
for their "amusement the history of Samuel Gulliver's
Colleges In the way of higher education, a commendable
beginning had been made. By 1763, six important col-
leges, Harvard, William and Mary, Yale, New Jersey,
Philadelphia, and King's, had been established. The
number of students, however, was small and the equip-
ment meager; the courses of instruction confined chiefly
to the classics, theology, philosophy, and mathematics;
the standard of scholarship was hardly more than that of
an academy. When Burnaby traveled in Virginia, in
1759, he reported that "the college of William and

For the Building of a Nation 23

Mary is the only public place of education and this has I 7 6 3
by no means answered the design of its institution."
The faculty consisted
of a president who su-
perintended the whole '_-
institution and read i .
four theological lec-
tures annually; the
professor of the Indian "'
school; the professor
of humanity who had
an usher or assistant
under him; and four
others, the professors
of moral philosophy, William and Mary College
metaphysics, mathematics, and divinity. In the follow-
ing year the same observer found that what now is Prince-
ton had "only two professors, besides the provost."
There were twenty boys in the grammar-school and sixty
in the college. The provost received two hundred
pounds currency per year, the professors fifty pounds
each, the expenses of a student for room-rent, commons,
S -- E--- and tutorage were about
twenty-five pounds annu-
ally. In the same year,
King's college had only
about twenty-seven stu-
dents and graduated a class
of seven; Burnaby thought
the president too old. Yale
and Harvard were more
vigorous. Especially in
the South, the sons of
great families were fre-
quently sent to one of the
--- English universities.
Seal of Harvard College After graduation, they
(Engraved about 1764, and for many years would perhaps read law in
used on the deturs" or prizes given
for scholarship) the Temple, "make the

24 For the Building of a Nation

I 7 6 3 grand tour, play a part in the fashionable society of
London, and come back to their plantations fine gentle-
men and scholars."
Science In 1743, Franklin, in proposing the formation of an
"American Philosophical Society," said that "The first
drudgery of settling new colonies is now pretty
well over; and there are many in every province in
circumstances that set them at ease and afford leisure to
cultivate the finer arts and improve the common stock of
knowledge." By 1763, there were many in the colonies
who were members and correspondents of foreign scien-
tific societies, and Franklin was known the world over for
his researches in electricity. In Europe, the old spirit
of blind dependence on Aristotle and Pliny was giving
way to the spirit of research. In their new environment,
with the writings of the ancients out of easy reach,
American scholars were almost driven to investigate for
themselves. Still the skeptical scientific spirit of today
was by no means fully developed. The Swedish traveler
and scientist, Peter Kalm, who visited the colonies in
1749-50, gravely avers that the Quaker botanist, John
Bartram, "told me that when a bear catches a cow, he
kills her in the following manner: he bites a hole into the
hide and blows with all his power into it, till the animal
swells excessively and dies; for the air expands greatly
between the flesh and the hide." Then and for long
years afterward, Boston was the intellectual "hub,"
although Philadelphia, with Franklin, Bartram, and Rit-
tenhouse, was not far behind. In New York, there was
little intellectual life, the pursuit of wealth being even then
the all-absorbing passion. In speaking of Virginia, Bur-
naby says that "the progress of the arts and sciences in this
colony has been very inconsiderable," and the same state-
ment would have applied to most of the other colonies.
Art and Literature and the fine arts do not flourish on a new
Literature soil. Broadly speaking, there were neither artists nor
literary writers of merit, on the one hand, nor patrons of
leisure and means on the other. Benjamin West and
John Singleton Copley, almost the only colonial artists

For the Building of a Nation 25

now remembered, had just entered upon their careers, and I 7 6 3
they were obliged to seek instruction and much of their
patronage abroad. Most of the few pictures and statues
that might be found had been imported from Europe.
John Adams once said that there were no painters or
sculptors in America and he hoped there never would be.
Aside from newspaper writing, authorship was chiefly con-
fined to political and theological themes. Thomas Hutch-
inson, the first volume of whose History of Massachusetts
Bay appeared in 1764, Jonathan Edwards, the author of

An Enlistment Blank, with engraved View of Fort Hill, Boston
the profound Inquiry into the Freedom of the Will, and
Benjamin Franklin, the only one of the three to attain
truly cosmopolitan fame, were the only notable writers of
the period. There were no novelists, and the poetical
effusions of the time do not rise to the level of literature.
Most of the books in the colonies were imported from Printing
England, though some had been reprinted here. Pam-
phlets and almanacs occupied a more important place than
such publications do today. By the end of 1765, forty-
three newspapers and four literary magazines had been
established, but many of them were no longer published.






: ='. :2;.;



For the Building of a Nation

I 7 6 3 The circulation of a newspaper was always small; it has
been estimated that the combined circulation of the thirty-
seven newspapers printed in 1775 was about five thousand
copies. There was no daily publication until 1784. In
those days, the chief contents of a newspaper were bits of
poetry, advertisements for runaway slaves and indented
servants, reports of the arrivals of cargoes,
bits of European news, and essays on poli-
tics, morals, and religion, little that we
would call news. As a rule, a newspaper
contained less matter in a year than is now
to be found in
a single Sunday
issue of many
a metropolitan
From many
points of view,
the colonists of
1763 appear as
a society in the
making, a pro-
vincial people
who had con-
tributed little
to civilization.
But in their
A Colonial Printing-press and Type Case capacity for
(Said to have been used by Franklin) sel f-g o ver n-
Politics ment, they stood in the front rank. The inherited politi-
cal traditions and usages that the founders brought from
England had developed under new conditions and in
new directions, but nowhere had they lost their vigor.
Whether the form of colonial government was proprie-
tary, royal, or practically independent corporate, the
voter had, directly or through his representatives, a
large share in the conduct of affairs. In purely local
matters, the people were practically supreme. They
developed three types of local government, the town

..' ,': '.: ,.
:.* .... : ... '.
.. .'. .*.

For the Building of a Nation

system of New England, the county system of the I 7 6 3
South, and a combination of the two in the middle colo-
nies; as the West was settled, these
types moved westward along the
parallels of latitude. But whether
the people managed their own
affairs in the town-meeting or I
through less purely democratic
procedure, they were the local A Revolutionary Time Pistol
sovereigns, for nowhere was there a colonial officer
charged with the administration of local affairs. The
training thus received was now of priceless value.
Yet it was a grave problem whether, with all this train- The Great
ing, the colonists would be able to set up a unified gov- "estion
ernment. "America is formed for happiness, but not for
empire," was Burnaby's conclusion; "in a course of
1,200 miles I did not see a single object that solicited
charity; but I saw insuperable causes of weakness, which
will necessarily prevent its being a potent state." Was
Burnaby right, or would the Americans, in spite of differ-
ences of blood, religion, language, and social customs, be
able, thanks to that training, to establish a vigorous
political organism? This was a vital question and it took
a quarter of a century to find the answer.



Genesis ANY persons still think that the American
I revolution began soon after the close of the
Seven Years' war and that it was caused by
the attempt of the British ministry to raise a revenue
from the colonies. In fact, the origin of that great
upheaval lies far back in English history, before a
single English colony had been planted in America.
The more one studies the history of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries the more clearly does one see that
the collisions at Lexington and Concord were due less to
the stamp act and the tea act than they were to the
development of forces that existed in England at the
time of the Tudors and that blossomed in the New
World with the coming of Winthrop and the Puritans.
In a large sense, Greenwood and Penry were forerunners
of Otis and Hancock, and the Mayflower compact was a
stepping-stone to the declaration of independence.
Title-deeds When, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Euro-
pean explorers were finding hitherto unknown lands, it
became necessary to determine the ownership thereof.
By common consent of civilized nations, lands newly
discovered were held to have belonged to no one (res
nullius) and might be appropriated by the discoverer or
explorer, not for himself, but for his sovereign. In other
words, when nobody's property became somebody's by
discovery, that "somebody" was not the one who found
it, but his royal master. The inhabitants of such lands,

On the Way to Revolution 29

being heathen, pagan, or infidel, were regarded by the 1 7 6 3
Church as on a plane inferior to that occupied by Chris-
tians. A person unbaptized was a pagan, and the Indian
never had been baptized; his right in the soil was held
to be a right of occupancy, not of ownership.
By "right of discovery," therefore, as thus developed Inherited
and applied, the title to the soil of the English colonies Rights
in America was vested, not in people or parliament, but
in the crown-just as it was in England. Settlers in the
colonies were subject to the general control of parliament
and king, but they were regarded as enjoying only such
political and legal privileges as were conferred by the
crown in the charters of the colonies. In form, these volume 2,
grants were liberal, as appears in the first charter of Vir- page 37
ginia and other colonial grants. All of the colonies
appropriated and applied the English common law; but
they were regarded as exempt from the operation of par-
liamentary statutes passed after the colony was founded,
unless such application was expressly provided for in the
statute itself.
Before this theory of the legal relations between a Prerogative
colony and the mother country had undergone much
development, the people and the parliament of England
became involved in a long and bitter struggle with the
crown over the question of royal prerogative. That the
king ruled by divine right, that he was above the law,
and that he might, if he chose, override the law or dis-
pense with it, were doctrines that subservient judges,
lawyers, and preachers upheld; but from the accession of
James I., in 1603, such claims were more and more
resisted in England, and later in the colonies, as incon-
sistent with the fundamental rights of Englishmen. On
both sides of the Atlantic, Englishmen were determined
that magna charta should survive as something more than
a memory and a name. Insistence upon prerogative had
cost English monarchs much; George III. was now to
sacrifice to it the greater part of his New World empire.
It would have been well for him had he adopted as his
own the definition given in the Reverend Gad Hitch-

30 On the Way to Revolution

I 7 6 3 cock's election sermon: "Prerogative itself is not a power
to do anything it pleases, but a power to do some things
for the good of the community, in such cases as promul-
gated laws are not able to provide for it."
Monopoly Although the theory of English law made the colonies
and Revenue directly subject to the crown, parliament freely exercised
the right of legislating for them as a part of the empire.
This legislation was directed chiefly to the regulation of
the colonial trade-in the interest of monopoly at first,
for the purpose of revenue later. The monopoly legis-
lation was for the benefit, not so much of king, colonist,
or empire, as of the British merchant, manufacturer, and
ship-owner. It included chiefly the navigation laws and
the acts of trade, the enactment, purpose, and effects of
which were briefly considered in the second and third
volume 2, volumes of this history. A review of the pages indi-
pages 19-31, cated in the margin is suggested to the reader of this
and A88-193;
volume 3, chapter. The revenue legislation, most of which was
pages 19-216 enacted after 1763, included the imposition of taxes and
duties, and the establishment of custom-houses and admi-
ralty courts for their collection.
Drag I wish here to repeat what, in earlier chapters, I have
plainly stated: The colonial policy of England sprang
from no ill-will toward her colonies; it was based upon
a then universal but now evidently erroneous notion that
colonies existed almost wholly for the benefit of mother
countries. As I have pointed out, there were numerous
compensations in the navigation laws and acts of trade,
although, as a whole, they doubtless hindered the eco-
nomic development of the colonies and interfered
vexatiously with industrial and commercial affairs. It
certainly must be admitted that not until after 1763 was
a vigorous or general enforcement of the trade laws
attempted by the English authorities, and that smuggling
and evasion, often with the connivance of customs officials,
were very common in America. In spite of "filio-pie-
tistic" pains, it must be further admitted that some of
these violations of law were accompanied by what we call
Graft "graft," as appears from the following declaration: "I,

On the Way to Revolution 3i

Sampson Toovey, clerk of James Cockle, Esq., collector I 7 6 4
of his Majesty's customs for the port of Salem, do
declare on oath, that ever since I have been in the office, it
S I PP~.b. y ri G. .oi goX, od Oder an, ,,ll Coadiuon. ., t, ; '

/*- .ifld at n rA lCbw' la thb .5.4 andI) GdD')Ci boauidriii.d-d ;
a. to >' *.
7 ; "i .7 7 ., :

lCrIg mark d nuir'an d im t aI to deli er lo n LIvcJ In r olie loodrO r nl E
S.li ,,Slned, .( 'lttor p- --I L D oftLr 6, ohly
m< rdj unto a. 7 .( -^ mem w > s.-/ -~
G 1o. ItQ .. p.log Fre, gr.c loit i bIil Gjoj.
'Wth PiflyL arI d l oBr. ,lq.T'It lea wher of vhr iflelri or Pur'e or die ld Ship bhth
irtdPja 1' e ilt, .11 riha Tenoh, .j D .I Ite O.nt ol whichh ----
hi.i acein ail to iln rolJ a Mi lu GOD ul theood Ship r I hl

.Y7* "I I. ,: ^ + '
L ...... = y .. .. r
Shipping Bill, dated December 15, 1764
hath been customary for the said Cockle to receive of the
masters of vessels entering from Lisbon, casks of wine,
boxes of fruit, etc., which was a gratuity
for suffering their vessels to be
entered with salt or ballast only,
and passing over unnoticed
such cargoes ofwine, fruit, etc.,
which are prohibited to be
imported into his Majesty's
plantations. Part of which
wine, fruit, etc., he the said
James Cockle used to share
with Gov. Bernard. And I fur-
ther declare that I used to be
the negotiator of this business,
and receive the wine, fruit, etc.,
and dispose of them agreeable to
Mr. Cockle's orders.
Witness my hand, Samp-
son Toovey, Essex Co.,
Salem, Sept. 27, I764." -'5/ / -

James Otis

officers of the cus-
toms to search private
houses for smuggled
goods without speci-
fying either houses or
goods, were issued by
the courts of Massa-
chusetts. In 1761,the
application ofThomas
Lechmere, surveyor-
general, for the con-
tinuance of such writs
"as usual"-former
writs being about to
lapse through the
death of George II.
- called out a fiery
argument from James
Otis who, "with a
tongue of flame and
the inspiration of a

32 On the Way to Revolution

I 7 6 o Of course, a systematic disregard of parliamentary
I 7 6 1 statutes by Americans, with or without the connivance of
Governor royal officials, could not be tolerated indefinitely, and the
Bernard complaints of those in England for whose benefit the
acts had been passed could not continue to go unheard.
In fact, a new ministerial policy was waiting at the door.
In 1760, Thomas Pownall, the successor of Shirley as
governor of Massachusetts, gave way for Francis Bernard.
Pownall was a good friend of the colonies and later, in
England, a warm advocate of their rights. Bernard,
while not unfriendly, was a firm believer in the royal pre-
rogative whose official representative he was. A more
enlightened person might well have been chosen, but
enlightenment was not the distinguishing trait of royal
governors in the eighteenth century, and Bernard was
better than most of his class.
writs of In 1755, when the Seven Years' war had just begun,
Assistance "writs of assistance," i. e., general warrants empowering

On the Way to Revolution

seer," declared that a law that made it possible for inferior I 7 6 I
officials, acting on mere suspicion or from personal I 7 6 2
enmity, thus to invade the home of the citizen was "a
kind of authority, the exercise of which cost one king of
England his head and another his throne," and that even
an act of parliament that sanctioned such a procedure
should be treated as null and void. Chief-justice Hutch-
inson, doubtless right in his interpretation and application
of the law, granted the writs. Had the protest of James
Otis failed ? More than a half-century later, John
Adams declared that "then and there was the first scene
of the first act of opposition to the arbitrary claims of
Great Britain. Then and there the child Independence
was born." The speech made the public more sensitive
concerning encroachments upon their rights and made
Otis a leader of public opinion in New England in like
constitutional questions.
At a time when the legislature was not in session, but An Offensive
with the approval of the council, Governor Bernard had Address
sent two ships to protect the fisheries against French
privateers, an act that, a few years before, would probably
have met with public gratitude. But the question of
prerogative had now inflamed the public mind, and, when
the assembly was asked to provide for the payment of
the expenses thus incurred, the representatives sent to the
governor a message written by Otis in which they boldly
remonstrated against such a method of "taking from the
house their most darling privilege, the right of originating
all taxes. .It would be of little consequence to
the people," they insisted, "whether they were subject to
George or Louis, the king of Great Britain or the French
king, if both were arbitrary as both would be if both
could levy taxes without parliament."
The governor returned the address with an earnest otis's "vin-
entreaty that the words in which the "sacred and well- dication"
beloved name" of the king was "so disrespectfully
brought into question" be not entered upon the minutes
of the house. Under great excitement, the represent-
atives voted to expunge the "dreadful words under which

34 On the Way to Revolution

I 7 6 2 his Excellency" had "placed a black mark," but as the
I 7 6 3 governor insisted that his course in incurring expense not
authorized by the legislature was justifiable, the house
appointed a committee to prepare for publication a more
careful statement of the position it had taken. Acting
for the committee of which he was a member, Otis pre-
September, pared and published a pamphlet entitled A Vindication of
1762 the Conduct of the House of Representatives of the Province
of the Massachusetts Bay. In this constitutional argu-
---,- .. .: ment, which has been called
Sthe source from which all
VI ND f1' ATIO 0 subsequent arguments
... 'THr.. against taxation were
i ,' ,i N p-e ?i '' derived, "James Otis reveals
e E the habit of his mind,
.. ";I H,: ... wherein gravity and frolic,
..PROVINC E r' logic and sarcasm, all rush
.*.f '' together for expression."
The A.-.ACHU Ss T BAY The close of the French
Ministerial war left England with a debt,
View, ,:'ei r 11 ,
S' -"t t n s ; : the annual interest on which,
-.".' added to the charges of
crFNL.i ,L i,. current administration, made
.3 By J' mc el,.i. ~a heavy burden for the Eng-
S "...,, --- lish taxpayer. A long strug-
S----,.- --~~i--' tgle, accompanied as this had
..... .,... ,'." been by the payment of
." -......... 'g."" subsidies to Frederick the
S-', ---- --_N Great, had drawn deeply on
05os ri existing sources of revenue;
if possible, new sources must
Title-page of Otis's Pamphlet be found. The eyes of the
ministry turned naturally toward America. The acquisi-
tion of Canada was a great advantage to the empire but
the more immediate gain was to the colonies themselves;
on the frontier, where war had been waged intermittently
for nearly a hundred years, there was peace. What had
been conquered must be defended, and there was fear
that England's ancient enemy would renew the war and

On the Way to Revolution 35

try to reestablish New France. To the English minis- I 7 6 3
try it seemed proper that a standing army should be
maintained in America and that the colonies should bear
a part of the expense.
No imperial government at the present day would be The Colonial
likely to embark on such a course of action without first View
consulting the people most directly affected by it. Such,
however, was not the policy of George III. or his minis-
ters, before whose eyes loomed large the claims of pre-
rogative. When, a little later, in resisting the attempt
to tax the colonies directly, the colonial remonstrance was
stated, it was pointed out that the colonies had already
contributed liberally toward the expenses of the various
wars in which they had been involved; that a number of
the colonies were heavily in debt on account of the wars;
and that the reimbursement of their military expenses,
which parliament had granted from time to time, had
been incomplete. It was further shown that a large con-
tribution to the taxable wealth of the mother country
was made by the colonies through the operation of the
navigation acts and acts of trade, and that to call for a
further contribution would be to ask for more than could
be performed. Such arguments, however, carried little
weight in England, particularly with the wealthy and
influential trading class in whose interest the commercial
system of the empire had been built up. What English-
men chiefly saw, or imagined they saw, was that England
needed more income, that the American colonies were
prosperous, and that a strict enforcement of the trade
laws would probably produce a large part of the needed
In February, 1763, Charles Townshend was made first The
lord of trade and plantations, an office that was charged Townshend
with the administration of colonial affairs. Largely on olcy
his own motion, but with the : 7 4
support of Bute's ministry, // t 4
Townshend formulated and Autograph of Charles Townshend
announced the new colonial policy. The elements of
that policy were, first, the abandonment of royal requisi-

36 On the Way to Revolution

1 7 6 3 tions on the colonial assemblies, hitherto relied upon for
obtaining supplies and money grants, and the substitu-
tion therefore of taxes laid upon the colonies by act of
parliament; second, the payment of colonial governors
and judges by the crown instead of by the colonies;
third, the maintenance of a standing army of twenty regi-
ments, about ten thousand men, in America; and, finally,
the payment of these extraordinary charges by parlia-
mentary taxation. It was estimated that to garrison the
forts surrendered by the French, to maintain an additional
force sufficient to hold the Indians in check and provide
for the general defense, and to pay the salaries of civil
officers would require three hundred thousand pounds a
The Grenville The peace of Paris was unpopular in England and was
Ministry quickly followed by a change of ministry. In April,
Lord Bute, the prime minister, who had been placed in
office only because he was a favorite of the king and who
was hated by the populace, gave way to George Gren-
ville. According to Macaulay, "the worst administration
g that has governed Eng-
land since the Revolu-
tion [of 1688] was that
Autograph of George Grenville of Grenville. His pub-
lic acts may be classed under two heads-outrages on the
liberty of the people and outrages on the dignity of the
crown." It was of such that an Englishman of a later
generation wrote:
Yea, though we sinned and our rulers went from righteousness -
Deep in all dishonour though we stained our garment's hem,
Oh, be ye not dismayed,
Though we stumbled and we strayed
We were led by evil counsellors the Lord shall deal with them.
The leading spirit in the cabinet and in the house of
commons was Townshend, and he was resolved on mak-
ing a thorough change in the government of America.
The Grenville was committed to Townshend's policy and
Sugar Act now undertook to put it into operation. The first step
was the passage of what is known as the sugar act. An
act of 1733, commonly known as the molasses act, had

On the Way to Revolution

been aimed at the French sugar colonies, which had been I 7 6 3
able to displace the sugar of English colonies in the Euro- I 7 6 4
pean market and to compete successfully with the Eng- Volume 3,
lish product in the American market. The molasses act page 203
was "unmistakably ill-advised" and its enforcement
would have been disastrous. It had remained, however,
practically a dead letter, though five times renewed from
the date of its expiration in 1738. It was now, by a
provision of the sugar act, made perpetual, although the
duty on imported molasses was reduced from sixpence to
threepence per gallon and the duty on sugar was corre-
spondingly lessened. As far as it went, the reduction was
a change from a prohibitory tariff to a tariff for revenue.
The sugar act also levied duties on coffee, indigo, its Provisions
pimento, wines, silks and other eastern stuffs, calico, and
linen, when imported into the American colonies; and
prohibited the importation of foreign rum or spirits, and
of sugar that had not come from England as provided by
the acts of trade. Further, all coffee, pimento, cocoa-
nuts, whale-fins, raw silk, hides, and skins, and pot and
pearl ashes produced in America must, if exported, be
sent directly to Great Britain or a British colony; and the
exportation of the important articles of lumber and iron
to any European country except Great Britain was pro- 4 George II.
hibited. European salt, wines from Madeira and the cap. 5
Azores, and horses, food supplies, and linen cloth to or
from Ireland, were excepted from the operation of the
act which became a law on the fifth of April, 1764, and
was to take effect at the end of the following September.
In March, before the sugar act had become a law, Gren-
ville had announced his intention of bringing in a stamp
act at the next session, as will be more fully set forth in
the next chapter. On the nineteenth of April, the king,
in proroguing parliament, spoke in approval of "the wise
regulations which have been established to augment the
public revenues, [and] to unite the interests of the most
distant possessions of the crown." Eleven years from
that day, at Lexington and Concord, the "embattled farm-
ers" stamped their commentary on that royal utterance.

38 On the Way to Revolution

I 7 6 4 Although for the first time in English history, the title
For the of a parliamentary act now spoke of "granting duties in
Defense of the colonies," the reasonable purpose of the ministry was
clearly set forth. The sugar act provided that all the
proceeds arising from the duties imposed by it, together
with those accruing from the molasses act, should, after
deducting the cost of collection and accounting, "be paid
into the receipt of his Majesty's Exchequer, and shall be
entered separate and apart from all other monies paid or
payable to his Majesty and shall be there
reserved, to be, from time to time, disposed of by parlia-
ment, towards defraying the necessary expenses of defend-
ing, protecting, and securing the British colonies and
plantations in America."
The The significance of the sugar act lay not only in the
Enforcement imposition of specific duties and the avowed purpose to
raise a revenue in America, but also in the determination
of the ministry to enforce its provisions. For the colo-
nies, the era of laissezfaire was at an end. Whether, in
view of a century of negligence on the part of the home
government, the colonies had been justified in disregard-
ing previous acts of trade, was an ethical question to
which diverse answers might be made. There could be
little question, however, that their strict enforcement now
would work serious interference with colonial commerce.
The Americans of 1764 were poor; they had little capi-
tal and handled little actual money; their foreign trade,
which to the Grenville ministry seemed so lucrative,
throve on a small margin of profit, the existence of which
depended largely on exemption from burdensome import
duties. In other words, the enforcement of the sugar
act threatened disaster to some of the most profitable
colonial industries, with added inconvenience and expense
to the people as a whole.
A New Grenville and Townshend appear to have taken no
Departure account of these economic conditions, or of the impor-
tant changes that had taken place in colonial public spirit.
Loyal as the Americans of 1764 were to the mother
country, they had so long enjoyed practical independence

On the Way to Revolution 39

that any attempt at systematic interference now would I 7 6 4
almost certainly be resisted. English ideas of political and
personal liberty had been for generations more general in
the colonies than in England itself. The colonists had
subdued the wilderness, fought the Indians and the
French, built homes and churches, cultivated farms, and
developed trade, and, for the most part, without English
aid. To a large extent, they had been permitted to
govern themselves. Further-and this is very impor-
tant-they looked to the crown and not to parliament for
such direction and control as had hitherto been exercised.
The sugar act, with the policy that it embodied, was to
all intents and purposes a new departure.
The passage of the sugar act became known in the A Boston
American colonies in May and created a great sensation Town-
in all of them. The molasses act had imposed a parlia- meeting
mentary tax but only as a trade regulation; the sugar act
proposed a parliamentary tax but did it to produce a
revenue. This difference in the intent pushed to the front
the question of the right to tax. This was a constitutional
question on which Bos-
ton must be heard. At
a meeting held at Fan-
euil Hall, instructions May 24,
to the.town's represent- 1764
atives in the general
court, previously pre-
pared by Samuel
Adams, were adopted by
the indignant citizens.
The instructions explic-
itly declared that "there
is no Room for further
Delay. These
unexpected Proceedings
may be preparatory to
new Taxations upon us:
for if our Trade may Peter Faneuil, who presented to the City of Boston
be taxed, why not our the Hall which bears his Name to this Day


40 On the Way to Revolution

I 7 6 4 Lands? Why not the produce of our Lands, and every-
thing we possess or make use of? This
we apprehend annihilates our Charter
Right to govern and tax ourselves.

Present-day Exterior and Interior of Faneuil Hall, the "Cradle of Liberty"
S If Taxes are laid upon us in any shape without
our having a legal Representation where they are laid, are
we not reduced from the character of free Subjects to the
miserable State of Tributary Slaves?" The document
A Suggestion contained the added suggestion that "as His Majesty's
of Colonial other Northern American Colonys are embarked with us
in this most important Bottom, we further desire you to
use your Endeavors that their weight may be added to
that of this Province: that by the united applications of
all who are aggrieved, all may Happily obtain Redress."
Sam Adams Samuel Adams, then and now better known as Sam
Adams, thus introduced to us, was forty-two years old, a
graduate of Harvard College and a Boston selectman.
As a money-maker, he had long since proved a failure; but
his wants were few, his honesty unquestioned, and his
public spirit unexcelled. He had, in a high degree, the
ability to present profound and weighty subjects in a
See popular manner-an ability that well fitted him for the
Frontispiece part he was now to play as the leading advocate of
American independence.
From To admit that Adams and his supporters recognized
Economics the fact that sixpence unpaid was less burdensome than
to Politics
threepence exacted, does not remove the foundation facts
that the issue had been changed from economics to

On the Way to Revolution 41

politics, and that the new principle involved and avowed I 7 6 3
must, if clung to, lead to remonstrance and resistance. I 7 6 4
The change of issue thus made was unfortunate for the
ministerial party. It came in an hour when a young and
growing country was beginning to find that its garments
were too strait; when great expectations and undefined
aspirations were breaking forth; when there were long-
ings more or less conscious for more air, greater freedom
of movement, and larger fields of action; when "the
growing colonies were making their way, guided by the
unseen Hand, towards separation, freedom, and independ-
ence." The spectacular nullification of the stamp act of
1765 has led historians to pass lightly over the sugar act
of 1764, but a careful study of contemporary colonial
opinion shows that the earlier statute must be reckoned
among the principal, immediate causes of the American
The political situation was further complicated by a An
non-conformist fear that the British government would American
set up an Anglican episcopate in the American colonies. Episcopate
Such a scheme had been in contemplation as far back as
the time of Archbishop Laud. Under Charles II., the
restricted suffragan authority of the bishop of London in
the colonies received legal sanction, whence the practice
of appointing commissaries to exercise his delegated
authority therein. Soon after its incorporation, the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts began to urge the institution of bishops in America.
Queen Anne sanctioned the plan, but her successor,
George I., did not approve the project, and Walpole was
too cautious to try so dangerous an experiment. Near
the end of Walpole's ministry, however, the subject was
revived by Thomas Secker, bishop of Oxford, in reply to
whom it was pointed out that, if such a step was taken,
some means must be found for the suffragans' support;
if the provincial assemblies should refuse to provide the
money, the whole influence of the church of England
would be used to procure an act of parliament taxing the
colonies for the purpose. The subject would thus assume

On the Way to Revolution

I 7 6 3 a political aspect. Henceforth, the advocates of epis-
I 7 6 7 copacy became more and more persistent. Thomas
Sherlock, bishop of London from 1748 to 1761, seems
to have refrained, as far as possible, from exercising his
authority in the colonies in the hope of forcing Episco-
palians in America "to demand an episcopate of their
own," and was supported by Joseph Butler, bishop of
Durham, who, in 175o, drew up a plan for the proposed
The Mayhew In 1763, interest in the subject was intensified by the
Controversy publication of a pamphlet by Jonathan Mayhew of
Boston, claiming that the Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel had been perverted into an instrument for
rooting out Presbyterianism and establishing a colonial
episcopacy. Mayhew's pamphlet provoked a reply from
Secker, now the archbishop of Canterbury, in which the
distinguished prelate set forth "a plan of what the pro-
posed bishop would be allowed to do and what not to do,"
much as Bishop Butler had done in 1750. Returning to
the charge, Mayhew argued that, when once established,
the bishops would not be content without some of the
"power and grandeur" enjoyed by the bishops in Eng-
land, and expressed a fear of Episcopalian control of
legislatures, taxes laid for the support of an Anglican
church established in America, "test acts, ecclesiastical
courts, and what not." The controversy excited great
interest in the colonies where the old hatred and fear of
episcopacy blazed up once more. John Adams says that
the supposed design to establish bishops "spread an uni-
versal alarm against the authority of parliament"-the
body that must enact the needed legislation.
A Pamphlet In 1767, while the Townshend acts were on the anvil,
war the political strife was intensified by a pamphlet war
between Thomas Bradbury Chandler and Charles Chauncy
and their respective allies. Chandler, Connecticut born,
went to England in 1751, was admitted to orders by the
bishop of London, and began his missionary labors at
Elizabethtown, New Jersey, in the same year. Chauncy
was Boston born, a grandson of a president of Harvard

On the Way to Revolution

and pastor of the First Church in Boston. Chandler I 7 6 7
opened the contest in his Appeal to the Public in Behalf I 7 6 8
of the Church of England in America, a powerful argu-
ment in favor of episcopacy and in advocacy of a scheme
much like those previously advanced by Butler and
Seeker. Chauncy made an elaborate and forcible answer
to Chandler's Appeal in which he argued that the sup-
porters of episcopacy had much more in mind than they
were willing to declare. "We are as fully persuaded,"
he wrote, "as if they had openly said it, that they have
in view nothing short of a COMPLETE CHURCH
HIERARCHY, after the pattern of that at home, with
like offices, in all their various degrees of dignity, with a
like large revenue for their grand support, and with the
allowance of no other privileges to dissenters but that of
bare toleration." The pamphlet controversy was accom-
panied by an acrimonious newspaper war, for the proceed-
ings of parliament under Townshend's lead, as will soon
be explained more fully, had given a great stimulus to
American political literature. The pamphlet war had its
political aspect, and those aspects had become important
in the minds of the people.
Thus the agitation for an American episcopate should The Effect
be reckoned as, at least, a secondary cause of the Ameri-
can revolution, although, in the opinion of Doctor Cross,
"the strained relations which heralded the War of Inde-
pendence strengthened the opposition to episcopacy,
rather than that religious differences were a prime cause
of political alienation." The contest had a marked
influence on the development of the revolutionary par-
ties. "It is at least a tenable hypothesis," writes Cross,
"that the bitterness of the controversy brought out so
sharply the latent hostility between Episcopalian and
Puritan, that many churchmen who might otherwise have
taken the side of their country were, by the force of
their injured religious convictions, driven over to the
royalist ranks." In 1768, the Massachusetts legislature
ordered its London agent strenuously to "oppose the
establishment of a Protestant episcopate in America,"


On the Way to Revolution

I 7 5 9 and even "Virginia, where the church of England was
I 7 6 2 established, was opposed to the introduction of bishops."
All in all, we cannot doubt that these controversies con-
tributed "to embitter the mind of the patriots, and thus
to accelerate the impending crisis."
The Parson's As an illustration of the colonial spirit, slumbering but
Cause easily aroused, stands the famous "Parson's Cause." By
a Virginia act of I696, the salaries of the clergy of that
colony had been fixed at sixteen thousand pounds of
tobacco. In 1755, and again in 1758, the tobacco crop
having been greatly injured by drought, the general
assembly authorized the payment of taxes and salaries in
money instead of tobacco, and at the previous current
rate of twopence per pound. As the smallness of the
crop had raised the price of the staple, many of the min-
isters objected to the loss of income caused by this
legislation. Their complaints reached the ears of the
August Io, bishop of London and the Virginia act of 1758 was
1759 vetoed by the king in council.
Introducing In 1762,the ReverendJames Maury brought suit against
Patrick Henry the collectors of his parish for the amount of his salary
in tobacco. The court decided against the validity of the
acts, and the question went to the jury for a determination
of the damages. The attorney for the plaintiff explained
to the jury that their duty consisted in calculating the
difference between the salary as computed under the acts
of the assembly, and the value of sixteen thousand
pounds of tobacco at the current market rate of sixpence
a pound. The counsel for the defense was Patrick
Henry, a young lawyer fast rising into prominence. In
a fiery speech, Henry denounced the action of the crown
in setting aside the Virginia act as "an instance of mis-
rule," and an act of tyranny that forfeited all claim to
the obedience of the subject. Murmurs of "Treason!"
"Treason!" were heard, but Henry, undisturbed, and
unhindered by the court, continued his argument. As
to the law, Henry was hopelessly wrong, but the jury
yielded to his eloquence and brought in a verdict of one
penny damages.

On the Way to Revolution 45

With such a spirit in the colonies, the raising of a rev- I 7 6 3
enue in America by act of parliament seemed likely The Outlook
to be attended with difficulties. The sugar act, however,
was only a part of the ministerial program, the remainder
of which, together with the working of the whole,
demands our attention.

I H/ A -I


Grenville's T was not anticipated that the duties imposed by the
Declara"ty sugar act and the molasses act would produce more
than one-third of the additional revenue needed to
carry Townshend's scheme into effect. For the remain-
der, recourse was to be had to stamp duties, the use of
which had long been familiar in England. As early as
September, 1763, the English commissioners of stamp
duties were called upon to report a plan for the extension
of the system to America. In March, 1764, before the
sugar act had been finally voted upon, Grenville intro-
duced into the house of commons a series of declaratory
resolutions announcing his intention to bring in a stamp
act at the next session.
The Bait It was explained that the delay in the introduction of
the act was to the end that the colonial assemblies might
have opportunity to-suggest some other method of raising
the needed revenue in case the plan submitted by the
ministry was not acceptable. "The colonists now have
it in their power," ingeniously proclaimed Grenville, "by
agreeing to this tax, to establish a precedent for their
being consulted before any tax is imposed on them by
parliament; for their approbation of it being signified to
parliament next year, when the tax comes to be imposed,
will afford a forcible' argument for the like proceeding in
all such cases. If they think any other mode of taxation
more convenient to them, and make any proposition of
equal efficacy with the stamp duty, I will give it all due

The Stamp Act

consideration." Parliament, most of whose members 1 7 6 4
neither knew nor cared anything about America, approved
the plan.
That the government in England was about to enter A Tell-tale
upon a sterner policy was further shown by the preamble Preamble
of an act passed at the parliamentary session that ended
on the nineteenth of April, 1764, in which appear these
words: "Whereas it is expedient that new provisions
and regulations should be established for improving the
revenue of this kingdom, and for extending and securing
the navigation and commerce between Great Britain and
your Majesty's dominions in America, which, by the
peace, have been so happily enlarged; and whereas it is
just and necessary that a revenue be raised in your
Majesty's said dominions in America, for defraying the 4 George III.
expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the cap. I5
same," etc.
At the time of the Boston town-meeting mentioned in TheAdvance-
the preceding chapter, the evidence was conclusive that guard
England had made up her mind that "the time had come
for a complete readjustment of her somewhat loose, irreg-
ular, and unbusiness-like relations to those American
possessions, particularly with the view of making them
contribute some substantial help to the general cost of
the empire, in the benefits of which all participated." In
this crisis, the aggressive leadership of Massachusetts was
natural; for it was there, more than in any other colony,
that the spirit of colonial independence had been fostered,
and encroachments of the royal prerogative resisted;
there that Otis's assertion of the principles of English
liberty had found the warmest welcome; and there that
the enforcement of the acts of trade would lay the heavi-
est burden.
The Massachusetts general court convened on the A Committee
thirtieth of May. In accordance with the instructions of of Corre-
the Boston town-meeting, Otis prepared a memorial thatpodence
the house ordered to be sent to the London agent of the
colony with an elaborate letter instructing him to urge
the repeal of the sugar act and to remonstrate against the


48 The Stamp Act

1 7 6 4 proposed stamp act-"a scathing rebuke for neglect and
inefficiency that must have made his ears tingle." Just
before the general court was prorogued, the house, again
at the instigation of Adams, appointed a committee to act
June 13 in the recess of the court and to correspond with the
assemblies of the other colonies, with a view to common
action against the common danger. This idea of com-
mittees of correspondence was promptly taken up else-
where. The Rhode Island assembly chose a committee
that addressed a vigorous letter to the assembly of
Pennsylvania. The Quaker colony replied by voting a
remonstrance against the new taxes and sending Franklin
to England as colonial agent. New York and North
Carolina also appointed committees, while the assemblies
of Connecticut, Virginia, and South Carolina drew up
petitions and remonstrances.
An Inspiring The era of the modern newspaper had not yet been
Pamphlet ushered in and men who wished to catch the public ear
were in the habit of writing pam-
phlets. James Otis, now a promi-
nent figure in Massachusetts
July politics, published the most sedate
of his political writings, a pamphlet
entitled The Rights of the British
Colonies Asserted and Proved. With
S"unwonted sobriety; few humorous
4 or grotesque passages; few bursts
of passion; in many places a
moderation of tone almost judi-
cial," it gave consideration to "the
Origin of government, the nature
oat of Arms of James tis and rights of colonies in general,
and the nature and rights of the British colonies in par-
ticular." Insisting that the fundamental, free principles
of the British constitution antedate and underlie the
colonial charters, so that, even if the charters were
annulled, the colonists would still "be men, citizens, and
British subjects," and "entitled to all the natural, essen-
tial, inherent, and inseparable rights of our fellow-subjects

The Stamp Act 49

in Great Britain," he admits that parliament "has an i 7 6 4
undoubted power and lawful authority to make acts for
the general good 'that, by naming them, shall and ought
to be equally binding as upon the subjects of Great
Britain within the realm." But even the supreme legis-
lature "cannot take from any man any part of his prop-
erty without his consent in person or by representation."
"No parts of his Majesty's dominions can be taxed with-
out their consent" and "every part has a right to be repre-
sented in the supreme or some subordinate legislature."
On the subject of representation and taxation, the Representation
pamphlet further sets forth that "the colonies are subordi- and Taxation
nate dominions, and are now in such a state as to make
it best, for the good of the whole, that they should not
only be continued in the enjoyment of subordinate legis-
lation, but be also represented, in some proportion to
their number and estates, in the grand legislative of the
nation; that this would firmly unite all parts of the
British empire in the greatest peace and prosperity, and
render it invulnerable and perpetual." Since such repre-
sentation was impracticable on account of the distance of
the colonies, and for other reasons, it would be better for
all concerned that there should be, in parliament, "neither
colonial representation nor colonial taxation."
So evident is the purpose of the pamphlet-not to Purpose
bring about a revolution but to avert one-that there can
be no doubt of the sincerity of Otis's protestations of
loyalty to England: "We all think ourselves happy
under Great Britain. We love, esteem, and reverence
our mother country and adore our king. And could the
choice of independency be offered the colonies, or sub-
jection to Great Britain upon any terms above absolute
slavery, I am convinced they would accept the latter.
The ministry, in all future generations, may rely on it,
that British America will never prove undutiful, till
driven to it, as the last fatal resort against ministerial
oppression, which will make the wisest mad and the
weakest strong."
While such was the purpose of the pamphlet, the Effect

50 The Stamp Act

1 7 6 4 effect was "to furnish the starting-point for the entire
movement of revolutionary reasoning, by which some
two millions of people were to justify themselves in the
years to come, as they advanced along their rugged and
stormy path toward Independence. It became for a time
one of the legal text-books of the opponents of the minis-
try; it was a law-arsenal, from which other combatants,
on that side, drew some of their best weapons. It
expounded with perfect clearness, even if with some
shrinking, the constitutional philosophy of the whole sub-
ject; and it gave to the members of a conservative and a
law-respecting race, a conservative and a lawful pretext
for resisting law, and for revolutionizing the government."
Oxenbridge About two months after the appearance of Otis's
Thacher pamphlet, there appeared at Boston a quieter one entitled
September, The Sentiments of a British American, and written by
1764 Oxenbridge Thacher, a Harvard graduate who, lacking
strength of voice, had given up the ministry for the prac-
tice of law. Within his "fragile and invalided form there
glowed a fiery spirit, intense in opinion, jealous and
anxious for the right, and ready at any cost to contend
against the arms or the arts of evil." Assuming that the
British parliament intended to be just to the British
colonies, he raised the inquiry whether the recent act "for
granting certain duties in the British colonies" had over-
stepped the line of justice toward those colonies, and
launched his calm and lawyer-like argument against what
he felt to be a mistaken and disastrous policy.
In the Middle In the same year, a pamphlet, Essay on the Trade of
colonies the Northern Colonies of Great Britain in North America,
was printed at Philadelphia and reprinted at London.
"With ingenuity, candor, and force it shows that the
industrial interests of the whole British empire, and the
prosperity of all British subjects would be improved by
taking off, rather than increasing, these tax restrictions
on the American colonial trade." Still another pam-
phlet, Some Thoughts on the Method of Improving and
Securing the Advantages which accrue to Great Britain
from the Northern Colonies, was published in a New


The Stamp Act

York newspaper in 1764 and republished in England in I 7 6 4
I765. Dealing only with the impolicy of the ministerial
measures, it was so wise and persuasive that Professor
Tyler says that "had the brain of George Grenville and
of George the Third been capable of absorbing it, there
would have been no American Revolution."
Although these four pamphlets of 1764 were pub- Looking
lished after the adoption of Grenville's declaratory resolves, Forward
not one of them contains any allusion to the stamp act.
The sole occasion of colonial alarm seems to have been
the passage of the sugar act in April. In August, the
earl of Halifax called upon each colonial governor for "a
list of all instruments made use of in public transactions
within your government, with proper and suf-
ficient descriptions of the same; in order that, if Parlia-
ment should think proper to pursue the intention of the
aforesaid [Grenville] resolutions, they may thereby be
enabled to carry it into execution in the most effectual
and least burdensome manner." Soon after this, the
significance of the coming stamp act began to dawn upon
the American people, "and then, almost at once, the
centre of gravity shifted from the immediate past to the
immediate future,"-from the measure that had become
a law to the measure that might become a law.
On the tenth of November, the Providence Gazette The Dream
printed what purported to be an account of a dream con-
cerning "this queer news about a stamping law," one of
the few enjoyable specimens of colonial comic writing.
In the following month, a remarkable pamphlet appeared December z2
at Providence, "published by authority." Although the
name of the author was not thereon printed, The Rights
of the Colonies Examined was well known to be the work
of Stephen Hopkins, then governor of Rhode Island Stephen
-and elected by the people. After the customary investi- Hopkins
gation into the origin of society, etc., he considers the
various measures recently enacted and then impending
as the causes of "great uneasiness and consternation."
As to the stamp act, the mere announcement of it "hath
much more, and for much more reason, alarmed the

52 The Stamp Act

I 7 6 4 British subjects in America than anything that had ever
been done before! For it must be confessed by
all men that they who are
S. taxed at pleasure by others
P' cannot possibly have any
R I property; they
,who have no property can
f **.et,_' have no freedom .
I" i Free people have ever
S. thought, and always will
"- .i RED. think, that the money
:', necessary for their own
I M nr.Ti OITi,,. defense lies safest in their
".W own hands until it is
'... wanted immediately for
', that purpose." It is unfair
S. I to denounce as unseemly
.,, C the loud outcry now raised
P., i i o C L in the colonies, for as Dean
I.1 URLCX LA i caiToa (( man on a

Title-page of Stephen Hopkins's Pamphlet

y ,
wreck was never denied
the liberty of roaring as
loud as he could." This

"strong and sober-minded pamphlet," an even better
statement of the colonial position than Otis's pamphlet
of similar title, was reprinted in nearly all the colonies,
and, even in England, its temperate and conciliatory tone
"carried conviction to many minds that would have been
repelled by the brusqueness and asperity of Otis."
The Germ of In all this volume of protest, there was neither talk
Nullification nor thought of separation. We must be careful not to
read back the ideas and aspirations of a later time into a
period when those ideas and aspirations were as yet
unborn. The Americans of 1764, with all their inde-
pendent spirit, loved the mother country, venerated its
traditions and institutions, gloried in their connection
with it, and could hardly imagine a policy so grievous as
to force them to walk alone. In matters of political
freedom, they were more English than Englishmen at

The Stamp Act 53

home, and more keenly alive to their rights and privi- I 7 6 4
leges; but they had seen no reason to believe that vigor-
ous protest against what they regarded as unjust laws
would long go unheeded. But permeating all these
avowedly loyal discussions were the germs of a "pestilent
political heresy"-the doctrine of nullification.
In opposition to this incipient heresy, Martin Howard The Halifax
took up his pen-our first American loyalist writer. Gentleman
Howard was an eminent lawyer of Newport and had
served with Stephen Hopkins as a Rhode Island delegate
to the Albany congress of 1754. Unfortunately, he
attempted to conceal his identity and published his pam-
phlet at Newport under the title of A Letter from a February,
Gentleman at Halifax, To His Friend in Rhode Island. 1765
This pamphlet, "not lacking in sarcasm and yet never
abusive or unparliamentary," was so able and impressive
that it could not be ignored. In the lower house of the
Rhode Island general assembly, the deputy-governor asked
that it be taken into consideration, and others demanded
that it be burned by the common hangman. Of course,
there were replies by Hopkins and by Otis, against whom
the Halifax Gentleman retorted in a second and final
pamphlet. The interesting story of this campaign of
the pamphleteers, told in greater detail than is here pos-
sible, may be read in Professor Tyler's Literary History
of the American Revolution, a wholly admirable work
upon which I have drawn freely. Although the Halifax
Gentleman was able to hold his own with his opponents,
Martin Howard was no match for the Newport mob,
which hanged and burned him in effigy, and, on the even- August 27,
ing of the following day, destroyed his house and treated 1765
him with personal violence. Fearing for his life, Howard
"took shelter in the Signet man of war and soon after
departed for Great Britain"-the first of many who thus
suffered because their convictions could not be reconciled
with those of the devotees of "liberty."
Governor Bernard in his Principles of Law and Polity Governor
urged upon the ministry the abolition of the colonial Be.nard's
charters, the reorganization of the colonial governments

54 The Stamp Act

I 7 6 4 on a uniform plan, an American nobility and independent
I 7 6 5 civil list, and the provision of an adequate revenue.
An Official When the Massachusetts general court met again in
characteriza- October, 1764, a memorial to the house of commons and
a letter to the London agent, both drawn by Thomas
Hutchinson, the conservative chief-justice of the prov-
ince, were approved, though not without the opposition
of the more radical members of the house; in short, it
was a compromise between the courtly council and the
ardent patriots of the house. Although a recent order
July20, 1764 in council had clipped what is now Vermont from New
Hampshire and given it to New York, the memorial of
October, the New York assembly deprecated "the loss of such
1764 rights as they had hitherto enjoyed" and the certainty of
consequent discord, poverty, and slavery." These doc-
uments and Otis's pamphlet were soon laid before the
king by the board of trade. In their letter of transmis-
sion, the board said: "We humbly conceive that in this
letter the acts and resolutions of the legislature of Great
Britain are treated with the most indecent disrespect,
principles of the most dangerous nature and tendency
openly avowed, and the assemblies of other colonies
invited in the most extraordinary manner to adopt the
same opinions."
The Passage As the colonial assemblies suggested no alternative
ofthe Stamp plan, Grenville, on the sixth of February, 1765, intro-
duced his resolution for a stamp act. The resolution was
agreed to and the bill itself was presented on the thir-
teenth. Petitions against the bill were refused considera-
tion, it being contrary to the rules of the house of
commons to receive petitions relating to money bills.
Burke, who followed the debate from the gallery (he
had not yet entered parliament), afterwards declared
that he had never heard a more languid debate in the
house. Pitt was ill and absent, and Conway, Beckford,
and Barr6 seem to have been almost the only speakers
in opposition. The bill passed the commons by a
vote of two hundred and five to forty-nine, while in
the house of lords there was no division. As the

p^ *, . ..n .I t t h a t ._ W i .-i i .i.r. -
unt Torrel s rr.. r a St a i.n r ed n ,. Iefan,.. l c e ro.o
=ki, r1 gas a Inl ~ I ar. ar A e. ad l Pe .era and another r;- O lo r n pc Dci
IN i L NEE -STRI rT f l / u.. l ..al 'l /amn .Pi.... iL.r'pt'... I e D.epuI a o ber, uli tl 'lHr a
Vl Juft IMruA I LD Itrem lONDiON ; nt. j at...... D. Al.l...b lA.arba.td., .. f thro fpy ISmIhltI ,ty. y* M C a brprc. t tsres
u Frer A. ort.e.nt of Goo S, M."`. i t4r,. "' ` si Aio .d to p.cr- uon p them; Men, rh e L.
Frefh Affortrunert ol'Goons, '~n4 'h r. Lir* 00 She, rl.I'oe,, hun Natted n. elw i.j
p t hr d e r e nve oi n i Iai h e l"T P ei s fra r H d ,1 4 .?, d f ,.,C a Ae d 0,, Mfn y O rea i ons. 'h s c, u frd vt B le, i .'
SFr I'.': ., &. ly :.0 t P in r 're., f Men proapoirJa 1l the hl-ihrI4 sla of Juie,
i,. Sir W lha, Johir. ,at d.i nNiat pi.eorh N..r:-- St ,.. .e ., 1f... a,..... Ine to my Er. .e ,glad h g' o e
ric,. e.pealed to Anvr in hi gla.d 1 by nE L. '* 'id ..* r r.. r/ I.. d.. to i l* A arAria, of .l.L .ir leV, noii L p tc brol o a B.r.
ofe Jane'. o., or h i o+ aI. I., "'bq.
j Far y r o e lAincri n n ls tee d.lo ,i: Iipt P 'J '.r.J'a, t "r d # r ir he. y b prbeyr .dn by your Arma! They a elr .l .
lce lay b"dhed'e '-ioley,. rr 'i
Sdrllpu e of ith Brl.rh Anlcl..an L nptre, I/,'...'da>// ,ll.A S/ ir o. D.. P. : bp/ "I utjip AMrms n yor Defensei, ha. er t '.It '
S a..T acc.untuble OppoLfi.n his l.itherr j, ',r t ib tjiPt..i av, r L ad I Ln -i. hcu Vllaoir, amirdl itteir cnrilt and Ibbritocs Ic
ef til abortis. r, C.ap L.;rs. f, b.f dl, d.l. .l, o Defor oce fl COCC.y olloy.ul F *,
bet OrdeCU hile ben il Week tranrm.ated & "fi/f'r. 7aa .- e rl..I .I. l.n.aadtdrp /r L w' ledi *d chd an Blood, is i .i.,r rian h.ve
qt e, Rod othr Pru:ces inN.lr Amti. o PO gO L( I II. ?.ly .dVcJ all .&lde Sl rmIm to ) ,ir En'argim.nt 0.,
>~ g ot fakTrr [>pm..t.ne of lron Ord. I. l r 'le. C.fpt./.7q b U f b Andak ,v re,'" uu t v DA; D ,yLtI r
t f S, he Pschor .h SII. l de. .. to Sa S*#Pt L/ ro ~t. PF lar r I h r I t / nO o,' Tbha t Ibctfane P. I wl tch .a1led ti.t
Setll InJ ..rl. and fin rgr Prl.. r.t tiwl h l hb .t ars Peol ac li hrlt, ll cormulma u~ e h thm ill Bn.'
eDa idocri.. .afltrrld Iha fom Digtielr inh el tre"aI "'rrr'l at u. r...d ,o B,'eudadCaguaa Bal. P radCJCei foitl i me to Cchplau my (rif tny fnarmtct,
*,l'rlao be qproint d lor l nh 4maria Y I'.i. laod"i.at Pa.rir'? oo Alews, I. do eot ibl Time Gfpeakr.olo
.bm it lis aillf ih At. Mr. George bate- Caot. Harr /irm. na in L et. 40 eo N. asd Moiy of Party Hiut i What I deliver, ire *~..
a ll "be ted. Lbt .0 oo r v 4 a,/m tH rf, l y*Aril. ard geuIne t eli o nmetn of my Hef pe HoI flnwerl
S e hear the Miiurt Porea iniatoth A-nenca are nti .dI h r,, ufr..a hfni iP W i. pc or to .e ia' cnerulKowlcee uditdp.erici Cr
nit B he thlabfitln.ia making pualik HRu adi I Lai .d-w ,ar t ,P at eaw, tr re, n d ri e d I rflpc able Body of inl Hfloa may be o'
Sl roriBlad ekrine ic p sriva e Suldie is & r rd L'e nyalk, h b wq g W Gld. Iclni&io mew moMreof d le t s r ool fr .
idlo *ed dbl Pasy. No lnd Hin oe he. p*WrJS.S, lAdlhdr iae. nd.nll feing a'l-ud ba; cplerfail .In that
p drafEnll hoM.ldin a o or-CaLdha ral wars'ur ,, a ~ n Ib The p l thn o r e Is truly Loyi rl the
A I r Th o ycr of he Dary I, ttI.r ta ,ti Da. i. h a y tAje King Lu: Birt b a PC i
Id. appll d Lod Lki. t. of tIreladd, Ca.p. 4 ,.. ", .i ,+w1 ,v lo(a' te Lliburqc Jand w.o yl A e
g.il e l, hrlEp, of Norl.ntbu erlaid la to *ac w .f/ .I rhep. JR-har.d ,rlV e, ta t-+ li ild be ioihtcds ;- u
pa his Royal Highmer the D ake of Lork fa r.n art /m Solau r C i b Ot f rk i 100 rdd tol I i i ftl no m a
shap ,Ger. may ic &.f- ,as od nw -Io' ... . w..
Sl i as RIt Highter Ps rir He 0 BoWon, May 27. tr TAM Ac. cm om -
rpbick is ie dl i o be inar id .hlbe TiIa N Aft balb p dlcd Ji re elan old P iarbM r oi 6ud, "a e takr e Place h in i s o
DLake of Laa le pubthing Mauiy and DaI oao, r and i *ad1 a .si aol Ia bnI ala
bWe brar e of "[blid kpoiy hsal Yachts ow flrein t i bhteght in for esq Udi h situtitd no a d 0 *
.tn .t.h o br ughura is tow va Vp.flao d _
poi n ed I o bino oer li Snree Higke i, o eo Coliea .. b, i oid l It f pre opl s0a it rte. b
I 4 k, -ll ad
Mirc ef MAcoiqelind o Eel d iil rI Qy be lat ofl iread a or l estiith. f oi
.s r m -n co logm, e r I do tn..., Aq or

rdeo' oan, rroMthe ILa n T ea n n o'm lhaes, loa bu ll e4 tl roo b $l a the oa8 Ic l foale lw.a 0man Vl
inaor e aw. ,d" a. tI ho wLe ie i b ft aA i
Ml o. To Ip coro 4ma o Ihe Trl of L ed for a t p hpoe pudlika r, oaf huo ItI- pond e l p t
n, % thb Right Hf ihs eail oi f Nmbliag.d l t tt.f io l ii. & d themt &auiAd bart be io Sljat rolor, Bti o or
lHh 5t rafilatnded by he Lud i at.ddle n'io i t,..foi rcti ih o [td heraMed ~ W edesi alo l mr e a
A a, W'lGtuir o f ^. l' .' F o-Je 'L|aicE.in or i ,the GdltMYiW kt. end cf rll haowaa d ? b .- A l BI 2
r n~it e t4adr hlelre, a z h t- lI, r .
MpIKmdgl" u euM^ t? rgc o II I A"en r in tiisd to."M^ 'e pul'rl toli tlhe of *riltel'fo m'o lt,

rdin l'",h Tl hui e.a Bti qe4tri. "i b A4,'aS
0 4 ,1 c "teya tf id o i. d il lp d

.,t V '.. r or ,,-' ,t e,,k ry +. v.,t
trial h-4 ffew"'b "cu'nk Ir eap hop b c ovtu si. the "i lae ,a .,aim s 1

9. And.. r d"I f l t
Its 14 41AW. o

From original in collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society

The Stamp Act

king was then insane, the royal assent was given by I 7 6 5
commission on the twenty-second of March.
In a report printed in the Boston Post-Boy and Adver- A Friendly
tiser, Jared Ingersoll, the colonial agent for Connecticut, Voice
represented Townshend as using these words: "These May27
children of our own planting,
nourished by our indulgence until
they are grown to a good degree
of strength and opulence, and
protected by our arms, will they
grudge to contribute their mite
to relieve us from the heavy load
of national expense which we lie
under?" When Townshend sat
down, Colonel Isaac Barr6, an
Irish officer who was with Wolfe
at Quebec, exclaimed: "Children
planted by your care? No! Your
oppression planted them in
America. They nour-
ished up by your indulgence?
They grew by your neglect of
them. They protected
by your arms? They have nobly
taken up arms in your defense. Isaac Barre
The people there are as truly loyal, I believe,
as any subjects the king has; but a people jealous of
their liberties, and who will vindicate
them if they should be violated."
A few months later, the Boston
town-meeting ordered Barre's
portrait hung in Faneuil Hall.
The stamp act required the use Provisions of
of stamps or stamped paper, rang- the Stamp
ing in price from threepence to ten
pounds, for a great variety of legal
documents, besides playing-cards,
A Two-shilling Revenue pamphlets, newspapers, almanacs,
Stamp of 1765 and advertisements. A bill of

56 The Stamp Act

I 7 6 5 lading, for example, was taxed fourpence; a retail
liquor license, not including wines, twenty shillings, or
three pounds if wine was included; a pack of cards,
one shilling; a pair of dice, ten shillings; each adver-
tisement in a newspaper, two shillings. Elaborate
5 George III. provisions for the enforcement of the act and the punish-
cap. ,2 ment of those who violated it were also made. Vice-
admiralty courts without juries were given jurisdiction of
offenses against the act and all other revenue or trade
acts. The proceeds of the act, like those of the sugar
act, were to be kept separate from other moneys in the
treasury, and to be "from time to time disposed of by
parliament, towards further defraying the necessary
expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the said
colonies and plantations." The act was to go into effect
on the first day of November.
A Distracted In April, 1763, John Wilkes, a member of the house
Public of commons, had published a bitter attack on the king's
speech. For this, he was sent to the Tower; in May, he
was discharged on a writ of habeas corpus; in January,
1764, he was expelled from the house. When the court
of the king's bench entered judgment against him for
libel, Wilkes fled to France and thereupon was outlawed.
Wilkes seemed to have been morally worthless but he had
attractive manners and could "abate and dissolve a pomp-
ous gentleman with singular felicity." His cleverness
and wit made him a favorite with the people; his prose-
cution and outlawry made him a popular idol. With
royal prerogative overriding the rights of the subject,
the "Wilkes and Liberty" excitement largely held the
attention of Englishmen in England, and the passage of
the stamp act went almost unnoticed. In the contempo-
rary correspondence of English statesmen like Walpole,
Grenville, and Pitt, it was hardly mentioned and no one
seemed to understand what a train was being laid. Even
the agents of the colonies had no suspicion of the com-
ing storm. Benjamin Franklin did not hesitate to
mention a friend for appointment as stamp distributor
and Richard Henry Lee sought such a place for himself.

The Stamp Act 57

Further to carry into effect the ministerial plans for the 1 7 6 5
defense of the colonies, the annual mutiny act of 1765
"authorized the dispatch to the colonies of such troops The
as might be deemed necessary." For their accommodation, artering
a quartering act was shortly passed, requiring the towns in
the several colonies to provide suitable barracks or other 5GeorgeIII.
quarters, and also to furnish, in certain cases, fire, candles, cap. 33
vinegar, salt, bedding, cooking utensils, cider or rum, and
The passage of the stamp act became known in America The Virginia
in May. The first legislative answer came from the Old Resolutions
Dominion, where Patrick Henry introduced in the house
of burgesses a series of resolu- = -----
tions declaring that "the General
Assembly of this colony, together
with his Majesty, or his substi- '
tutes, have, in their representative -
capacity, the only exclusive right K
and power to lay taxes and
imposts upon the inhabitants of
this colony; and that every -1
attempt to vest such power in any
other person or persons whatever
than the General Assembly afore-
said is illegal, unconstitutional, ..
and unjust, and has a manifest
tendency to destroy British as N '
well as American liberty." The ---
resolutions were vigorously Silver Top of the Mace used in the
irginia House of Burgesses until
opposed and Henry supported the Revolution (since then
them in an eloquent and fiery remodeled into a cup)
speech, in the midst of which he (Redra from copyrighted photo-
graph by permission of Miss Edyth
exclaimed: Caesar had his Carter Beveridge)
Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell, and George the
Third ["Treason !" cried the speaker. "Trea- Treason!
son! Treason!" cried loyal members.] may profit by their
example. If this be treason, make the most of it." By
a close vote, four of the six resolutions were adopted, the May 30
last by a majority of only one.

58 The Stamp Act

I 7 6 5 The publication of the Virginia resolutions was the
Aerial Poison signal for similar action elsewhere; as Governor Bernard
aptly said, it "proved an alarm bell to the disaffected."
The hard
fiber of
land Puri-
was a dif-
ficult soil
in which
to culti-
vate royal
"The re-
ml o s t
in our
Bu rke
later, "is a
re fi n e-
ment of
the princi-
ple of re-
which is
the dissi-
dence of dissent and the protestantism of the Protestant
May 27 religion." When the general court of Massachusetts met,
the house of representatives refused the governor even the
cold compliment of a formal answer to his speech; on the
eighth of June, it issued a circular letter to the other colo-
nies, proposing the appointment of committees to meet at
New York on the first Tuesday in October, "to consult

The Stamp Act 59

together on the present circumstances of the colonies I 7 6 5
and to consider of a general and united, dutiful,
loyal, and humble representation of their condition to his
Majesty and to the parliament, and to implore relief."
The first assembly to reply was that of New Jersey, which
declared itself "unanimously against uniting on the pre-
sent occasion;" but the movement gathered headway as
the Virginia resolves became known. As the summer of
1765 wore away, public sentiment crystallized and a
policy of forcible resistance was begun.
In his speech -. Sons of
against the The Proceedings of the SONS Liberty
stamp act, OFLIBERTY, March I, 1766. ]
Barre had
ok of th HE SONS OF LIBERTY of Ballitnre County and Anni-Ad d
spoken of the county, :met at the Counr-Huco of the City of Acipo,. the
A firft Day fMarch 1766.
Americans a .. ,On Motion made by a Son of Liberty, to appoint a Moderator and Secr-
o e 7, 0- 0 RverendAfrrn_ Lrndam wa. chofcn Modeatror, and Mr. Ifil/ha
sons of lib- Pra Secretary.
Mr. fofeph Nicholfon, signifying to the Sons of Liberty, that he had anAd-
e r t y wh 0 dress from the Sons of Libc-ty of Kent Counte, was introduced t J,. n
of Liberty in Afembly met as aforefaid, and delivered the following: AId.olt i
could defend Indorfedthus,
their rights. To e SONS OF LIBERTY, of Anni-Arundcl anBal timore Countiae
The expression E receivedyour Favour directed to the Sons of Liberty of Yefterday's
S VV Date, Twelve o'Clock to Day,' and in Confequence thereof, the I
was sent over Principal Inhabitants of this Place have had a Meeting, to conlder of the
S Propofals therein made, and have Unaniieufjl Rejoered to enter in an Affoci-
sea, aided in nation, to which alfo, they propose to invite all the Principal InhabTtants of
i this County, agreeable to the Spirit and Detign of .the Propofals made to
fanning the fire them. that is, to join in, give all Countenance to the Endeavours that
d i1a Ihll be td. to "nduc th1,o qict.r to .r ml wl ,> ar- B,. o*--r; n;cr t- 0
into flame, and tDiriutio ot and that we will chearfully co-oeratl
S with, and second all jufo Endeavours made by our Fellow Subjeta i1 the
b ecam e Colonies, to prevent the Execution of that moft unconfitutignal AA called
ecame t the Stamp* Ad; and that we will purfue every Juft and Necelfary Method to
favorite desig- "opofe th Introdoution o that, or any other opprefive, arbitrary, and
avorg- illegalMdares ourfelves.
o r We will alfo take Care to tranmnit Copies to our adjacent Counties.
nat n or We (hall be glad to be favoured with youe Alfoiston,. when comnpleat,
.and the Paper you mention ; and have depoted Mr. NicBolfon, junior, to
voluntary asso- I represent us to Morrow at your Meeting, at onnapo/r, and to fignify our
cia i t Approbation of the Application intended by you, to the Officers at An-
cations that ..f.P.P.
The very Ihort Notice we have had, will not permit any Thing faurlter
were organ- to be done before Mr. Nicha4n goes away.
We are, Gentlemfg,
ized, chiefly in .i ~l~rrw S,, -s .bi ,.
New England wei. Rvggo, ,.Aosn,-"
B0ei. Bt.E y, ftbo. Smyth,
and New York, wr. s. pfn, r. s ,
N.. Bordley, y: NIcbfn,
for the purpose 71 0 .. G.r. j ur.,
of intimidating M .ad, r. jr., .
the stamp dis- f. Nfa, ,na.
tributors and .,, p oPo r
preventing the Broadside issued by the Maryland Sons of Liberty

The Stamp Act

I 7 6 5 execution of the stamp act. The leaders of the Sons of
Liberty were generally men of local prominence, but, in
more cases than one, the membership included disorderly
and lawless persons who cared nothing for the principles
at issue, who could not feel the burden of the act even if
it was enforced, and who had nothing to lose from the
destruction of property and the open defiance of law. The
influential classes refrained from active participation, but
they did little to check the disorders and apparently
were willing that mob rule should frustrate the purpose
of parliament.
In the Sacred Among the distributors was Andrew Oliver of Massa-
Name of chusetts. On the fourteenth of August, he was hanged
in effigy, between figures of Bute and Grenville, on the
"Liberty Tree," a large elm that served as a rallying
place for the Sons of Liberty of Boston. In the even-
ing, a mob, shouting Liberty, property, and no stamps!"
tore down an unfinished building said to be intended as
an office for the stamp distributor, and burned Oliver's
effigy before the door of the helpless official. The next
morning, Oliver publicly signed a pledge not to act as
stamp distributor. Even these indignities did not spare
him, for, on the day of the opening of parliament in
December, he was compelled to march to the Liberty
Tree and take an oath that he would not attempt to col-
lect the stamp duties. On the twenty-sixth of August,
the mansion of Chief-justice Hutchinson was looted, his
plate and money were carried off, his valuable'library and
private papers thrown into the street, and himself and his
family insulted and threatened with personal injury. Of
all the violent scenes that marked the eve of the Revo-
lution, this attack on Hutchinson was the most disgrace-
ful. The Boston town-meeting expressed "abhorrence"
of these proceedings, and voted that the selectmen and
magistrates be desired to suppress like disorders in the
future; but the rioters went unpunished.
Resignation Lawless or law-abiding, the resistance was general and
effective. In New Hampshire, the stamp distributor
resigned rather than to stand the rising storm. In




^ 3 / /,'





(Jacob Kollock, who had been a delegate from Delaware, on accoui
Collected from various original documents in

The Stamp Act 6

Rhode Island, the attorney-general, Augustus Johnston, I 7 6 5
who had been appointed distributor, hastened to announce
that he would not "execute his office against the will of
our sovereign lord, the people;" but, further to strengthen
his good resolution, the populace dragged his effigy about
the streets of Newport on a hurdle, and publicly hanged
and burned it. Johnston prudently fled to an English
armed vessel in the harbor. In Connecticut, Israel Put-
nam called on Governor Fitch to let him know the feel-
ing of the people and to warn him that, if he refused
admittance to the Sons of Liberty who were coming to
destroy the stamps, his house would be pulled down in
less than five minutes. Jared Ingersoll, persisting for a
time in his determination to discharge the duties of dis-
tributor, was met by a crowd at Wethersfield, signed the
proffered resignation, and, being escorted to Hartford,
read the resignation before the assembly. The distribu-
tors in New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia resigned.
At Philadelphia, John Hughes, a friend of Franklin,
gave in his resignation at the demand of a mob.
Although the demonstrations were less violent in other
colonies than in Massachusetts, the arrival of the stamps
and attempts to put the act into operation were every-
where the signal for outbreaks.
On the seventh of October, the stamp-act congress The
assembled in the old city hall at New York, the head- starnp-ac
quarters of General Gage, the commander-in-chief of the Congress
British forces in America. Lieutenant-governor Colden
was determined to execute the stamp act, but he did not
dare to interfere with the proceedings of the congress.
Nine colonies-Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecti-
cut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
Maryland, and South Carolina-were represented by
twenty-seven delegates variously appointed. Twenty-
eight had been chosen; the absentee was Jacob Kollock,
speaker of the Delaware assembly. Kollock, an old man,
probably was detained by his physical infirmities, for he
died in 1772, "in the 8oth year of his age, after a long
and tedious illness." From New Hampshire, Virginia,

62 The Stamp Act

North Carolina, and Georgia came
unofficial messages of encourage-
ment. Before the end of the ses-
sion, a messenger arrived from
Georgia to obtain a copy of the pro-
ceedings. On the roll of delegates
are found the names of some of
the most distinguished Americans
of the time. Timothy Ruggles of
Massachusetts was chosen
speaker, and James Otis became
the leading spirit. Notwithstand-
ing the great difference in area
and population, the colonies stood
"without the least claim of pre-

John Dickinson
I 7 6 5 eminence one over the
other;" and it was
agreed that each should
have one vote.
Its Work The conclusions of
the congress were em-
bodied in four papers; a
declaration of rights and
grievances, a petition to
the king, a memorial and
petition to the house of
lords, and a petition to
the house of commons.
The first two of these
state papers were drafted
by John Dickinson, a
delegate from Pennsyl-
vania, whose later dis-
tinguished services in
like capacities earned
him the title of the

-~- I ~

A... a,~?. *...:~CjI r l .~/ ,.a..

.5..,. .x..: *,.
~...L j:
*. .. .:. ~ .(

Last Page of the Petition to the House of Lords

Last Page of the Petition to the House of Lords


The Stamp Act 63

"penman of the Revolution." Ruggles, the speaker, I 7 6 5
refused to sign the declaration, for which he was later
censured by the Massachusetts house of representatives.
The congress adjourned on the twenty-fifth of October.
Of the foui papers, the declaration of rights and its
grievances, as the first authoritative statement of the case Resolutions
for the colonies, is the most important. It proclaims the
duty of colonial allegiance to the crown of Great Britain;
claims, as "the undoubted rights of Englishmen, that no
taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent,"
and asks for the repeal of the stamp act, "and of the
other late acts for the restriction of American commerce."
The text of this document is printed in the appendix to
this volume. From the ground therein taken, no advance
was made until 1776.





Internal and T will be convenient at this point to examine briefly
External the claims of the colonies as set forth in the reso-
Solutions of the stamp-act congress, in order to see
exactly for what privileges the colonial leaders were con-
tending. The only thing that was arraigned as unwar-
ranted in law was the stamp act, and this for the reason
that the act was an attempt to tax the colonies through a
body in which they were not and could not be repre-
sented. The authority of parliament to legislate in regard
to the trade of the colonies was not denied, although the
new regulations were objected to as grievous burdens,
certain to work disaster to American industry and to
impoverish the people. When, however, parliament
sought to step into a colony and to lay taxes upon its
property or its internal business, the right of Englishmen
to be represented in that body was affirmed as an ancient
and inalienable privilege that might not be infringed.
The We have here the alleged distinction between internal
Difference and external taxation of which a good deal was heard in
Them the discussions that preceded the Revolution. Accord-
ing to this theory, parliament, in pursuance of its general
legislative authority over the whole empire, might regu-
late the trade of the colonies, but might not tax their
internal transactions or property. Trade regulation
might, of course, take the form of import or export duties,


The Repeal of the Stamp Act 65

port charges, or other similar exactions; but so long as i 7 6 5
the main purpose was regulation and not revenue-as
had been the case with the navigation acts-the principle
of "no taxation without representation was not violated,
even though some revenue was incidentally produced.
But when a tax was laid for the express purpose of raising
a revenue the case was different; for here the colonists
themselves were entitled to a voice. As matters stood,
that voice could be raised only in the colonial assemblies,
for representation in parliament could hardly be regarded
as feasible with that body three thousand miles away. It
was true that parliamentary representation in England at
this time was grossly inequitable, large masses of the
people having no representatives at all in the house of
commons; but that did not alter either the legal or the
political theory, or impair the time-honored and hard-
won right of the people as a whole to determine, through
their representatives, how their money should be spent.
It is clear enough now, as it was clear to some in both An
England and America then, that the colonial contention Ill-founded
was not wholly sound. The alleged distinction between
internal and external taxation certainly had no foundation
in law or political science, however much the legislation
of parliament may have seemed to recognize it. The
main question was as to the right of parliament to tax the
colonies at all, not as to the right to tax them in this way or
that way. That parliament had complete legislative con-
trol of the colonies, in internal as well as external matters,
was the matured opinion of the best English and Ameri-
can lawyers. The practical question, however, was not
of abstract right, but of expediency. The fatal mistake
of George III. and his subservient ministers was in
attempting to maintain a right the assertion of which
could have no other effect than to irritate the colonies
and to incite them to resistance. The legal pretensions
of the Americans were ill founded, but the conduct of
Great Britain was impolitic to the point of madness.
The stamp act was to go into effect on the first of An Inopera-
November, 1765. In the colonies, the day was marked tive Act

TlowMqs, o0 hr, 6s. TH E NUMB. 1095.




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(From an original in the New York Public Library, Emmet Collection)

The Repeal of the Stamp Act

by the closing of shops and the tolling of bells, and by I 7 6 5
mock funeral processions followed in some cases by riot
and disorder. In New York, the people gathered about
the fort and demanded the surrender of the stamps.
Governor Colden was burned in effigy and compelled to
leave the stamps with the city officials for safe-keeping.
The stamps intended for Connecticut were taken from a
vessel and burned. In Rhode Island, Governor Ward
refused to take the oath to carry out the provisions of
the act, the only one of the colonial governors thus to
resist. Governor Fitch of Connecticut did take the oath
and, in consequence, failed of reelection. Similar demon-
strations were made in other colonies. Liberty, property,
and no stamps!" was the popular cry. When the first
of November arrived, no stamps were to be had. After
a few weeks of uncertainty and hesitation, business was
resumed much as before. The stamp act did not become
operative in any of what we call the thirteen colonies
except South Carolina and Georgia, and it was not long-
continued there.
Early in November, some of the leading citizens of A Non-
New York, headed by Isaac Sears, formed a committee importation
of correspondence. Its members agreed to sign all letters Agreement
with their several names and to open a correspondence
with all the colonies. Philadelphia was relied upon to
forward letters to the South, and Boston to forward letters
to New Hampshire. As a tangible form of protest
against the obnoxious acts, an agreement not to import
any more British goods until the stamp act was repealed
was also made. Later, a non-consumption agreement
was added, and orders already sent to England were
countermanded. Similar agreements were subsequently
made in Boston and elsewhere and coercive measures October 28,
became popular. Further to show that the Americans 1767
could live without stamps, patriots agreed to encourage
American manufactures, to use American cloth, and to
increase the supply of wool by giving up the eating of
Meantime, there had been a change of ministry in

68 The Repeal of the Stamp Act

i 7 6 5 Great Britain. When Grenville took office, in April,
The 1763, the Whig party was divided into three groups.
Rockingham The largest part, comprising those who had followed the
Ministry duke of Newcastle, now accepted the leadership of Rock-
ingham and further distinguished themselves by abandon-
ing the bribery and corruption through which Newcastle
had controlled the government. A second group followed
the duke of Bedford and let it be known that they could
be bought as a body, but not individually. The third
faction followed Grenville. Grenville had quarrelled with
Pitt whom the king hated, and had supported Bute whom
the king liked; naturally enough, when Newcastle resigned,
the king chose Grenville as the prime minister. The good
feeling between the king and the premier was, however,
of short duration, ill will being bred by the disrespect of
Grenville and intensified by the failing mental powers of
the king. In July, 1765, Grenville gave way to Rock-
ingham. Conway, who had opposed the stamp act, and
the duke of Grafton were the new secretaries of state.
The ministry was weak; Townshend called it a "lute-
string administration, fit only for summer wear." Pitt,
the ablest man then in public life, refused to take office,
having no more respect for the Rockingham Whigs than
had the king himself. The change promised well for the
colonies, however, and doubtless encouraged them in their
resistance to the stamp act.
English Reports of the violent proceedings in America reached
Opinion England some weeks before the opening of parliament.
October 24 Conway, in a circular letter to the governors, urged them
to "do their utmost to maintain law and order," and to
that end authorized them to "call upon the military and
naval commanders, if necessary." Public opinion in
England was divided. The land tax of four shillings in
the pound was yielding a revenue of about two million
pounds sterling per annum, but Grenville had given
assurances that, by the end of two years after the close of
the war, the tax should be reduced to three shillings.
The landed proprietors, restless under the continued tax,
demanded the enforcement of the stamp act. On the

The Repeal of the Stamp Act 69

other hand, the commercial and manufacturing towns, I 7 6 5
alarmed at the loss of trade resultant from the colonial I 7 6 6
policy of non-intercourse, ,
wished the act repealed. In .
the Rockingham ministry
there was division of opinion.
The prime minister, says '
Bancroft, "declared himself ,' ..
ready to repeal a hundred ..-
stamp acts rather than run ;(. '[ l
the risk of such confusion as
would be caused by enforcing -
one." Yet, on the twelfth of
December, a committee of : "".. .::
merchants was told that "the p;..4
right to tax Americans could i
never be given up" and that ," "
"a suspension of the act was .ll"
the most that could be a
expected." -i..
Parliament assembled on In Parliament
the seventeenth of December. I '' -r....
The news from America as i
submitted by Secretary Con- ,.i 'T"
way was alarming. Grenville ,. A, ., i-
moved an address to the king,
hoping thereby to secure ,..
an immediate consideration r W."-, .
of American affairs, for which "
he knew the ministry was '
not prepared. The subject Broadside of Verses: A Dose for
was laid over, however, until the Tories"
after the holidays. Parliament reassembled on the
fourteenth of January, 1766. On the seventeenth, The Petitions
petitions urging the repeal of the stamp act were pre- ohantse
sented from the merchants of London, Liverpool, Bris-
tol, Glasgow, and other trading and manufacturing towns,
and from Virginia and Georgia. The debate on the
address to the king was stormy. The ministry had asked

70 The Repeal of the Stamp Act

I 7 6 6 for confidence. Pitt, who appeared in the house of com-
mons after an absence of a year, turned to them with a
courteous smile and said: "Pardon me, gentlemen, confi-
dence is a plant of slow growth in an aged bosom, youth
The Speech of is the season of credulity." Calling attention to the fact
William Pitt that when the stamp act was passed, he was ill in bed, he
declared that, in his opinion, Great Britain had no right
to lay a tax on the colonies without their consent. The
Americans "are the subjects of this kingdom-equally
entitled with yourselves to all the natural rights of man-
kind and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen-and
equally bound by its laws. The Americans are the sons,
not the bastards, of England. .. There is an idea in
some that the colonies are virtually represented in this
house. I would fain know by whom an American is
represented here? The idea of a virtual repre-
sentation of America in this house is the most con-
temptible idea that ever entered into the head of man;
it does not deserve a serious refutation!"
Burke, In this debate, Edmund Burke, who had just entered
Conway and parliament, made his maiden speech. Conway, the min-
isterial leader in the house, declared his agreement with
the opinions expressed by the "great commoner," and
forecast the action of the ministry by declaring that "such
were the sentiments also of most, if not of all, the king's
servants." Grenville followed with an elaborate and
masterly defense of his own policy, denying that taxation
and representation went together and affirming, with an
obvious allusion to Pitt, that "the seditious spirit of the
colonies owes its birth to the factions in this house.
Gentlemen are careless of the consequences of what they
say, provided it answers the purpose of opposition."
Pitt for The rules of the house of commons forbade a member
Repeal to speak twice in the same debate, but Pitt, stung by
Grenville's insinuation, sprang to his feet, and the house,
accepting his pretext that he intended only to offer an
omitted portion of his former speech, allowed him to
go on. "The gentleman tells us," he exclaimed,
"America is obstinate; America is almost in open rebel-

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