A History of
the United States
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From the Paink in
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taproduced from portrait
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Signature from aintegraph
letter dated March 14,
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COPYRIGHT 1905 BY
ELROY MCKENDREE AVERY
MAPS, ILLUTRATIONI COMPOSITION,
PLA1ESAND PFESS VORK BY
THE MATTHEWS-NOR I HRI'P WORKS,
BUFFALO, NEW YORK
.; ;; '~;
THE purpose back of this book is the same as
that set forth in the preface to its predecessor.
The reception given to that volume has justified
the important features of the original plan.
I had accepted, almost as an axiom, the fact that "his-
tory cannot be written upon one scale or for one purpose
only; that the needs of the public are very different from
those of the professed student."
I felt sure that the general public would approve an
avoidance of "abysmal notes, overladen with trivial details,
and told with such portentous long-windedness that only
professional students, examinees, schoolmasters and their
pupils really master them."
I had been influenced by Frederic Harrison's statement
that "our analytic and microbic Research immensely over-
shadows our co-ordinating activity."
I thought that it was possible to write so that what
was written would be actually read and easily understood
and still to avoid falling into the quicksands of blunders,
partisanship, and curious delusions.
With such beliefs, and with a strong desire to be clear
and fair and accurate, this second volume, like the first,
has been written. I hope that they who read it will find
that I have not failed.
The tendencies of the period covered by this volume
seem to me to afford a good example of the unity of our
colonial history which compels its study by what Mr.
Sloane well describes as "transverse sections rather than
by longitudinal fibers." ELRY M. AVERY
leveland, August, AVERY
Cleveland, August, 1905
C O N
T E N T S
Introductory : Lists of Maps and Illustrations; Old Style and
New Style; Some European Rulers; Brief Summary of Events.
I. Champlain and New France (1600-35)
II. The Evolution of a Colonial System 20
III. Virginia Under the Charter (1602-24) .33
IV. The Settlement at Manhattan (1609-28) 80
V. The Growth of Separatism in England
VI. The Pilgrims (1600-30) 103
VII. The Council for New England (1620-38) 138
VIII. Massachusetts Bay (1625-32) 148
IX. The Old Dominion (1624-74) 170
X. Maryland Before the Restoration (1623-60) 198
XI. New Netherland (1628-64) 218
XII. New Sweden (1627-55) 255
XIII. Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson
XIV. Connecticut Plantations and the Pequot
War (1631-62) 303
XV. Annexation and Confederation (1640-54) 338
XVI. Massachusetts Troubles (1634-61) 349
XVII. The Puritan and the Heretic (1640-61) 375
XVIII. A Glimpse at Plymouth (1633-61) 392
A List of the "Mayflower" Passengers 399
Colonial Governors 401
Bibliographical Appendix 403
NoTE.- A general index will be found in the last volume.
I L L US T RATI ONS
Governor John Winthrop Frontispiece
This portrait is attributed with considerable probability to Vandyke. The
original hangs in the senate chamber of the Massachusetts State House.
From an original autograph letter, dated March 14, 16z9, now in the New
York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Coat of Arms:
Reproduced in colors of original from Vermont's America Heraldica,
Map Illustrating the Period of Champlain (with map
of the Huron country in corner) 2
Title-page of Champlain's Des Savvages 3
This is the earliest printed account of New France, and relates to Cham-
plain's expedition of 1603 (Paris, 1604).
Photographed from the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox
Map of the Bay of Fundy (illustrating the period
of Champlain) 4
Facsimile of Champlain's Map of Port Royal and
View of Fort .5
Reproduced from Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain (Paris, 1613); copy
in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Map of Dochet (Saint Croix) Island, where Cham-
plain and De Monts first Settled 5
Showing also by dotted lines the old coast-line and the location of Cham-
plain's and De Monts's settlements, as they appear on Champlain's maps of
Champlain's Map of Plymouth Harbor 6
From Champlain's Voyages (Paris, 1613) in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building).
Montmorency Falls 6
From recent photograph furnished by the Richelieu and Ontario Naviga-
Champlain's Flag, 1604
This is the naval flag of France of the period and, according to Mr. Ernest
Gagnon of Quebec, it is a true copy of the flag that Champlain had with
him in 1604. The flag used by the king was similar, but the ground was
white; it was displayed only when royalty was present.
An Iroquois Warrior
From photograph of a bronze figure on the Maisonneuve monument at
Champlain's Defeat of the Iroquois
Reduced facsimile of Champlain's engraving in his edition of 1613, in the
New York Public Library (Lenox Building). The Iroquois are at the
right-their canoes in the water near them. Champlain's allies, the Mon-
tagnais, Ochastaiguins, and the Algonkins with their canoes are at the left
behind Champlain who with his two arquebusiers in the center rear are
attacking the Mohawks with firearms.
Champlain's Attack on the Iroquois Fort
From the same. This fort was a hasty entrenchment erected by the Iro-
quois on the shores of Lake Champlain in 161o.
Champlain's View of the Fort at Quebec
From the same.
Autographs of Champlain and his Wife Helene
Attached to a contract. Reproduced from Charavay, Documents inidits
sur Samuel de Champlain (Paris, 1875). In spite of the repeated repro-
duction of the so-called Moncornet portrait of Champlain, there is no
known authenticated portrait of Champlain in existence. The source of
the Moncornet picture is regarded by Mr. Victor Hugo Paltsits as a
lithographed portrait designed in 1854 by a deformed French painter named
Ducornet. The Hamel, Ronjat, Laverdiere, and other portraits of Cham-
plain are all traceable to the same source.
Triple Portrait of Cardinal Richelieu
Photographed from a reproduction of the original in the New York Public
Library (Print Department). The original painting by Philippe de Cham-
paigne, a French painter (born in 1602, died in 1674), is in the National
Gallery, London, England, No. 798. It was painted for the Roman
sculptor Mocchi, and was presented to the National Gallery, London, in
Title-page of Le Jeune's Relation of 1632
This is the first and one of the scarcest of the series known as the "Jesuit
Relations" published annually from 1632 to 1673. Reproduced from a
copy of the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Medal Struck in 1904 to Commemorate the Cham-
The Champlain Monument at Quebec
From a photograph. Erected in 1898 on Dufferin Terrace, Quebec.
Title-page of The Famous Historye (in verse) of the
life and death of Captaine Thomas Stukeley 22
Reduced reproduction from copy in the British Museum.
Portrait of James I. of England 23
From an original painting by an unknown artist. The portrait, which is 17
by 13 Y/ inches, represents the king at an advanced age. It was formerly
in the British Museum and was transferred to the National Gallery in 1879.
Portrait of Archbishop Laud 24
From an old print, after the painting by Sir Anthony Vandyke.
Title-page of An Act Prohibiting Trade 29
This is one of the Cromwellian "Navigation Acts," published in 1650.
From a photograph of a copy of the original in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building).
Title-page of An Act for Increase of Shipping .. 30
The Navigation Act of 1651.
First Page of Text of the Above 31
From a photograph of a copy of the original in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of Sir John Popham 35
Map Illustrating the Traditional Interpretation of
the Virginia Charter of 1606 36
Map Showing the Extent of Virginia as Fixed by
Settlement under the Charter of 1606 36
The Beginning and Ending of the English Portion
of the Virginia Charter of April o1, 1606 38
Photographed from the original "Letters Patent" now in the Public
Record Office, London, England. The entire charter (Patent Roll, 4
James I., part 19, No. 1709) is a roll about thirty feet long by nine inches
wide. The English portion is eight feet six inches long. The remainder
is in Latin, etc.
Portrait of Captain John Smith 40
Reproduced from Smith's Map of New England in his Description of New
England; copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). See
page 121 for a reproduction of this map.
Map of the First Settlements in Virginia 41
The Cape Henry Tablet 42
From a photograph. Erected in 1896 by the Association for Preservation
of Virginia Antiquities to celebrate the landing "near this spot" on April
26, 1607, of the first Virginia colonists.
The Ruins of the Church of Jamestown 43
(a) View of the ruined tower, from a photograph.
(b) View of the foundations of the Jamestown church. From a photo-
graph copyrighted in 19o0 by R. A. Lancaster of Richmond, Virginia.
It is a bird's-eye view of the floor and chancel. The picture was taken
from the top of the church tower (shown in accompanying illustration)
immediately after these foundations had been unearthed in 1893. Since
that time, the work necessary for the preservation of these crumbling ruins
has made it impossible for satisfactory pictures of them to be taken.
Seal of the Jamestown Exposition Company 44
Map Showing the Indian Tribes of the South
Atlantic States 5.
Specially prepared by Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology. This map is the result of special investigation of original docu-
ments, together with extended correspondence and local travel for the pur-
pose of bringing together in monograph form all that can be learned relating
to the aborigines of the Atlantic Coast from Delaware River to the Savan-
nah. Of this matter a preliminary paper was published by Mr. Mooney as
a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1894, under the title
of The Siouan Tribes of the East.
Title-page of Smith's True Relation 46
From a photograph of the original printed edition in the New York
Public Library (Lenox Building).
Title-page of Smith's Generall Historie 47
From the original engraved title-page of Smith's Generall Historie, in the
New York Public Library (Lenox Building), first issue, dated 1624, and
one of the finest copies in existence. Only one copy, now (1905) in a
private collection in Brooklyn, N. Y., is known to have a printed title-page
as well as the engraved title.
Smith's M ap of Virginia 48
There were several distinct issues of this map.
(a) In the original issue (Oxford, 16xz), the degrees of longitude are
not marked at the sides, as in the reproduction herewith given, and the
degrees of latitude are marked only at the bottom. There are also other
(b) The map appeared in Smith's Generall Historic (London, 1624).
(c) It also appeared in Purchas: His Pilgrimes (London, 1625), vol. 4.
The map, printed from this state of the plate and from which the photo-
graph for this reproduction was made, is in the Library of Congress.
(d) With further variations, the plate subsequently appeared in several
places, especially in the 1626, 1627, and 1632 issues of Smith's Generall
Smith's Victory 51
Reduced facsimile from Smith's Generall Historie, in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building). Illustrates the taking prisoner of the king of
the Pamunkeys in 1608.
Maps Illustrating the two Methods of Interpreta-
tion of the Virginia Charter of 1609 53
Autograph of Sir Thomas Gates 54
Autograph of Captain Samuel Argall 54
George Percy (Portrait and Autograph) 55
From photograph of a portrait of Percy in the possession of the Virginia
Historical Society. This is a copy made by Herbert L. Smith in 1853 of
the original at Sion House, Isleworth, near London, then and now the
property of the dukes of Northumberland.
Sir Thomas West, Third Lord Delaware (Portrait
and Autograph) 56
From photograph of a portrait in the State Library at Richmond, Va.
This portrait was painted in 1877 by Sheppard from the original at Bourne
Title-page of Lord Delaware's Relation 57
From photograph of the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox
Autograph of Sir Thomas Dale 58
The Tobacco Plant 59
Two Portraits of Pocahontas 61
(a) Redrawn from Smith's Generall Historic.
(b) This is the best known portrait. Photographed from the original
painting which belongs to the descendants of John Rolfe, of Norfolk
County, England, and measures two feet six and one-half inches by two feet
one inch. It was reproduced for the first time in Robertson's Pocahontas
and her Descendants (Richmond, Va., 1887). An almost contemporary
engraving, made from it by M. de Passe, appears in some copies of Smith's
Letter Signed by George Yeardley .62
From photograph of the original document in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building). Of course, the date is "old style" (see page
xxxi), and is equivalent to January zo, 1620, N. S.
Portrait of Sir Edwin Sandys .65
From one preserved at Hanley, England. Engraved for Nash's Collections
for the History of Worcestershire, London, 1781 -82, 2 vols. Reproduced
from copy in the New York Public Library (Astor Building).
First Page of the Records of the First Virginia
Assembly, July 30, 169 66
Photographed from the original at the Public Record Office, London. It
is in Colonial Papers, vol. I, No. 45.
Plan of the Church at Jamestown 67
Reproduced from "The Site of Old James Towne, 1607-1698," pub-
lished in the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, July, i904, by
permission of Samuel H. Yonge, who made the original measurements of
the foundations and prepared drawings. Copyright, 1904, by Samuel H.
Portrait of Nicholas Ferrar the Elder 68
Photographed from the original painting at Magdalene College, Cambridge,
England. The portrait (which we vignette) bears the dates 1546- I6zo
at lower right-hand corner.
Seal of the Virginia Company 69
Original in collections of the Virginia Historical Society.
Letter by Sir Edwin Sandys 70
From original at Magdalene College, Cambridge, England.
Portrait of George Sandys 72
v Reproduced from the portrait preserved in the manor of Ombersley, county
of Worcester, England, by permission of the owner, Michael Edwin Mar-
cus, fifth Baron Sandys.
Silver Service used at Jamestown Church 73
From a photograph supplied by Mr. H. P. Cook of Richmond, Va.
This service has been in use in Bruton church, whose property it is,
since the Jamestown church was abandoned some time in the eighteenth
century. The chalice is o134 inches high. The paten has a diameter of
7 inches. On each is an inscription Mixe not holy things with profane.
Ex dono francisci Morrison, Armageri, Anno Domi. 1661." The alms-
basin has a diameter of 94 inches. It bears an inscription For the use
of James City Parish Church." It has four marks, one that of maker, T.
F. (Thomas Farren).
A more minute account is to be found in Buck's Old Plate published in New
Steel Vambrace (Arm-guard) 74
Unearthed in 1861 at Jamestown by the Confederate forces in throwing up
fortifications on the island and now in possession of the Virginia Historical
Autograph of Henry Wriothesley, Third Earl of
From the original in the Boston Public Library.
Portrait of Nicholas Ferrar the Younger (1592-
1637) o 76
Photographed from original painting by Janssen at Magdalene College,
Last Page of the Nicholas Ferrar Copy of the Rec-
ords of the Virginia Company of London 78
Reproduced from p. 387 of the original now in the manuscripts division of
the Library of Congress. The Nicholas Ferrar copy of the records of the
Virginia Company of London, 2 vols., 163 by o034 inches. Vol. I (355
pages), April z8, 1619, to May 8, I622. Vol. 2 (387 pages), May 20,
1622, to June 7, 1624.
Near the foot of page 386, vol. 2, a paragraph begins:-" He likewise
made known how much Sir Francis Wyatt was commended for." This
is continued on page 387 as follows: his good service and noble carriage
of himself in his government, and moved that, seeing the Company had
chosen him again for Governor for three years longer, they would also con-
sider how to supply him for the time to come with his just number of
tenants, and to recompense him for the loss he hath sustained thereby.
1" Which being taken into consideration, it was held both just and reason-
able that the Company should make good their contract with him, and
thereupon, by a general erection of hands, agreed and ordered that significa-
tion should be given unto him of his re-election; and in respect the Com-
pany wanted means to send over more men unto him, he should be supply'd
with his full number out of the Company's tenants there, and for to recom-
pense his former losses, it was referred to the consideration of the quarter-
Upon the like motion and request in the behalf of Mr. George Sandys,
Treasurer, it was agreed and ordered, by a general erection of hands onlyy
one dissenting), that those men which the Company have promised to
send him, but wanted means to make it good, should be now likewise sup-
plyed out of the Company's tenants.
"Mr. Bull, Treasurer for the Old Magazine, moved that whereas Mr.
Alderman Johnson hath four hundred and odd pounds remaining in his
hands, long since due to the Magazine adventurers, whose accompt, in
respect of some differences, was referred to Mr. Alderman Hammersley
and Mr. Wither to examine and arbitrate, that for so much as Mr. Wither
has gone beyond sea they would now therefore appoint some other in his
stead, and the rather for that Mr. Alderman Johnson is tyed to give an
accompt before August next; this was referred to the quarter-court to con-
sider of." Then comes the attestation of the correctness of the copy,
signed by Edward Collingwood, secretary of the Company for Virginia,
and Thomas Collet, of the Middle Temple, Gentlemen, on the Igth day
of June, 1624.
Each page of the manuscript bears the attesting signature of Colling-
Portrait of Charles V. of Spain .. 8
From photograph of the Titian portrait of him in the Museum of the
Prado, Madrid. Kindly supplied by Arthur Sherburne Hardy, United States
minister to Spain.
Coat of Arms of Henry Hudson 82
Reproduced in colors from Read's Historical Inquiry Concerning Henry
Hudson (Albany, 1866).
No authentic portrait of Hudson can be found, and no imaginative portrait
occupies a place that entitles it to special recognition.
First Page of the Text of Robert Juet's Journal of
Hudson's Voyage 83
First printed in Purcbas: His Pilgrimes, vol. 3, pp. 581-595 (London,
1625), beginning "the third voyage of Master Henry Hudson." Juet
was Hudson's clerk, and his account is the first in English of the voyage.
It is indeed the primary "source."
Section of the Stolen Map of 16o 84
The original of this map is in the Simancas archives in Spain. It was
made about 16to, the year in which King James of England sent over a
surveyor for that purpose. It is one of the earliest extant maps that show
Manhattan Island. In some secret manner, it found its way into the hands
of the Spanish ambassador at London who sent it to his monarch accom-
panied by a letter dated March 22, 16 II. The reproduction herein given
follows a pen-and-ink and colored-chalk copy on tracing-paper in the New
York Public Library (Lenox Building).
----IL -~IL--- ---~-_
,----- ---- ~LY-~ ~U1---L L--
Facsimile of the New Netherland Charter of 1614 86, 87
From a photograph in the possession of General James Grant Wilson. The
original, in the archives at the Hague, is I l4 inches from top of text to
bottom middle of text; the paper is 12 z inches tall. An English transla-
tion is given in New York Colonial Documents (See appendix, page 420,
title 241), pp. 11, 12x and in General Wilson's New York (See appen-
dix, page 421, title 252), pp. 128-130.
An Old Dutch Windmill .88
Flag of the Dutch West India Company 89
Reproduced in original colors, from Valentine's Manual for 1863. The
letters G W C appearing on this flag and on the seal of New Amster-
dam (shown at p. 246), were an abbreviation of Geoctroyeerde West
Indiscbe'Compagnie or "Chartered West India Company."
Dutch West India Company's House at Amsterdam 90
Reproduced from a print engraved in 1783," now in the Emmet Collec-
tion, No. o0433, New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Seal of New Netherland 91
Reproduced from O'Callaghan's Documentary History of New York, vol.
4, plate I.
Facsimile of P. Schaghen's Letter of November 5, 1626 92
Reproduced from photograph kindly loaned by General James Grant
Wilson. The letter gives information about the purchase of Manhattan
Island for sixty guilders, about twenty-four dollars. The original, one page
9y inches high, is in the royal archives at the Hague.
Autograph of Queen Elizabeth 95
First page of Thomas Cartwright's Tract A Seconde
admonition to the Parliament  97
Dexter says, "To Thomas Caitwright must clearly be assigned the chiefest
place in bringing Puritanism in England to the dignity of a developed sys-
tem." Reproduced from a copy in the British Museum. There is no
known copy in America.
Autograph of Robert Browne 98
Title-page of Martin Marprelate's First Tract 99
Undated (but 1588). A fine specimen of this curious imprint. Repro-
duced from a copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of Frances (Francis) Johnson 101
Map of Parts of Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, and Not-
tinghamshire, England, showing Scrooby and
Brewster's Residence at Scrooby 104
After a drawing by A. M. Raine. In Brewster's time, the house was
falling into decay. Professor George Lansing Raymond, of Princeton,
says that neither Brewster's residence at Scrooby nor Bradford's house at
Austerfield is changed from its condition three hundred years ago, though
some trees have grown up round about.
~----~ ~---~~~ ------- --- ----- ----~- --'-'-' ~ "-
Bradford's Cottage at Austerfield 105
From reproduction from photograph supplied by Professor George Lansing
Raymond of Princeton. (See note above.)
Map Showing the Pilgrim Routes 1o6
Facsimile of a Page from Bradford's Plimoth Plan-
The original is in the Boston State House. The pages vary a little in size,
the average being about xloS inches by 7 inches
Pilgrim Commemorative Tablet on House Opposite
Saint Peter's Church, Leyden 19
From photograph furnished by Doctor William Elliot Griffis.
A Page from Ainsworth's Psalmes in Metre Imprinted
in the yere MDCXVIII. .. xio
This page shows Psalms I and 2 with music, and is the edition nearest in
point of time to the embarkation of the Pilgrims, and was undoubtedly
used by them in Holland and at New Plymouth. Reproduced from copy
in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of John Robinson .
Reproduced from Dexter's Congregationalism as Seen in its Literature.
Autograph of W illiam Brewster 113
From the Record Office at Plymouth.
Embarkation of the Pilgrims 14
Photographed from the original painting by Cope now hanging in the Peers'
corridor, Parliament Buildings, London. While imaginative it is of much
interest. Weir's "Embarkation of the Pilgrims" in the rotunda of the
Capitol at Washington is also of great interest.
M ap of Cape Cod Harbor 116
Based on data given by Doctor H. M. Dexter in his edition of Mourt's
Map of Plymouth Harbor 19
The Plymouth Rock 120
From a photograph.
Smith's Map of New England .. 121
From his Description of New England, London, 1616. This is the
earliest map with the name New England and the best of the time.
There are nine known issues of the map which appeared in various places
from I616 to I635, no two of them alike. Of the first issue only one
copy is known, and it is not in a good condition; it is in the Boston Public
Library (Prince Collection). This reproduction is from the third state, in
the New York Public Library (Lenox Building), which is the first to con-
tain Smith's coat of arms. The last state, that of 1635, is the fullest in
its additions of place-nomenclature.
The Plymouth Rock and Canopy. 122
From a photograph.
Map Showing the Indian Tribes of the North
Atlantic States 123
Prepared by Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Autographs of W illiam Bradford and Isaac Allerton 124
Title-page of the First Printed Sermon Preached in
New England, December 9, 1621, by Robert
A very rare and interesting memorial of the Pilgrims. Reproduced from
the copy owned by Mr. Edward E. Ayer of Chicago.
The Pierce Patent of 1621 126
Reproduced from "The Original Patent," belonging to the Pilgrim Society
of Plymouth, Mass., by courteous permission. (All rights reserved.)
Autograph of Peregrine W hite 129
Edward Winslow (Portrait and Autograph) 130
The only authentic likeness of any of the Mayflower Pilgrims. From a
photograph of the original portrait, painted while Winslow was in London
in 1651, when he was fifty-seven years of age. It is now in the posses-
sion of the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth. The artist's name does not
appear on the canvas, but it is probable that it was painted by Robert
Walker, a celebrated portrait artist of London.
Swords of Some Pilgrim Fathers 132
From the collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Five of these
are associated with Plymouth history. The middle sword belonged to Gov-
ernor Carver; to the left, in descending order, are those of General John
Winslow, Myles Standish, and General John Brooks; to the right, descend-
ing, are those of Sir William Pepperell, William Brewster, and Colonel
Map Showing the English Settlements about Mas-
sachusetts Bay 133
Elder Brewster's Chest and Myles Standish's Din-
From a photograph. Originals in possession of the Connecticut Historical
Small Spinning-W heel 135
Such as was used by Puritan maids in spinning flax to be woven and
bleached for their own wedding outfits.
Autograph of John Alden 135
Pilgrims Going to Church 136
From photograph of George Henry Boughton's original painting of "Pil-
grims going to Church," painted in 1867. Canvas is 28 by 51 inches in
size. Exhibited at the Royal Academy, London, in 1867. Purchased in
1868 by the late Robert L. Stuart, and now No. o10 in his collection,
in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of Ferdinando Gorges .. 139
Traced from his original autograph, dated 1617, in a copy of Hakluyt's
Voyages, owned by the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Map Showing the Division of Territory according
to the Patent of 1620 139
Seal of the Council for New England 141
From a patent of January 13, 1629, at Plymouth, Mass.
Records of the Council for New England, dated
May 31, 1622 142
From the Public Record Office, London, England. In vol. ii. of Colonial
Title-page of Alexander's Mapp and Description of
Photographed from the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox
Fort Rock of Pemaquid 145
From a recent photograph.
Autograph of Richard Vines 145
From a deed by Richard Vines to John Winter, June 30, 1637 (0. S.), as
reproduced in Documentary History of the Stateof Maine, vol. 3, opp. p. 107.
Til.e-page of Gorges's America Painted to the Life 146
Photographed from the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox
Portrait of John Endecott 149
From the Massachusetts Historical Society's portrait.
Title-page of Higginson's New-Englands Plantation 155
Photographed from the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox
Puritan Costumes .. 57
Showing the usual mode of dress of a Puritan man and woman of the
Massachusetts Bay between the years x6zo and 1640.
John W inthrop's Crest 161
Reproduced in colors as described in Vermont's America Heraldica, plate xvii.
Crest : On a mount, vert, a hare, courant : proper.
Motto: Spes vincit thronum. [Hope conquers power.]
Autograph of Thomas Dudley 161
Title-page of the Original Printed Farewell Address
of Winthrop and his Fellow Passengers 162
Only three copies are known. Reproduced from the copy in the John
Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.
Winthrop's Stone Pott, tipped and covered with a
Silver Lydd" 163
Presented to John Winthrop's father by his sister, Lady Mildmay, and
brought to Boston in 1630 by John Winthrop. It is eight inches high,
apparently of German Gresware, heavily mounted in silver, and was then,
as it is still, labeled A stone Pott tipped and covered with a Silver Lydd."
On the lid is a quaint engraving of Adam and Eve and the tempting
serpent in the apple-tree. The pot is now in the possession of the Ameri-
can Antiquarian Society at Worcester, Massachusetts.
Map of the Country about Boston in 1630 164
M ap Showing the Part of Boston first Settled 165
John Winthrop's Cup 67
In the collection of ancient communion plate owned by the First Church
of Boston is this embossed cup, "the gift of Governor Jn? Winthrop to
ye t Church." It is I I inches high.
Autograph of Margaret, John Winthop's Third Wife 169
Daughter of Sir John Tyndal, Knight of Great Maplested, Essex, England.
Autograph of W illiam Claiborne 171
Saint Luke's Church 74
Built in 1632 at Smithfield, Isle of Wight County, Virginia, and still
standing. Recently "restored." See Yeare Booke (1899) of Association
for the Preservation of Virginia Antiquities, p. 11.
Jamestown Church Restored 176
Redrawn from a sketch by permission of Samuel H. Yonge.
Virginia Costumes 177
A gentleman planter and his wife in their ordinary costumes of the time
of James I.
Portrait of Charles I. of England 178
From a painting by Sir Peter Lely, after Vandyke, Dresden, Germany.
Portrait of Oliver Cromwell 8
From a painting by Robert Walker, Uffizi palace, Florence, Italy.
Title-page of Leah and Rachel, or, the Two Fruitfull
Sisters Virginia, and M aryland 182
This work is very rare. Reproduced from copy in the John Carter Brown
Library at Providence, R. I.
M ap of Part of Colonial Virginia 186
Autograph of W illiam Berkeley 194
Earl of Arlington (Portrait and Autograph) 196
Redrawn from Birch's Heads of Illustrious Personages.
Portrait of George Calvert, First Lord Baltimore 198
Photographed from a pastel copy of the original owned by the Maryland
Historical Society, from the oil painting in the State House at Annapolis.
The original painting, by Mytens, court painter to James I., is in the
gallery of the earl of Verulam at Glastonbury, England. The copy
referred to above was presented to the state of Maryland by John W.
Garrett in x182.
Letter by George Calvert 199
From photograph of original letter now in the possession of the Maryland
Historical Society. Following is a transcript: Mr. Bingley. I pray you
dispatch these bearer this day in any case for this impost money that they
may be gone to morrow for on Saturday next they must be at the Posts, or
else the soldiers must lye there longer tarrying their coming and the King
putt to a greater charge . Yr affcnate friend
9. Septmb. 1626 Geo. Calvert"
Autograph of Cecilius Calvert, Second Lord Balti-
more .. 199
Attached to a deed on parchment dated 15th Oct. 1633 for f part of
vessel 'Dove' to Leonard Calvert from Cecil Lord Baltimore." Signed
by Cecilius Calvert and seal attached. For further information see Calvert
Papers, No. 3.
The First Two Pages of the Maryland Charter 200
Facsimile from the first printed copy of the translation of the charter of
Maryland. (The original was in Latin. ) It is from A Relation of Mary-
land. Anno Dom. 1635. Reproduced from copy in the New York
Public Library (Lenox Building).
Map of Maryland, showing the Original and Pres-
ent Boundaries 201
Portrait of Cecilius Calvert 202
Photographed from engraving in Gwilliam's Heraldry. It was engraved in
1657 when Cecilius was fifty-one years of age. The original engraving
by Abraham Blotling is in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society.
Arms of Cecilius Calvert 203
Reproduced in original colors from copy in possession of the Maryland
Historical Society, Baltimore.
Title-page of A Relation of the successfully beginnings
of the Lord Baltemore's Plantation in Mary-land.
Anno Dom. 1634 204
This is the first publication issued in London descriptive of the new province
of Maryland. Reproduced from copy in the John Carter Brown Library,
Providence, R. I.
Portrait of W illiam Claiborne 205
Reproduced from photograph furnished by the Virginia Historical Society,
Map of Maryland, from A Relation of Maryland.
Anno Dom. 1635 207
From copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of John Lewger 208
Autograph of M argaret Brent 210
Autograph of Thomas Green 210
Seal of M aryland, 1649 210
The original seal was lost in Ingle's rebellion of 1644 and no impression or
picture of it is extant. The above is a copy of the new seal that Lord
Baltimore commanded to be made.
Autograph of W illiam Stone 210
Facsimile of a Broadside Copy of the Maryland
Toleration Act of 1649 212
Reproduced from copy of the very rare original broadside in the New York
Public Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of Cromwell 214
From original letter to the Reverend John Cotton, written after the battle of
Worcester, and dated Oct. 2, 1651. Original in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of Josias Fendall 216
Autograph of Philip Calvert 216
From his endorsement of the toleration act.
Title-page of the First Separate Publication Relat-
ing to New Netherland 219
Vryheden (i.e., Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions) was printed at
Amsterdam in 1630. From the original in the New York Public Library
The Godyn and Blommaert Patent 220
Facsimile of patent for lands at South Hoeck signed by Peter Minuit and
his council, dated at Fort Amsterdam, July 15, 163o. This is the earliest
extant official document of Minuit's administration. We feel quite confi-
dent that it has not before been reproduced in any book, certainly not in a
general history. From the original in the archives of the New York State
The Van Rensselaer Deed of 1630 221
This is a facsimile of the original deed of the Albany lands of Kiliaen Van
Rensselaer. This document is owned by the Hon. John Boyd Thacher,
of Albany, who procured it in Holland from the Van Rensselaers. It
has not previously been reproduced in any general history. From a photo-
graphic reproduction generously supplied by the owner, who states that the
seal is broken but that about one-third of it is preserved.
Facsimile of Map of New Netherland in Joannes de
Laet's Nieuwe Wereldt (New World) 222
The original Dutch edition was printed at Leyden in 1625. This map,
however, first appeared in the second revised and augmented edition of De
Laet's Nieuw'e Wereldt, published at Leyden in 1630. The map is entitled
Nova Anglia Novvm Belgivm et Virginia." For more than a century
it was the prototype of many maps each more or less adapted and brought
up to date.
Portrait of David Pietersen de Vries 224
Photographed from his Korte Historiael, published t'Hoorn, in 1655, where
it forms the frontispiece. Original copy is in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of Peter M inuit 224
Autograph of Wouter Van Twiller 225
New Amsterdam about 1630-35 226
Reproduced from Beschrijvingbe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt [etc.],
published by Joost Hartgers, at Amsterdam, in x651 ; from the original
work in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). It represents
New Amsterdam as it appeared about 1630. We have reversed the origi-
nal engraving to give it its correct topographical situation, for reasons first
made known by J. H. Innes, in New Amsterdam and its People. New
York, 1902, pp. 2, 3.
The First Published Map of the Hudson River,
from the Verdere Aenteyckeninge. Middel-
burgh, 1666 228, 229
Reproduced from original copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox
Portraitof Sir W illiam Alexander, First Earl of Stirling 230
Reproduced from photograph of the original engraved portrait at Ombersley
Court, England, kindly supplied by the present Baron Sandys who also sup-
plied photographs of portraits of George Sandys and others. He is the
present representative of both the Alexander and the Sandys families.
Earliest Plan of New Amsterdam, about 1640 231
Photographed from copy in L'Illustration in the New York Public Library
(Astor Building). The original is a manuscript plan made about 1640
by Joan Vingboons for the Dutch West India Company. It was procured
by Henry Harrisse from Frederik Muller, bookseller of Amsterdam, and
the earliest reproduction of it, from which later reproductions have been
taken, appeared in the French periodical L'Illustration, July 2, 1892.
Autograph of John Underhill 233
Portrait of Peter Stuyvesant. .. 234
From a painting from life in the possession of the New York Historical
Stuyvesant's Seal 235
Photographed from a wax replica of the original, in the possession of Mr.
Robert Van Rensselaer Stuyvesant of New York. Reproduced in exact
size of original. The wax replica was courteously supplied by General
James Grant Wilson, editor of Memorial History of New York.
Map of Bogardus Farm 236
Based on Valentine's Manual of the Common Council of New York. The
location of modern streets is indicated for comparison.
Title-page of Cornelis Melyn's Breeden-Raedt (Broad
Printed at Antwerp in 1649. Very rare. Reproduced from an original
copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Document Signed by Peter Stuyvesant and Van
Tienhoven, Secretary 240
Written at New Amsterdam in April, 1652. From a photograph of the
original in the Myers Collection of the New York Public Library, deposited
i he Lenox Building.
Map of the Walled Part of New York 242
The location of modern streets is indicated for comparison.
Old View of Present Junction of Pearl and Chat-
ham Streets, New York 244
From Valentine's Manual of the Common Council of New York. New
York, 1861, p. 521.
First Page of the Oldest Manuscript Records of
New Amsterdam 245
Containing the minutes of the burgomasters and schepens (aldermen) and
beginning with the establishment of the city government in 1653. Photo-
graphed from the Dutch Records in the City Library, City Hall, New
York. This, the oldest extant volume of the original manuscript records
of New Amsterdam, contains the minutes of the burgomasters and schepens
of 1653-56 and the ordinances of 1647-61.
Seal of New Amsterdam, 1654-64 246
This is a reduced facsimile of the first seal of New Amsterdam. This seal
was in use and affixed to all deeds, grants, etc., until the English conquest,
x664. The vessel by which it was sent, arrived early in December, 1654,
and on the eighth of the same month, "the Director General delivered to
the presiding Burgomaster Mart. Crigier the painted Coat of Arms with
the Seal of New Amsterdam."
O'Callaghan says that it is exceedingly rare; we know not of a duplicate
original impression." Since his day at least three original impressions have
Map of New Netherland by Nicolas J. Visscher
between 246 and 247
Issued about 1655, containing the second published view of Manhattan
Island as it appeared about 1640. Reproduced from an original in the New
York Public Library (Lenox Building). The original is 22 inches wide
by 184s inches deep. This copy is colored in facsimile of the original.
Original Printed Articles of Surrender of New Neth-
erland to the English 251
Printed in Holland, probably as a poster, in 1664.
Plan of Old New York, 1664-68 252
Reduced facsimile of one of the sheets of Nicoll's map of Manhattan
Island, preserved in the British Museum. This portion was reproduced in
Valentine's Manuals for 1859 and 1863.
Section of W all in W all Street 252
A reconstruction to scale from specifications.
Tablet M parking Stuyvesant's Tomb 253
After a recent photograph.
Stuyvesant's tomb is in Saint Mark's churchyard, New York City.
W illiam Usselinx (Portrait and Autograph) 255
After original painting in museum at Amsterdam.
Engraved Title-page of Thomas Campanius Holm's
Nya Swerige 256
This was engraved from a drawing by the author and is intended to show,
doubtless, an Indian village with Indians and Swedes trading. The type
title has been reproduced before, but this is probably the first use of the
Map of New Sweden, 1638-55 257
Compiled with aid of Professor Albert Cook Myers. Shows boundaries at
different times as determined by various purchases from Indians, etc.
Autograph of Andries Hudde 260
The Plowden Arms 260
This is taken from the verso of the title-page of Beauchamp Plantagenet's
very rare tract A Description of the Province of New Albion. Printed in
the year 1648.
This was issued to induce immigration to the settlement of the Plowden
grant. From a copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
An Indian Family of Delaware 261
From Nya Swerige. Reprinted from plate opposite p. loo of original copy
in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Fort Trinity 263
This was the name given to it over the original cut in Thomas Campanius
Holm's Nya Swerige. The fort was Fort Casimir of the Dutch.
Reproduced from p. 76 of original work in the New York Public Library
Siege of Fort Christina 265
Reproduced from plate in Thomas Campanius Holm's Nya Swerige at
p. 81, with a translation of the key explanatory of the different parts of
John Cotton (Portrait and Autograph) 267
From an old painting in possession of a present representative of the family.
Saint Botolph's Church, Boston, England 268
Redrawn from a photograph.
Roger Williams's Combination Compass and Sun-
"We naturally associate it with his 'steering' through the woods from
Salem to Narragansett Bay."
Photographed from the original now owned by the Rhode Island Histori- i
cal Society, by courtesy of the librarian, Mr. Clarence S. Brigham.
The Original Deed of Providence by Miantonomo
and other Chiefs to Roger W illiams, 1639 275
Photographed from the original in the office of the recorder of deeds, Pro-
vidence, R. I., by courtesy of Edward C. Joyce, recorder.
The extreme length of the original as it now appears is 9/8 inches and the
extreme width is 7- inches.
This was a deed of the land upon which the town of Providence was
planted. It was recorded for the first time in 1659, with certain addi-
- -- '`~ "--~~~-'~ ~-~-~ -~'' '---~'C-~~-'~Y'-- ~----~'- ---L
tions, said to have been necessary through the mutilation of this original
deed, and was recorded a second time in 1662, minus the said additions.
The document is a memorandum, evidently confirming a verbal agreement,
by which Roger Williams obtained by gift from Canonicus and Miantonomo
land upon the Mooshassuck and Woonasquetucket rivers. See biblio-
graphical appendix at the end of this volume (titles 628, 634).
Sir Harry Vane (Portrait and Autograph) 278
After painting by Sir Peter Lely, reproduced in Birch's Heads of Illus-
trious Personages, London, 1743. Copy in the New York Public Library
Autograph of John W heelwright 280
The Stocks and Pillory 283
Map of Early Rhode Island Settlements 286
Autograph of Samuel Gorton 288
Autograph of W illiam Coddington 297
Autograph of Roger W illiams .. 298
Statue of Roger Williams 301
From monument at Providence, R. I. The design is imaginative. No
authentic likeness of him is known to exist.
Autograph of John Hampden 303
Autograph of Thomas Hooker 306
Map Showing Indian Purchases of Ancient Wind-
sor, Connecticut, with Mark of Aramamet at
From Stiles's History of Ancient Windsor, Conn., vol. I (Hartford, 189I),
opp. p. 123.
Autographs of the Founders of Agawam (Spring-
field), Massachusetts 307
Copied from the agreement to settle there, of May x6, 1636. Used by
the late Henry M. Burt in his history of the city and courteously supplied
by his widow, Mrs. Frances A. Burt.
Map of New England .. 308
Showing early settlements.
Map of the Pequot Country 311
Document Relative to the Recall of Roger W illiams 313
Photograph of the original document now in the archives department,
State House, Boston.
Marks of Uncas and his Squaw 314
Reproduced in facsimile from Smith and Watson's American Historical
and Literary Curiosities, first series, plate xlix. From a copy in the New
York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Autograph of John Mason 314
Title-page of John Underhill's Tract, Newes from
Reproduced from original copy published in London, 1638, now in the
New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
This is one of two contemporary tracts on the Pequot war. The title-
page of an earlier tract is reproduced on p. 318.
Underhill's Plan of the Attack on the Indian Fort 316
This is the "palizado" plate from Underhill's tract Newesfrom America.
Reproduced from copy named above.
Statue of John Mason 317
Bronze statue erected in honor of Captain John Mason on Mystic or Pequot
Hill, Groton, Conn., in 1889.
Arms of the M ason Family 317
Reproduced from Stiles's History of Ancient Windsor, Conn. (Hartford,
1892), vol. 2, opp. p. 473-
Title-page of P. Vincent's A True Relation of the
Late Battell 318
This is the earliest known tract regarding the Pequot war. Reproduced
from a copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). This
edition of 1637 is very rare. There were two editions in 1638.
Monument of Miantonomo 320
Erected on the "Great Plain" near Norwich, Conn., where he was
slain. This site has however been allotted for building purposes and the
monument moved back about one hundred feet upon a slight declivity.
From photograph supplied by Mr. Hubert Bruce Fuller.
Autograph of John Haynes 322
John Winthrop theYounger (Portrait and Autograph) 322
Reproduced from T. F. Waters's A Sketch of the life of John
Winthrop the Younger, in Ipswich Historical Society Publications, No.
Autograph of Lion Gardiner 323
From his letter, dated Saybrooke, November 6, 1636, to John Win-
The "Hive of the Averys" . .324
Was built at Poquonnock (in Groton) in 1656 by Captain James Avery.
After sheltering eight successive generations of the Avery family, the house
was burned in 1894.
Monument of John Winthrop the Younger 327
At New London, Conn.; erected by the state; dedicated May 6, 1905.
Facsimile of Original Letter, by John Davenport and
Theophilus Eaton, dated March 12, 1638 329, 330
Written by Davenport and signed by both of them, on their leaving the
Bay and giving their reasons for withdrawing.
The original is in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
John Davenport (Portrait and Autograph) 332
From photograph of the original painting in Alumni Hall, Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.
The Whitfield House at Guilford, Connecticut 333
The noted stone house of the Reverend Henry Whitfield of Guilford, Conn.,
is said to have been built in 1639, as a residence and for the protection of
the inhabitants against the Indians. It was somewhat altered in the
eighteenth century, and further alterations were made in 1868. By these
last, its appearance and internal arrangement were changed to a great
extent. In fact the house which Whitfield built can hardly be said to
exist, save as a shell which would with difficulty be recognized by its rev-
Autograph of Ezekiel Cheever 334
Title-page of New-Haven's Settling in New-England.
And Some Lawes for Government 335
This is extremely rare, five copies only are known in America and of
these, two, at least, lack the title-page. Reproduced from a fine copy in
the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
The Connecticut Charter of 1662 336
This charter was engrossed in duplicate. In spite of certain differences,
the two copies are essentially alike and both are official. The remnant of
one of these, in its original case, is now in the possession of the Connecti-
cut Historical Society. The other copy, known as the duplicate charter,"
is a beautiful parchment in a carved oaken frame. The illustration here-
with given was reproduced from a photograph of this copy. In 19oz, the
framed duplicate was transferred from the office of the secretary of state to
a special safe in the State Library.
Map of Maine and New Hampshire 340
First Page of A Declaration of Former Passages 346
It is in relation to the Narogansetts & Miantinomo and the discovery of
their plott ag'. the English." Only four copies of the tract are known.
There is no title-page to any of the copies. The tract was printed at
Cambridge, Mass., by Stephen Daye (the first printer in English America),
in the year x645, being one of the eight extant distinct specimens of his
press. This tract was Published, by order of the Commissioners for the
united Colonies," and shows their methods for mutual protection.
Autographs of Sedgwick and Leverett 347.
Flag from which Endecott cut the Red Cross 349
This is a reproduction of the colonial flag of Massachusetts, which has
been reconstructed from the original specifications by the Essex Institute,
Wood's Map of New England, 1634 351
This is the first published map known showing the early settlements about
Photographed from a copy of the original in the New York Public Library
Boston, Old and New 353
Showing the outline of Boston as it was in the seventeenth century with
present boundaries indicated by light broken lines for comparison.
Autograph of Thomas Morton 354
Map of Winthrop's Farm "Ten Hills" .355
The court gave to Winthrop six hundred acres at Mystic near the village
of Medford not far from Charlestown. He gave to this farm the name of
Ten Hills," that being the number to be seen from it. The name is
retained to the present day. It was here that he built the "Blessing of the
Bay," a thirty-ton craft used in voyaging from Maine to New Netherland.
The First Printed Theses of Harvard University 357
From the copy in possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, the
only one extant. Facsimile supplied by Dr. Samuel A. Green, Vice-
president and Librarian.
It is the earliest extant specimen, save the Bay Psalm Book ( 1640) of the
first printing-press in English America. Printed by Stephen Daye in 1643.
John Harvard Statue .. 358
From a photograph of statue on the campus of Harvard University. The
representation is, of course, imaginative, as there is no authentic likeness of
Autograph of John Harvard 358
Autograph of Stephen Daye .. 358
Map Showing Early Towns along the Massachu-
setts Coast 361
Autograph of Lord Say and Seale 361
Autograph of Nathaniel Ward 363
Autograph of Richard Bellingham 365
M assachusetts Pine-tree Currency, 1652 371
Two different shillings, a sixpence, a threepence, and a twopence are pre-
sented in obverse and reverse.
Photographed by kind permission from Dr. Samuel A. Green's collection,
and redrawn in exact size of originals.
Boston's First Town-House .. 372
There is no contemporary authentic view or sketch of this building. This
view is reproduced from a drawing kindly loaned by Mr. George A. Clough,
a well-known Boston architect. It is a reconstruction by him based upon
Autograph of John Eliot 373
There is no authentic portrait of Eliot known.
Title-page of An Act for the promoting and propagat-
ing the Gospel of Jesus Christ in New England 373
Reproduced from original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Title-page of Eliot's Bible 374
Reduced facsimile from a copy of the original in the New York Public
Library (Lenox Building).
William Pynchon (Portrait and Autograph) 379
From photograph of an original painting in possession of the Essex Institute,
Autograph of John Norton 382
Autograph of W inlock Christison 387
Facsimile of One-page Letter by William Dyer 388
Written 27th of 3d: 1660, to the General Court of Massachusetts, in
which he begs for the life of his wife, Mary Dyer, in words thus: "If
her zeale be so great as thus to aduenture, oh Lett yor fauor & Pitty sur-
mount it & saue her life .. do not you depriue me of her, but
I pray giue her me once agen & I shall bee so much obliged for euer,
that I shall endeauor continually to vtter my thanks & render yo' Loue
& Hon' most renowned: pitty me, I begg it w'h teares."
Reproduced from facsimile in Worthington C. Ford's Mary Dyer: Quaker.
Two Letters of William Dyer of Rhode Island, 1659-166o, printed in
Myles Standish Relics 392
Pot, platter, and table. Reproduced from photographs of the originals in
Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth, Mass.
The "Twelve Good Rules" .393
Hung on the wall in the home of the Puritan as a guidance for his behavior.
The Pilgrim Monument .394
Dedicated at Plymouth, Mass., August I, 1889.
Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth, Massachusetts 396
From a photograph.
Elder Brewster's Chair 396
Original in Pilgrim Hall at Plymouth.
Myles Standish Coat of Arms 397
Myles Standish Monument at Duxbury, Massachu-
From a photograph.
Two Double-page Maps of the Colonies in 1660
Showing extent of settlement and dates of colonization of New England and
New Netherland the Dutch and Swedish settlements, Maryland, and
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY CHRONOLOGY
OLD STYLE AND NEW STYLE
THE student of American colonial history of the
seventeenth century is likely to be frequently
perplexed by a confusion (and sometimes by an
apparent contradiction) of dates unless he understands
and keeps in mind the differences between the "old style"
and the "new style" calendars. The ordinary year rep-
resents the mean time required for the earth to pass over
its orbit around the sun. This passage requires 365
days, 5 hours, 48 minutes, 46+ seconds. As only whole
days can be counted in measuring the ordinary or civil
year, the fractional parts of the day make a difference
between the civil and the solar periods. To remedy this
difference and to secure uniformity in time-reckoning,
Julius Caesar decreed (B. C. 46) that the year should
consist of 365 days and six hours, that the six hours
should be disregarded for three successive years, and that
an entire day should be added to every fourth year.
This day is called the intercalary day and the year to
which it is added is called the bissextile or leap year.
Such was the origin of the Julian calendar. Dates reck-
oned according to the Julian calendar are called "old
style," abbreviated to O. S. The old style is still used
in the Russian Empire.
But the addition of the intercalary day made the aver-
age Julian year a little more than eleven minutes longer
than the solar year and, by 1582, the cumulative error of
the calendar was about ten days. In the year 325, the
council of Nice, the first of the ecumenical councils
of the Christian church, had determined when Easter
should be observed. In 1582, all fixed ecclesiastical
xxxii Seventeenth Century Chronology
observances were falling ten days behind their proper
seasons. To correct this error and to remove the con-
sequent confusion, Pope Gregory XIII. decreed that the
fifth day of October, 1582, should be called the-fifteenth.
This suppression of ten days restored the vernal equinox
to the twenty-first of March, the date on which it
occurred at the time of the council of Nice, and thus
brought into their proper seasons the fixed festivals of
of the church. To guard against future errors, it was
decreed that years ending with two ciphers should not
be leap years except when the number is an exact mul-
tiple of 400. Such was the origin of the Gregorian cal-
endar, the error of which is only one day in about five
thousand years. Dates reckoned according to the Gre-
gorian calendar are called "new style," abbreviated to
N. S. From 1582 to 1700, the difference between the
old style and the new was ten days. The year 1700
being a leap year in the Julian calendar and a common
year in the Gregorian calendar, the two styles differed, in
the eighteenth century, by eleven days. In similar man-
ner, the year 1800 again increased the difference, so that
in the nineteenth century the two styles were twelve days
apart. For the present century and the twenty-first, the
difference between the two styles will be thirteen days.
Most Catholic countries adopted the Gregorian calen-
dar soon after it was established. Great Britain, however,
continued to use the Julian calendar until 1752. At that
time, the dates of the Julian calendar were eleven days
behind the dates of the Gregorian calendar. To secure
uniformity in dates and time-reckonings, the British par-
liament decreed that eleven days should be stricken from
the calendar and that the day following the second day of
September, 1752, should be called the fourteenth. Prior
to this time, the official English year began on the twenty-
fifth of March, Lady Day or Annunciation, so-called from
the common belief that the incarnation of Christ was
announced to the Virgin Mary by the angel Gabriel on
that day (Luke, i, 26-38). In reckoning the months,
March was called the first and February the twelfth,
Seventeenth Century Chronology xxxiii
September, October, November, and December thus hav-
ing the numerical rank indicated by their names. At the
time of the correction of the British calendar in 1752, the
beginning of the official year was changed from the twenty-
fifth of March to the first of January to conform to the
common usage of the greater part of Christendom-a
change that had been partly anticipated by writing dates
from the first of January to the twenty-fourth of March
inclusive as follows: January 8, 1704-05 or January 8,
17o-. As usual, English law was conformed to English
By way of illustrating the diversity of common usage,
Alexander Brown tells us that a document written on the
sixteenth of March, 1612, according to our new style,
would have been dated by an Englishman, March 6,
1611; by a Spaniard, March 16, 1612; by a Dutchman,
March %, 161-. To indicate accurately for twentieth cen-
tury readers the date of a seventeenth century document,
without contradicting the testimony of the document
itself, the date is nowadays often expressed in both old
style and new style terms, as just indicated, or by some
similar system of double notation.
According to their English time-reckoning, the Pilgrim
Fathers first landed on Plymouth Rock on the eleventh
of December, 1620. But the sun, then at its winter
solstice, showed the true date to be the twenty-first of
December. In other words, the error of the Julian cal-
endar at that time was ten days. When, in the following
century, the old style gave way for the new, the error
was eleven days and it was easy to make the mistake of
correcting all old dates by the addition of eleven days.
Consequently, to this day, "Forefathers' Day" is often
celebrated on the twenty-second of December instead of
SOME EUROPEAN RULERS
1603-1625 James I.
(House of Stuart)
1625-1649 Charles I.
(House of Stuart)
1653-1658 Oliver Cromwell
1658-1659 Richard Cromwell
1659- 1660 Parliamentary and
1660-1685 Charles II.
(House of Stuart)
1604- 1611 Charles IX.
1611- 1632 Gustavus Adolphus
1654- 1660 Charles X.
1598-1621 Philip III.
1621-1665 Philip IV.
The United Provinces of
At the division of the empire of Charles
V., the government of the Netherlands
devolved upon Philip II. of Spain. The
religious revolt led by Martin Luther had
spread widely in the Netherlands and
Philip II. resolved to root out the heresy.
Warbegan in 1566. In 1579, the seven
northern provinces, Holland, Zealand,
Utrecht, Friesland, Groningen, Overyssel,
and Gelderland entered into union. In
1609, Spain agreed to a twelve years'
truce. In 1648, by the treaty of West-
phalia, Spain formally acknowledged the
independence of the United Provinces-
an independence that had been stubbornly
maintained for nearly seventy years. The
chief magistrate was the stadholder. The
legislative assembly was the states-general.
(Prince of Orange, Stadholder)
1625-1647 Frederick Henry
(Prince of Orange, Stadholder)
1647-1650 William II.
(Prince of Orange, Stadholder)
In 1650, the stadholdership was sus-
pended and the influence of the states-
general largely disappeared. The stad-
holdership was not restored until 1672.
The chief political power of the United
Provinces passed to the provincial estates
of Holland which was composed partly
of nobles and partly of deputies of the
towns-a commercial aristocracy. In
other words, the domination of a person
gave way to the domination of a province.
So completely did the provincial estates,
under the title of "Their High Mighti-
nesses," exercise the supreme power of
the republic that, by 1660, "Holland"
was, in English usage, practically synony-
mous with "The United Provinces."
The minister of the estates of Holland
was known as the grand pensionary.
1653-1672 John DeWitt
-.,.~-.~-. -~..-,~,--L-- __ ___., _~_~ __.., .~
BRIEF SUMMARY OF EVENTS RECORDED
IN THIS VOLUME
I602. Gosnold explores Massachusetts Bay and plants a small colony on Cuttyhunk
Island. It remained only two months.
x603. Champlain's first voyage.
1604. The French establish a settlement at Port Royal (Annapolis) in Acadia.
x606. First charter of Virginia granted by King James.
Virginia company created.
Expedition of Sir Ferdinando Gorges.
1607. Virginia begun by the English at Jamestown.
60o8. Champlain lays the foundations of Quebec.
1609. Champlain discovers Lake Champlain.
Hudson discovers the Hudson River.
Second charter of Virginia granted.
x16o. Delaware Bay entered by Lord Delaware, governor of Virginia.
1614. Manhattan Island settled by the Dutch.
John Smith explores the coast from Penobscot River to Cape Cod and first
names the country New England.
16zo. The landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth.
1622. Grant to Mason and Gorges.
1626. Peter Minuit purchases the Island of Manhattan for about the equivalent of
1629. Mason and Gorges divide their grant into New Hampshire and Maine.
1630. The Puritan Colony begun at Massachusetts Bay.
1632. Maryland charter granted to Lord Baltimore.
1634. Maryland settled at Saint Marys.
1635. Connecticut settled by emigrants from Massachusetts.
1636. Harvard College founded.
Roger Williams begins Rhode Island.
1637. The Pequot War.
1638. New Haven Colony founded.
Swedes under Peter Minuit first settle in Delaware.
1639. Connecticut frames the first written constitution in America.
1643. New Haven Colony organized.
New England Confederation organized.
The Narragansett Patent.
1644. The Providence Plantations Patent.
1649. The Maryland "Toleration Act."
1650-51. British "Navigation Acts."
1655. The Swedes on the Delaware are conquered by the Dutch under Stuyvesant.
1656. The Quakers expelled from Massachusetts.
1662. Connecticut charter granted.
..~ I .- -.-b--L-- ~.- I~--~--l--F L---.- -~-_L -. q
A History of the United States
and its People
THE COLONIES: 1600-1660
C H A P T
E R I
CHAMPLAIN AND NEW FRANCE
WE have already studied the efforts and failures I 6 o o
of Cartier and others to establish a New France I 6 3 5
in the Saint Lawrence country, and traced the
tragic story of the Huguenots at Port Royal and on the
River of May. Although both Catholic and Protestant
had failed, Frenchmen continued to visit the new lands.
In 1578, there were a hundred and fifty French fishing
vessels off Newfoundland, and temporary settlements at
Anticosti and at other points on the Saint Lawrence Gulf.
In 1590 came the battle that gave peace to France.
Hurrah Hurrah! A single field hath turned the chance of war,
Hurrah! Hurrah for Ivry and Henry of Navarre.
Henry IV. proclaimed a general pardon and the purpose 1594
of founding a French empire in America was renewed.
In 1598, the Marquis de la Roche obtained from the La Roche
French king a commission that authorized him to under-
take almost anything and made him lieutenant-general
in the countries of Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland,
Labrador, and adjacent lands that included Maine and
Nova Scotia. In that year, he sailed with a ship-load of
convicts. As his navigator became confused in the fogs and
the marquis wished to go ahead to discover a mainland site,
the wretched forty were landed on Sable Island, ninety
miles southeast of Cape Canso; they were soon worse off
than they had been in their dungeons. From various causes,
La Roche was unable to return to the island and made his
way back across the ocean-an apparent desertion. In
2 Champlain and New France
France, he was so unfortunate that he had to abandon his
enterprise in America. A few years later, the survivors of
the little colony were taken back to France and pardoned.
Pontgrave In the year 1600, Francois Grave, sieur du Pont
(usually called Pontgrav6), a merchant mariner of Saint
Malo who had already sailed up the Saint Lawrence as
far as Three Rivers, associated with himself Pierre Chau-
vin, a rich merchant who enjoyed the favor of the king,
and Pierre du Guast, a wealthy Huguenot better known
to history as the Sieur de Monts. With the approval
of the king, the partners outfitted four vessels, embarked
with about a hundred men, crossed the ocean, and ascended
the Saint Lawrence to the mouth of the Saguenay where
a storehouse was built, the beginning of the settlement of
Tadoussac. Leaving sixteen men, most of whom died
in the following winter, the party returned to France.
The profitable traffic was kept up until the end of 1602,
8 O "- .-l -' H ro ,
", R1. ,- .
soon after which Chauvin died and his privileges were
given to another.
.. .. q 4
Map Illustrating the Period of Champlain (With map of the Huron country in corner)
soon after which Chauvin died and his privileges were
given to another.
DeChastesand The beneficiary of Chauvin's death was Aymar de
Champlain Chastes, the governor of Dieppe. In command of two
Champlain and New France 3
ships provided by De Chastes and his partners, Pontgrave March 15,
sailed from Honfleur; with him went Samuel de Cham- 1603
plain, the most conspicuous character in the early history
of Canada. Although little more than thirty years of age,
Champlain had served in the army and had visited the
West Indies and made good use of his opportunity to
study and record the doings of the Spaniards. In New
France he was to carry out
upon a larger scale the
kicked with the Indians, ,. 1..
w on their friendship, and 'by
Jacques Cartier. He ex-
returned anewto Frane where of ',o. Septr
hhe Saint Lawrence todeath of c 63
De Chastes. Champlain's ""..... ,, .
Lachine rapids, surveyedesir r
the lower hSaguenay traf w
fickmade by virtue the Iof his ap- '. AIg ... a...
pointment as geographer .,.,BK .."-'. .
to the king reawakened ', ';
public interest and gave a
fresh impeturned to busiFrance where Septembr
enterprise. It was the ns,, o t ...... 's'. ', ':
earliest printed account of ." ^v _W -r a
N ew France. ? ._, ~ : ._. *,.. ,.. ,
he heard of the end of the De Monts and
year, the Seur de Mont Title-page of Champlains s 164 Acadia
was appointed lieutenant-general of Acadia with viceregal November 8,
powers and a monopoly of the fur trade. This term,
Aadia, is onvirtue of the most indefinite of historical geog-
raphy, but the letters patent granted to De Monts
included all of America from the latitude of Philadelphia
to the king, reawakend of Nova Scotia (4 to 46 north
latitude). Of De Monts's one hundred and twenty
men, several were noblemen, some were soldiers, and
enterprise. It was the b.1 CLAIDUn144 rile
earliest printed account of AYJ1C_!!t1Ytt q
New France. ,
Before the end of the De Monts and
year, the Sieur de Monts Title-page of Champlain's Des Savvages, 1604 Acadia
was appointed lieutenant-general of Acadia with viceregal November 8,
powers and a monopoly of the fur trade. This term, 1603
Acadia, is one of the most indefinite of historical geog-
raphy, but the letters patent granted to De Monts
included all of America from the latitude of Philadelphia
to the northern end of Nova Scotia (400 to 460 north
latitude). Of De Monts's one hundred and twenty
men, several were noblemen, some were soldiers, and
4 Champlain and New France
two-thirds were colonists; "gentlemen, artisans, and
Poutrincourt vagabonds." Among them was Baron Jean de Poutrin-
and soldier, rich r .
and energetic, a -
and filled ,
with the ,jTazV1 ..-S
fa spirit of enterprise.
'. Some %%ere HLuguenots,
..." some %were Catholics, and
S Champlain again was geog-
rapher to the king. In their small, well-laden ships, they
sailed from France in April, 1604, and reached Acadia
in May. Pontgrave went at once into the fur trade
and Champlain as promptly began his work as explorer
and geographer. In June, the ships were anchored at
Port Royal, now called Annapolis, on the western coast
of Nova Scotia. The beautiful harbor pleased the Sieur
de Poutrincourt who obtained permission to establish
himself there. De Monts sailed around the Bay of Fundy
and began a settlement on the rocky islet known as
Dochet Island, at the mouth of the Saint Croix River,
the eastern boundary of Maine. At this time there was
no English settlement in America.
A Coast Survey Champlain spent three summers in a survey of the
coast from the eastern end of Nova Scotia to the south-
ern shores of Massachusetts. The intervening winters
were employed in making local maps and a general chart.
While Champlain was thus studying the New England
coast in the interest of France, Captain John Smith (robust
Champlain and New France 5
English name) was exploring the -
Chesapeake to find an easy pas-
sage to the western sea. Mean- a j- '
time, scurvy and winter rigors -'
had laid heavy hands upon the
little settlement at the mouth of R '
Champlain's Map of Port Royal and View of Fort
(The Map: A, the Settlement; B, Garden; C, Road; D, Island; E, Mouth of River; F, Corn-
fields ; G, the First Mill; H, Road constructed by Champlain.
The Fort: A, Workingmen's Dwelling; B, Platform for Cannon ; D, Residence of Champlain;
E, Forge; F, Palisade; G, Bakehouse; H, Kitchen; K, Cemetery; L, River; M, Moat; N,
Residence of De Monts; O, Ship's Storehouse.)
the Saint Croix and the colony was transferred to the less
exposed Port Royal. De Monts returned to France,
whence, in May, 1607, he announced the revocation of
his patent and
V recalled the
SThe colonists Acadia Aban-
... ... : -. : were back at done
A year later,
Dochet (Saint Croix) Island (Showing by dotted lines old coast- l e
line and settlement of De Monts and Champlain) fa i u e i n
Champlain and New France
Acadia was .2 !t r
closelyimitated e 1 "
by the English a -f
Popham col- ,4; .-yi, I
ony in Maine. I I -' .
Poutrincourt i ,
Port Royal in I- '
1610; the de-
serted houses i'
pied but Aca-
dia did not Champlain's Map of Plymouth Harbor
prosper. In 1613, the notorious Captain Samuel Argall
from Virginia broke up
the settlement at Mount
--" Desert, destroyed the
buildings at Saint Croix
i' and at Port Royal, killed
the cattle, and loaded his
three ships with plunder.
In January, 1608, the
7." 7, Monts's monopoly of the
fur trade for a year on
Condition that an attempt
should be made to pene-
trate further into the in-
terior of the continent-
there were lingering hopes
S,,of finding the coveted way
t'.' F'a Tto India. The command
of two ships was given to
IPontgrav6 and Champlain
Swas made lieutenant-gov-
ernor. They sailed from
Honfleur in April; in
early June, both were at
Montmorency Falls Tadoussac, the anchorage
Champlain and New France 7
and trading station at the mouth of the Saguenay.
Knowing the dangers of navigating the Saint Lawrence
above that point, Champlain here built a shallop in
which, at the end of June, he continued his exploration.
A few miles beyond the "feathery confusion" to which
five years before he had given the name of Montmorency,
he approached a rocky promontory between the Saint Quebec
Lawrence and the Saint Charles, a small stream flowing
from the northwest.
And such a site whereon to plant the tree
Of rising empire Holds this varied world
No peer to its majestic beauty.
Hemmed in between the cliff in the rear and the mag-
nificent basin into which both rivers flow was a strip of
fertile land covered with a luxurious growth of trees.
On this narrow plain, where is now the Champlain
market, Champlain laid the foundations of Quebec, July 3, 16o8
and hoisted the French
flag over the first perma-
nent French settlement
in America. There were
then a few Spaniards at
Saint Augustine and a few
Englishmen at James-
On the eighteenth of
sailed for France. The
horrors of the winter for
the little colony that he Champlain's Flag, 1604
left behind were too sickening for recital. Before he Famine
returned with provisions and men in the following June, 1609
twenty of the men were dead and half of the other eight
were broken in health. In that fearful winter, Champlain
heard from the Indians around Quebec of the beauty of
a lake that lay between them and the country of the
Iroquois, and promised that if they would lead him in an
exploration in that direction he would fight against their
enemies if any were encountered.
8 Champlain and New France
Champlain and The Indian population that Cartier had found at
the Iroquois Quebec and Montreal had disappeared and others, widely
different in language and customs, had taken their place.
Champlain's new colony was planted among the Montag-
nais, an Algonquian tribe. Further toward the setting
sun was the country of the Hurons, a tribe of Iroquoian
stock but now the special objects of Iroquoian enmity.
As the Hurons were his friends Champlain made their
enemies his enemies. In 1609, he and two French
arquebusiers went upon the war-path with an expedition
of Huron and Algonquian tribes against the Five Nations
of northern New York. Here, as ever, we find History
leaning heavily on the arm of her sister. From the
Saint Lawrence to New York Bay extends a deep valley,
through half of which the waters flow northward, while
the Hudson beautifies the lower half. From this time
on, this natural open way plays an important part in
American history. Champlain ascended the Sorel or
Richelieu River and, in the country between the Green
Mountains and the Adirondacks, discovered the lake that
is the most beautiful monument to his memory. Near
the site of Ticonderoga, on the
July 30, 1609 borders of the lake they met the
"' Iroquois with three chiefs lead-
ing. The allies advanced, and
-- when within a few hundred feet
S of the enemy, opened their ranks
to allow Champlain to pass to the
front. His arquebus or short
Smusket was loaded with four
Balls and he took careful aim.
I- Two of the chieftains fell to rise
no more and another of the
enemy was badly wounded.
.Lo..s...-- When one of Champlain's
An Iroquois Warrior
(From base of Maisonneuve monument French companions fired a sec-
at Montreal) ond shot, the Iroquois turned in
flight. After the gathering of their booty and the per-
formance of the customary dance, the victors floated
L .. - - -
Champlain and New France 9
down the lake on their homeward voyage. Champlain
was not able to prevent the usual treatment of the pris-
oners of war. He had ingratiated himself with his dusky
D- o tS I. i
,, -, .... .
7,lJ 1'~' 1-
Champlain's Defeat of the Iroquois
neighbors and won the long-enduring enmity of the ablest
warriors of the Indian race. The surprise caused by
Champlain's arquebus soon vanished. The season had
not passed before Henry Hudson cast anchor within Sandy Dutch Rivalry
Hook, ascended the river that bears his name, and thus September 3,
opened the way for the fifty years' rivalry that the Dutch 6
maintained against both French and English. The Dutch
sold guns to the Mohawks and the course of Indian war-
fare was materially changed thereby. The French were
not slow to follow the example and, in the end, did more
than any other European people to train their red allies
to military skill.
Soon after his return to Quebec, Champlain went to The Iroquois
France and submitted to the king an account of his adven- Again Defeated
tures. The following spring found him and Pontgrave April 26, 16io
once more in Canada with fresh supplies. As the estab-
lishment at Quebec was a private enterprise, the com-
mercial supervision of which rested upon Pontgrave,
Champlain had abundant opportunity for exploration and
adventure. In June, 16 o, he set out with the Indian allies
So Champlain and New France
to seek again the camp of the Iroquois. The attack was
successful, not an Iroquois escaped. It was the second of
a series of lessons by which "French and Indian" were
made a dream of dread and a vision of horror. Returning
with the allies from the destruction of the Iroquois fort and
the annihilation of its garrison, Champlain began the prac-
tice of keeping young Frenchmen in the homes of the
Indians to learn their language and the countless details
of their life. It is probable that the young lad sent
Brui6 among the Hurons for this purpose was Etienne (Stephen)
Brule. At the same time an Indian was sent over sea.
Both representatives became interpreters. In August,
Champlain sailed for France where he arrived on the
twenty-seventh of September. Meanwhile, Ravaillac had
killed the king and robbed the Huguenots of their pro-
tector. For a time it seemed as if New France again was
French and About this time, Jesuit priests arrion ved and began their
Indian efforts for the conversion of the natives. The religion
S of the French was very different from the fanaticism
twice of keeping young Frenchmen in the homes of theIndian
wecIndians to learn their homeslanguage and married Indian wives details
of their life. It is probable that the young lad" sent
Brulx among the Hurons for this purpose was Etienne (Stephen)
Brul At the same time an Indian was sent over sea.
Both representatives became interpreters. In August,
Champlain sailed for France where he arrived on the
twenty-seventh of September. Meanwhile, Ravaillac had
killed the king and robbed the Huguenots of their pro-
tector. For a time it seemed as if New France again was
French and About this time, Jesuit priests arrived and began their
Indian efforts for the conversion of the natives. The religion
I6I of the French was very different from the fanaticism
of the Spaniards. The Frenchmen made the Indian
welcome in their homes and married Indian wives with
Champlain and New France 1
stately ceremonial of the church. As Colonel T. W.
Higginson has pointed out, their officers taught the
Indian how to fight, their priests taught him how to die;
they won his heart by the same allurements that make
the Paris of today the Mecca of the world, a joyous out-
door life and an unequaled cookery. The story is on
record of a dying Indian convert who asked if he might
expect the heavenly pastry to be equal to that of the
French. A few decades later, Frontenac, the courtly
governor-general of Canada, did not disdain to lead in
the war-dance, followed by stripped and painted braves
with demoniac motion and "shouting like men possessed."
Imagination defiantly rebels when we try to repeat the
picture with De Soto or Myles Standish in the center.
Parkman says that Spanish civilization crushed the Indian;
English civilization scorned and neglected him ; French
civilization embraced and cherished him.
Soon after his return to France, Champlain was mar- Reorganization
ried. The dower of his bride enabled him to take a December 30,
personal interest ..--- .. 6Io
his colony. In --
161 he made a
brief visit to the
Saint Lawrence. '-
Near the site of
Montreal and "
with an eye on
profits, he met R', "
his Indian allies ""
with whom he- ___
exchanged the The Fort at Quebec
h tag g i n (B, Dovecote C, Workmen's Lodgings and Armory; D, Lodgings
hostage given for Mechanics; E, Dial; F, Blacksmith's Shop and Workmen's
the year before Lodgings; G, Galleries; H, Champlain's Residence; I, Gate and
the year before Drawbridge; L, Walk; M, Moat; N, Platform for Cannon O,
and bartered for Garden Q, Vacant Space; R, Saint Lawrence River.)
furs. He heard of the great western lakes and, at the end
of summer, returned to France. For the remainder of
12 Champlain and New France
that year and all of the next, he was occupied with the
details of the reorganization of the company that con-
trolled the enterprise. De Monts withdrew all interest,
November 13, new letters patent were issued, the Prince of Conde
1612 became the viceroy or presiding officer, and, in the fol-
May 7, 1613 lowing year, Champlain returned to Quebec.
Vignau's Deceit A year or two before, Champlain had sent Nicholas
de Vignau to spend the winter among the Algonkins.
Vignau proved to be something of a romancer and
reported that he had gone up the Ottawa River to a lake
which by another outlet led him to the shores of a salt
sea where he had seen the wreck of an English ship.
Wasting little time in preparation, Champlain and his
companions (including Vignau) paddled or poled their
canoes up the Ottawa for more than two hundred miles.
At the village where Vignau had spent his winter and
beyond which he had never gone, Champlain asked for
an escort to the salt sea. The deceit was quickly ex-
posed and Champlain and his party returned with eighty
Indian canoes on their way to the annual barter at Mon-
treal. He sailed from Tadoussac on the eighth of July
and arrived at Saint Malo on the twenty-sixth of August,
1613. The year 1614 he spent in France, strength-
ening the company of merchants, and planning for the
success of the colony and the conversion of the Indians.
The Recollet Champlain sailed again from France in a vessel com-
Missions manded by Pontgrave and accompanied by Catholic mis-
April 24, 1615 .
sionaries, Recollects of the Franciscan order. The ship
was at Quebec in May, a chapel was quickly built, and,
on the fifteenth of June, the priests celebrated their first
mass. Jean d'Olbeau promptly began a mission among
the Montagnais and Joseph le Caron was soon on his way
to the Hurons. Having strengthened his alliance with
the Saint Lawrence Indians, Champlain ascended the
July, i615 Ottawa, followed the bed of the post-glacial channel to
Lake Nipissing, and by the French River entered Georgian
Bay. At the Huron villages, he found Le Caron and
heard that the Andastes Indians, who lived beyond the
Iroquois country, might be induced to join in an attack on
Champlain and New France 3
the formidable confederacy. He therefore sent his inter-
preter to the Andastes villages. Brule made the trip in
safety but failed to bring up expected reinforcements.
North of the great lake, Champlain's force increased, the The Huron and
barbarian warriors coming in from every direction. Accord- Algonkin Host
ing to one account, they crossed Lake Simcoe in their bark
canoes, made a short portage to the head waters of the
Trent River, and by its zigzag channel floated into Lake
Ontario. Passing from island to island at the eastern end of
the lake they landed in what is now New York and set out
overland to attack the enemy. On the tenth of October,
they found the palisaded village at Lake Onondaga. This
rude fortification, the exact locality of which has been much
discussed, successfully resisted the Indian allies, Champlain,
and his firearms. After repeated assaults and a siege of
several days, the assailants abandoned the enterprise and
retreated ignominiously from the Iroquois country. Cham-
plain was wounded and spent the following winter with
the Hurons studying their character and habits. Having
retraced his circuitous route, he arrived again at Quebec, July 11, 1616
after an absence of nearly a year. He soon returned to
Champlain made frequent visits to Canada where, in Brul6's
1618, he again met Brule. When Brule and the Andastes Exploration
approached the strong-
hold of the Iroquois in
1615, they heard that
Champlain and the Hu-
rons had come and gone,
and made a prompt retreat.
After passing the winter
with the Andastes, Brule
went down the Susque-
hanna to Chesapeake Bay.
It is thought that he was
the first European to enter Autographs of Champlain and his Wife H61ene Boulle
what is now known as
Pennsylvania and that he subsequently pushed his explo-
rations westward to the shores of Lake Superior. In 1619,
14 Champlain and New France
Champlain obtained a license to print a new book. His
drawings were engraved and helped to make the publication
a commercial success. In 1620, the duke of Montmorency
became viceroy of the company and renewed Champlain's
commission. Champlain soon returned to Quebec accom-
panied by his wife. The French occupancy of Canada
A Feeble continued to be of a purely mercantile character and the
Colony population was scarcely ever more than a few score.
Under thoroughly discouraging conditions, Champlain
did the best that any man could do. After nearly four
August, x624 years of such experience, he and his wife left Quebec for
France. The duke of Montmorency sold his viceroyalty
February 15, to the duke of Ventadour and Champlain was commis-
1625 sioned as the new viceroy's representative. In June,
1625, Charles Lalemant, Jean de Brebeuf, Enemond
Masse, and two other Jesuit missionaries appeared at
Quebec and, amid the dissensions that their coming
created, began their historic labors. The next winter was
July 5, 1626 one of famine; in the following summer Champlain
returned. Quebec was a successful trading-post and an
Richelieu in A new spirit was now dominating and animating France.
Power Cardinal Richelieu dissolved the old Canadian company
and organized "La Compagnie de la Nouvelle France,"
better known as
the Company of
the Hundred As-
empire was mod-
estly described as
"New France or
Florida to the
'" Arctic Circle,
Triple Portrait of Cardinal Richelieu from New Found-
land as far west as they might carry the Gallic name."
Canada needed colonists, but Henry IV. was dead and
Canada was not to be a harbor for Protestants. Hence-
forth, the Calvinist was to be excluded from New France
Champlain and New France 15
with a rigor like that with which, centuries later, an
alleged "yellow peril" was turned back from the doors
of the great republic. The new charter was approved
by Richelieu in camp before Rochelle, the last of the April29, 1627
Huguenot strongholds, and by the new king in the follow-
ing May. By this time, Frenchmen had begun to turn to
their over-sea dominions with an imaginative hope "that
the continent of promise would renew in France the glories
that were Greece and the grandeur that was Rome." In
April, 1628, a fleet with emigrants and stores and artillery
sailed under command of Claude de Roquemont for
Quebec. The eighteen transports were under convoy of
four armed vessels and safely entered the Saint Lawrence.
At this time, the Dutch had a prosperous colony at Admiral Kirke
the mouth of the Hudson and the English were daily
growing stronger at Virginia, Plymouth, and Massachu-
setts Bay. The fresh vigor of the French on the Saint
Lawrence awakened the jealousy of their hereditary foe.
Several years earlier than this the council for New September 1o,
England had granted to Sir William Alexander the 1621
territory east of the Saint Croix River, from the Saint
Lawrence to the sea. The patent was subsequently
confirmed by King James "to be holden of us from our
kingdom of Scotland as a part thereof." This New
Scotland or Nova Scotia had been included in the patent
of 1603 granted by the French king to De Monts.
Between the lines of the English patent, the French
easily read the English purpose. England having de-
clared war against France, an English armed fleet was
sent against Quebec. The chief supporters of the
enterprise were Sir William Alexander and a Derbyshire
gentleman by the name of Kirke. The fur trade was
tempting and Canada was to be conquered as a specula-
tion. David, the half-French son of Kirke of Derby-
shire, was made admiral of the fleet and took with him
letters of marque from the English king. He outsailed
Roquemont, landed a colony in Nova Scotia, swept the
French vessels from the Saint Lawrence, and summoned
Quebec to surrender. Champlain masked his weakness
L --- '--- --- -'' --- -~- --'e 1~ --L.- ____
16 Champlain and New France
with a courteous defiance and Kirke's squadron dropped
down to the mouth of the Saguenay. Meanwhile, from
the lower river, Roquemont had sent a messenger to
notify Champlain of his coming. The messenger was
quickly followed to Quebec by the news that the French
fleet had been lost. Rich in booty and satisfied with the
glory of having sunk or captured every one of the
French ships, Kirke turned his back on Quebec and con-
voyed his prizes into English waters.
Surrender and The loss of supplies consequent upon Roquemont's
Restitution of defeat entailed great suffering upon Champlain and his
ebe colony. During the following winter "there was little to
eat and by spring this little became nothing." In the
following summer, Kirke's squadron reappeared. Sup-
plies had not been sent and Quebec's surrender was again
July 20, 1629 B R I E VE demanded. The next day,
SRELATION 0 the English flag floated
DV VOYAGE from the fortress. France
DE LA had now no post in North
NOVVELLE FRANCE, America; from Manhat-
Fair au mois dAuil dernier par le tan to the frozen north
de I rs v s. England had no rival. But
EnuoyikauR.P.Barthelemylacquonst the war had been ended
Pros;ncide I nefmecmpagnice and the treaty of peace
S., n/autProumcedeFr, nce,
,"." r.",, i .i --,'' provided that all captures
April 24, i made after the fourteenth
nw62tyl, of April should be re-
new style -
-. .1 stored. After annoying
delays, Quebec was given
S back to the French on the
ruSe lacques,auxCicognes. With Quebec went Can-
S M. DC. XXXI.- ada, Cape Breton, and the
---cp.ri-rrd".- undefined Acadia. In
Title-page of LeJeune's Relation of 632 August, Paul le Jeune,
The Jesuit one of the newly arrived Jesuit missionaries, wrote to
Relations the provincial of his order in France the first of a series
of letters known as the Jesuit Relations.
As governor of Canada and the representative of Rich-
Champlain and New France 17
elieu, Champlain was enthusiastically received on his return Robust
to Quebec in May, 1633. At this time, the European Neighbors
population of Canada numbered scarcely more than sixty
and most of these were transient adventurers. The
English living about Massachusetts Bay were permanently
settled and outnumbered the Canadian French more than
a thousand to a score. The Iroquois were ever active and
the English were aggressive, but Champlain soon learned
not to expect much more assistance from the new company
than he had received from the old. In July, he sent an
expedition to build a fort and to make a settlement at
Three Rivers, midway between Quebec and the site of
Montreal. Brebeuf and other Jesuit priests went on a
mission among the Hurons and Jean Nicolet set out on
his course of western exploration. In 1618, Champlain Nicolet
had sent Nicolet among the Indians to prepare him for
"the solution of serious geographical and ethnological
riddles;" the task at which he now set him. Going up
the Ottawa and by Lake Nipissing to Georgian Bay,
Nicolet found familiar faces and secured Huron guides.
Paddling their bark canoes along the shores of bay and
lake, they came to the Sault Sainte Marie. In spite of
the claim for Brule, it is probable that Nicolet was the
first of Europeans to set foot on Michigan soil. It is not
certain that he saw the great lake above the rapids. From
the Sault, Nicolet and his companions coasted along the
northern peninsula of Michigan to the Straits of Mackinac
whence they passed on to Green Bay and pushed up the
Fox River. If Nicolet had gone a little further, he might
have crossed the low divide and floated his canoes down
the Wisconsin to the Mississippi and thus have won the
laurel that was later plucked by Jolliet and Marquette. It
is believed by some that he saw the site of Chicago and
the prairies of Illinois. It is probable that, in the early
summer of 1635, he left his Huron guides at their homes
and joined the flotilla that came down the Ottawa with
furs. He arrived at Three Rivers in July, 1635, having
journeyed from Georgian Bay to the country of the Win-
nebagoes, two thousand miles in an unknown region, one
1i8 Champlain and New France
of the great explorations known to history. His name is
now borne by post-villages and counties in the state of
Minnesota and the province of Quebec.
The Earliest The Jesuits had already prepared the foundation of a
American college in Quebec and, in December, 1635, the project
College was carried out. It was not until the following year that
the legislature of Massachusetts agreed to give four hun-
dred pounds toward the school that developed into
Harvard College, the oldest educational institution in
the United States. Charlevoix says that the importance
of the new establishment was generally recognized and
that nothing could have been more seasonable for the
.- progress of the colony. But the joy
-. was soon clouded by deep sorrow.
Death of 1 For many years Champlain had
Champla n been the life, the soul, everything,
S everywhere, laboring with Francis-
can monks and Jesuits to Chris-
S tianize the Indians, to make and
j keep them good allies, overcoming
difficulties, burying disasters, and
Medal Struck in 1904 to Comn- y.i
memorate the Champlain wisely laying the foundations of the
Tercentenary French empire in America. But
the end was near at hand. In October, 1635, he was
stricken with paralysis; on Christmas Day, the "Father
of New France" died.
Sans peur et sans reproche-thou-blest of God !
Thy name still dwells unsullied. Never spot
Of greed, or cowardice, or lust, or hate
Stained thy white scutcheon. Swiftly sped thy soul
Up the dread circles, where the healing lames
Purge out the lingering dross and make men pure
To bear the garments of the searching light
In courts of heavenly glory. Worthy, thou,
To be a nation's founder !
A Dull Champlain was buried in the country that he had created.
Chrysalis There were tears and sorrow on that rocky promontory
where twenty-seven years before he had hoisted the flag
of La Belle France. With intrepidity and rare zeal, he
had labored for the empire of which he dreamed. He
Champlain and New France 19
left a fortress on the cliff, and along the strand a few un-
sightly houses that sheltered a scant two hundred, among
which fur-traders bartered, whence priests went forth to
wander in the wilderness, and where
nuns flitted from cabin to hospital
"barely more than birds of passage
alighted on the way to Heaven."
Trade had supported and stunted
Quebec. Every summer traders came
from France, but they and their -jl
loaded ships soon sailed away. The
company and the merchants were
seeking profits and cared little for
those who rendered profits possible.
Back of the company was a colonial i Governmental
policy that was dominated by a spirit ,-. and Physical
of absolutism. The settlers of New Repressio
France had no governmental initia-
tive; they had a love of --
adventure, a missionary
spirit, and a special adap- The Champlain Monument at Quebec
station to the fur trade-little else. Living north of the
maize belt and without any great staple like tobacco, with
a bleak climate and a stubborn glaciated soil, they were
sadly handicapped by their physical condition. It there-
fore is not strange that we find them lagging numerically
and economically far behind the English colonists further
south. In June, 1636, Charles Hault de Montmagny,
a knight of Malta, arrived as Champlain's successor.
C H A P T E R I I
THE EVOLUTION OF A COLONIAL SYSTEM
The Curia T HE British sovereign has always had a body of
Regis official advisers; at no time could he legally act
in public matters without such counsel. The
magnates assembled by the old feudal monarchs on special
occasions and by special writs constituted the great coun-
cil of the realm. In course of time, this body surren-
dered its most important functions to parliament. The
chief advisers of the crown, officials who were continuously
near the king, constituted a smaller permanent council,
which in later years became the privy council. Under
the Norman and early Plantagenet kings, this curia regis
or king's court consisted of the chancellor, lord treasurer,
and other great officers of state, the two archbishops, and
ten or fifteen other persons, all chosen by the king. In
this permanent council, the king could do nearly every act
that he could perform when in council with the larger
number of his nobles, except to impose taxes on those
nobles. As the administrative system that is called the
British constitution gradually took on definite form, the
council tended more and more to become a separate
assembly of paid officials, bound by a particular oath to
"advise the king according to the best of their cunning
and discretion," to keep the king's counsel secret, and to
help in the execution of plans and projects agreed upon.
1377-1399 By the time of Richard II., much of the early vagueness
had passed away, and the curia regis had branched out in
various directions and ceased to exist in its old form. All
L-- C -r
The Evolution of a Colonial System 2
the king's courts were then called curie regis, each having
its distinguishing addition. Thus the king's bench was
called the court of the king before the king himself;
the common bench, the court of the king before his
At first, the word parliament had not the precise mean- Evolution
ing that it has in our time; it was often synonymous with
the house of lords. For many purposes the king sat "in
his council in his parliament," as the phrase ran from the
time of Edward I. to that of Edward III. The meaning 1272-1377
was that he sat with the chancellor, treasurer, justices of
the two benches, barons of the exchequer, and other
experts in the house of lords. This really was the old
curia regis preparing itself for a vital change, for although
the two sat together when parliament was sitting, the
council was distinguished from the parliament. This
definite separation of council from parliament took place
in the reign of Richard II., and was a great event in the
history of the English constitution.
As the council gradually increased in power, its busi- The Privy
ness became an extraordinary combination of executive, Council
legislative, and judicial functions. Still it had no claim to
independent authority. Its existence hung upon the
king's pleasure; it was dissolved, ipsofacto, by the king's
death; it acted at all times in his name, sometimes "with
a scrupulosity which reaches the height of pedantic
absurdity." Thus Henry VI., then five years of age,
was made to assure the chancellor that "if we are negli-
gent in learning, or commit any fault, we give our cousin
(the earl of Warwick) full power, authority, license, and
direction to chastise us, from time to time, according to his
discretion, without being impeded or molested by us or
any other person in future for so doing." The chancellor
was the president of the council, and one of his duties
was to affix the great seal to writs and royal grants.
In a period that was nearly conterminous with the sev- The First
enteenth century, Englishmen were planting colonies in English Colo-
America, and English statesmen (often unconsciously)
were fixing the policy that was to control the relations
22 The Evolution of a Colonial System
between the mother state and her far-distant plantations.
As we shall see, this strange, new thing, English coloni-
zation, took on the successive phases of an interesting
puzzle, a knotty problem, and a disruptive tragedy.
Under Queen Elizabeth, a would-be English Pizarro
1,563 named Thomas Stukeley
planned, with the sanc-
S" tion of the crown, an
Expedition for the col-
.' onization of Florida, a
term then vaguely ap-
plied to the territory
north of the Gulf of
'.iJ Mexico. The proposed
into buccaneering, and
anticipated by a few
years the semi-public,
semi-private war that
and Drake waged upon
'7 .." Spain. Close on the
heels of the Florida
scheme came Sir Hum-
Title-page of The Famous Histore .... of scheme came Sir Hum-
Captaine Thomas Stukeley phrey Gilbert's projects
and Ralegh's losses, as if to show how closely inter-
mingled were the nobler and the meaner aspects of that age.
The First Eng- In 1606, King James granted the first Virginia charter,
lish Colony and the great movement for the English colonization of
America was fairly begun. The motive that prompted
the movement was primarily economic, and largely a zeal-
ous longing for the treasures of gold and silver that were
supposed to burden the soil of the New World. This
was an epoch of great commercial expansion throughout
western Europe. In England, merchant adventurers and
religious refugees soon thronged the avenues that royal
favor for a few had opened, and some more systematic
administration of the growing business became a neces-
sity. As English colonies with charters granted by the
The Evolution of a Colonial System 23
crown grew up in America, a new field for the activities Colonial
of the privy council was developed. The colonial legis- Control
latures were made subject
to the control of the king
"in council," the court of
last resort in all contested
matters. Before long, the
continued growth of the
colonies forced the council
to create committees and a
boards for the consideration
and determination of many
of the issues involved. For
example, by 1623, the Vir-
ginia government was man-
ifesting such democratic
tendencies that King James
instructed the privy council -
to appoint a special com- James I. of England
mission of seven members to consider all patents,
charters, commissions, etc., with a view to ascertaining
whether any had been violated. Basing its action upon
the report of this commission, the privy council ordered
the Virginia company to give up its charter. The king
was determined that Virginia should not again pass from
his control, and the business of the colony was put into June 24,
the hands of a privy council committee. In 1631, an- 1624
other commission was appointed with powers much like
those of the commission of 1623. Its recommendation
that the Virginia charter be renewed was not adopted.
The story will be told more fully in later chapters; we
now are peering ahead to the end that those chapters may
be better understood.
In the third decade of the century, the still growing The Laud
importance of the English colonies led to the appoint- Commission
ment of a permanent commission consisting of Archbishop
Laud and eleven other high officials. It was the pro- April 28,
claimed policy of Charles I. to subject his realm and his 5634
dominions to royal dictation. The Laud commission was
24 The Evolution of a Colonial System
therefore granted the sovereign powers of making laws
and ordinances for the government of the English colo-
nies, and of hearing and determining complaints from
them; of removing and appointing officers; of inflict-
ing punishment even to imprisonment and death; of
establishing ecclesiastical courts and providing for the
clergy; of judging of the validity of all patents and
charters; and of revoking those unduly or surreptitiously
Its Purpose The probable purpose of the creation of this commis-
sion was to check the growth of Puritanism especially in
the colonies where it had been strengthened by the migra-
tion of nonconformists from England. The executives
of Virginia and Maryland had
been subjected to direct control
from the mother country and
the Massachusetts system was
next to be attacked. The com-
missioners demanded the Mas-
sachusetts charter, took out a
writ of quo warrant against the
SMassachusetts company, and
appointed Sir Ferdinando
S % Gorges governor-general of all
New England. As we shall see
in succeeding chapters, Gorges
Archbishop Laud was one of the earliest and most
persistent advocates of English colonization in America.
Although he now appears as the willing agent of the
policy of coercion, he had, in 1606, enunciated the prin-
ciple that nothing can be "more honorable than free
conditions to be granted to such as willingly do hazard
themselves and their estates without further charge to the
king"-a suggestion the rejection of which ultimately led
to the separation of the English colonies from the crown.
But Massachusetts stood firm for her rights, the com-
missioners made several misplays, the king had trouble
at home, and the colony saved her charter-for a time.
The commission of 1634 and committees of the privy
The Evolution of a Colonial System 25
council attended to colonial matters until the breaking
out of the civil war in England.
After parliament had wrested the supreme authority The Warwick
from the king and the privy council, it appointed a new commission
board of commissioners to deal with colonial matters. At November 24,
its head was the earl of Warwick who was invested with '643
the style and title of governor-in-chief and lord high
admiral of all the colonies in America. Among its mem-
bers were John Pym, Oliver Cromwell, and the younger
Sir Henry Vane, late a governor of Massachusetts. Its
powers were much like those of its predecessor, it being
instructed to "provide for, order and dispose of all things
which it should from time to time find most fitt to the
well-governing of the said plantations." This arrange-
ment continued until the Rump Parliament" substituted
the council of state for the privy council. Of course,
there were the law officers of the crown and the courts,
and we get occasional glimpses of customs officials and of
an admiralty board.
The commonwealth and the protectorate having passed An Unsteady
away and the king having come back to the throne, much Polcy
of the governmental machinery and much of the colonial
policy of the earlier Stuarts reappeared, but there was
no further attempt to enforce ecclesiastical uniformity in
the colonies. The royal recognition of the principle of
religious liberty is clearly manifest in the Carolina, the
Pennsylvania, and the other charters granted subsequent
to the restoration. Some of the liberal features of these
grants were deviations from the systematic policy of
the home government and have been attributed to
the personal favoritism of the king, to the carelessness
of his advisers, and to the fact that the English govern-
ment was not yet prepared to assume the work and to pro-
vide for the attendant outlay involved in establishing
new settlements. Whatever the cause of the aberrations,
some of the granted privileges soon awakened regret and
a systematic attack was begun on all the chartered colonies.
In the first year of his reign, Charles II. commissioned December i,
the lord chancellor and other members of his privy i660
..:. : .. ..
0 _____ e
26 The Evolution of a Colonial System
The Council council, nobility, gentry, and merchants a "council for
for Foreign foreign plantations." They were to inform themselves of
the condition of the colonies, and of the commissions by
which they were governed. They were to notify every
governor and all who held patents from the crown that a
general council of trade had been erected, and "this par-
ticular council" appointed, and to require an exact account
of their affairs, the nature and constitution of their laws
and government, the number of men, fortifications, etc.
They were to establish a correspondence with these gov-
ernors so as to be able to give the king an account of the
government, complaints, wants, growth, commodities, and
trade of each colony. They were to take especial care
for the strict execution of the late act for the encourage-
ment of shipping and navigation. They were to con-
sider how the colonies might be best supplied with servants
and a course legally settled to send thither vagrants and
others "who remain here noxious and unprofitable."
They were also instructed to provide learned and orthodox
ministers to reform the debaucheries of planters and
servants, to consider how the natives and slaves might be
brought to baptism in the Christian faith, and generally
to dispose of all matters relating to the government and
improvement of the colonies.
Deportation The organization of the council for foreign plantations
and introduced a new element into the governmental ma-
chinery by the association of merchants with privy coun-
cilors. The step is noteworthy as an index of the growth
of mercantilism as a factor in English colonial policy.
The newly constituted body held its first meeting on the
seventh of January, 1661. In the following June, a
committee was appointed to consider ways of furnishing
people for the plantations and how felons condemned to
death for small offenses, and sturdy, unmarried beggars
might be disposed of for that use, and how the "wicked
custom of "spiriting away young persons, i.e., inducing
them by fraud or violence to go as servants in the plan-
tations, might be prevented, and how authority might be
secured for justices of the peace to dispose of loose and
t : : .
.......... ." ... .: .-...
"".... *. .;- ..: .* i i..: ::..
*~ * .' .e .. *..
The Evolution of a Colonial System 27
disorderly persons for the supply of the foreign planta-
tions. Among other early results of the organization of
the council was the incorporation of a company for the February 7,
propagation of the gospel in New England and the parts '662
adjacent in America.
In 1672, the council for foreign plantations was con- The Council of
solidated with the council of trade to form the "Council Trade and
of Trade and Plantations." In 1675, the commission of
the council of trade and plantations was revoked and its
work transferred to a committee of the privy council. Be-
tween the two systems there was little practical difference.
Thus kings and courtiers, parliament and prelates, mer-
chants and mercantile corporations played their several
parts. Back of all boards, committees, and commissions
were the two houses of parliament, the mighty reservoirs
of legislative authority, but from first to last the most
important wheel of the executive machinery was the privy
council. Older by centuries than any of the commissions,
with authority overlapping or appellate, the privy council
was much of the time the prime source, and most of the
time the residuary legatee of authority in colonial matters.
With the accession of William and Mary came a new The Board of
order of colonial administration. After the revocation Trade and
of the commission of the council of trade and plantations
in 1675, colonial matters had devolved principally upon
the privy council committee for trade and plantations.
The germ of this committee has been traced back as far
as the reign of Edward III., when the chancellor, the
treasurer, and others of the king's council were given
power to prolong the term for the exportation of wool
beyond the time fixed by an act of parliament. The
commercial classes in England were growing in importance
and influence, and with that growth was the growth of a
demand for sea-power and for "colonies whose trade the
home manufacturers might monopolise." Wars had
destroyed commerce and nearly ruined domestic industry.
In eight years the foreign shipping had fallen off more
than a third. For this and perhaps other reasons, the
privy council committee for trade and plantations was
28 The Evolution of a Colonial System
abolished in 1696, and its work transferred to the new
"Board of Trade and Plantations "-in substance a return
to the colonial system that had existed from 1660 to 1675.
The Lords This board was to consist of the chief officers of
of Trade state and eight nominated members or commissioners,
known as "the lords of trade." Its business was to
promote trade, inspect the plantations, and convey infor-
mation. With this board the colonial governors held
official correspondence, and to it they transmitted the
journals of their councils and assemblies, the accounts of
the collectors of customs and of naval officers, and similar
intelligence. Goldwin Smith says that the board of trade
"acted as the guardian power of British monopoly, having
its sentinels in the colonial governors." George Chalmers
wrote of the board as the "guardian of the general trade
of the Empire." In addition to all these, there were the
admiralty and treasury officials in England, and in America
the royal and other governors, a host of minor executive,
judicial, and financial officers, special commissioners, etc.
But there was no central department of colonial affairs
and of that lack the eighteenth century writers unceasingly
Secretaries of The early English monarchs had their learned ecclesi-
State astical clerks or secretaries who conducted the royal cor-
respondence. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth these
functionaries, of whom there then were two, were first
called secretaries of state. Owing to the increase of busi-
ness occasioned by the union of Scotland, a third secre-
taryship was created in 1708; it was discontinued in
1746, and reestablished in 1768. The secretary of state
for the southern department had charge of the relations
with France, Spain, and the colonies, and is often men-
tioned as the secretary of state for the colonies, or as the
American secretary of state. Although the transfer of
the general superintendence of colonial affairs to the
new official tended to reduce the functions of the board
of trade to mercantile matters, the commissions for the
latter ran in the same form as before until both board
and secretaryship were suppressed by Burke's act of 1782,
The Evolution of a Colonial System 29
a legislative acknowledgment of the logic of events accom-
Until 1752, provincial governors were instructed to
correspond both with the commissioners of the board and
with one of the secretaries of state. The executive power
was in the hands of the privy council or of the secretary
of state. Proceedings might be taken before the board
of trade and plantations, the privy council, or a secretary
of state. This confus-
ing overlapping of A
authority worked con- A N A C T
tinual mischief and has Pr. ohibiring
been included among R A D E
the causes of "that A L
motion without prog- 11aTH THE
ress which sums up "arad;, a 'IX, ni,'Bcrn nd.r nd Iarri n.
British colonial policy
during the first half of
the eighteenth cen-
were working out a co-
lonial system through
doubt and darkness;
feeling the way at each
hesitating step and O.f]..6,,-o i,,
making many a mis- t"W.,), iJ T,,-.. "i th A t.....
take. Still a manifest 'f" r"'J I
H"n Scobll, Cler.c P.,ILminri.
advance was made.
T he navigation acts ..o r.. i i, ...... . ,,, ,, i
were consolidated and -- -
strengthened, and co- Title-page of An Act Prohibiting Trade,
lonial governors were One of the Navigation Acts
more strictly pledged to their diligent enforcement. Cus-
toms officers in America were put upon a new footing and
admiralty courts established there. Restrictive legislation
like the parliamentary act that forbade the carrying of wool
or woolen manufactures from the English colonies to Eng-
land or any other plantation, aroused antagonisms and re-
sulted in complaints that were as bitter as they were common.
30 The Evolution of a Colonial System
Three Types Before the days of steam navigation and the telegraph,
of English England's colonial problem was how to maintain the
Colonies authority of the crown in countries that lay beyond
thousands of miles of sea. The first solution sought was
to grant to individuals full power to make and to manage
settlements in their own way, subject only to a fair con-
formity with English laws. Thus, in 1579, Queen
Elizabeth authorized Sir Humphrey Gilbert to discover
and possess such remote "heathen lands not actually pos-
sessed by any Christian prince or people as should seem
good to him." This notion of a feudal principality
developed into the
idea of a proprietary
province, of which
A N A C T Carolina, Maryland,
FOR and Pennsylvania
Increase of Shipping, are well-known
aEmsms-w '.. I illustrations. With
N AVIGA IO N an occasional relapse
N A T I N. into this crude policy
Sa-_ oof the days of Queen
SI s Elizabeth, the his-
British colonial pol-
Sicy next brings into
view the trading
company, with colo-
nial government in
the hands of a coun-
cil in England and
O- . ,.. a governor chosen
adm,,,C, Fle by rhode, Is .. C.oni. uby it. From such
o -- i -- beginnings were
t --- ---Y .......
evolved the charter
Title-page of An Act for Increase of Shipping, sented by 'Virginia
the Navigation Act of I651 and Massachusetts,
and later by Rhode Island and Connecticut. The creation
of these chartered institutions, the proprietary province
The Evolution of a Colonial System 3 i
and the corporate colony, was made necessary by the fact
that neither the privy purse of the crown nor the treas-
ury of the nation
was able to meet 0+49)
the expense and to A A C
carry the risks at- JLN
tendant upon the Inre of .
planting of a greater Increae of Shipping,
England beyond NA VI GI I ON
the Atlantic. As or THIS
the seventeenth NATION.
century grew old, O- thr n rrart or
it brought in the ucourarn :,a .tC
era of the royal ig=H lT,.bom
governor and his anorJD nonoftibiD.
council--the full s rm ,riB aani caao
blossom of the tra- It of ro common,
Mialti, r t fenractrb Mfgtspur rntp arhao
ditional policy to nan. br e iauioI ,rebaot, tabiitr
h., r a npBafgi rir *erilapol D-r.bri,, OBtbloan
which the naviga- ifantfiBh biE0 P Qr, fub Bo(Imn. hnrrfo .
arb sr I. b b5ofp 0 en allno I f Sn I halrof
tion act of 16I Ofr, Mt ~0 =oob, .oDDCion a' lt ntd
or f Affm t AlitR Ai "o nu of 0 ni .A paI
first gave tangible Rog af of ,anN~ d ib b ,L oinglot n r,
oi prbe @| oz S lbadt barlc I Dr ( o I brlsl,
form. Instead of rh'" olb blbere oInb! 2 alaD
boon In gtl I.ua, 90ats o0 CaI5 of Mlolre
patent or charter placL, floas n)WII I ngi i anMiMl1i .05
GLUM& *U Owtotbt'op~0 b;WOWU into 10"s
that guaranteed ,. *0.,
rights to colony
and colonists, the
dominant govern- First Page of Text of An Act for Increase of Shipping,
mental constitution of 1651
was the royal will as expressed in the commission of the
royal governor and in the instructions that generally
went with the commission. Before the end of the cen-
tury, the charter governments had been brushed aside,
temporarily in a few cases and permanently in most cases.
The transition from the proprietary and corporate colony
to the royal province is one of the most characteristic
features of American history in the period of which this
The navigation acts of 1651 and 1660 will be more Aim and
fully considered in chapters that are to follow. Now and Ethics
The Evolution of a Colonial System
here it need only be said that, whether the regnant power
was Stuart, parliament, or protector, the underlying notion
was that the true purpose of English colonies was to
foster the trade of the mother country. The home gov-
ernment was building up a British empire of which the
English colonies in America were a part. Imperial con-
trol was one of the legitimate and essential functions of
such an empire. In the strengthening of the imperial
system, English statesmen doubtless made mistakes.
Some of the specific rights conveyed by charters granted
by the king in council were disregarded, and Englishmen
who had settled beyond the seas were sometimes forced
to wonder if it had been forgotten that they were flesh
of the flesh and bone of the bone of those who remained
at home. But Americans of our generation who studi-
ously ponder upon the errors of their fathers in the
decade following 1865 will, perhaps, not insist that all
unwisdom is born of ill will. The navigation acts were
directed against the naval supremacy of Holland rather
than the prosperity of English colonies, but the attempt
to wrest the carrying trade from the Dutch involved no
little injury to Englishmen beyond the Atlantic. It was
more difficult for those who then suffered than it is for
us to see that these ordinances were not framed in a spirit
of conscious hostility to the colonies. The passage of the
suffering has not always brought the cleared vision.
C HA P T ER I I I
VIRGINIA UNDER THE CHARTER
W HILE Ralegh was a prisoner in London Tower, I 6 o 2
Bartholomew Gosnold, one of Ralegh's old I 6 2 4
captains, sailed from England with thirty-two Gosnold
persons some of whom intended to remain in the New March, 1602
World and there plant a colony. He took the direct
route, saved thus a thousand miles, sighted the coast of
Maine in May, and cast anchor off the sandy fist at the
end of the bent arm that he named Cape Cod. Thence
he coasted in the track of Leif the Lucky and, in Buz-
zard's Bay, found the island that now bears the name of
Cuttyhunk. Here on a rocky islet in a little lake, an
island in an island, some built a fort, while others went
afield and gathered sassafras and cedar. The division of
the scant supplies led to wrangling, and the demoralized
company set sail for England. Gosnold had made the
first English footprints on the New England coast.
Footprints on the seashore are easily washed out, and
New England dropped behind Virginia as the site of the
first settled colony.
A few days after the death of Queen Elizabeth, Bristol Pring
merchants sent out Martin Pring with two vessels. He April 1o,
sighted the islands of Maine, "bore into the great Gulfe o603
[Massachusetts Bay] which Captaine Gosnold overshot,"
and loaded his ships with sassafras at Plymouth Harbor.
In 1604, De Monts and Champlain planted their French
colony at Port Royal. In 1605, the earl of Southamp-
ton, Lord Thomas Arundell, Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
34 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 o 5 and others sent a ship under George Weymouth to
explore the coast of New England, then called North
Virginia by the English and Norumbega by the French.
Weymouth made a landing on the coast of Maine, which
he explored in part, and with five kidnapped Indians
soon returned to England. Gorges said that the kid-
napping "accident must be acknowledged the means
under God of putting on foot and giving life to our
plantations." But there was a more potent factor in the
opening of the New World to English colonization.
Just before Weymouth's return, a peace between Eng-
June 15 land and Spain had been negotiated, and the treaty had
been ratified by his Catholic majesty, Philip III.
A Colonizing The favorable reports of the country brought back by
corporation Gosnold, Pring, and Weymouth attracted the attention of
certain knights, gentlemen, merchants, and other adven-
turers" of London, Bristol, Exeter, and Plymouth, who
proposed a corporation somewhat similar to the famous
East India company to which Queen Elizabeth had
granted a charter. It was natural that English merchants
should adapt the corporation to the purposes of coloniza-
tion, for it was a familiar form of subordinate government
that easily lent itself to plans of colonial development.
In fact, at that time, the corporation was a necessity to
successful colonization. With revenue scant, credit want-
ing, and corruption prevalent, the government of the
Tudors and the Stuarts was unequal to the task of
developing new colonies. On the other hand, ventures
like those of Ralegh went to show that such undertak-
ings were beyond the resources of an individual or of a
small association of merchants. James I. granted letters
April xo, patent under which two companies were formed. This
i6o6 charter was the first under which a permanent English
settlement was made in America-the beginning of the
line of historic American constitutional development.
The London The southern or "first colony" consisted of Sir
company Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richard Hakluyt,
Edward-Maria Wingfield, and others, the most important
of whom was Sir Edwin Sandys, son of the archbishop of
Virginia Under the Charter 35
York. As most of them were residents of London, their I 6 0 6
corporation came to be called the London company.
They were authorized to begin their first plantation
and habitation at any place upon the said coast of Virginia
or America where they shall think fit and convenient,
between the said four and thirty and one and forty degrees
of the said latitude." The principal members of the The Plymouth
northern or "second colony" were Sir John Popham Company
(who as lord chief-justice con-
demned Ralegh to death),
George Popham his nephew,
Sir Ferdinando Gorges the
governor of the garrison at
Plymouth, and Sir John Gil-
bert and his brother Ralegh,
sons of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Autograph of Sir John Popham
half-brother of Sir Walter Ralegh. This corporation
came to be called the Plymouth company. They were
authorized to place the seat of their first abode and
habitation upon the coast at any place "where they shall
think fit and convenient between eight and thirty degrees
of the said latitude and five and forty degrees of the same
The limits thus fixed for the Plymouth company Territory
ignored the French claim to Norumbega on the north and,
on the south, overlapped by three degrees the northern
limit of the London company. The common interpre-
tation of the involved language of the charter has been to
the effect that the country between the thirty-fourth and
the forty-fifth parallels was divided into three zones, the
southern zone, four degrees of latitude in width, being
given to the London company, the northern zone, four
degrees in width, being given to the Plymouth company,
and the middle zone, three degrees in width, being held
open for competitive occupancy with the limitation of the
charter, "that the plantation and habitation of such of
the said colonies as shall last plant themselves, as afore-
said, shall not be made within one hundred like English
miles of the other of them that first began to make their
36 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 0 6 Yi plantation as afore-
S--said." In fact,
many maps divid-
ing the territory in
"_ question into
zones as just de-
scribed have been
AI--'" ri made. George
ar .i're Bancroft states
'"' that King James
S"selected a terri-
tory often degrees
of latitude" and
S- "''-'- reaching "into the
Map Illustrating the Traditional Interpretation back woods with-
of the Charter of 1606 out bound." More
than one writer has explained that the purpose of the
elaborate arrangement was to tempt the grantees to quick
action by offering a reward for the first occupation of
the intermediate zone. But careful study of the charter
shows clearly that the king did not grant to the two com-
panies all of the territory in question, but that he gave to
each company a tract one hundred miles square. Each
company had per-
mission to begin 4n1;
"their said first ,-
plantation and .'
habitation at any' '
place upon the said !
coast of Virginia -C -'
or America, where _J 1' '
they shall think fit .
and convenient," i- .
within the limits --i t ''" -
prescribed, andwas ,
granted all the A-i
lands "from the & "L ., . ..
said first seat of ... ..
s ir 1 f st S t of Virginia as Fixed bv Settlement under
their plantation the Charter of 1606
Virginia Under the Charter 37
and habitation by the space of fifty miles of English statute I 6 0 6
measure, all along the said coast of Virginia and America,"
north and south, "as the coast lyeth together with all the
islands within one hundred miles directly over against the
said sea coast," and "from the said fifty miles every way
on the sea coast, directly into the main land by the space
of one hundred like English miles."
The two companies were to be governed by a superior Government
council of thirteen at London appointed by the king.
This royal council was to appoint colonial councils of
thirteen with powers that were supreme within the colo-
nies, and the right to veto was reserved for the crown.
The church of England was established, trial by jury
was denied except for capital offenses, and a community
of labor and property was prescribed for five years. The
complicated code was characteristic of the pedantic mon-
arch. The royal prerogative was well hedged about;
everything began and ended with the king. The charter
was chary of provisions for the erection of a government,
but the instructions issued by the king provided all the November 2o,
essentials of an absolutism. Those instructions are im- i606
portant and should be studied side by side with the
charter. The king appointed and instructed his council
in London, and that council appointed and instructed the
council in Virginia. The actual settlers were to have no
voice in their own government. All the functions of
sovereignty within the colony were embosomed in the
resident council. It could depose as well as elect its offi-
cers, and even expel its own members from their seats, a
royal temptation to intrigue and dissension. But the
charter provided that English immigrants and their chil-
dren "shall have and enjoy all liberties, franchises, and
immunities within any of our other dominions to all
intents and purposes as if they had been abiding and born
within this our realm of England or any other of our said
In the summer of 1606, the Plymouth company sent The Popham
out two ships. The first of these, commanded by Colony
Henry Challons, went by way of the West Indies.
S. i- la-tuJn t rj, to.
., -, ,. ~&Fp-;,ga. s ..tL W,
inches wide. A portion, eight feet and six inches in length, is in
,tu,.g ,'c .-1, e e. *--,.,
The original, in the Public Record Office, London, is a roll about thirty feet long and nine
-- i -9 ttue i.. j;^ttf.^.H t Dla Cri "i
i. f -,t".inches wide. A portion, eight feet and six inches in length, is in
English, the remainder being in Latin, etc.
I sh4 *** cn e t* it? t *** tt m t.- .
4CtJa illn .p e a4r o4'uar are i 94' E *s ,a'e
itSt d ~w 9gic* it' t&oiri ointiepanT-ojtr -
,a, e ..,.,e, t6,, t ,p ( t.-'i.... ,,i,(-" 6y L <. t.'... i .'i. & ?,.-
5i '*&, vow G : -.. o. y-.,- Uto -. .- rti. v .a-.
The original, in yw the Public Record Office, London, is a roll about thirty feet long and ninea
inches wide. A pordon, eight feet and six inches in length, is in
English, the remainder being in Latin, etc
1 us tk w sesgff,& fz)e. t, ,,r;tz arn't*W ea 14c. ,1R3IG
Ai>Kf; f Ptlt ;'A.<.* '.4rast t ..f1f s P ct s:* t oe .6t. < mu. 'IL
Itft v&p. e rfn the 6 4iiWr on ttedos *sdtS at4 ..i .s.fai i rS .h 2u r'
noL '6 a t
>filmc 01 tfiq. ad dtr45A; b. v % .;* h.- r- .cr. '." *.gl '
tk II.GL %,I. t '. &.- htt >KS&- g *: *-ww'ii *:* *fl.'^.B;tfl, Siy frtfHl i-
1FT~(cl~f fi~" tblsa*ua~ubcfl~4R7-mcj't;m '-
tk1 ar44Ur~ b. ~C~tr:' c4 14 clrnH ! FOE,- i~a~ IE.:u r
~u~c~;J'QU1~; LB;!z tc~i* t~l ~~iu 66 ~; utt;AC
Virginia Under the Charter 39
"Suddenly we found ourselves in the middest of a fleet 1 6 o 6
of eight Sayle of ships in a very thicke fogge of mist I 6 0 7
and raine." In short, Challons and his crew and ships
were captured by the Spaniards. Later in the season,
the company sent out Martin Pring who made a careful
exploration of North Virginia. In consequence of
Pring's report, two ships set sail from Plymouth in May,
1607, with a hundred and twenty men who were to found
"the second colony of Virginia." At the end of July,
they anchored off the coast of Maine and, in August,
they landed below the junction of the Kennebec and the
Androscoggin rivers where they quickly built a fort, a
number of houses, and a ship that they called the "Vir-
ginia." The first work of this first vessel built by English-
men in America was to carry back to England two-thirds
of the colonists none of whom enjoyed the rigorous win-
ter on "the Maine." Governor George Popham died
and was succeeded by Ralegh Gilbert. The spring of
1608 found the colony in sad plight and brought news
of the death of Sir John Gilbert. As Ralegh Gilbert
was his brother's heir, he returned to England; with him
went the remnant of the northern colony. New Eng-
land was over-cold and, "in respect of that, not habit-
able for Englishmen." In the previous year the French
had made a similar retreat from the not distant Port
Royal. While Gilbert and his returning colonists were
upon the ocean with their frozen hopes, Champlain was
outward bound to lay the foundations of Quebec, as told
in an earlier chapter.
In spite of the failure in "North Virginia," the year The Virginia
1607 marks the beginning of successful English coloniza- Founders
tion in America. On Saturday, the twentieth of Decem- December3o,
ber, 1606, and under sealed orders from the council for new sYle
Virginia dated ten days before, three small vessels, the
"Goodspeed," the Sarah Constant," and the Discovery,"
sailed from Blackwall, England. The little fleet carried
forty or fifty sailors and "six score" male emigrants, in-
cluding fifty-two gentlemen and-a barber. A gentleman
of that time was unused to manual labor. I tell thee,"
'-I -I~' -"'`~'1' '''~'--'-"'-- ----~ -- ----- ----- -- ~ -- -----
40 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 o 7 says Seagull in Eastward Hoe! an oft-quoted comedy
written in 1605, "golde is more plentiful there than
copper is with us; and for as much redde copper as I
can bring I'll have thrice the weight in gold. Why, man,
all . the chaines with which they chaine up their
streets are massie gold; and for rubies and diamonds,
they go forth in Holydayes and gather them by the
seashore." And, to give full roundness to the picture,
he promises "no more law than conscience and not too
much of eyther." Christopher Newport was commander
of the fleet; with him were Bartholomew Gosnold who
had sailed to and from Cuttyhunk, and Captain John
Smith, an indomitable adventurer,
who had set up a dubious claim to
glory won in the wars against the
Turks. In spite of Gosnold's
knowledge of a shorter route, they
went by the West Indies and were
four months on the way. Alexan-
der Brown says that "it is the same
.-' route by which the same vessels,
". 'under competent commanders,
Should now sail," but the long voy-
age wasted the supplies and bred
discontent. John Smith was under
Captain John Smith arrest when he landed in Virginia.
The Chesa- On Sunday, the twenty-sixth of April, 1607, "about
peake Capes four a clocke in the morning, wee described the Land of
Virginia: the same day wee entered into the Bay of Chesu-
pioc [Chesapeake] directly, without any let or hinderance ;
there wee landed and discovered a little way, but we could
find nothing worth the speaking of, but fire meddowes
and goodly tall Trees, with such Fresh-waters running
through the woods, as I was almost ravished at the first
sight there of." As they were going on board their ships,
they were attacked by the Indians and two of them were
wounded. That night, they broke the seals of their
letters of instruction and found that the councilors named
were Edward-Maria Wingfield, Bartholomew Gosnold,
Virginia Under the Charter
John Smith, Christopher Newport, John Ratcliffe, John i 6 0 7
Martin, and George Kendall. Five of the council
promptly took the oath of office and chose Wingfield as
.- : d- T .
Map of the First Settlements in Virginia
president. Smith was excluded from his seat until the
following June. Two days later, Newport and others April 8-
launched the shallop and sailed up the bay. They entered May8
a large river that they named for their king, and were
vexed to find the water at the south side of the entrance
they rowed over to the opposite point of land near which
they found an excellent channel. This discovery put them
" in good Comfort. Therefore they named that point
of Land, Cape Comfort." On the following day, they
named the capes on either hand at the entrance to the bay
in honor of the two princes and at Cape Henry set up a
cross and claimed the country for the crown of England.
On the day after that, the ships entered the James James Towne
River. In the shallow, Newport began the fon search for
their "seating place," going up the river as far as the
mouth of the Appomattox. Toward the end of the
fortnight, the ships came up to the chosen place "where
fortnight, the ships came up to the chosen place "where
42 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 0 7 our ships do lie so near the shore that they are moored
May 14-24 to the trees in six fathom of water." The next day, "we
landed all our men which were set to work about the
fortifications, and others some to watch and ward, as it
was convenient." In honor of the king, this first firm
settlement of Ralegh's "Inglishe nation" was named
James Towne. The site chosen was a little more than
thirty miles from the mouth of the river and on a low
peninsula that was then connected with the mainland by
a narrow neck that constituted an isthmus only at ordinary
tides. The site was unhealthful, the selection was
unfortunate. As this isthmus was submerged when the
tide rose above its normal level, most of the early refer-
ences to the locality speak of it as an island. For instance,
early in 1609, Captain John Smith "built a Blockhouse
in the neck of our Isle," as a protection against the
Indians. What appear to be traces of the isthmus are
still found one or two feet below low
tide. Owing to the long-continued
encroachments of the river, part of the
original town is now under water.
Today For many years, there was nothing
ito mark the site but the ruins of an
.- ivy-covered church tower and some
tombstones. Fortunately, some
S- of the most influential women of
V .Virginia, in 1889, organized "The
Association for the Preservation
S of Virginia Antiquities," secured
a state charter, and acquired the
S title to the historically important
part of the island. Chiefly as a
tY -result of their efforts, the national
Government has begun the build-
ing of a breakwater to protect the
The Cape Henry Tablet island from the encroachments of
the river. In 19o, the association began excavations in the
churchyard with resultant "finds" that throw fresh interest
around James Towne-the Pompeii of English America.
Virginia Under the Charter 43
While some of the new- I 6 0 7
comers were felling trees, Planting and
building huts, and planting Exploring
crops, Newport, with a
score or more, went up the
river seeking the South Sea
and the gold for which they
were as eager as any Span-
iards. They went as far as '-
the site of Richmond, where .'
the falls of the river put a
stop to the advance of their
shallop. In their absence, .
the unfinished fort was. -
attacked by Indians and ~,~: _->ti..._
several of the colonists Ruins of the Old Church Tower at
were wounded. After their Jamestown
return, the defenses of the town were strengthened and June o-2o
Smith took his seat as a member of the council. On
the twenty-second of June, Newport sailed for Eng- July z, n.s.
land. On the day before his departure, he dined ashore
and, says the Relation,
"invited many of us to
supper as a farewell"--
probably the first farewell
banquet recorded in the his-
S.,.' tory of the English col-
o nies in America. Newport
S' .left a hundred and four
-: colonists "in good health
and comfort," the Discov-
i-.\ ery," a pinnace of about
*. .r ., twenty tons, three months'
'" '. provisions, an unwillingness
to work, disturbing dreams
S.... of gold, and dangerous fac-
Bird's-eye View of the Foundations of tions. By September, fifty
Jamestown church were dead, Gosnold among
(Taken in xIgo from top of the ruined tower hm Kendall w removed
shown in the illustration above) them. Kendall was removed
44 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 0 7 from the council, tried for mutiny, and shot. Wingfield
Disease, Dis- was deposed from the presidency and the council and
sension, and confined on board the pinnace. Ratcliffe became presi-
dent de facto and, with Smith and Martin, constituted
September the council. In this time of death and despair, "it
11-2 pleased God (in our extremity) to bring us halfe ripe
corn, to refresh us." There are many discrepancies
between Wingfield's Discourse and Smith's Historie, in
regard to these events and their causes, each making out
a bad case for the other.
John Smith Thomas Studley, the cape merchant of the colony
taken Prisoner (i.e., the head merchant for procuring provisions and
venting commodities), having died, Smith became his
successor. With characteristic energy, he
traded up and down the river, gathering
/ supplies that had become imperatively
necessary, meeting the natives with
kindness when they were amiable,
and bringing them to terms by force
of arms when they were insolent,
for "no persuasion could persuade
him to starve!" When Ratcliffe and
Archer proposed to leave the colony
to its fate, the project "was curbed and
repressed by Smith," the hero of Smith's
Seal of the writings. Something like tranquillity came
Jamestown Exposition Company with gathered harvests and, in December,
Smith set out to trade for corn and to discover the great
South Sea. He turned into the Chickahominy and, in
what is now the White Oak Swamp, east of Richmond,
was taken prisoner by red men led by Opechancanough,
the brother of Powhatan, the so-called "emperor" of
thirty tribes. This Powhatan was a successful Indian
chief but his titles of king and emperor, and his "court"
as well, were simply bits of European terminology mis-
applied by Smith; his "royalty" existed only in the
imagination of the English. Powhatan sent Smith
January 2-12, back to Jamestown where he arrived after an absence of
16oS several weeks.
Virginia Under the Charter 45
It was during this month, if at all, that the romantic I 6 0 7
incident of Pocahontas saving the life of Captain John ThePoca-
Smith took place. At the court of Powhatan, Smith hontas Legend
D.i .ir.q / ..7... ....re
I o . l r
SP. ...... ,,,.. -
/ se easied ater the Ind"an
tSi lr i l-
~. o.+., ,,,,.E.
I iriV 1 iC I i L,. '
A F,, ,
After ceremonious hospitality, two large stones were
brought in. The captive's head was pillowed on the
46 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 0 7 stones and clubmen stood around ready to play their parts
in the expected execution. At such a moment, nothing
,...- 7 ...-- .. .. .^. is certain but the unex-
T R E pected-at least in the
T I R1 V : realm of dramatic fiction.
latri:n of (uch occur.- "Pocahontas, the king's
ren,.- ndaccidentsofnoa. .u dearest daughter, when
ij-iip hLpoe .drgh iafncecheafi no entreaty could pre-
plnunvolalr Colol,wth.ci noo .
.ii ,. r, ii vaile, got his head in her
Ii", sry.'esn^dct, arms, and laid her owne
rooa dom -~mE.o\ vpon his to saue him
from death; whereat the
Emperour was contented
he should liue to make
him hatchets, and her
bells, beads, and cop-
Historical i, a.o otoTo This pretty story of
Iconoclasm ,-i',n cJiaote p rr saysd Itt-lsouldc j ic ,l thr 1i u o
.Iconoclasm L-n..Jmi.i-C brladt l'r .A rescue rests solely
upon the representa-
t T r w tions of Smith's Generall
Title-page of Smith's True Relation Historie of Virginia,
published in 1624, after Pocahontas had been Christian-
ized, lionized, married, and seven years buried. In the
earliest printed biography of Smith, Thomas Fuller, a
contemporary, says: "It soundeth much to the diminution
of his deeds, that he alone is the herald to publish and
proclaim them." The records written by contemporaries
contain no allusion to such service by Pocahontas, and the
hero's earlier work, A True Relation, published in London
in i6o8, gives a widely different story of his captivity and
release. There is a suspicion that the real source of the
story was Smith's characteristic inclination to tell an
interesting tale and his natural desire to utilize the
interest that the heroine's visit to England had created.
Men often mourn as the image-breaking tendency of
modern criticism what is in reality only "the correcting
and clarifying influence of time." The narrative has been
our favorite bit of colonial romance for generations, but
Virginia Under the Charter 47
many of the later historians refuse to accept it. Like the i 6 0 8
story of the apocryphal voyage of Vespucius, it has not
been absolutely disproved and is not without able and
On his return to Jamestown, Smith was arrested, in- The First
dieted under the Levitical law for allowing the death of supply
two of his men, found guilty, and sentenced to be hanged.
But it pleased God to send Captain Newport unto us
the same evening." The "John and Francis" had Januaryz-iz
arrived from England with the "first supply," about
seventy ad- .
tlers. As the
ship came .
to her desti-
did not land
until Mon- GE NERLLL Tl r[TIE
daymorning. .... d o I F
N e w p o r t 4l, G,, er delAd.e .r,
plvr~l,:l, ,, .8r iG 4ihr .I
immediately `-,.- .'. .
W i n g field .X, .. J
and Smith; c ...s.. ... .., ...
"also by his ... .
comyng was .
prevented a -T
intended Title-page of Smith's Generall Historie
thear to summon." The colony had been reduced to
forty persons, and these were nearly starved; the hunger
Virginia Under the Charter 49
explains much. Within the week, a fire destroyed nearly I 6 0 8
all the buildings in the fort including the church. The January 7-17
newcomers found in a glittering soil what they mistook
for golden grains, and "there was now no talk, no hope,
no work, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, load gold."
After feeding upon the provisions of the colony for
several months and loading his boat with the worthless
yellow mica that Smith called gilded durt," Newport April 1o-zo
sailed from Jamestown, taking with him Wingfield and
Archer, several charts and documents including Percy's
Discourse, and the first turkeys ever seen in the mother
While the colonists were rebuilding the burned James- Smith in Power
town, planting seed, and rapidly dying with hunger and
exposure, Captain Francis Nelson and the "Phoenix"
arrived with provisions and about thirty settlers. He had
been separated from Newport by storms, and detained in
the West Indies by bad weather. When the "Phoenix"
sailed for England, she bore Captain John Martin and June 2-12
A True Relation and other documents sent by Smith
who now was left without a rival. Without delay, Smith
began the work of exploration. With about a dozen
companions, he visited the east shore of the Chesapeake,
spent several weeks in exploring the Potomac, and, with-
out finding the South Sea, then returned to Jamestown July 21-31
where he "found the last supply all sick." Although he
and his men were needed at Jamestown to help cultivate
the crops, Smith waited only three days and then set out
again on a voyage to find whether "the [Chesapeake]
bay were endless or how far it extended." This they
did find, but they did not find the ever elusive South Sea
or the bag of gold at the end of the rainbow. Disap-
pointed but determined to try again, the explorer returned
to Jamestown on the seventh of September and there
found "many dead, some sicke." Three days later, Rat- September
cliffe's official term expired and the presidency fell to I0-20
Smith to whom "as by course it did belong." From his
surveys he composed his map of Virginia.
Newport soon returned from England with seventy
50 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 0 8 more settlers, the "second supply." The great problem
The Second of the colonists was to get food enough to keep them-
Supply selves alive, and Smith wrote to the London company
-October 9 what he called his "rude answer" in which he said:
"When you send again, I entreat you rather send but
thirty carpenters, gardeners, fishermen, blacksmiths, ma-
sons, and diggers up of trees' roots, well provided, than a
thousand of such as we have." With Newport had come
Mrs. Thomas Forrest and her maid, Anne Burras, the
first English women in the colony. Before the end of
the year, Anne Burras became Mrs. John Laydon. Her
daughter, Virginia Laydon, born about a year later, was
the first white child born in the colony and, following
Virginia Dare, the second member of the second English
generation in America. Other passengers were Francis
West (a brother of Lord Delaware) and two newly-made
members of the council, Richard Waldo and Peter
Wynne. Newport had left England under orders not
to return until he had found a lump of gold, a passage
to the South Sea, or some survivor of the lost colony of
Roanoke, and then to bring back a cargo the value of
which should equal the cost of the expedition-the
council at London was annoyed by the small returns
that had been made to the company for their outlay.
Newport wasted time in trying to realize some of these
visionary schemes and in an unwise coronation of Pow-
December, hatan. When he did return, he took with him Ratcliffe,
1608 Smith's new map of Virginia, and the above-mentioned
Cumulative Smith had enough to do to keep the colonists from
Troubles starving. They would not make proper provision for
their wants or even save their supplies from loss by decay
and immigrant rats. For this, of course, Smith blamed
the others and, for it, others have blamed Smith. The
surrounding natives were active and unfriendly, and
malaria and accident added their burdens to those of
indolence and hunger. Several were drowned and many
January-April, others died, leaving Smith as the only member of the
1609 council and the only hope of the colony. According to
Virginia Under the Charter 5
his narrative, he was equal 6 o 9
to every emergency. In -
negotiation or in personal .
encounter with the In- ""
dians, he was easily, .' -
equally, and always the "r J'.
victor. Notwithstanding *'
his habitual exaggeration, .'
Smith was a wonderful :,
man. "He rang like brass ^.
without, no doubt, but 4 '
had a touch of gold with- ; ,
in." Still his abilities .
were inadequate for the' ,' '
robust growth of the new -,
plantation. For several- -..-
weeks in i609, most of Smith's Victory
the colonists were living on a precarious diet of fish, May-July
game, and roots, "which kind of feeding caused all their
skins to peel off, from head to foot, as if we had been
flaide." Smith made no attempt to fill any of the vacant
places in the council, and the company in London, weary
of the dissensions in the colony and recognizing many
evils in their form of government, determined to ask for
a new charter.
In spite of its voluminous literature, the history of the Spanish
genesis of the colony is difficult because of the veil that Diplomacy
was thrown over the enterprise. Spain claimed the
Virginia country, Spanish spies were everywhere, and the
London company guarded its transactions with an oath-
bound secrecy. The recently published correspondence
between the Spanish king and his ambassador at London
throws a flood of light on this previously obscure feature
of the venture. Zufiiga wrote from London to his master September
that he had found a confidential person through whom 22' 16o7
he would find out what was done in the Virginia council,
and advised that "the bad project should be uprooted
now while it can be done so easily." A few weeks later,
he wrote: "It will be serving God and your majesty to
52 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 0 9 drive these villains out from there, hanging them in time
which is short enough for the purpose."
A New In spite of the claims of King Philip and the espionage
Charter of Zufiiga, King James granted a new charter with
May 23- enlarged privileges. The new company was styled "The
June 2 Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters of
the City of London for the first Colony in Virginia."
The incorporators were fifty-six of the London companies
or gilds, such as the company of grocers and the com-
pany of butchers, and six hundred and fifty-nine persons
mentioned by name in the charter. The latter ranged
from the great lords of the realm to the fishmongers.
Among them were twenty-one peers, ninety-six knights,
twenty-eight esquires, fifty-three captains, fifty-eight gen-
tlemen, one hundred and ten merchants, representatives
of the various professions, and citizens unclassified, an
imposing array of wealth and influence. The territory
granted by the charter extended along the coast two hun-
dred miles each way from Old Point Comfort and "up
into the land throughout from sea to sea, west and north-
An Arbigu- This peculiar expression, "west and northwest," was
ous Boundary wonderfully vague and led to serious controversies. It
made a difference which line was drawn northwest. If
the northwest line was drawn from the southern end of
the four hundred miles of coast, and another boundary
line was drawn westward from the northern extremity of
the coast, the domain thus limited would constitute a
triangle of moderate area. If, on the other hand, one line
was drawn westerly from the southern of the two points
fixed on the coast and the remaining boundary was drawn
northwesterly from the fixed point north of Old Point
Comfort, the included territory would embrace a great
part of the continent and extend from sea to sea. This
was the construction given by Virginia to the language of
the charter. The grant of 1606 declared the limits of
Virginia to extend from the seashore one hundred miles
inland; the charter of 1609 extended the limit westward
to the Pacific. The width of the continent in the latitude
Virginia Under the Charter 53
of Virginia was vaguely supposed to be not much more I 6 o 9
than a hundred miles. In spite of his pedantry, King
federal constitution in 1788.
The government of the colony was intrusted to a The Virginia
council of fifty named in the charter, with Thomas council
Smith (or Smythe) as treasurer and general manager.
This council was to sit at London and vacancies in it
were to be filled by the corporators. It had full power
" to nominate, constitute, and confirm all needed officers
and to "make, ordain, and establish orders, laws, direc-
tions, and instructions for the government of the said
colony, . and to abrogate or change the same at
any time." The emigrants were withdrawn from the power
of the king, and the company could endow them with all
the rights of Englishmen. The council then existing in
Virginia was to be dissolved on the arrival of the officers
edea cositto in 98
54 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 0 9 appointed by the new council in England. This body
The First appointed "The Right Honourable Sir Thomas West,
Colonial Gov- Knight Lord La Warr, to be principal Governor, Com-
erno mander and Captain Generall both by Land and Sea over
Sthe said Collonie." It also made
Sir Thomas Gates lieutenant-gen-
eral. Lord Delaware's commission
Swas the first issued to an English
Autograpn of Sir Thomas Gates colonial governor in America. The
appointment was for life and carried with it absolute
authority. The governor had power to choose his coun-
cil and most of the other necessary officers. In case of
mutiny or rebellion he could declare martial law. In
other cases, he was to "rule, punish, pardon, govern"
according to instructions, or, when uninstructed, accord-
ing to his own discretion and by such laws as he and his
council might establish. Thus the government was stren-
uously centralized, without even an attempt at a separa-
tion of executive, judicial, and legislative functions. The
general laxity of the previous "action had been too
disastrous for another trial of divided power.
Captain Argall In May, just before the granting of the second charter,
the council sent Captain Samuel Argall "for the discovery
of a shorter way and to make trial of the fishing within our
Bay and River." In July, he found the colony at James-
town in sickness and hunger. He had brought bread
and wine enough for a month's supply and news that the
king had agreed to grant a charter to "The Company for
Virginia in London." In July, just after the granting of
the second charter, a fleet of nine vessels, including the
"Virginia" that the Popham
colony had built in Maine in
1607, sailed from Falmouth
with about five hundred men
(most of whom were artisans), Autograph of Captain Samuel Argal
women, and children, and a supply of sheep, goats, and
June 8-S1 horses. Hogs in Virginia were already counted by the
hundred. Lord Delaware remained in England. Sir
Thomas Gates with his wife and daughters, Sir George
Virginia Under the Charter 55
Somers, Captain Newport, and William Strachey took I 6 0 9
passage together in the "Sea Adventure." In July, the July 25-Au-
fleet was caught by a hurricane. In August, seven vessels gust 4
arrived at Jamestown, bringing Ratcliffe, Martin, and
Archer, none of whom Captain John Smith cared to have
return to Virginia, and about four hundred others. This The Third
was the "third sup- Supply
ply." A small pin-
nace, the "Catch,"
had been lost at sea,
and the "Sea Ad-
venture" with its
hundred and fifty
settlers had been
wrecked on the
ments were made at
the site of Rich-
mond, at Point
Comfort, and else-
Smith's term of
George Percy was
with West, Rat- /3%7
cliffe, and Martin
as councilors. In
September, Smith returned to England; he never revis-
In 1614, Captain Smith and Thomas Hunt sailed from Smith Explores
England and spent the season in taking fish, gathering the New Eng-
furs, and exploring the coast from Penobscot to Cape
Cod. In addition to fish and furs, Smith bore back a
map, and Hunt a lot of kidnapped Indians. Hunt sold
his Cape Cod captives in Spain, and "the next fishing
vessels that came from New England brought word that
the natives were greatly exasperated." One of these kid-
napped Indians returned to America and will subse-
56 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 I o quently appear as the friendly Squanto. Smith became
"Admiral of New England" and lived a quiet life, prob-
ably writing his Historie and adventures. He died at
London in 1631, aged fifty-one. After his departure from
Virginia, things went worse than before. The newly
attempted settlements were unsuccessful and Indian hos-
tilities were renewed. Idleness and debauchery were the
seed and hideous famine was the harvest. In the annals of
The Starving the colony, that winter is recorded as "the starving time."
Time In six months, the five hundred were reduced to sixty
who would quickly perish unless succor promptly came.
Jamestown The crew and passengers of the wrecked "Sea Adven-
Abandoned ture" had a not dreary winter in the Bermudas. The
climate was delightful and food abundant. Men and
women mated and married. Some were buried and
children were born. For the
rest, there were hunting and
fishing, and the building of
two pinnaces. The roman-
SIAtic story caught the popular
fancy and probably gave to
Shakspere the suggestion of
The Tempest. On the tenth of
May, 1610, the "Patience"
and the "Deliverance" sailed
from the Bermudas and, on
the twenty-third, Gates and
his companions landed at
Jamestown. The church-bells
rang and some of the sixty-
all who could do so assem-
bled in obedience to the sum-
mons. The prospect was not
promising; the scene was one
of desolation. Gates quickly
resolved to abandon James-
town and to return to Eng-
land. Accompanied by a guard, he was the last to go on
shipboard, a prudent precaution against the burning of
Virginia Under the Charter 57
the homes of so much suffering and sorrow. As the fleet I 6 I o
sailed down the river, "none dropped a tear for none had June 7
enjoyed one day of happi- r .
ness." Meanwhile, Lord THE
Delaware had sailed from O '1','0 SN." -
England with three vessels 'f-l rablh re
and a hundred and fifty set- o e- Go,.W
tlers. As the ships from I t
Jamestown lay at anchor in
the lower river, waiting for a ;.- .
tide to take them out to sea, ;
Gates received orders from
Lord Delaware at Point Com- '
fort. That night the wan- Jamestown
derers of a day occupied their Reoccupied
former homes. The governor
and his fleet arrived at James- '-f o-'-"i"-u 'h-
town on Sunday, the tenth of .,'
June. Gates gave up the -
office that he had held a Title-page of Lord Delaware's Relation
fortnight, and Delaware at once chose his council of seven.
In three days Virginia had died and come to ife again.
Under the new regime, the hours for labor were from A Colonial
six to ten in the morning and from two to four in the court
afternoon. At ten and four, the bells were rung, and in
full dress the governor went to the little church with the
members of his council and fifty red-cloaked halberd-
bearers. The council sat in state on his right hand and
left; and, when the services were over, all returned with
the same ceremony to their quarters. But the ludicrous
little court made its authority respected, and left no doubt
as to its wisdom, forbearance, gallantry, and picturesqueness.
Gates was sent to England for more colonists and provi-
sions; on account of failing health, Delaware soon followed. March, 161i
The governor's departure produced despondency at James-
town and a great reaction in the popular mind in England.
Fortunately, before the company learned of Dela- Improved
ware's return, Sir Thomas Dale had sailed from England Economics
with recruits, supplies, and a commission. He arrived at
58 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 I I Point Comfort on the twelfth of May and at Jamestown
a week later. He bore from the London council an
extraordinary code of Lawes, Divine, Morall, and Mar-
tiall," the pains and penalties of which were very severe
for men accustomed to English liberty. But the new
high-marshall had better means than his Draconian code
for the improvement of affairs. He gave to each man three
acres of cleared ground for cultivation and, with the land,
an assurance that support would depend upon effort and
I ~ not upon the public stores.
The alternative was clear,
Work or starvation, and
"three men did more work
under the new rule than
Autograph of Sir Thomas Dale thirty did under the old."
The church was repaired, houses were built, and prepara-
tions were made for a new settlement at Farrar's Island.
Insubordination was the cause of delay in building the
new town and of eight prompt executions.
Improved In August, Sir Thomas Gates arrived with six ships,
Conditions three hundred settlers, provisions, and cattle, including a
hundred cows. The deputy-governor took up his resi-
dence at Hampton, left Percy in command at Jamestown,
and sent Dale with three hundred and fifty men to found
his projected "City of Henricus at Farrar's Island. In
1612, several ships arrived with settlers among whom was
Captain Samuel Argall. About Christmas, 1613, Bermuda
City was established near the mouth of the Appomattox.
The colonists now numbered about seven hundred, the
sites of the new settlements were healthful, and the con-
dition of Virginia gradually changed for the better. Each
settlement had its stockade and military discipline. Men
had opportunity to work for themselves as well as for the
corporation. The "new and better way of doing things
really made Virginia."
Tobacco In 1612, John Rolfe began the systematic cultivation
Culture of Virginia tobacco. The raising of this staple soon be-
came so profitable that legislation was necessary to secure
the planting of corn enough to keep the colonists from
Virginia Under the Charter 59
starvation. Large plantations became desirable and more I 6 I 2
laborers a necessity. This necessity led to the shipment
of white "servants" from England to Virginia. At this
period, the lot of the English laborer was unusually hard.
English law had built up a privileged class of artisans, and
left agricultural work as the only means by which the
masses of the people could obtain a living. The rates of
wages fixed by the justices were so low that large numbers
of the indigent had to be cared for at public expense. This
burden became so heavy upon taxpayers that many of the
working classes perished from want. It is not surprising
that English agricultural laborers took advantage of the
opportunity that Virginia offered for a bettered condition
after a few years of service in the colony. Capital was .
readily invested in the venture. Many unfortunates, -
some paupers, and some convicted criminals, were sent The Tobacco
from England, and their services for a term of years sold Plant
to the Virginia planters. The status of these white serv- White Servants
ants has been the theme of much discussion. Some of
them acquired fine estates and became influential citizens;
some of them made considerable accumulations before
they received from the county courts their certificates of
freedom; while the status of others differed from that of
slaves chiefly in the duration of their bondage.
There has been a natural tendency among Americans Political
to insist that the offenses of which the transported male- Ofenaers and
factors had been convicted were chiefly political. On the
other hand, it is stated that "a majority of the convicts
shipped to America [in the colonial era] were not political
offenders." In 1611, Dale asked the English king to
"banish hither all offenders condemned to die out of
common goalss" In 1670, a Virginia enactment com-
plained of "the great number of felons and other
desperate villains sent hither from the several prisons
of England," and prohibited further importations; the
statute was nullified by orders from the king. But at the
period now under study, the demand for more laborers
seemed to recognize no limit but supply, and the supply
was increased in more bad ways than one.
60 Virginia Under the Charter
I 6 I 2 In his GenerallHistorie, Smith says that "about the last
Negro Slaves of August  came in a dutch man of warre that sold
us twenty Negars and names John Rolfe as his authority
for the statement. This is the rather weak foundation
for the oft-repeated declaration that then and thus negro
slavery was introduced into Virginia. But it is not cer-
tain that the negroes brought in 1619 were the first landed
in Virginia, and it is no more certain that they were
brought in a Dutch man-of-war. Among the ships that
traded with the colony was "The Treasurer," an English
ship belonging to Lord Delaware, Lord Rich (afterwards
the earl of Warwick), Captain Argall, and others. In
September, 1619, this English ship arrived from the
West Indies with a Spanish cargo of negroes, grain, wax,
tallow, and other things of"littell worthe" Some or all
of these negroes were left in Virginia; Alexander Brown
says: "How many I do not know but probably more
than twenty." According to this same good authority,
Smith's statement "is the only evidence from which it
might even be inferred that negroes were brought to Vir-
ginia at this time by any other ship than the Treasurer."
Possibly both "The Treasurer" and a Dutch man-of-war
"of Flushing" brought slaves that summer to Jamestown,
but we have no conclusive evidence as to which ship left
them there. At all events the planters soon found it more
desirable to own a black man than to rent a white man.
The Third In 1612, a third charter joined the Bermudas to the
charter territory of Virginia and wrought a radical change in the
i6s, o.s.= organization of the London company. Since 1609, the
March 22, affairs of the corporation had been managed by the inner
16i2, n. s.
council of fifty, of which the treasurer and nineteen made a
quorum. Now there were to be each year "four Great and
General Courts -of the Council and Company of Adven-
turers for Virginia," with power to choose members of the
council, to nominate and appoint officers for the govern-
ment within the colony, and to make laws for the govern-
ment of the colony. These general courts were largely
attended and became scenes of animated democratic discus-
sion and debate, the advance agents of the Long Parliament.
Virginia Under the Charter 61
In 1613, Captain Argall bribed I 6 I 3
an Indian chief to betray Poca- The Lady
hontas into his hands. She was Rebecca
held as a hostage for the return
by Powhatan of English captives
and stolen arms and tools. Be-
cause of a superstitious fear, the
Indians concealed from the Eng-
A' lish her real name, Matoaka. In
SApril, 1614, she was married to
"R John Rolfe. Sir Thomas Gates
had returned to England leaving
Pocahontas the government to Sir Thomas
(From Smith's G.enrall Hitori,) Dale, and Dale gave his warm
approval to Rolfe's politic example. Pocahontas received
the baptismal name of the Lady Rebecca. Her marriage
secured for the English the lifelong good will of her father.
In the sum- Argall's
mer of 1613, Plundering
Argall to break
up the French
sailed in his
with sixty mus-
to sea service;
to board a ship
over the side
and aft, in rank (Fr Pocahontas
and aft, in rank (From painting taken from life)