• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Half Title
 Die streitfrage der chinesischen...
 The Shui-yang or Watersheep in...
 Le Si-ming, traite philosophique...
 The Landtax in China: A description...
 On the geographical distribution...
 Pidgin-English und sein verhaltniss...














Title: Actes du huitieme Congres international des orientalistes, tenu en 1889 a Stockholm et a Christiania ...
ALL VOLUMES CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00076222/00005
 Material Information
Title: Actes du huitieme Congres international des orientalistes, tenu en 1889 a Stockholm et a Christiania ...
Physical Description: Book
Publisher: E.J. Brill,
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00076222
Volume ID: VID00005
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: 15552572 - OCLC

Table of Contents
    Half Title
        Half Title 1
        Half Title 2
    Die streitfrage der chinesischen philosophen uber die menschliche natur
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
    The Shui-yang or Watersheep in Chinese accounts from Western Asia and the Agnus Scythicus or Vegetable lamb of the European mediaeval travellers
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
    Le Si-ming, traite philosophique de Tchang-tze, avec un double commentaire, traduit pour la premiere fois
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
    The Landtax in China: A description of its origin and development together with the nature and incidences of the present levy
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
    On the geographical distribution of the Turki branch of the Ural-Altaic Family of languages
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
    Pidgin-English und sein verhaltniss zu anderen mischsprachen
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
Full Text













IV.

SECTION DE L'ASIE CENTRAL ET DE
L'EXTREME ORIENT.


















Die Streitfrage der chinesischen Philosophen

iber die menschliche Natur.
Von

TETSUSIRO INOUYE.


VIlle Congres international des Orientalistes. Section de 1'Asie central et de
l'Extreme Orient. 1

















Die Streitfrage der chinesischen Philosophen iiber die mensch-
liche Natur.



Ob die menschliche Natur urspriinglich gut oder b6se sei,
war die Streitfrage der meisten von den chinesischen Philoso-
phen seit Confucius und Mencius bis auf die Moralisten der
Sun-Dynastie (960-1280 n. Chr.), welche iiberhaupt als die
letzte Aufkl]rungszeit in China angesehen werden muss. Denn
die verschiedenen moralischen Systeme, welche, wenn auch nicht
den Gesammtinhalt, doch den Hauptkern der chinesischen Phi-
losophie bilden, griinden sich auf die verschiedenen Auffassungs-
weisen der menschlichen Natur. Wenn die menschliche Natur
eigentlich gut ist, aber doch spiter b6se werden kinnte, dann
soil das Streben, zur unverdorbenen, urspriinglichen Reinheit
zurfickzukehren, das Hauptprinzip der praktischen Sittenlehre
sein. Wenn die Natur des Menschen aber an sich base wire,
dann soil man nur darnach streben, sich durch die guten Sitten
und Gebriuche zu bessern. Wenn man ferner zwei Eigenschaf-
ten, die gute und die bose, in der menschlichen Natur ver-
einigt sieht, oder wenn man sie im Gegensatz zu dieser Auf-
fassung weder fir gut noch fir bose halt, so kann man die
Lehre der praktischen Moral wiederum in anderer Weise zur
Geltung bringen. In der That haben die chinesischen Philoso-
phen fast alle m6glichen Versuche in dieser Hinsicht gemacht,
welche zur Folge batten, verschiedene moralische Schulen im
Laufe der Zeit entstehen zu lassen. Die kurze Darstellung die-
ser verschiedenen moralischen Richtungen in China wiirde, wie
mich diucht, ein nicht unbetruchtliches Interesse in denjenigen
erwecken, welche iiberhaupt das Himmlische Reich in Ostasien
zum Gegenstande ihres speciellen Studiums machen, well einer-








Tetsusir6 Inouye.


seits die Kenntniss dieser historischen Thatsachen fiir das Ver-
standniss der chinesischen Kultur in hohem Grade wichtig
zu sein scheint, und weil andererseits die europiischen Philo-
sophen gerade den Punkt, ob die menschliche Natur gut oder
bose sei, iusserst selten ausfiihrlich behandelt haben, ausge-
nommen Kant, welcher in seiner Schrift ,,Die Religion inner-
halb der Grenzen der blosen Vernunft" (1793) eine der Ansicht
mancher chinesischen Philosophen ziemlich ahnliche gelussert hat.
In den fiinf klassischen Biichern, welche Confucius (551-
479 v. Chr.) selbst festgestellt hat, aber besonders im 4 ,
Yi-ching, i $ K Shu-ching und g I Ski-citing, sind hie
und da Hindeutungen auf die Gutartigkeit der menschlichen
Natur, obgleich sie nie als ein Prinzip der Sittenlehre dar-
gestellt wurde. In dem Dialoge von Confucius, genannt
S I ..A '", welcher zuerst von seinen Schiilern nieder-
geschrieben zu sein scheint, finden wir zum ersten Mal eine
wichtige Erorterung in Bezug auf die menschliche Natur.
Confucius sagt daselbst: ,,Von Natur sind Menschen sich ein-
ander nahe, aber durch Erfahrungen werden sie von einander
entfernt". Hier in diesem Satze ist es nicht ausdriicklich ge-
sagt, dass die Natur des Menschen gut sei, aber doch gab er
manchen spateren Philosophen die Veranlassung zur Erliute-
rung, dass die menschliche Natur urspriinglich gut sei, und
dessalb alle Menschen in der unverdorbenen Kindheit sich einan-
der nahestehen, dass aber, da die Meisten durch Erfahrungen
und Gewohnheiten bose werden konnen, wahrend die Anderen
die urspriinglichen guten Eigenschaften bei sich fest behalten,
die Menschen solcherart im Laufe der Zeit, je mehr sie sich
entwickeln, desto mehr in moralischer Hinsicht von einander
entfernt und verschieden werden. Anderswo im oben erwahnten
Buch driickt aber Confucius seine Meinung fiber den genann-
ten Punkt noch viel deutlicher aus, namlich: ,,Menschen wer-
den rechtschaffen geboren, und diejenigen, welche unrecht-
schaffen geboren werden, leben nur durch das Gliick fort".
Hier betrachtet Confucius zweifelsohne die Rechtschaffenheit des
Menschen als seinen natiirlichen Zustand und das Gegentheil als
die Ausnahme oder die Abweichung von der gewohnlichen Fol-
gerung.
Der Enkel des Confucius namens Tsu-su, welcher die








Die Streitfrage der chinesischen Philosophen iiber die menschliche Natur. 5

Sittenlehre seines Grossvaters fortgebildet hat, scheint ebenfalls
die menschliche Natur gut genannt zu haben. Denn er sagt
in seinem Buch )f Chung-yung: ,,Was der Himmel gab,
das ist die Natur; der Natur zu folgen, das ist der Weg; den
Weg zu lernen, das ist die Erziehung". Wenn die Natur nicht
gut ware, dann kinnte, der Natur zu folgen, nicht als der
richtige Weg, auf welchem alle Menschen gehen sollen, ange-
sehen werden; folglich kiante, diesen Weg zu lernen, nicht als
sittliche Erziehung gelten. Deshalb konnen wir mit Sicherheit
annehmen, dass auch Tsu-sz, wie sein Grossvater, die Gutartig-
keit der menschlichen Natur vorausgesetzt hat.
Mencius (373-289 v. Chr.), welcher anfangs die Philoso-
phie bei den Schiilern Tsu-su's trieb, hat zuerst begriindet,
dass die menschliche Natur anfangs gut sei, spater aber b6se
werden konne, und deshalb das sittliche Bestreben hauptsich-
lich darin bestehe, die schlechten Motive und schadlichen
Veranlassungen zu bekimpfen und die urspriingliche Reinheit
der Natur bestandig zu bewahren. Die Bosartigkeit in der sitt-
lichen Welt kommt nach ihm daher, dass die sinnlichen Be-
gierden, die schlechten Umgebungen und andere Anlasse die
anfangs gute und reine Natur des Menschen stets zu verderben
im Stande sind. An einer Stelle sagt er selbst: ,,Dass die mensch-
liche Natur gut ist, ist gerade, wie das Wasser nach unten
fliesst; denn es giebt weder Menschen, welche [urspriinglich]
base sind, noch Wasser, welches nicht nach unten fliessi"
(Kapitel & f K'a-ir-tsu-s8han). Ferner erklart er seine Mei-
nung in folgender Weise: ,,Die Baume auf dem Berge 2 1I[
Nieu-s/1an sind friiher sch6n gewesen; da dieser aber auf dem Felde
eines grossen Staates liegt, so wurden sie mit Axten zerhauen,
und so haben sie die Schonheit verloren. Wo man eine zeit-
weilige Ruhe eintreten lasst, und wo der Regen und Thau Feuch-
tigkeit spendet, da fehlen nicht frische Sprossen. -Aber da selbst
diese von Kiihen und Schafen gefressen werden, so sieht der Berg
kahl aus. Man sieht jetzt den kahlen Berg und glaubt, dass es
niemals darauf Baume gegeben habe. Das darfjedoch nicht als die
Natur des Berges angesehen werden. In gleicher Weise giebt es
im Menschen das Gewissen; dass man dasselbe aber verliert,
kommt daher, dass man es tagtiiglich verletzt und dessen Schon-








Tetsusirb Inony6.


heit verdirbt, gerade wie die Baume von Axten zerhauen wer-
den. Wihrend einer zeitweiligen Ruhe kommt das Gewissen
wieder zum Vorschein, aber da man es stets schadigt, so ist man
von den Thieren nicht weit entfernt. Es darf aber nicht daraus
geschlossen werden, dass man das Gewissen niemals gehabt habe,
weil solches durchaus nicht die Natur des Menschen ist" (ibid.).
Es ist ganz bemerkenswerth, dass wenigstens zwei Philosophen
in Europa selbstandig dieselbe Meinung wie Mencius gehabt
haben. ,Sanabilibus aegrotamus malis, nosque in rectum geni-
tos natural, si sanari velimus, adjuvat", sagt Seneca. Und J. J.
Rousseau sagt zu Anfang seines Buches ,,mile": ,Tout est bien,
sortant des mains de 1'auteur des choses; tout deg6nere entire
les mains de l'hommes" (Oeuvres completes, nouvelle edition,
Vol. VIII, p. 1). Anderswo sagt er wieder: ,,Posons pour maxime
incontestable que les premiers mouvemens de la nature sont
toujours droits: il n'y a point de perversity originelle dans le
coeur human: il ne s'y trouve pas un seul vice don't on ne
puisse dire comment et par of il y est entr6" ibidd., p. 189).
Im Gegensatz zu Mencius behauptet V T- Skiun-tsu, wel-
cher im dritten Jahrhundert vor Christo lebte, dass die mensch-
liche Natur bbse sei, und dass, wenn sie jemals gut wire,
solche Eigenschaft nur spater durch Erfahrungen erworben
werde und keine eigentliche Neigung der menschlichen Natur
sein miisse (Kapitel q i Hsing-o-pien). Da die mensch-
liche Natur nach seiner Lehre urspriinglich egoistisch zu sein
geneigt ist, so wird in der Welt, wenn man nur seiner
eigenen Natur folgt, Streit und Kampf entstehen, sodass
die Sittlichkeit des menschlichen Lebens dadurch vollig hatte
vernichtet werden kbnnen, wenn nichts dagegen eingewirkt
hatte. Deshalb muss man bestandig durch gute Erziehung
und Sittlichkeit sich bessern und die natiirliche Neigung
zur Sinnlichkeit und Selbstsucht niederdriicken. Ein krummes
Holzstick kann zun~chst nur durch Erwarmung und Biegung
gerade gemacht werden; und ebenso kann ein rauhes Metall
nur durch Schleifung in einen Zustand der Schirfe und des
Glanzes gebracht warden. In gleicher Weise sollen die Men-
schen sich Miihe geben, sich durch die kiinstlich erfundenen
Mittel das moralische Leben zu erwerben (ibid.). Shiun-isu ist
sonst ebenfalls, wie Mencius, ein eifriger Anhainger von Con-








Die Streitfrage der chinesischen Philosophen iiber die menschliche Natur. 7

fucius, aber nur in diesem Punkt ist er dem Mencius gerade
entgegengesetzt, und da iiberhaupt die meisten von den spL-
teren chinesischen Philosophen die Lehre des Letzteren ver-
ehrten, so wurde seine eigene Lehre im Laufe der Zeit ganz
und gar ausser Acht gelassen. Dem Skiun-tsu steht Horatius
nahe, denn er sagt: ,,Vitiis nemo sine nascitur". Aber noch
deutlicher hat Thomas Hobbes die B6sartigkeit in seinem Buch
,,De corpore politico" behauptet, worin er sagt, nachdem er eror-
tert hat, dass die Menschen natiirlich um die personliche Jberle-
genheit miteinander wetteifern: ,Further, since men by natural
passion are divers ways offensive one to another, every man
thinking well of himself, and hating to see the same in others,
they must needs provoke one another by words and other signs
of contempt and hatred, which are incident to all comparison,
till at last they must determine the pre-eminence by strength
and force of body" (English Works, Vol. IV, p. 83). Ebenfalls
setzt Schopenhauer im ganzen System seiner Philosophie die
Bosartigkeit der menschlichen Natur voraus.
Nach dem Philosophen f1 -T Tung-tsu, welcher zu Anfang
der ersten Han-Dynastie, d. h. im ersten Jahrhundert vor Christo,
lebte und die Lehre von Confucius fortgebildet hat, soil es
zwei Prinzipien, ein positives und ein negatives, in der Welt ge-
ben, wie auch die Menschen zwei verschiedene geistige Anlagen,
namlich Gemiithsbewegung und natiirliche Beschaffenheit, haben.
Die natiirliche Beschaffenheit entsteht, behauptet er weiter, aus
dem positive Prinzip, die Gemiithsbewegung aber aus dem ne-
gativen; was negative ist, ist niedrig; was positive ist, ist gut.
Ferner hat er ausdriicklich erklart, dass der, welcher die mensch-
liche Natur fiir gut halt, nur die positive Seite sehe, wahrend
der, welcher dieselbe fiir b6se halt, nur die negative Seite er-
wige. Hieraus sieht man unzweideutig, dass Tung-tsu an das
Vorhandensein beider guten und bdsen Elemente in der mensch-
lichen Natur geglaubt und deshalb die entgegengesetzten Schu-
len von Mencius und -N; -- in einem geschlossenen System
versohnt hat. Aber leider hat er Kosmologie und Ethik so
eng miteinander verwoben, dass seine Sittenlehre im prakti-
schen Leben keinen bedeutenden Einfluss iiben konnte. Uber-
dies findet man seine Theorie der menschlichen Natur gerade
nicht in seinem Hauptwerke, 42 C/tu-isieu-fany-lo,








Tetsusir8 Inouy6.


sondern nur gelegentlich angefiihrt, und zwar in dem Buche
2 # Lun-hong, das von einem einflussreichen Schriftsteller,
3E }~ Wang Chiong, herriihrt, welcher etwas spiter zur Zeit
der ersten Han-Dynastie lebte.
Rein ethisch hat S -T Yan-tsu (um 53 v. Chr. bis 18 n.
Chr.) zuerst die Theorie begriindet, dass die zweierlei Eigen-
schaften, gute und b6se, in der menschlichen Natur zusammen-
gemischt vorhanden sind. Da in der Natur des Menschen, be-
hauptet er, die guten und die b6sen Eigenschaften miteinan-
der vermischt sind, so wird man folgerichtig, wenn man nur
die guten sich entwickeln lisst, ein guter Mensch werden;
wenn man dagegen nur die bosen hervortreten lasst, so
wird man natiirlich ein bBser Mensch werden (Kapitel j(
_ J Sien-s~ion-pien). Man kann aber, nach seiner Lehre,
sich erst dann die guten Eigenschaften erwerben, wenn man
richtig unterrichtet wird; lernt man dagegen nicht, dann wird
man der entgegengesetzten Richtung zugeneigt sein. Deshalb
soil die Erziehung nur darin bestehen, auf die Natur Riick-
sicht zu nehmen und die gute Seite derselben hervortreten
zu lassen (Kapitel r )a Hsio-hsing-pien). Die Staatslehre
ist ebenfalls aus demselben Grundprinzip abgeleitet. ,,Das Grund-
prinzip der Politik ist", sagt er, ,,im Korper selbst" (Kapitel
A 1 0 Sien-chti-pien), d. h. Alles hUngt im Staatswesen da-
von ab, ob man die guten oder die bosen Eigenschaften des
Volkes auszubilden strebt.
Andererseits ist lu 1 Sti/n Yio, welcher ebenfalls unter
der Han-Dynastie lebte, der Meinung gewesen, dass dreierlei
Arten Natur im Menschen vorkommen, nSmlich die gute, die
bose und die, welche beide Bestandtheile enthhlt. Wir lesen in
seinem bedeutenden Buche Shion-ck/ien den folgenden,
interessanten Satz: ,Derjenige, welcher die gute Natur besitzt,
kann sie durch Erziehung vervollkommnen, wahrend derjenige,
welcher den b6sen Hang in sich hat, durch Gesetz griind-
lich geandert werden kann, aber die Kliigsten und Diimmsten
indern nie ihren angeborenen Zustand, wahrend diejenigen, in
welchen die guten und bosen Neigungen zugleich vorhanden sind,
die guten durch Erziehung zur Geltung bringen und die b6sen








Die Streitfrage der chinesischen Philosophen uiber die menschliche Natur. 9

durch Gesetz unterdriicken konnen" (Kapitel 0S 1 -- Tsa-
yen-hsia). Eine ganz ihnliche Ansicht hatte einer von den hervor-
ragendsten chinesischen Schriftstellern, V Han Chanyg-li,
welcher um die Mitte der Tan-Dynastie, d. i. im 9ten Jahrhundert
n. Chr., lebte und die Philosophie des Confucius und Mencius zu
erneuern bedacht war. ,,Die Naturarten des Menschen sind dreier-
lei", sagt er, ,,namlich die obere, die mittlere und die untere;
die obere kann nur gut sein, die mittlere kann entweder nac
oben oder nach unten hingeleitet werden, wahrend die untere
nichts anders sein kann als absolut bose" (Shmmtliche Werke,
Bd. XI). In Bezug auf die friiheren Philosophen Mencius,
Skiun-tsu und Yan-tsu bemerkt er Folgendes: ,,Als diese drei
Philosophen die menschliche Natur erlauterten, hatten sie nur
die mittlere im Auge, wahrend sie sowohl die obere als auch
die untere vollig ausliessen, d. h. eine hatten sie, so zu sa-
gen, aber die anderen zwei wussten sie nicht in Betracht zu
ziehen" (ibid.). Man kann hieraus ersehen, dass Han Chang-li,
sowie der friihere Philosoph Skian Yio, nicht der Meinung ge-
wesen ist, dass jedes Individuum in sich drei verschiedene Ar-
ten der Natur habe, dass er vielmehr nur behauptet, dass
manche Leute absolut gut, andere absolut base, wthrend die
dritten theilweise gut, theilweise bose und nicht so unveran-
derlich wie die zwei vorhergehenden seien. Es ist wohl m6glich,
wie manche chinesischen Gelehrten meinen, dass diese Theorie
von drei Arten der menschlichen Natur direkt oder indirekt von
Confucius herriihrt. Denn der Letztere hat einmal ausdriicklich
gesagt: ,,Der Klfgste sowie der Diimmste andern sich nicht",
w~hrend er anderswo ebenfalls behauptet, wie ich schon friiher
angefiihrt habe, dass die Menschen zu Anfang ihres Lebens
einander sehr nahe stehen, spiter aber, wenn sie sich mehr
und mehr entwickeln, hunter ihnen je nach den Umgebungen
und Erfahrungen die personlichen Verschiedenheiten hervor-
treten.
Wieder eine andere Lehre, genannt ,,Riickkehr-Theorie", hat
S Li Shi-tsi, der Zeitgenosse und zugleich der Lehrer
des Han Chang-li, ebenfalls unter der Tan-Dynastie hervorge-
bracht, ndmlich die, dass man zur urspriinglichen Natur zuriick-
zukehren streben soil. ,,Dass man ein Weiser werden kann", sagt
er, ,,hangt von der Natur ab, und dass man seine Natur zum








TetsusirO Inouy6,


Bbsen hinneigen lasst, kommt von der Gemfithsbewegung. Die
Freude, der Zorn, die Trauer, die Furcht, die Liebe, derHass
und die Begierde, diese sieben verschiedenen Eigenschaften ent-
springen alle aus der Gemiithsbewegung; und deshalb tritt,
wenn die Gemfithsbewegung sich zu verderben anfangt, auch die
Natur gleichsam in die Verborgenheit zuriick..... Wenn die
Gemiithsbewegung nicht aufh6rt, so wird es unm6glich sein,
zu der Natur zuriickzukehren und dadurch die ganze Welt
grenzenlos zu beleuchten" (A f L Won-y oan-ing-oa,
Bd. CCCLXV). Ferner sagt er: ,,Die Gemuithsbewegung ist so-
wohl wild als auch unrecht. Was unrecht, und was wild ist,
ist Beides etwas Unbestimmtes; wenn solch eine wilde Ge-
miithsbewegung aber einmal aufhort, dann tritt die Natur rein
und klar hervor und erfiillt selbst den ganzen Raum. Das
ist die Art und Weise, wirklich zur Natur zuriickzukehren"
(ibid.). Eine ahnliche Meinung haben schon friiher I T- Lau-
tsu, m T~- COhoan-tsu und -t f .3- Hoai-nan-tsu gelegentlich
gehussert, aber keiner von diesen hat die genannte Lehre systema-
tisch als Ethik ausgefiihrt. Im j M $ Tau-to-cking finden
wir nirgends das Wort JA[ /sing oder die menschliche Natur,
doch miissen wir annehmen, dass Lau-Isu in seiner philosophi-
schen Weltanschauung den Ursprung des Menschen fiir gut
h1lt und die Riickkehr zu dem Anfangspunkt als den richti-
gen Weg betrachtet. Im 28sten Kapitel z. B. sagt er: ,,Die ge-
wShnliche Tugend weight nicht mehr ab, und so kehrt man
zu der Kindheit zuriick". Sein Anhinger Ckoan-tsu sagt einmal
Folgendes: ,Das Yolk gerith anfangs in die Verworrenheit und
kehrt sich nicht zur Natur hin, und daher kommt es nicht
zum Anfang zuriick" (Kapitel j pM j1 SMtan-hsing-pien.). Im
Buche Hoai-nan-tsu finden wir den folgenden Satz: ,Das Stu-
dium der Weisen ist, die Natur zum Anfangspunkt zuriickzu-
bringen und den Geist im leeren Raum freien Schwung haben
zu lassen..... (Kapitel *3 I 1Ni Skiu-chiong-s/iun). Auch
hat Mencius zweimal in seinem Buche gesagt: ,,Zuriick zu
der Natur !" Aber bei ihm ist es die Hauptsache, die urspriing-
liche Natur zu bewakzren und von den verderblichen Erfahrun-
gen sich fern zu halten, wahrend Li Ski-tsi in seinen drei Ab-








Die Streitfrage der chinesischen Philosophen fiber die menschliche Natur. 11

handlungen iiber die menschliche Natur besonders den Punkt
betont, dass man zur angeborenen, reinen Natur zuriickkehren
soll, well man, wie er wahrscheinlich glaubt, schon im Ent-
wickelungsprocess verdorben ist.
Wahrend der Sun-Dynastie haben vor allem Rg Il A CWong
Ming-tau (geb. 1031 u. gest. 1085) und seinjiingerer Bruder g

wj )JI Chong I-choang (gest. 1107), welche beide einen bedeu-
tenden Einfluss auf die spiteren chinesischen und japanischen
Philosophen ausgeiibt haben, eine der des Yan-tsu ziemlich
ahnliche Theorie fiber die menschliche Natur ausgebildet. Der
Erstere sagt: ,,Was angeboren ist, nennt man Natur. Die Natur
ist aber der Charakter, der Charakter ist also [beziehungsweise]
die Natur; beide sind etwas Angeborenes. Man entwickelt in sich
die Charakter-Eigenschaften, in deren natiirlichen Anlagen beide
Elemente, das Gute und das B6se, sich befinden. Jedoch sind
diese zwei nicht von Anfang an in der Natur [eines Indivi-
duums] einander entgegengesetzt vorhanden, sondern Manche
sind von Kindheit an gut, wahrend Andere von Kindheit an
bose sind. Da dies die nothwendige Folgerung aus den Charak-
ter-Eigenschaften ist, so sind die guten freilich die Natur, und
die b6sen miissen auch die Natur genannt werden" ( g
. Erh-chong-choang-shu, Bd. I). Andererseits sagt aber sein
jiingerer Bruder Folgendes: ,Die Natur ist gerade die Vernunft,
und die Vernunft ist ganz gleich, sowohl in den Weisen i
Yao und # Shiun als auch in den Laien. Die Fihigkeit ent-
steht aber aus dem Charakter, und der Charakter kann entweder
rein oder unrein sein. Derjenige, welcher den reinen empfiingt,
wird weise, derjenige aber, welcher den unreinen erhalt, wird
dumm" ibidd., Bd. XIX). Hieraus ersieht man genau, dass der
Letztere die Natur und den Charakter ffir durchaus verschieden
hilt, wihrend der Erstere dieselben vllig identificirt. Doch es
unterliegt keinem Zweifel, dass beide Philosophen eine dualis-
tische Anschauung von der menschlichen Natur haben, dass
nimlich sowohl die guten als auch die b6sen Eigenschaften
zum Vorschein kommen. Nur behaupten sie nicht wie Yan-tsn,
dass in einern Individuum beide Eigenschaften enthalten seien,
oder dass sie sich in der Natur jedes Menschen zusammenge-
mischt befinden.








Tetsisir8 Inouy6.


Wie CGong I-choang unterscheidet # 3-O Ckang-tsu (gest. um
1077) den Charakter von der urspriinglichen Natur. ,,Nach der
Entstehung der Form kommt der Charakter hervor", sagt er
in seinem Buche J E Cliong-mung; ,sobald man zu dem
Urzustande zuriickkehrt, tritt die weltliche Natur heran. Des-
wegen halten die Edlen den Charakter nicht ffir die Natur"
(Kapitel Ij a C/ong-ming-pien). Ungefahr in demselben
Zeitalter haben in 1 6 Su-ma Won-kung und 3 ffI j /.
Wan Ching-kung beide die Theorie des Yan-tsu fiber die mensch-
liche Natur unterstiitzt, wahrend f Su Tung-po und

)j V Ho o Wut-fung behaupteten, dass die Natur des Men-
schen weder gut noch b6se sei. Diese sind etwa wie Latitudinarier
der Neutralitat oder Indifferentisten und jene sind vielmehr den
Latitudinariern der Coalition oder Synkretisten vergleichbar ').
Der einflussreichste Philosoph unter der Sun-Dynastie, names
+ -T Chi-tsu (geb. um 1129 u. gest. um 1200), welcher
sich besonders als Kommentator der klassischen Bucher ver-
dient gemacht, hat hauptsachlich die Lehre von Ci/ong Ming-
tan, C/hong I-choang und C/Iang-tsu fortgebildet und in seiner
Sittenlehre die Thatsache vorausgesetzt, dass es zweierlei Na-
turanlagen, namlich die angeborene gute, vernfinftige Beschaf-
fenheit und die der Bosartigkeit geneigten Charakter-Eigen-
schaften gebe. ,,Die klare Tugend", sagt er, ,,bekommt man
vom Himmel; sie ist ungest6rt, wunderbar und keineswegs
dunkel; sie besitzt alle mdglichen vernfinftigen Beschaffen-
heiten und ist im Stande, alien ausseren Erscheinungen ent-
gegenzukommen. Da sie jedoch von der Dispositionsneigung
hingerissen und von den menschlichen Begierden verdeckt wer-


1) Nach einer Angabe ( E Shion-clienY soil l
Kung-sung Ni-tsu (unter der Chii-Dynastie) ebenfalls behauptet haben, dass
es weder gute noch base Eigenschaften in der menschlichen Natur gebe; aber nach
anderer Angabe (S 9 Lun-hong, Bd. TII) hat er, sowie f ? Ski Shio,
tS3 T? BfY Tung Tsu-tsieng und 'j. S Chi Tiau-kai, gelehrt, dass
die menschliche Natur sowohl gut als auch bose sei. Doch ist die genaue Darstel-
lung seiner Sittenlehre uns noch villig unbelannt.








Die Streitfrage der chinesischen Philosophen fiber die menschliche Natur. 13

den kann, so ist sie manchmal dadurch verdunkelt. Doch ist
die Klarheit ihres urspriinglichen Zustandes nie als vernichtet
zu denken. Deshalb soil man, wenn sie wieder zum Vorschein
kommt, die Gelegenheit festhalten, und von da an zu dem
Anfangspunkt zuriickzukehren streben" (im Kommentare zum
*i Ta-/sio). An anderer Stelle sagt derselbe Folgendes:
,Die Natur aller Menschen ist gut, aber das Verstandniss kann
entweder friiher oder spiter herantreten. Deshalb swollen diejeni-
gen, welche spater das Verst~ndniss erreichen, sicher den Hand-
lungsweisen derjenigen folgen, welche im Stande sind, das Ver-
standniss sich frilher entwickeln zu lassen; und dadurch sol-
len sie, was gut ist, klar einsehen und dann zum Anfangs-
punkt zuriickkehren" (im Kommentare zum -~ Ln-yii).
Hieraus ersieht man, dass die praktische Ethik dieses Philoso-
phen gerade wie bei Li Shi-tsi hauptsachlich darin besteht, die
schlechte Neigung niederzudriicken und dadurch den urspriing-
lichen Zustand wieder zu erlangen. Die Theorie Cii-tu's, dass
es zweierlei Naturarten in jedem Individuum gebe, ist der Ci-
cero's vielfach l hnlich, denn der Letztere sagt: ,,Duplex est
enim vis animorum atque natural; una pars in appetite~ posita
est, quae est 6pp. graece, quae hominem hue et illuc rapit,
altera in ratione, quae docet et explanat, quid faciendum fu-
giendumque sit. Ita fit, ut ratio praesit, appetitus obtemperet".
Es ist auch bemerkenswerth, dass Chii-tsu, wenn er meint,
dass das, was urspruinglich gut ist, niemals von Grund aus
vernichtet werden kinne, obzwar es bestandig von den sinnli-
chen Neigungen verdunkelt werde, mit der ethischen Ansicht
des Kdnigsberger Philosophen Kant iibereinstimmt. Im ersten
Stiick seiner Schrift ,,Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der
blosen Vernunft" sagt Kant Folgendes: ,,Die Wiederherstellung
der urspriinglichen Anlage zum Guten in uns ist also nicht
Erwerbung einer verlorenen Triebfeder zum Guten; denn diese,
die in der Achtung fiirs moralische Gesetz besteht, haben wir
nie verlieren konnen, und ware das Letztere moglich, so wiir-
den wir sie auch nie wieder erwerben" (Simmtliche Werke,
herausgeg. von Hartenstein, Bd. VI, S. 140). Mit C( -:' scheint,
k6nnte man wohl sagen, die Streitfrage iiber die menschliche
Natur zu Ende gebracht worden zu sein. Denn fast alle spate-
ren Moralisten und Philosophen, z. B. j A 3 Tsong Pei-si,









Tetsusirb Inouyg.


ESS Aki I Shie Tsing-skoan, 4-79 l Hou Tsing-chai und
m. a. haben seine ,,Riickkehr-Theorie" angenommen, weil diese
der Lehre von Confucius und Mencius nicht entgegengesetzt
ist, sondern sehr wohl mit ihr vers6hnt werden kann.
Hier diirfte wohl am Platze sein, die bisher erwahnten Mei-
nungsverschiedenheiten in der Form einer Tabelle wiederzuge-
ben. Die Philosophen, welche die ,,Riickkehr-Theorie" behaup-
tet haben, warden hier auch unter diejenigen klassificirt warden,
welche die dualistische Anschauung des natiirlichen Hangs ver-
treten.
Ist die Natur gut oder b6se?

Eines (monistisch) Beides (dualistisch) Nichts (nihilistisch)

entweder oder sowohl als weder noch

Tung-tsu und Yan-
gut bdse tsu, Su-ma Won-kung
und Wan Ching-kung Su Tung-po und
Hou Wu-fung
Confucius Shiun-tsu Li S8i-tsi, Briider
u. Chong, Chang-tsu und
Mencius Chi-tsu
Shiun Yio und Han Chang-li.
Da der Zweck dieser Abhandlung ist, die historischen That-
sachen genau zusammenzustellen, so mbchte ich nicht in die
rein philosophische Frage hineingerathen; doch wiirde es nicht
ganz unpassend sein, hier am Schlusse mein eigenes Urtheil
iiber die genannte Streitfrage hinzuzufiigen. Nun, vor allem wird
Niemand die Thatsache bestreiten, dass alle Menschen mora-
lisch unvollkommen sind, und dass keiner trotz aller Bestre-
bung moralisch vollkommen warden kann. Der moralisch Beste
hunter den Menschen kann niemals ganz und gar von den der
Tugend entgegengesetzten Handlungen freibleiben; und auch
beim Schlechtesten fehlen nicht ganzlich etwaige moralisch gute
Handlungen. Einen absolut guten sowie einen absolut b6sen
Menschen kann es nicht in der Welt geben. Deshalb darf man
annehmen, dass es sowohl Gutes als auch Boses in Jedem giebt,
obgleich das Eine in dem Einen und das Andere in dem Ande-









Die Streitfrage der chinesischen Philosophen fiber die menschliche Natur. 15

ren vorwiegend sein kann. Das Vorhandensein von dreierlei Na-
turanlagen, das Shiun Yio und Han Cihang-li behaupten, ist
kaum denkbar. Die Behauptung, dass die menschliche Natur
weder gut noch bdse sei, ist ebenso unhaltbar, weil Jeder durch
Vererbung diesen oder jenen bestimmten Naturhang hat, der,
wenn er sich entwickelt, gute und bbse Handlungen hervor-
treten lassen kann. Daraus lasst sich schliessen, dass Yan-tsu
und Andere, welche das Vorhandensein beider Naturanlagen be-
haupteten, allein der Wahrheit nahekommen.

















The Shui-yang or Watersheep
in Chinese accounts from Western Asia
and

The Agnus Scythicus or Vegetable lamb
of the European mediaeval travellers.

By

GUSTAV SCHLEGEL.


VIIIe Congrbs international des Orientalistes. Section de 1'Asie central et de
l'Extreme Orient. 2




















The Shui-yang (A -) or Watersheep
in Chinese accounts from Western Asia

and

The Agnus Seythicus or Vegetable lamb
of the European mediaeval travellers.




There is, perhaps, in the whole range of curious accounts
found in Chinese works on the West, none so mysterious and
inexplicable as that of the S/ui-yangy 7 or "Watersheep".
Various have been the attempts of scholars to solve the mystery,
but all acknowledge that they have failed; and they have left
the solution an open question. Colonel Yule (Cathay, Vol. I, pp.
LVII and 144) referred these accounts to the stories of the
Lambplant of the Volga related by friar Odoric. Bretschneider
(On the knowledge possessed by the ancient Chinese of the
Arabs etc., p. 24) ii -.e- that the Byssus, or the threadlike
excrescences of some seashells (especially Pinna squamosa) was
to be referred to the stuff woven from the wool of the water-
sheep. In his Mediaeval Researches from Eastern-Asiatic sources,
I, 154, Dr. Bretschneider, however, refers the animal again
to the Agnus Scythicus of friar Odoric, which is only shifting
one myth for another. For it was quite impossible to make
any proper guess before it was known what friar Odoric meant
by his vegetable lamb of Tartary, which, till the year before








Gustav Schlegel.


last, was a mystery as puzzling as that of the Chinese
watersheep.
We have to thank Mr. Henry Lee for the solution of this
mystery. Under the title of "The vegetable lamb of Tartary,
a curious fable of the Cottonplant", published in 1887 in Lon-
don, he has victoriously established the fact that nothing but
the cottonplant was meant by the wild accounts reported by
the superstitious and credulous friar.
But is now the Watersheep identic with Odoric's Vegeta-
ble lamb?
Dr. Hirth (China and the Roman Orient., p. 262) rightly ob-
serves that the locality referred to by Odoric takes us too far
away from the Ta-1tsin territory, to consider the Shui-yang or
Watersheep a produce of the country. In fact, the Western
Vegetable lamb was only found in the neighborhood of the Volga,
in the land of the noble Tartar hord of Zavolka i. e. Za (beyond)
Volha (the Volga). But what then is meant by the Chinese
Watersheep, the description of which tallies in many respects
with that of this Vegetable lamb of Tartary? Our opinion, after
a more than two years study of the subject, is that the Chi-
nese have confounded two quite distinct things, viz: the cul-
tivation of the Cottonplant and the training of the Camel, from
both of which fine stuffs can be fabricated. Before laying before
you the proofs of what we here advance, we have to call your
attention to the fact that the Chinese accounts of that phrt of
Western Asia are peculiarly exact, though often seeming shroud-
ed in ambiguous and vague descriptions. For example we find
in the T'ien-chung ki (Y 4i =) the following notice:
"In the country of Hormus 1) is a breed of curious sheep,
with a large tail, often weighing 20 pounds; when they go
about, their tail is supported by a truck" 8).
We find a nearly literal passage in Herodotus (III, 113) who
says: "There are also in Arabia two kind of sheep worthy of

1) Situated at the Southern extremity of the Persian gulf, an important trading-
place during the middle-ages.

Ali M-fi~ ~~~~~ k C f ~t i








The Shui-yang and The Agnus Scythicus.


admiration, the like of which is nowhere else to be seen; the
one kind has long tails, not less than three cubits in length,
which, if they were allowed to trail on the ground, would be
bruised and fall into sores. As it is, all the shepherds know
enough of carpentering to make little trucks for their sheep's
tails. The trucks are placed under the tails, each sheep having
one to himself, and the tails are then tied down upon them" 1).
The same thing is done till this very day by the Syrian
and Egyptian shepherds with their fat-tailed sheep, the Ovis macro-
cercus. Pbppig (Illustrirte Naturgeschichte, Mammalia, p. 265)
says: "The longish tail of the Syrian and Egyptian sheep (Ovis
macrocercus) consists entirely of a lump of fat, which weighs
generally about 15 , but often reaches with the carefully fed
specimens the weight of 70 to 80 , and, as is said, even that
of 150 , when it becomes a troublesome appendage, painfully
trailed by the animal, or, when the shepherd is careful,
dragged about upon a small truck".
But this sheep is not only found in Syria and Egypt, but
also in Persia, in the country mentioned by our Chinese author.
Chardin 2), the well-known traveller in Persia, says: "Il y a
de ces moutons que nous appelons moutons de Barbarie, ou
A grosse queue, don't la queue pese plus de 30 livres. C'est un
grand fardeau que cette queue A ces pauvres animaux, d'au-
tant plus qu'elle est 6troite au haut, et large et pesante en
bas, faite en cceur. Vous en voyez souvent qui ne la sauraient
trainer, et A ceux-1A on leur met en quelques endroits la queue
sur une petite machine A deux roues, A laquelle on les attache
par un harnois, afin qu'ils la tirent plus facilement".
To take another example: As is well known, the ostrich is
no native of China, but has sometimes been brought there as
a curiosity. Its common name, to the present day, is that of
To niao (0 ,t ), the "Camelbird" or Lok-to iok (,, & %),
the "Camelcrane".
We read in the Fei-sin-sing-yang luk (. | 'f -)
that the "Camelhoofed fowl" (to-ti ki) is found in Dsheba (Juba,


1) G. Rawlinson, the History of Herodotus, II, 500.
2) Voyage en Perse, Vol. III, p. 380. Edition of 1811.








Gustav Schlegel.


south of Brawa, eastcoast of Africa) and in Aden 1); and in the
well-known Chinese work Ying-yai shing-lan ( I y W^ B )
we read: "In the country of Dzacffc (southcoast of Arabia) is
found the wild Camelfowl, which has a flat neck and the body
of a fowl; it resembles the crane, is 3 to 4 feet high, has
two toes at its feet, and wool like a camel. It struts like a
camel, whence it is called "Camelfowl" 2). But this is not
exactly the reason why this bird was called the Camelfowl. In
reality the Chinese travellers have only translated into Chinese
its native name. Niebuhr, in his description of Arabia 3) says
that the ostrich is called in Arabia "Thar ed sjimmel", i. e.
Camelbird. My learned colleague, Dr. de Goeje in Leiden,
whom I consulted respecting this question, told me that, accord-
ing to Damiri and Nowairi, the Arabs translated this name
from the Persian, in which language the ostrich is called osh-
termorgh (from osrter, camel, and morgh, bird). As will be
seen from both examples, the Chinese descriptions of foreign
animals are quite trustworthy, and, therefore, we hesitate
the less to place confidence in the Chinese accounts of the
S/iui-yang or Watersheep of the West.
The first mention of this curious animal is found in the
Books of the later Han-dynasty ( H), Chap. 88, com-
pleted in the earlier part of the 5th century *) where we find
the quotation: Af U1 A =-) T--%M i
f1 -ft Yeu si pst, kwok yen sh/ui-yang tscui, ye-tscac kien so-
iso/ ye. "They have fine cloth, which some say is made from
the down of the Watersheep and the cocoons of wild silkworms".
The expression lwoh e yen means in Chinese "It is said by some";
and Mr. Hirth (China and the Roman orient, p. 41) has made




1) ff N % 3 Ill I Ni o "", A M, i,



3) Dutch edition, Amsterdam 1774, p. 159.
4) Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 14.








The Shai-yang and The Agnus Scythicus.


a slight mistake in translating: "They further have "fine cloth",
also called down of the watersheep; it is made from the co-
coons of wild silkworms". If the Chinese author had intended
to say this, he would have written yik yen (jj f also called)
and not iwok yen (t some say). This view is amply
corroborated by a passage in Ma-twan-lin, kiuen 339, article
k t [ Ta-tscin, where we read: [ J M 8R f I H )
- q 40 y i fl Yeu clhih-ch/ing si pu, yen young
s4ui-yang ma, -.. "Ha/i-chuny pu". "They weave 'fine
cloth' for which it is said they use the wool of the Watersheep,
and which is called "Cloth of the sea", in which passage Mr.
Hirth (Op. cit., p. 80) has himself translated the words yenyung
by "they say they use".
The next mention of the Watersheep is found in the Old
books of the Tang-dynasty (r 4 9 ), written towards the
middle of the 10th century A. D. and embracing the period
A. D. 618-906, chapter 198, where we read:





"There are lambs which grow in the ground. The natives
wait till they are about to sprout, and then build a wall to
enclose them in order to prevent beasts coming from outside
devouring them. Now their navels are connected with the earth,
and if these are cut, they will die. But the people (i. e. the
shepherds) don their cuirasses, and gallop about on horseback,
beating (all the while) on drums, in order to frighten them.
The lambs then get afraid and, with a shriek, they rend their
navels, and are then driven into the waterpasturages".
This passage has in some places been incorrectly translated
by Mr. Hirth (Op. cit., p. 54) in so far as he has translated
the characters ckok kiak f91 "to put on a cuirass or armor"

1) My edition has the variant 7) V f Jj V
2) My edition has the variant tM J f fW








Gustav Schlegel.


by "after the people have fixed the buds themselves"; having
evidently come to this mistake by the supposition that the
Shui-yang must needs mean a plant, and not an animal, sup-
position which led him to translate kiak a cuirasss" by "a
bud" as kiah has also this meaning.
He has translated the last characters pien ckuh s8kui tsCao with
a point of interrogation, by: "and then the animal may be
taken off (separed from?) the waterplant". In the Errata he
corrects this thus: "And the animal may be turned to grass",
which translation is even more objectionable, as it might imply
the supposition that the lambs were changed into grass, whilst
the meaning is simply, that the lambs are now driven into
the pasturages to feed.
In my edition of the Kiu Tang shu follows the clause J -
-- I i yi t-rl-pik kCa wei kiun "they form flocks
of one to twohundred heads", which is in contradiction with
the statement in the Sin Tcang shu as we will presently see.
The account in this work (written during the middle of
the 11th century, about 1060 A. D.), chapt. 221, is nearly
identical.
We read there: El "They
weave the hair of the Watersheep into cloth, which is called
kai-si-pu" (Cloth from the west of the sea); and further on
it says:




"In the Northern districts are found sheep which grow in the
ground; their navels are connected with the ground, and, when
cut, the animal will die. The people gallop about on cuirassed
horses and beat on drums in order to frighten them, where-
upon the navel of the lambs is torn asunder, and they are then
driven into the waterpasturages. They don't make flocks".
In the Wei-lioh (0 -') compiled prior to A. D. 429, we
read the same passage occurring in Ma-twan-lin which we have
already cited. This same author says in chapter 330:
Rl t 4 A A 71 n R AR








The Shui-yang and The Agnus Scythicus.


"In a small district of the Northern dependent states, are
found lambs which grow spontaneously out of the ground.
People wait till the germs are about to sprout, and then pro-
tect them by an enclosure, for fear that the wild beasts might
devour them. Their navels are connected with the ground, and
when these are cut asunder, the lamb dies; but they frighten
them by beating things, when it is torn off. They are then
driven into the pasturages; they do not form flocks".
We next get the statement of Ch'ang Te in his voyage to
the West (] | P j 5 -) translated by Bretschneider in
his Mediaeval Researches, I, 154:




"The Lung-ckung yang (literally: "sheep planted on hillocks)
are produced in the western countries; the navel of the sheep
is planted in the ground and watered. When the (first) thun-
ders are heard, they begin to grow. Their navel is attached to
the ground. When they are full grown, the shepherds frighten
them by the noise of wooden clappers, when their navels are
torn off, and they go to browse grass. In autumn they can
be eaten, and in the navel is found again seed".
In the Yao tung show Loh kiao sze-yu (ff
5 |) is found the following statement:




M. it a ff I it _PT A T To IR t7ft N V 1
#C* 1z a't #iit

To the west of Ta-Mz-i (or great Mu-i) the population
knows to plant sheep. When they have butchered a sheep,
they use its skin and flesh, and only leave the bones, which
they bury in the earth on the last day of the first wintermonth.








Gustav Schlegel.


In spring, in the last or third month, before the last day, they
blow on reed pipes and pronounce spells, when the lambs grow
forth out of the earth. For each bone thus planted, they may
get several lambs. Thus this is another kind of extra-uterine
metamorphosis".
Lastly we find in the Chinese Encyclopedia Kih-chi king-yuen
( J4 I ^ ), kiuen 27, article f-i Mau pu or "Hair-
cloth" a citation from the K'ung-luh tieh (L 9 If) stating
that in the kingdom of Po-sze cloth is woven from the hair
of the Watersheep, which is called "Cloth of the west of the
sea" 1). Now Bretschneider 2) has proved that Po-sze is the
name of the kingdom of Persia, so that we have to look to
that country for the breedingplace of the Waterscheep.

II.
We will now give a rapid review of the classic and medi-
aeval accounts of the vegetable lamb of Tartary, the Borametz
or Barometz.
Herodotus (Lib. III, cap. 106), speaking of the usages of
the people of India, says: "Certain trees bear for their fruit
fleeces surpassing those of sheep in beauty and excellence, and
the natives clothe themselves in cloth made therefrom". Evid-
ently the cottontree is meant. Ctesias, Nearchus, the admiral
of Alexander the great, Aristobulus, another of his generals,
Strabo (Lib. XV, cap. 21), all refer to the use made by the
Indians of the wool of the cottontree.
The most accurate description of the cottontree has been
made by Theophrastus, a disciple of Aristotle, writing about
B. C. 306. He says 3): "The trees from which the Indians
make their clothes have leaves like those of the black mul-
berry, but the whole plant resembles the dogrose. They are
planted in rows on the plains, so as to look like vines at a
distance".
Again (in Cap. 9) he says: "In the island of Tylos, which
is in the Arabian (read Persian) gulf, the woolbearing trees


2) Notes and Queries on China and Japan, 1870, No. 69, p. 54.
8) De historic plantarum, Lib. IV, cap. 4.









The Shui-yang and The Agnus Scythicus.


which grow there abundantly, have leaves like the vine, but
smaller. They bear no fruit, but the pod containing the wool,
is about the size of a spring apple (goAov eapo'dv), whilst it is
unripe and closed, but when it is ripe it opens: the wool is
then gathered from it, and woven into clothes of various qua-
lities some inferior, but others of great value".
Mr. Henry Lee observes (Op. cit., p. 48) that this description
is remarkably correct; its mode of growth branched, spread-
ing and flexible making it like the dogrose; and its pal-
mate leaves bearing a close resemblance to those of the black
mulberry, which differ little from the leaves of some varieties
of the vine. The remark relative to the mode of cultivation
being also exactly applicable to the cottonplant, which is set
in rows about four feet asunder, and the plants about two feet
apart, so that a field of it resembles a vineyard when seen
from a distance".
It is very probable, too, as Mr. Lee suggests (Op. cit., p.
50), that the double signification of the Greek word Axov,
apple or sheep, used in his description by Theophrastus, has
contributed a good deal to the origin of the legend of "sheep
growing upon trees", though we will show in the sequel that
this was not the sole reason.
Claude Duret, of Moulins 1), says: "I remember to have read
some time ago in a very ancient Hebrew book entitled in
Latin the Talmud lerosolimitanum, and written by a Jewish Rabbi
Jochanan, in the year of salvation 436, that a certain person-
age, named Moses Chusensis, affirmed, on the authority of
Rabbi Simeon, that there was a certain country of the earth
which bore a zoophyte, or plant-animal, called in Hebrew Je-
duaa. It was in form like a lamb, and from its navel grew a
stem or root by which this zoophyte or plant-animal was fixed,
attached, like a gourd, to the soil below the surface of the
ground, and, according to the length of its stem or root, it
devoured all the herbage which it was able to reach within the
circle of its tether. The hunters who went in search of this
creature were unable to capture or remove it until they had
succeeded in cutting the stem by well-aimed arrows or darts,


1) IIistoire admirable des Plantes, 1605.








Gustav Schlegel.


when the animal immediately fell prostrate to the earth and died".
Upon the request of Mr. H. Lee, Dr. Hermann Adler, chief
Rabbi delegate of the United congregations of the British Em-
pire, furnished him with some more informations on the sub-
ject. Rabbi Simeon, of Lens (died about 1235), wrote: "It is
stated in the Jerusalem Talmud that the Adne Hasadek, ment-
ioned in the Mishna Kilaim (Chap. VIII, 5), is a human
being of the mountains; it lives by means of its navel; if its
navel be cut, it cannot live. I have heard in the name of
Rabbi Meir, the son of Kallonymos of Speyer, that this is the
animal called Jedual ..... A kind of large stem issues from a
root in the earth, on which this animal, called Jadua, grows,
just as gourds and melons. Only the fadua has, in all respects,
a human shape, in face, body, hands and feet. By its navel it
is joined to the stem that issues from the root. No creature
can approach within the tether of the stem, for it seizes and
kills them ..... When they want to capture it, no man dares
approach it, but they tear at the stem until it is "ruptured,
whereupon the animal dies".
We next get the wild account of friar Odoric of Friuli in
1330, running: "I heard of another wonder from persons worthy
of credit, namely, that in a province of the Grand Can,
in which is the mountain of Capsius ') (the province is called
Kalor), there grow gourds, which, when they are ripe, open,
and within them is found a little beast like unto a younglamb".
Mandeville, whose voyage was published some 30 years
later, reports the same story: "And there growethe a manner
of Fruyt, as though it were Gourdes: and whan thei ben
rype, men kutten hem ato and men fynden with inne a
lytylle Best, in Flesche, in Bon and Blode, as though it were
a lytylle Lamb with outen Wolle. And Men eten both the
Frut and the Best; and that is a great Marveylle. Of that
Frute I have eaten; alle though it were wonderfully, but
that I knowe well, that God is marveyllous in his Werkes".
We must refer our readers to the interesting work of Mr.
H. Lee for an account of all the wild speculations based upon

1) Mr. Lee remarks (Op. cit., p. 1I): "probably an error of transcription for
Caspius. The mountain of Caspius (now Kasbin) is about 80 miles due south of
the Caspian sea, and in Persian territory, near Teheran".








The Shui-yang and The Agnus Scythicus.


these travellers reports by the mediaeval savants, and will
only mention that one traveller, Sigismund, Baron von Her-
berstein, says in his Rerum Muscoviticarum Commentarii "that
the vegetable lamb was the favourite food of wolves and
other rapacious animals". Scaliger 1), however, says, that only
wolves attacked the vegetable lamb, but no other carnivorous
animals.
Now we have learned from the Chinese reports, that the
Shli-3yag, or Watersheep, was protected against these wild beasts
by an enclosure.
As we have observed in the beginning of our lecture, Mr.
H. Lee has abundantly proved that nothing else but the cot-
tonplant was meant by the description of the Vegetable lamb
of Tartary. But he has left some statements unexplained.
Firstly, as far as we have been able to ascertain, the cot-
tonplant was not cultivated in the country where the Vegetable
lamb grew, on the westside of the Volga; neither was it grown
in Persia. Engelbrecht Kaempher, who accompanied in 1683
an embassy to Persia, reported on his return ') that he had
searched "ad risum et nauseam" for this zoophytee feeding on
grass", and that all accounts of a sheep growing upon a plant
were mere fiction and fable". John Bell, of Antermony 3), avail-
ed himself of the opportunity afforded him by a diplomatic
journey to Persia in 1715-1722, to endeavour to obtain au-
thentic information respecting the Vegetable lamb. He found
that nothing was known of it in the country where it was
supposed to be indigenous. His opinion was that the fable of
the Vegetable lamb was due to the use of the socalled Astracan
sheepwool, which, as well known, was obtained by the slaught-
ering the pregnant sheep, and taking the fine, curly wool from
the unborn lamb.
The abb6 Chappe-d'Auteroche, during his visit to Tartary ),


1) Exotericarum Exercitationam lib. XV: "De Subtilitate": ad Hieronymum
Cardanum. Excercit. 181, cap. 29 (Frankfort, 1557).
2) Amoenitatum Exoticarum politico-physico-medicarum fasciculi X, lib. 3. Obs.
1. (Lemgo, 1712).
3) Travels from St. Petersburg in Russia to various parts of Asia in 1716, 1719,
1722 etc. (London, 1764).
4) Voyage en Siberie, Paris, 1768.








Gustav Schlegel.


about half a century later than John Bell, sought for the
"Scythian lamb" with equal earnestness and with similar want
of success. Mr. H. Lee (Op. cit., 58-60) supposes that the
transferring of the place where the Vegetable or Scythian lamb
grew from India (called by the ancients Indo-Scythia) to Tar-
tary was due to the fact that in course of time the name of
Scythia in Asia became merged in that of Tartary.
This would do very well for the European accounts of the
Vegetable lamb, but will not hold good for the Chinese accounts,
which distinctly refer the growingplace of the Watersheep to
Ta-tscin, Persia and adjacent countries. Ma-Twan-lin (kiuen 339,
article Ta-tsci') says: "In this country are many lions....
The people weave "fine cloth" for which it is said they use
the wool of the Watersheep, and which is called "Cloth of the
sea". They make of it rugs (kcii sau), mats (thah), carpets (ci),
curtains (c/hay2) and suchlike articles, whose colouring is brighter
than that of the stuffs produced in all the countries to the
east of the sea" ).
Now rugs, mats and carpets may be made of hair or wool,
but can hardly be made of cotton. But, as is well known, the
finest stuffs in Persia are woven from camelhair. Chardin 2) says:
"Le poil de chameau est la meilleure toison de tons les ani-
maux domestiques; on en fait des etoffes fort fines"; and, else-
where "), he continues: "Les 6toffes de poil de chameaux se font
particulibrement a Yesde et a Kirman dans la Caramanie. 1ls
appellent cette line de chameaux Teftik et aussi Kourk".
Let us now see if the natural history of the camel will not
give us the clue to the Chinese accounts of the Watersheep
and of the unexplained parts of the European accounts of the
Vegetable lamb.
Poppig, in his Illustrirte Naturgeschichte des Thierreichs, I,
p. 227, informs us "that the time of gestation of the female


1 1 T. 9 N ^o ^ n 1. 1 ism ^ @c ^


2) Voyage en Perse, Vol. 3, p. 377.
3) Op. cit., p. 154.








The Shui-yang and The Agnus Scythicus.


camel is twelve months, when she brings forth one young, which
is born with open eyes and the rudiments of a hump, but with-
out weals on its breast and legs; that the young is suckled
during an entire year, and only gradually learns to graze. It only
shows signs of puberty in the second year after its birth, is
never full-grown before its fourth year, and only reaches its full
maturity in its seventh year".
Chardin (Op. cit. 3, p. 377) says, speaking of the camels: "Une
chose remarquable en ces animaux c'est que quand ils s'accou-
plent, les femelles sont A terre, couches sur le venture, comme
quand on les charge. Elles portent leurs petits onze a douze
mois durant, et quand elles les ont mis au monde, on les couche
sur le venture, les quatre pieds plies dessous, et on les tient les
quinze on vingt premiers jours, nuit et jour, dans cette posture,
pour les accoutumer a s' tenir. Ils ne couchent jamais autrement".
And here, we think, we have got the clue to the Chinese
fable of the Watersheep. The camel is such an invaluable animal
in all countries consisting for the greater part of barren deserts,
that its breeding and training are a question of prime import-
ance. As we see, it takes seven years to get a full-grown camel,
able to carry burdens. It has to be suckled a full year, and it
only learns very slowly to feed upon plants. In order to accust-
om the animal to kneel down in order to be charged with its
freight, it has to be trained from its very birth to do so, and
this is effected, as Chardin tells us, by tying the legs of the
young animal under its belly and keeping it in this position
for 15 or 20 days after its birth. After that it is suckled a
whole year longer, before it is led into the pasturages. Of course,
it was necessary to protect the animals during this time against
the wild beasts at large, and, consequently, they were enclosed
by a wall (a kraal) exactly as our Chinese informants tell
us. Now it is quite plausible that, in order to force the young
camels to leave the cosy and warm kraal for the blasts of the
open pasturages, the herdsmen donned their cuirasses, went
about galloping on horseback, beating drums or making any
other amount of noise, in order to frighten the young camels
and making them get up from their crouching position. All
this agrees with the Chinese accounts. How the mediaeval tra-
vellers came to the notion of the lamb being perched upon a








32 Gustav Schlegel, The Shui-yang and The Agnus Scythicus.

stem, is easily to be explained. The author of the Si-yang-
tsah-tsu (#4j r# 4 f) says that those camels,, which in
crouching bend their legs, without their belly touching the
ground, so that the daylight may be seen betwixt, run the
farthest '). The inexperienced eye, seing the young animal lying
down motionless, seemingly without touching the ground, as
the light could be seen underneath its belly, the mistake might
easily arise that it was supported upon a stem or stalk.
In accepting our hypothesis that the Chinese accounts of the
Watersheep, as, also, the European mediaeval accounts of the
Vegetable lamb, refer partially to the camel, partially to the
wool of the unborn lambs and partially to the cottonplant, all
difficulties will be easily solved.
For it is very easy to see that the Chinese accounts of the
butchering of the sheep, which had to be planted again, refer
to the cruel custom of butchering the pregnant sheep, in order
to obtain the fine wool from the unborn lamb, as practized in
Astracan.
That the Chinese mistook the young dromedary or onehump-
ed camel for a sheep is not unnatural. In China itself the
camel is unknown. Wild camels (Y % ye to) are only met
with in the deserts northwest of China proper; and in
Mongolia only the twohumped camel is indigenous. General
Chang kien (^ ,, 2d century before our era) was the first
to bring accounts of the "onehumped camel" which he saw
in the country of the Massagetae, to China 2). But neither he, nor
any of the later travellers, saw how the young camels were
brought up, and only obtained their informations by hearsay;
the natives keeping, of course, anxiously secret the source
whence they derived the costly stuffs fabricated from the hair
of the camel, the wool of the unborn Astracan lambs, and the
Indian cotton, for which stuffs high prices were paid.




2) } j n Rc A.Viale 8 and Bretschnei-
der in Chinese Recorder, Jan. a. Feb. 1875, p. 15.




















Le Si-ming,

Traite philosophique de Tchang-tze,

avec un double commentaire,

traduit pour la premiere fois
par

C. DE HARLEZ.


VIle Congres international des Orientalistes. Section de 1'Asie central et de
1'Extreme Orient. 3


















Le Si-ming,


Traite philosophique de Tchang-tze,

avec un double commentaire,

traduit pour la premiere fois.




Introduction.

Le Si-ming on ,,Manuel de l'ouest" est un trait philoso-
phique, tres court mais renomme, du philosophy Tchang-tai qui
v6cut de 1020 A 1067, et prit une large part au movement
des 6tudes de cette 6poque. Tchang-tai, plus connu sous son
nom d'6cole ,,Tchang-tze" (Tchang le maitre) ou sous son titre
posthume ,Tchang-ming-tao" (a intelligence brillante) 6tait
contemporain de Tcheou-tun-y, le fondateur du systeme onto-
logique qui regne en Chine depuis lors et que Tchou-hi mit
specialement en vogue. I1 fit parties de cette pl6iade de philoso-
phes qui illustrerent le temps de regne des Songs et ne fut
pas 1'un des moins illustres.
Tcheou-tun-y, ou Tcheou-tze, avait ouvert la voie par la pu-
blication de son T'ai-kil-t'u ou ,,Tableau du Premier Principe"
et du Tong-8su ou ,,Trait6 approfondi" inaugurant ainsi la
nouvelle cole qui enseignait pour la premiere fois le Sing-li
ou principle e rationnel de la nature" 1). Tchang-tze qui donnait

1) Lao-tze, le premier et seul jusque la, avait recherche 1'origine de 1'dtre et
1'avait trouvge dans le Tao ou l'lntelligence eternelle. Tcheng-tze introduisit le Pre-
mier Principe sans principle (T'ai kih wu kil), Atre absolu, sans personnalit4, d'oa
6manent le principle actif, spontane et le principle rkceptif, reactif, don't I'action
combinee produit toute chose. Voir le Sing-li t'inq-y, Part. I, II, dans mon
livre: L'Vcole philosophique moderne de la CAine.









C. de Harlez.


ses lemons en meme temps que lui, se fit son disciple et entra
dans la voie tracee par le maitre, tout en conservant son ori-
ginalit6 propre. Il est cite dans les lives chinois comme un
module d'ardeur A propager 1'enseignement de ce qu'il tenait
pour vrai et de zele A soigner les 6tudiants d'une intelligence
meme assez bornee.
II a laiss6 plusieurs traits, mais les deux plus c6elbres, les
deux seuls memes qui aient une notoriety quelque peu consi-
derable, sont le Tcieng-meng et notre Si-ming.
Le premier, plus considerable, expose les principles ontolo-
giques, psychologiques et moraux de la nouvelle cole. Devant
nous en occuper dans une autre publication, nous n'en dirons
rien dans ce travail. Remarquons seulement qu'il jouit d'une
grande autorit6 et que Tcheng-y-tchouen 1), entire autres, le
proclamait 6gal au livre de Meng-tze Yu Meng-tze.... tong W


Le Si-ming bien que se r6duisant A 253 mots n'en eut pas moins
de retentissement. Les maitres de 1'ecole en faisaient l'Bloge
le plus pompeux. ,,I1 faut avoir l'habilet6 de Tchang-tze pour
6crire un tel livre" disait Tcheng-tze. Interrog6 sur la valeur
de ce trait Tchou-hi repondit: ,,C'est un livre plein de choses
profondes; celui qui fait ce qui y est enseign6 est un saint.
Sa doctrine est aussi 6lev6e que son language est simple".
Tcheng-tze estimait par dessus tout le S:-.' et l'employait
seul, dans son cole, comme manuel et base de ses lemons.
Comme on peut bien le penser, les lettr6s rests fiddles t
la pure doctrine de Kong-tze n'approuvaient point le nouveau
systeme et s'61evaient centre les doctrines des deux novateurs.
Au Si-ming on faisait sp6cialement la guerre parce qu'il renou-
velait, pensait-on, les erreurs du philosophy Mih-ti 2), si violem-
ment combattues par Meng-tze.


1) Tcheng-y, fr6re de Tcheng-tze ct non moins celebre que lui, principalement
comme commentateur des Kings. Aussi Tchou-hi le suivit-il g6ndralement. Ne
en 1033, il mourut en 1107.
2) Mih-ti on Mih-tze cellbre philosophy qui vdcut, selon toute apparence, an
commencement du IVe siecle A. C.; ii est certainement postdrieur a Kong-tze et ne
vivait plus a l'dpoque de Meng-tze. II prdehait l'amour de tous les homes on
.l'amour universal,, Kien gai, exposant a sati6et les consequences heureuses d'un









Le Si-ming avec commentaires.


Mih-ti enseignait la doctrine de l'amour universal et 6gal, c'est-
a-dire que l'homme devait aimer ses parents et l'humanit6 entire
d'un amour 6gal. C'6tait detruire les regles tracees par l'antiquit6
et le grand philosophy, relativement A la pi6et filiale; c'6tait une
impi6t6 propre a renverser tout l'6difice social: Mih-ti 6tendait cet
amour jusqu'aux choses. Dans une lettre adress6e a Tcheng-tze,
Yang-kin-sheu 1) exprimait, avec son admiration pour la doctrine
du Si-ming, la crainte que ses terms trop g6n6raux ne conduisis;
sent A 1'amour universal et que les sages A venir ne condam-
nassent le maitre. Tchou-hi par contre, tout en passant con-
damnation quant au Tcieng-9meng 2), defendait le Si-ming. ,Ce
livre", disait-il, expose ce qui n'a pas 6t6 dit par les anciens sages.
Au fond ses theories reviennent a cells de Meng-tze sous d'autres
apparences. Tchang-tze n'admet qu'un principle qui se divise;
Mih-ti reconnaissait deux principles 3), deux bases sans division,
un droit 6gal pour les gens Ag6s et la jeunesse et niait toute
difference dans les devoirs de respect et d'affection, faisant ainsi
r6gner 1'6goisme et p6rir la charity; c'est an6antir le devoir mo-
ral (y). Mais ce n'est point lA ce que fait Tchang-tze". Toute-
fois, dans son commentaire sur ce livre, Tchou-hi avoue que


principle qui mettrait fin aux guerres, aux vexations, aux ddprddations et vols de
toute espece.
Meng-tze s'indignait de ce qu'h son 'poque .sa doctrine remplissait le monde".
.Elle d4truit", disait-il, ,la piedt filiale. Les tables de ces gens sont replies d'ani-
maux sains et gras et lears serviteurs ont le visage alterd par la faim. Si on ne les
arritait pas, la bontd et la justice seraient arretdes, les hommes se divoreraient entire
eux.. Cela pouvait 6tre vrai des disciples de Yang-shu, 1'ap6tre de 1'dgoisme, contre
lequel Meng-tze s'dl9ve en mime temps; mais rien n'etait plus contraire aux prin-
cipes de Mih-ti, qui protestait avec force contre l'accusation de diminuer la piedt
filiale. II pr6tendait au contraire en rendre les devoirs plus sacr6s et plus faciles a
observer. Mih-ti avait dej& ete vivement combattu de son vivant.
1) Lettrd du XIe siicle P. C.
2) Tcheng-tze dit dans son introduction: .Ce qu'il y a dans les doctrines de
Tehang-tze qui d6passe la measure (ou: est errone) (yen kvoh tace tsai Tcheng-meng)
se trouve dans le Tcheng-meng".
3) Ce qui nous rest des doctrines de Mih-ti n's rien qui explique ces paroles
on qui contienne une allusion an double principle. Tehang-tze admettait la theorie de
Tcheou-tze: un principle supreme se didoublant en principle actif et principle r6ceptif.
Mais ce n'est pas de cela qu'il s'agit; le principle en question est li et non kih.
Tchang-tze admettait un seal principle (li), devoir d'amour, et des distinctions dans
l'application du principle, des degr6s d'amour different, l'amour filial les dominant
tous. Mih-ti posait uu double fondement (pen), positif et ndgatif, h 1'amour univer-
sel et ne faisait pas de distinction quant a son application.








C. de Harlez


l'opposition soulevee centre lui 6tait telle qu'il n'avait point
os6 publier son commentaire. ,,Beaucoup de lettr6s", dit-il, ,,l'at-
taquent sans en exposer jamais le sens, mais le blament au gr6
de leur caprice". Aussi le vaillant disciple se resolut-il faire
paraltre et le texte et ses explications, afin ,,que les lecteurs
deduisant les principles des mots-memes, connaissent le livre
ainsi aveugl6ment condamn6 et n'en parent plus A la l86gre".
Comme on peut ais6ment le conjecturer de ces paroles le
Si-ming n'a pas eu beaucoup d'editions. La seule que l'on puisse
se procurer aisement est celle qui a paru dans le recueil phi-
losophique public par 1'empereur Kang-hi sous le nom de Sing-
li ts'ing-y ou ,,Vrai sens du principle natural". I1 y occupe la
3e place apres le T'ai-kih-t'u et le Tong-s/iu de Tcheng-tze et
precede le Tcheng-meng de notre auteur. Il y est accompagn6
de notes extraites de different commentaires, sp6cialement de
celui de Tchou-hi, ou ajout6es par les r6dacteurs du recueil.
Le Si-ming tire son nom de cette circonstance que dans
1'6cole de Tchang-tai il 6tait appendu au mur de l'ouest pour
y servir aux 6tudiants places de ce c6t6, d'oi le titre. ,,Manuel
de l'ouest" 1). I1 est entierement consacr6 a l'expos6 et l'expli-
cation du pr6cepte de l'amour des hommes et sp6cialement de
ses parents. Les principles philosophiques places au commence-
ment y sont poses comme base et cause de ce pr6cepte.
On peut le diviser en cinq parties: lo Origine del'humanit6,
1. 2. 2 Fraternit6 de tous les Atres, 3. 30 Titre des
superieurs et devoirs envers eux, 4. -. 40 Devoirs envers
ses parents et le ciel. Exemples de pi6t6 filiale, 5. 6. 7. 9.
10. 11. 13. 5 Manibre de se conduire, 8 et 12.
Treize courts aphorismes constituent done tout notre ouvrage.
On verra dans les notes marginales quels sont les passages qui
avaient excite les scrupules des lettres, disciples de Kong-fou-tze.
Ce peu de mots suffiront, je pense, A nos lecteurs pour border
la lecture du livre.
Les autres renseignements utiles a l'intelligence du texte se-
ront donnes dans les notes.

1) Un autre portait le titre de Tong-ming ou ,Manael de l'est*; e'6tait proba-
blement le Tcheng-meng. Voir notre livre cite, p. 35, Note.









Le Si-ming avec commentaires.


Le Si-ming

avec les commentaires

de Tchou-hi et de diff6rents auteurs.




1. Le k'ien est appel6 ,,pere"; Le k'uen est appel6 ,,mere".
La substance infiniment subtile de notre etre est r6pandue con-
fus6ment dans leur sein 1).
COMMENTAIRE. Le ciel est ycag 2), essentiellement fort et ferme;
il se trouve en haut. La terre est yin, supr6mement port6e A
se pr6ter et suivre l'impulsion ext6rieure. Le premier a done
la nature du pdre; le second, celle de la mdre.
L'homme a requ son principle vital du ciel; la terre lui
a donn6 sa forme sensible. Cette substance infiniment subtle
est, en elle-meme, mel6e sans aucun interstice, dans le sein du
ciel et de la terre; elle a la nature du fils 3), C'est pourquoi
l'auteur ne dit pas le ciel et la terre, mais le k'ien et le k'uen 4).

1) K'ien et k'Ven sont des terms emprunt6s probablement an Yih-king; ils d6-
signent les deux principles (actif, spontand, fort et receptif, reactif, suivant l'impul-
sion) qui d4rivent du premier principle et don't la combinaison forme et compose
tons les 6tres. Ces deux principles constituent done, par leurs differentes combinai-
sons, la substance de tous les ktres. Cette substance avant de former un Stre distinct
est rdpandue dans les deux principles producteurs et non encore distinguee du rest.
C'est ainsi qu'elle s'y trouve confondue.
Tchang-tze rappelle ce principle pour qu'il serve de fondement au precepte d'aimer
tous les homes; ils doivent s'entr'aimer puisque tous derivent d'une mdme source
et proviennent, par la division, d'une unique substance a double base.
2) Yang, yin ddsignent les deux memes principles que k'ien et k'uen; ces deux
derniers noms s'appliquent dgalement au ciel et a la terre qui sont les plus parfaits
reprdsentants des deux principles.
3) Notre substance, A son 4tat indetermind, est le produit du P'ien et du k'uen,
existe dans leur sein; ce qui en faith l'enfant de ces deux principles.
4) Ceci explique la difference des terms. Le ciel et la terre sont la substance
realisde, exieriorise et particularisie. K'ien et k'uen sont les principles d'action,
substratum des qualities et propridtes. Sous ce rapport le ciel et la terre sont, comme
les hommes, les products du k'ien et du k'ten.









C. de Harlez,


Les mots ciel et terre indiquent la substance et la forme; k'ien
et k'uen au contraire d6signent la nature, la disposition interne,
le principle interne. Le k'ien entier, solid, sans interstice, est
le principle originaire de toutes choses. Le k'uen port par sa
nature A se pr6ter, A subir 1'action d'autrui et, d'autre part,
stable et constant, donne la naissance, l'existence actuelle aux
5tres particuliers 1). O'est par cela qu'ils sont le ciel et la terre
et de plus le pare et la m6re de tous les etres.
COMMENTAIRE DE TCHOU-H. On doit examiner, scruter avec
grande attention ce principle supreme don't il est ici question,
principle qui, d'un cbt6, est un et simple et, de l'autre, se
partage et se distingue. Le ciel et la terre ne sont pas vrai-
ment prre et mrre. Notre pere et notre mere ne sont pas pro-
prement le ciel et la terre. Le principle rationnel unique n'est
point divis6 comme en parties s6par6es 2).
La nature du k'ien est male; celle du k'uen est femelle.
Cons6quemment tous les etres males ont la substance vitale du
k'ien, tout etre femelle a cell du k'uen; en sorte que du plus
haut au plus bas, il n'y a qu'un principle vital qui p6n6tre
profond6ment en tout.

2. Ainsi c'est en se condensant que le ciel et la terre ont pro-
duit notre substance 3); initiative directrice 4) du ciel et de la
terre a fait notre nature.
COMMENTAIRE. Le yany du k'ien, le Fin du c'uen forment
la substance du ciel et de la terre; c'est en se condensant et
formant substance entire 1'un et l'autre que l'homme et les
autres etres out pris corps 1). C'est done la condensation du ciel

1) Ces deux agents ne sont pas actif et passif" comme on le dit habituellement.
Le second est actif anssi, mais son action n'est point spontanie et premier moteur,
mais se produit par reception et reaction sons l'impulsion du premier motear. C'est
ainsi que l'on peat dire que le k'uen donne ]'existence aux etres.
2) Les deux agents actif et rdceptif se distinguent et se separent mais tons deux
n'ont qu'un seal principle rationnel dirigeant qui en fait ce qui doit etre et ce
qu'ils doivent etre (li).
3) La substance premiere de tous les etres dtait d'abord a 1l'tat atomique, in-
finiment subtile, invisible, etc. C'est en se condensant qu'elle a formed les etres
distincts et perceptibles.
4) Szok. La nature est la rggle de ldtre, l'ensemble de ses propridt6s et tendances
dirig6es selon la loi de la raison, du just et de la convenance.
5) Le ciel s'est former d'un cted, la terre de 1'autre et au milieu par une mmme
condensation, P'homme et tons les etres terrestres.








Le Si-ming avec commentaires.


et de la terre qui a constitu6 notre Atre sensible. L'action for-
matrice du yang, la soumission du yin est la disposition in-
time 1) du ciel et de la terre. La substance essentielle (kci 2)
ayant donn6 son impulsion directrice, l'homme et les choses
out requ leur nature; c'est done cette motion du ciel et de la
terre qui a fait notre nature. C'est en m6ditant ces choses que
nous trouvons que le k'ieu est ,,ppre" et le k'uen ,,mBre", et
que leur union interm6diaire (a produit tout), que leur fruit est
r6pandu dans leur sein.
COMMENTAIRE DE TOHOU-HI. Ce qui se condensa c'est unique-
ment le k/i (la substance propre A devenir sensible). Notre
corps vient du k/i du ciel et de la terre. Cette impulsion di-
rectrice (siJ 3) indique la domination, la puissance faisant subir
son action. C'est 16 le principle essential constant du ciel et de
la terre. Notre nature en fait parties.
EXPLICATION. La condensation du ciel et de la terre est l'acte
par lequel nous avons requ notre corps; leur action directrice
est ce par quoi nous avons requ notre nature. C'est le principle
conforme A la r6alite, mais nous devons examiner, m6diter
soigneusement cette double sentence. Le semen, la substance du
ciel, est un principle merveilleux qui a 6t0, des toujours, com-
muniqu6 A l'homme. C'est ainsi que la consolidation, la con-
densation de ces deux essences a form notre corps et leur
impulsion directrice, notre nature.
11 est dit au Yik-kcing: Ce qui se d6veloppe entire le ciel et
la terre ce sont les dix mille 6tres4). Cela revient A ce qui
est dit ici que ,,cela forme notre corps".
I1 est dit au Li-ki: L'homme est la puissance active du ciel
et de la terre 5); c'est le coeur du ciel et de la terre. Cela re-
vient A notre sentence: ,,l'impulsion directrice fait notre nature".

3. Les homes (le people) ne forment avec nous qu'un

1) Litt. pens6e, volition.
2) Le khi est la substance elle-mgme; l'impulsion directrice est Faction dirigde
par la loi de justice et de convenance.
3) I .
4) C'est-h-dire l'universalitg des etres.
5) Le ciel et la terre sont passifs, l'homme seul en leur sein, pense et agit; en
l ui est rassembl6e la puissance active du khi.









C. de Harlez.


meme sein 1); les 6tres non intelligent sont nos consorts.
COMMENTAIRE. Les hommes et les choses n6s entire le ciel et
la terre, recevant leur substance, ont ainsi pris corps; les uns
et les autres sont forms par la condensation des deux essen-
ces, et leurs natures viennent 6galement de 1'impulsion di-
rectrice de celles-ci; consequemment ce qu'il y a dans les
corps de perfection ou de d6faut est l'effet de la nature; et il
ne se peut qu'il n'y ait point en elle des differences de lu-
mitre et d'obscurit6 2).
Cependant l'homme ayant requ une nature corporelle et su-
prasensible, completement bonne 3), il est n6 avec un cceur pur
et intelligent, capable de p6n6trer et comprendre l'essence de
sa nature et de son destiny cleste 4). Au milieu des 6tres pro-
duits avec lui, il est leur consort, leur frrre, mais un frere
tres l6ev6 au-dessus des autres. C'est ainsi qu'il est le fruit du
meme sein. Entre eux il y a les memes rapports qu'entre les
fr6res cadets et les ain6s. Les 6tres inintelligents out requ une
forme et une substance (un corps et un principle vital impar-
faits); ils ne peuvent comprendre leur nature et leur destine.
Ils ne sont done pas nos 6gaux; ils n'atteignent pas au m6me
6tat 61ev6.
Si 1'on considrre la source originaire de leur etre et de leur


1) Ceci est l'application du principle ontologique ( 1), conduisant an principle
moral, fondement de la vertu de charity. Tous les homes sont le produit des deux
mimes agents mile et femelle; ils sont nes d'un m8me sein; ils formaient originai-
rement une seule substance qui s'est diversifi6e. 11 en est de m6me des autres itres
de ce monde; tous proviennent d'une mime substance universelle, originaire et d'un
m8me principle de raison, constituent et coordonnant totes choses.
2) Cette doctrine de la communaut6 d'origine de tous les etres avait sans doute
eugendre l'amour universal dtendu jnsqu'aux animaux et aux itres n ateriels, dent
Meng-tze signal les consequences funestes (voir plus haut, p. 36, n. 2). C'est pour-
quoi Ie commentaire insisted sur ce point que cette communaut6 d'origine, cette
provenance d'un mmme sein n'implique nullement I'6galitd de perfection, ni de droit
& amour.
3) C'est le principle essential de Meng-tze que la nature est essentiellement et
originairement bonne. L'homme la corrompt en cidant aux sollicitations des objets
exterieurs, A l'attrait du plaisir, etc.
4) Ceci est une pave des doctrines antiques, qui cadre mal avec le rest. Pour
les anciens la part de qualities, de biens, de succs, devolue a chacun, dtait fixge
par le ciel, par Shang-ti. Toutefois l'homme pouvait par ses fautes dechoir de son
destin primitif et se pervertir intdrieurement, comme aussi s'attirer des malheurs
que la providence divine n'avait point voulus.








Le Si-ming avec commentaires.


nature, comme le ciel et la terre en sound le principle, on ne peut
pas dire qu'ils ne (nous) sont point semblables; c'est pourquoi
il est dit qu'ils sont nos consorts; ils sont en effet de la meme
espece.
Ces mots: ,ne forment qu'un sein" sont analogues A cette
sentence connue: ,,Le monde est une seule famille et 1'Empire
du Milieu n'est qu'un seul homee. ttant ainsi nos fr6res, ayant
pris corps entire le ciel et la terre; qu'ils soient susceptibles
de movement ou pas; qu'ils soient intelligent ou non; il
n'en est point qui ne suive n6cessairement sa nature et ne
soit conform au principle rationnel de son existence. La sagesse
des lettr6s les conduit jusqu'A etre les 6gaux du ciel et de la
terre.

4. Le souverain est le fils ain6 de nos p6re et m6re. Les
ministres sont les intendants de la maison de ce frdre ain6.
Honorer les gens ag6s, respecter les sup6rieurs, 6tre charitable
envers les orphelins, les abandonn6s et les pauvres, prot6ger
come tels les enfants et les petits, c'est la vertu parfaite des
saints, c'est la conduit distinctive des sages 1).
Tout qui dans ce monde est pauvre et dans le besoin, afflig6
on malade, orphelin on abandonn6, veuf ou veuve, doit etre
(pour nous) comme un frere dans le besoin ou l'infortune et
qui n'a point d'autre soutien.
COMMENTAIRE. Si I'homme est n6 du sein du k'ien p6re et
du k'uen m6re, il est done le fils du ciel et de la terre. Cons6-
quemment celui qui a 6t6 mis A leur place, qui possede l'em-
pire sur les homes et les choses sans exception, c'est-A-dire
le souverain monarque, est le fils ain6 du p6re et de la m6re
des homes.
Celui qui assisted en tout le souverain, qui est la cheville
ouvri6re 2) de toutes les affaires du monde, c'est le ministry du
souverain; il est done 1'intendant de la maison du fils aine.
Tous les gens Ag6s3) de ce monde ont une meme quali-

1) Les saints sont tels par nature et n'ont besoin ni d'enseignement ni d'effort;
les sages ont acquis cette quality par l'instruction et la pratique. Les saints sont
la plus haute manifestation de la nature humaine, du li human.
2) Litt. la trame et la chaine.
3) Lao.









C. de Harlez.


t6 '); tous ceux qui honorent les vieillards respectent les sup6rieurs.
Tons les petits de ce monde out une meme quality 2). Celui qui
traite avec charity les orphelins et les abandonn6s, protege aussi
les enfants et les petits. Les saints se conforment A la vertu
du ciel; les sages, A la vertu des pare et mere, du frere ain6
des homes 3). Les sages surpassent les autres humans par
leur vertu. C'est ainsi qu'ils s'6l1vent au-dessus de leurs sem-
blables parmi les etres freres.
Puisque tons sont compris sons la designation d'enfants du
ciel et de la terre, tons les pauvres, les malheureux, les or-
phelins et les veufs de ce monde doivent computer comme du
nombre de nos freres infortun6s (que nous devons secourir).

5. Les prot6ger dans ces circonstances, c'est le devoir d'un
fils; ne point 6tre mecontent quand ils sont dans la joie 4) c'est
la perfection de la pi6t6 filiale.
COMMENTAIRE. Se garder soi-meme en craignant le ciel c'est
le point supreme du respect de ses parents. R6jouir le ciel et
ne point s'affliger c'est la perfection de l'amour pour ses parents.
COMMENTAIRE DE TCHOU-HI. Le Si-mi~g commence par l'ex-
pose de cette pensee que le ciel, la terre et tous les Wtres ne
forment avec nous qu'un meme corps. C'est une conception r6el-
lement grande et profonde. Tout ce qui vient apres cette pensee
A savoir que le soin, le z6le A servir le ciel fait prot6ger les
parents etc., n'est pas beaucoup moins important. On se deman-
dait si les paragraphes 1 A 3 exprimaient 1'essence de la bonte
et si les paragraphes 5 et ss. indiquaient les actes, le zele de
cette vertu. Si en disant que tons les etres ont un meme sein,



1) Kao-nien. Tous ont une meme quality, l'Fge qui les rend sages et vne'rables
lear donne quelque chose qui les fait ressembler aux parents propres et meme aux
principles originaires de toutes choses.
2) La faiblesse, le malhenr qui les rend dignes de compassion et oblige a les
secourir.
3) Du souverain. Les pere et mere sont le k'ien et le k'ue (voir l 1). Iei
meme melange qu'h la note 4, p. 42. Le ciel dans la thdorie de nos philosophies est en
dessous de ces deux principles. 11 6tait principle supreme de la loi morale, dans les
croyances antiques (voir mon livre: La Religion des premiers C/inois, p. 37 ss.).
4) On: ,,les rejouir et ne jamais les affliger". I1 s'agit ici des parents seals comme
le prove le context. C'est une citation, c'est pourquoi la phrase est incomplete.









Le Si-ming avec commentaires.


qu'ils sont nos semblables, on veut 6tablir une 6galit6 com-
plete et des devoirs 6gaux, c'est une erreur 1).
Pour enseigner aux homes le z6le et l'activit6, comme tout
consist A savoir Atre attentif, craiudre, etre respectueux et
sincere, on dolt leur apprendre A conserver ces vertus et les
pratiquer A l'occasion. On dolt prot6ger ses parents; c'est un
devoir filial comme il a 6t6 dit. Si l'on salt etre vigilant, crain-
tif, respectueux, alors la vraie doctrine, les principles sains
subsistent d'eux memes.

6. R6sister 2) c'est violer les rdgles de la vertu; porter at-
teinte A la vertu de bont6 c'est une cause de ruine; favoriser
le mal est contraire aux facult6s naturelles "). Celui qui donne
la perfection aux formes ext6rieures (qui dans tout son ext6-
rieur suit les lois de la convenance) est bien r6gl6.
COMMENTAIRE. Ne pas suivre la loi du ciel, et se pr6occuper
des d6sirs des homes c'est ne point aimer ses parents et aimer
les autres hommes. Tout cela est contraire A la vertu.
Violer la loi du ciel, en diminuer la puissance, c'est couper
sa propre racine. Nuire A ses parents, les perdre et ruiner, c'est
une conduit criminelle; c'est pourquoi on l'appelle une destruc-
tion, une ruine. Faire croltre le mal au lieu de le corriger est
une chose qui ne doit etre ni enseignee ni apprise. Favoriser
le mal, c'est augmenter sa mauvaise reputation. Celui qui, au
contraire, rend la nature des autres plus parfaite et leur ex-
t6rieur bien r6gl6, celui-lA est semblable au ciel et A la terre
et ne r6siste pas A leur loi. II a le parfait maintien.

7. Celui qui connait les modes de transformation, les chan-
gements des 6tres 4), salt mener ses affaires A fin. P6n6trant i'in-
telligence, il salt continue les pens6es (de ses parents).
COMMENTAIRE. Le fils pieux sait continue les pens6es de ses

1) C'est l'erreur de Mih-ti don't on accusait Tehang-tze, a tort selon Tehou-hi..
Le texte n'est pas clair. Toutefois la place que la pikte filiale occupe dans ce trait
donne completement raison au commentateur.
2) Aux parents et supdrieurs.
3) Ceci tient des arguments de Mih-ti qui prouvait ainsi la convenance del'amour
universel.
4) C'est li le plus haut point de la sagesse chez les Chinois. Cette science fait
prdvoir et combiner tout.









C. de Harlez.


parents 1), (poursuivre leurs buts, agir comme eux). I1 sait
ainsi mener A fin leurs affairs. Les saints connaissent les lois
des changements et des transformations; tout ce qu'ils font
est (par conformity) acte du ciel et de la terre. Pknitrant 1'in-
tellectuel, connaissant A fond la vertu, ce qu'ils maintiennent,
est la pens6e, la volont6 2) du ciel et de la terre. Ces deux
choses sont ce qui r6jouit le ciel et perfectionne les former ex-
t6rieures 3).
COMMENTAIRE DE TCHOU-m. Le saint qui sert le ciel est tout
semblable au fils pieux qui sort ses parents. ,,Les changements",
cela veut dire les actes du ciel et ds la terre. Ils passent et ne
laissent point de vestige. Celui qui les connatt a en lui les
operations du ciel et de la terre; il est semblable A un fils qui
dirige les affairs de son pere et les fait r6ussir. ,L'intellectuel",
c'est le ceur, la pens6e du ciel et de la terre que l'on ne peut
saisir et calculer. Si on l'atteint, le p6netre, le cceur du ciel
et de la terre est alors en nous; on est semblable A un fils
qui continue A suivre les intentions de son pere. Celui qui con-
nalt le cceur peut parler de ses actes, avec connaissance de
cause; ainsi il p6netre 1'intellectuel et connatt toutes les pro-
ductions et transformations.

8. Si l'on a point A rougir devant la lumiere qui entire dans
la maison 4) on 6vitera tout d6shonneur. Si 1'on sait maintenir
son ccur sans passion, et d6velopper sa nature on ne com-
mettra aucune negligence.
COMMENTAIRE. Le Hiao-king 5) cite ce passage du Shihk-king:


1) Le texte dit ,des homess, mais ceci est emprunt6 & un autre livre oa il n'est
question que des parents. Voir Lun-yu.
2) Les Chinois confondent souvent ces deux choses. La volontd du ciel et de la
terre est le principle de touted perfection, les deux principles dtant ndcessairement au
summum du bon.
3) Le texte s'appliquait aux parents; le commentaire le fait rapporter au ciel
mmme, aux prre et mere supremes. Kong-tze disait. ,Celui qui sait continue trois
ann6es entieres la conduite tenue par son pere, a la perfection de la pidtd filiale".
Il est possible que par le vague de ses expressions, Tchang-tze ait vonlu laisser place
A cette interpretation.
4) L'expression se rapporte & la fenitre pratiqude au toit par laquelle la lumiere
pendtrait dans les maisons aux temps antiques. Celui qui comment un acte coupable,
honteux a lieu de rougir devant la lumirre qui delaire son crime.
5) Traitd de la pidtd filiale faussement attribud A Kong-tze.








Le Si-ming avec commentaires.


,,Ne d6shonorez pas votre nature". Ceux qui servent le ciel, s'ils
n'ont point attire sur eux la honte, le d6shonneur, le m6pris,
ne doivent point rougir devant le ciel et la terre 1). Il est ega-
lement dit: ,,Ne soyez negligent A aucun moment, ni soir ni
matin". Ces deux pr6ceptes se r6ferent A la crainte du ciel.
Les hommes sages et lev6s cherchent A perfectionner leur
apparence ext6rieure (leur maintien, leurs gestes et actes ext6-
rieurs).

9. La haine du fils de Tchong-pe pour le vin savoureux,
provenait de son application A nourrir (ses parents). Le zBle du
prince d'Ing (fong) pour cultiver les facult6s vertueuses lui a
procure le bonheur.
COMMENTAIRE. Ceux qui aiment A boire du vin ne pensent
pas A entretenir leurs parents; ils sont sans pikt6 filiale. Si en
r6primant les desirs humans on sait hair la boisson comme Yu 2),
on est arrive au zele parfait pour soutenir le ciel. La nature
est la source commune de tous les Atres; on ne peut 1'employer,
la turner A sa fantaisie, A son profit personnel. Si on a pour
favoriser la vertu, d6velopper les capacit6s, le zsle que Ing-
kao-shou temoignait A Tchonang-tchong 3), le bonheur sera
perpetuel et grandira de plus en plus.
Atteindre 1'intellectuel, connaitre ses operations, c'est ce que
Meng-tze appelait ,,connaitre le ciel". Ne point fair rougir,
n'Atre point 6tre negligent, c'est ce que Meng-tze appelait ,,ser-
vir le ciel". ,,Penser A soutenir, s'attirer le bonheur" appar-
tient A ,,servir le ciel". Ce qui suit se rapport aux paroles
de Meng-tze disant de maintenir son destin c6leste. Tchang-tze
en Acrivant ceci A suivi en tout la pensee de Meng-tze.

10. Cacher sa peine et rendre les autres joyeux, c'est le mB-
rite de Shun. Ne point fuir et attendre la cuisson complete,
c'est 1'acte de respect du devoir que sut fair Shen-sheng.


1) Ou: .ne ddshonorent pas".
2) Yu 3me empereur s6mi-lIgendaire, succeda & Shun. Son pere Kuen, fait Pe de
Tchong, avait essay en vain d'arrlter les inondations et pour cela avait Wte disgraci6
et banni an mont Yu, oh son fils I'entretint.
3) Tehouang, prince de Lon, 692-661. Ing dtait une petite principautd sur les
bords du Huai au Ho-nan.








C. de Harlez.


COMMENTAIRE. Shun sut servir parfaitement ses parents, et
Ku-seo finit par 1'aimer '); c'est 1 le grand m6rite de Shun.
Si coux qui servent le ciel suivent parfaitement la loi de ce
service, ils rejouiront le coeur du ciel, ils seront les Shun du
ciel 2). Ceux qui servent le ciel et qui meme mourant avant
le temps ne percent pas leur fidelity et pers6vorent A se domp-
ter et r6primer eux-memes sont les Shen-sheng du ciel 3).

11. Tzeng-tze n'oubliant jamais qu'il avait requ son corps
enterr de ses parents), voulait en quittant (ce monde) le laisser
6galement enter. Ob6issant avec empressement et vigueur, sou-
mis au moindre ordre 6tait Pe-ki.
COMMENTAIRE. Les prre et mere engendrent en donnant un
corps entier; les enfants en mourant doivent le rendre entier.
Tzeng-tze disait 4): ,,Ddcouvrez mes pieds, d6couvrez mes mains".
Ce que nous avons requ du ciel est entirrement bon et entirre-
ment complete; il nous fait naitre complete. C'est pourquoi le
serviteur du ciel pensant qu'il a requ son 6tre sans defaut, le
rend entier en quittant le monde; ce serviteur c'est bien le
Tzeng-tze du ciel.
Le fils qui sert (bien) ses parents va A l'est, A l'ouest, au
sud ou au nord uniquement d'apres l'ordre qu'il reqoit. Celui
qui comme Pe-ki va A travers la champagne desert et couverte
de glace3), obeit de toutes ses forces et se montre soumis A
tout ordre.
Le sort qui nous est donn6 par le ciel, le bien, le mal, le
malheur ou la prosperity, ne tient pas aux caprices, aux in-
t6rets particuliers de chacun. Si done ceux qui veulent bien
servir le ciel lui obeissent de toutes leurs forces, et se tiennent
fermement dans les principles de la rectitude, ils seront les Pe-
ki du ciel 3).
COMMENTAIRE DE ToHOU-HI (R6ponse A cette question de ses
disciples). Shen-sheng refusant de parler, Pe-ki s'exposant a


1) Avoir de la joie de lui.
2) Ils seront pour le ciel ce que Shun fut pour son prre Ku-seo.
3) Shen sheng et Pe-ki cites comme modules de pi6td filiale, I'un pour avoir
continue a preparer le repas de ses parents malgrd le danger qui le menagait, 1'autre
pour s'Atre expose sur la glace pour aller oi ils l'envoyaient.
4) En mourant, a ses disciples, afin qu'ils vissent que ses membres 6taient enters.








Le Si-ming avec commentaires.


la mort, occasionnaient le malheur de leurs peres; ils manquaient
A la loi du just milieu. Consid6rer et vanter (des actes sem-
blables), come (ceux de) Shun et de Tzeng-tze, est-ce permis?
Tchou-hi dit: Shun forgant (son pere) A etre content de lui
et A l'aimer, l'aidant A se corriger et devenir vertueux, acquit
de grands m6rites. Shen-sheng attendant la cuisson complete
fut soumis et se montra respectueux. Tzeng-tze montra com-
ment nous devons nous aimer nous-memes jusqu'a la fin de la
vie. Pe-ki fit voir comment on doit ob6ir. Tout cela est acte
de la vertu de perfection humaine, de la bont6.

12. La richesse, la grandeur, la prosp6rit6, le bonheur agran-
dissent la nature; la pauvret6, l'abaissement, l'affliction, 1'in-
fortune peuvent vous conduire A la perfection.
COMMENTAIRE. La richesse, la grandeur,. la prosp6rit6 nous
procurant de grands biens nous rendent tres facile la pratique
de la vertu. La pauvret6, l'affliction introduisent en nous le
trouble et la contradiction et par 1A nous affermissent dans nos
resolutions (en nous habituant A lutter et A vaincre). L'ho:nme
dans ses rapports avec le ciel et la terre, l'enfant vis-A-vis de
ses parents ne doivent-ils pas 6tre dans les memes dispositions?
Aussi les cceurs 61ev6s et sages servant le ciel, si m6me ils
ont les richesses de Tcheou-kong ne s'en enorgueillissent pas;
s'ils sont pauvres come Yan-tze, ils ne percent pas leur joie.
Servant leurs parents, s'ils en sont aims ils s'en r6jouissent
sans oublier leurs devoirs; s'ils en sont hais, ils les respectent
et ne s'en plaignent pas. Leurs cceurs restent constamment les
memes et c'est tout.
COMMENTAIRE DE ToCou-H. On doit respecter le ciel comme
on respect ses parents; craintif et vigilant on ne doit rien
consid6rer come impossible (dans l'accomplissement de ce de-
voir). On doit aimer le ciel comme on aime ses parents, et lui
6tre soumis en tout et partout. Le ciel nous a engendr6s. S'il
nous a donn6 le bonheur, que nous soyons riches, grands, hono-
r6s, nous devons regarder cela come des marques d'amour de
nos parents, nous en r6jouir et ne point oublier (que c'est A
lui que nous le devons).
Si au contraire il nous a mis dans une situation de pauvret6,
inf6riorit6, douleur, il agit come pere et mere qui 61lvent
VIIIs CongrBs international des Orientalistes. Section de 1'Asie central et de
l'ExtrAme Orient. 4









C. de Harlez.


et forment leurs enfants A la vertu; bien que dans la pine,
nous ne devons pas nous plaindre.

13. Vivants nous devons servir (nos parents) avec soumission;
morts nous devons leur procurer le repos 1).
COMMENTAIRE. Le fils pieux, tant que ses parents vivent, les
sert sans jamais resister A leurs volont6s et c'est tout. Morts
il les maintient en paix et ne les fait pas rougir (de lui) 2).
L'homme vertueux tant qu'il vit, sert le ciel en ne violent
en rien ses lois et c'est tout. Mort et dans le repos il ne (laisse
apr6s lui aucun souvenir qui) fait rougir le ciel (de lui). C'est
ainsi qu'il est dit ,,6couter, ob6ir le matin et mourir le soir".
J'acquiers la droiture, puis je meurs. Ainsi finit le Si-ming
de Tchang-tze.
Au sein du ciel et de la terre tout est un seul et meme
principe3). Ainsi la loi du k'ien s'accomplit dans l'homme et



1) Le commentaire entend cela autrement; smorts et vivants* y sont appliques
aux enfants. La traduction mandchone a encore une autre version: aVivants, serve
avec soumission et morts, vous aurez le repos*. L'indetermination des termeschinois
permet toutes les interpretations. Mais an Li-ki d'oit ces paroles sont extraites il
s'agit des parents et il doit en 8tre de meme en ce passage.
2) Les deux derniers paragraphes resument les devoirs envers le ciel ( 12) et envers
nos parents ( 13); devoirs que Tchang-tze mettait sur la meme ligne en vertu du
double principle que le ciel est pare des homes et que l'homme doit servir sea pa.
rents comme le ciel.
Au 12 il expose comment on doit agir envers le ciel dans les differentes circon-
stances de la vie et selon les divers destiny. Dans la prospdrit6 on doit en profiter
pour clever sa nature, se perfectionner et temoigner au ciel sa reconnaissance. Dans
la pauvretd, la maladie et le malheur on doit considerer ces maux come des moyens
donnds par un pere bon et sage pour acqudrir lee vertus, vaincre ses passions et se
perfectionner.
Aun 13 l'auteur enseigne que les devoirs envers les parents ne finissent pas avec
la mort de ceux-ci. Alors encore on doit leur assurer paix et bonheur par ses ver-
tus et ses belles actions et 6viter tout ce qui pourrait les couvrir de honte.
3) Ceci resume les principles du Si-ming en les expliquant de nouveau et surtout
en les purifiant de tout melange de Mihisme, pour ainsi prouver leur orthodoxie.
Tout eat le produit des deux activities d'un meme principle, mais les activists ne
produisent pas des effects, tonjours egaux. I1 y a done entire les 8tres de grande
inegalit6s; entire les hommes 6galement, et il a fall des homes parfaits parnature
(les saints) ou par l'exercice (les sages) pour diminuer les differences existent entire
les diverse classes d'hommes et quant a l'intelligence et quant h. la vertu.
C'est aussi Ih-dessus qu'insiste Tcheng-tze dans le passage qui suit. Puisque le
principle gdndrateur produit des phres et des enfants il crde done des differences et










Le Si-ming avec commentaires.


celle du k'uen dans la femme. Ces deux principles d'action
s'excitent mutuellement. Toutes choses y relevant leur g6n6ra-
tion et leurs diverse formations, les differences produites par
les degr6s de grandeur et de proximity s'61lvent A dix, cent,
mille, dix mille especes; il ne peut done y avoir 6galit6 en-
tre elles.
S'il n'y avait point eu des saints et des sages, qui aurait
pu rapprocher les 6tres different, et carter 1'un de l'autre les
61lments semblables? Telle est la pens6e de 1'auteur du Si-ming.
Tcheng-tze expliquant la differenciation du principle un, pent
se resumer en ces mots: Le k'ien est pere, le k'uen est mere;
de l tout ce qui a vie, toutes les choses, out requ existence;
tout n'a qu'un seul principle. La production des homes et des
choses est semblable A celle du sang et des veines. Les peres
6tant faits peres et les enfants, enfants, comment leur distinc-
tion ne les aurait-elle pas constitu6s different les uns des autres?
Tout ne formant qu'un mgme trone avec dix mille bran-
ches, le monde n'etant qu'une famille et 1'empire, un seul
homme, selon le dicton, la bonte, l'humanit6 ne peut tomber
dans 1'obscurcissement, dans l'oubli. Lorsque les dix-mille bran-


des rangs divers parmi les hommes. Tous sont comme les branches d'un meme
trone; done entire eux il y a haut et bas, proximity et dloignement du principle.
Mais parce qu'il n'y a qu'nn seul trone, celui qui le reconnatt saura aimer
convenablement toutes les branches issues de la mgme souche que lui.
On voit dans la correspondence littdraire du XIe siecle combien cette question
de l'orthodoxie de Tchang-tze preoccupait les esprits. Yang-kouei-shen 6crivant &
Tcheng-tze lui exprimait la crainte que le language de Tehang-tze ne parlant que du
principle (commun) et ne mentionnant pas les actes differentt) ne conduisit A l'amour
6gal universal et ne fdt cause que les lettris futures, ne comprenant bien la chose,
accusassent Tchang-tze d'erreur, d'hdresie. Tchou-hi surtout, qui voulait mettre la
doctrine du Si-ming en honneur, insistait sur ce que le systeme de Mih-ti detruisait
le I, c'est-a-dire le principle de justice et de convenance qui fait que chaque chose
est ce qu'elle est, a son rang propre, avec ces attributes distinct; il cherchait A
montrer que lea paroles de Tchang-tze impliquaient l'existence de ce principle de
diff6renciation. De ce que Tchang-tze ne parole que du principle et non des actes,
disait-il, il ne faut pas conclude qu'il ne distingue pas entire eux. II n'est pas n6-
cessaire de les sdparer de leur fondement: de meme que dans le corps human il y
a des membres different avec des usages particuliers, il n'est pas ndcessaire de les
distinguer quand on parle de l'homme en general. On sait bien, sans le dire, qu'on
ne met pas le bonnet aux pieds et la chaussure a la tete; etc.
Nons nous arreterons ici; ces details ne peuvent gubre interesser des lecteurs
europ6ens. Ii nous suffit d'avoir montrd le rtle que joua Tchang-tze dans le mou-
vement et les discussions philosophiques en Chine.








52 C. d e Har 1 e z, Le Si-ming avec commentaires.

ches p6netrent un meme trone bien que la proximity et 1'6loi-
gnement, 1'616vation et la bassesse forment des notions, des
rangs diffirents, on n'en viendra pas aux partialit6s et aux ca-
prices de 1'6goisme. Telle et- la pens6e fondamentale du Si-
ming. Si 1'on considere comment il d6veloppe le grand precepte
de traiter ses pare et mare come tels, d'etre fiddles au devoir
sans penser A ses propres int6rets et explique la rggle de servir
le ciel de la mAme maniere que l'on sort ses parents, on doit
dire que tout en maintenant les differences, il affirme 1'unit6
du principle.















The Landtax in China.


A description of its origin
and development together with the nature
and incidences of the present levy.

Collected from the most reliable Chinese sources.

By


I. M. DAAE.


















Before I commence to treat of my subject I must state that
its is known to me, that there are many who assert that all
Chinese statistics are utterly unreliable and had better be left
out of consideration. I entirely disagree with these people, and
although I know from experience, that all numbers cannot be
taken as more than approximately correct, still I also know
that they are the best we have and that if we begin to build
up edifices on mere guesswork, the result will be mere guess-
work. Prefacing these remarks I now pass to my subject.


Y. P. T. Ch.
W. Hs. T. K.
Y. Ch. L. H.
Hs. W. Hs. T. K.
T. Ch. H. T.
H. P. Ts. L.
T. Ch. H. T. S. L.
T. H. L.


Yii Pci Tcung Chien.
Wen Hsien Tcung Keao.
Yiian Chien Lei 'Han.
Hsii Wen Hsien Tcung Kcao.
Ta Ch'ing CHui Tien.
Hu-Pu Tseh-Li.
Ta Ch'ing 'Hui Tien Shih Li.
T'ung 'Hua Lu.

















The Landtax in China (1 i ).




In China the landtax occupies the most prominent part of
its revenue system, and as it is generally first treated of by
Native writers, I shall likewise give to it the first place among
the different levies under consideration.
The landtax as it is at present levied is of a somewhat com-
plex nature. It consists of two kinds of contributions, viz.: con-
tributions in produce or money (Hj), and contributions of per-
sonal services (V). Of these the first kind is again subdivided
into the landtax proper (J M ), and the capitation tax (T j);
the second kind consists of the equalized labour tax (Yj 41 )
and the tax for defraying the expenses of the government
courier service (A I ). These burdens were in former times
partly incidental to the holding of land (e. g. personal services),
partly assessed independently of the holding of land (e. g. capi-
tation tax). But during the last few centuries there has been
a constant tendency, as will be shown below, to remedy the
great complexity formerly existing by amalgamating the different
imposts into one general levy.
Before I proceed further to explain the nature and incidences
of this tax, it will be well first to trace the origin and develop-
ment of its several component parts, as this may not be found
devoid of interest, and will, moreover, tend to elucidate points
which would otherwise remain obscure.

The landtax proper (P g).

The tax on land dates back to remote antiquity. Since the
earliest times of which historical records are extant the state








I. M. Daae.


has required the landholders to surrender a certain portion of
the produce of the soil, in order to aid in defraying the neces-
sary expenses of government.
The proportion which the amount surrendered has born to
the gross produce together with the mode of assessment and
levy have, however, varied at different times.
The first mention made in the native records of a tax on
land is under Prince Yao (B. C. 2357), who is said to have
assigned the tribute according to the nature of the land 1). In the
following century Prince Yii of the Hsia dynasty (B. C. 2205) is
given as the originator of the tribute system (J ). This
consisted in 50 mou of land being granted to each adult, who
on the other hand was called upon to surrender to the state
the produce of 5 mou, or one tenth 2). A change in the mode
of levy was introduced under Prince T'ang of the Shang dynasty
(B. C. 1766). The tribute system was then abandoned, and in
its stead was instituted the system of mutual aid (H =).
The land was divided into portions of 630 mou each, termed
a "ching" (4). Each of these portions was subdivided into
nine squares, measuring each 70 mou, in accordance with the
form of the character ". The middle square, the state
reserved to itself, but the eight outer ones were granted to
eight families, whose duty, however, it was with united efforts
to cultivate the government portion, their own portion being
exempt from any further levy 3). This appears at first sight
to have been a tax amounting to one ninth; but as fourteen
mou of the government square are said to have been occupied
with dwelling houses of the families, it amounted in reality to
only one eleventh 4). When again a change of dynasty took
place, and Prince Wu of the Chou dynasty ascended the
throne (B. C. 1122), the share system (4 ) was established.
This system was a combination of the two preceding ones,
the tribute system being employed in the districts near the
towns, where the land was divided into portions of 1000 mou,
each of which was granted to 10 households, each household

1) Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 1, fol. 19.
2) Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 2, fol. 1. 3) Ibd., fol. 16.
4) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 1, fol. 3.








The Landtax in China.


obtaining 100 mou and paying one tenth of the produce as
tax, while in the farther off rural districts the system of
mutual aid remained in force, eight households obtaining a
nine square, measuring 900 mou. The middle portion of this,
which was reserved to the state, was likewise partly (20 mou)
occupied with the dwelling houses of the families, the contribu-
tion thus also amounting to one eleventh. Under this system
the families cultivated in common the whole of the land granted
them, and afterwards received their proportionate share of the
harvest; hence its name 1).
Under the different systems considered above, the land was
held through the nobles from the prince. The occupiers were
not owners of the soil; each adult received his portion of land
when he had reached his 20th year, and on his reaching his
60th year the land reverted to the state. Private transfer of
land was strictly prohibited.
Towards the end of the Chon dynasty the rules do not ap-
pear to have been scrupulously observed, and when the Chcin
dynasty obtained sway of the empire, and the feudal nobility
was abolished, a state polity with which the former tenure
of land was no longer compatible took its commencement. The
"ninesquare" system, which necessitated the closest superinten-
dence of every detail incidental thereto, is said to have been
practicable when the feudatory nobles held their territories from
generation to generation. But it had now to be abolished, as
this superintendence became impossible, when officials, subject
to the central government, were appointed, who after a short
period, insufficient for them to become well acquainted with
every detail, were transferred to some other place.
The occupants, who had hitherto been merely landholders,
now virtually obtained proprietary rights in the soil. This
change in the tenure of land also necessitated a change in the
mode of assessment of the land tax, as the old system of
levying a certain percentage of the gross produce became less
practicable, the different occupiers no longer possessing an equal
area of land. The tax was, therefore, assessed at a fixed rate
per mou. Shortly after, however, the public landregisters were


1) Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 3, fol. 3. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 1, fol. 3.








I. M. Daae.


destroyed, so that it became necessary to abandon the assess-
ment of the land and to levy in its stead a tax on individuals ').
By the time of the 'Han dynasty (B. C. 202 A. D. 25)
an approximate knowledge of the area of cultivated land pos-
sessed by each landowner had been obtained, and the tax was
again levied at a fixed rate per mou, amounting, it is said,
to one fifteenth of the produce. This appears to have been the
standard rate, until B. C. 167 (13th year of the reign of Emperor
Wen), when this ruler, who is mentioned as a prince of frugal
habits, that gave a salutary example to the whole empire, is
said to have entirely abolished the levy of the landtax 2), in
order to give special encouragement to agriculture 3). After the
lapse of about ten years it is, however, stated to have become
matter of necessity again to impose a tax on the land, but this
did not amount to more than one thirtieth of the produce '),
and it was, moreover, shortly afterwards ordered to be paid
in the produce most abundant in the district ). With the
exception of some time at the commencement of the reign of
Chien Wu (A. D. 25-56), when the tax is said to have been
raised to one tenth on account of war expenses 6), this rate of
one thirtieth, it is believed, remained the ruling standard,
until towards the end of the Eastern cHan dynasty, when some
insignificant additions, amounting together to 20 cash per mou,
were made ).
During the two CHan dynasties the evils attendant on large
landed estates being amassed into a few hands had been keenly
felt, partly by the distribution of the tax having become
unequal, and several attempts had been made to grapple with
the difficulty, but without success 8).
After the years of devastation which followed the downfall


1) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 1, fol. 20.
2) It is possible (though to my mind highly doubtful) that this Elysium for
landowners may have existed, and its possibility is accounted for by many of the
wealthier classes contributing grain, in order to obtain official titles (W. Hs. T.
K., chapt. 1, fol. 22).
3) Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 14, fol. 21, and W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 1, fol. 22.
4) Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 14, fol. 29. 5) Ibd., chapt. 16, fol. 2.
6) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 2, fol. 1. 7) Ibd., chapt. 2, fol. 3.
8) Ibd., chapt. 1, fols. 29-35.








The Landtax in China.


of the Eastern 'Han dynasty, and continued for about 50 years
during the period of the "three kingdoms", it became possible
for Emperor Wu of the Chin dynasty (A. D. 265-289) again
to change the tenure of land, and make the more or less
proprietary occupiers of the land mere landholders. A new system
of levy was then instituted, termed the "apportioning system"
(HI ). This seems to have been a combination of the landtax
and capitation tax in force under the 'Han dynasty. The principal
features of the system are stated to have consisted in each
individual receiving a grant of 70 or 30 mou in accordance
with the order of adults 1) to which the individual belonged.
On about two thirds of this land there was levied a tax in
grain amounting to about 3 shing per mou; and besides this
the grantee, if of the 1st order of adults, had to pay a further
contribution of 3 pieces silkpiecegoods and 3 catties silkbatting,
but only one half of this amount, if of the 2nd order of adults.
The tax is supposed to have amounted to about one tenth
of the gross produce of the land. Towards the end of the
Chin dynasty (A. D. 377) the levy of grain at a certain rate
per mou was abolished, and instead was levied a capitation
tax on the people below princes and dukes of three 'hu grain 2),
which in the year 383 is said to have been increased to five
'hu 3): But although the tax was thus assessed on the individual,
it was, nevertheless, virtually a tax on the land, as the con-
tributors were all granted their share of land.
The modes of assessment and levy of the tax in force under
the succeeding short living dynasties, which ruled in the South
and North of China during the time intervening between the
Chin and T'ang dynasties (A. D. 420-618), did not materially
differ from that of the "apportioning system", mentioned
above. Only the amount paid in grain constituted the proper
tax on land; the other portion paid in silks and other articles


1) Male individuals from 16-60 years old belonged to the 1"t order of adults,
while female adults and individuals from 13-15 and from 60-65 years old belong-
ed to the 2"1 order.
2) 3 shing per mou paid formerly is reckoned to have been equal to a capitation
or household tax of 2 'hu 1 tou.
3) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 2, fol. 6. Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 33, fol. 37.








I. M. Daae.


of produce was partly to be considered as a tax on land cultiv-
ated with mulberry trees or hemp, partly a household or
capitation tax. The adults chosen for military service appear to
have been exempted from these contributions 1). But not only
did the adults receive a fixed portion of land and pay tax
accordingly, but certain areas of land were also allowed them
for slaves and a limited number of oxen possessed for purposes
of tillage, on which again the same contributions of rent and
household tax (tiao) were paid 2).
Although the system of the levy thus remained virtually
unaltered, we find the extent of land granted and the amounts
paid as tax subject to occasional variations 3).
Also after the accession of the T'ang dynasty to the throne
(A. D. 618) the system previously in force was retained under
the name of "the system of rent, personal services and house-
hold4) tax" ('| JH m M ). The land was held in a manner
similar to that during the preceding period, except that the
area granted each adult seems to have been greater (100 mou,
20 of which remained his property), while, on the other hand,
no mention is made of land being granted for oxen possessed.
The holders of land were allowed, as appears to have been the
case under the North Wei dynasty, to transfer under certain
conditions the portion of land that was their property.
The landtax levied was the so called "rent", which was paid
in grain and amounted to 2 shih yearly, or 2 shing per mou.
It was in certain cases remitted, as when the personal services
due yearly (20 days labour) had to be increased with another
30 days labour, or, when by natural calamities above four
tenths of the produce had been destroyed 5).
Thus matters remained until under the reign of Ta Li (A. D.


1) Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 44, fol. 30.
2) Tn the North an ,extra tiao" had to be contributed (W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 2,
fol. 10).
3) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 2, fols. 10, 12-14, 16-17. Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 45,
fol. 89-40.
4) I have not here translated the Chinese character IM, but adopted a name
corresponding to the nature of the levy.
5) Y. P. T. Ch., chapt. 49, fol. 14, and chapt. 50, fol. 2. W. Hs. T. K., chapt.
2, fols. 19-20.








The Landtax in China.


766-779), when an extra levy of 15 cash per mou was ordered
to be collected as "sprout money" (* $ Q), which is said
to have originated in the fact, that the government was in
such urgent want of funds, that there was not time to wait,
until the autumn. It is stated to have been shortly after doubled
in amount. Moreover, another additional tax on the land,
termed "ground tax" (fA. fi ), was levied, amounting to
20 cash per mou. These two extra levies went under the ge-
neral name of "green-land tax" (a W r) 1).
Long accumulated abuses began, however, gradually to bear
their fruits, and the circumstances of the times had so far
changed, that the system of taxation hitherto in force had
become to a great extent impracticable. Towards the middle of
the 8th century, under Emperor Yuan Tsung, the official land
registers had become worthless, as land had changed hands
without the change having been officially recorded, many people
having either removed or been annihilated during the serious
disturbances, which took place at the time.
Under the following Emperor Su Tsung, war is said to have
continued to rage, and the levy of the taxes had become a
matter of the greatest urgency, but no common basis of assess-
ment existed any longer, and taxes were to a great extent
levied at random under a multiplicity of names.
As a consequence individuals belonging to rich families en-
deavoured to obtain exemption from the taxes and personal
services by either becoming officials or members of the priest-
hood, leaving the lower classes to pay taxes at such increased
rates, that they for the most part were unable to bear the
heavy pressure thus placed on them. It was then, in the
1st year of the reign of Chien Chung (A. D. 780), that a minister
named Yang Yen (Q A-) persuaded his imperial master to
institute the system of "the two levies" (~j Q ~ ), in
order that the laws with regard to the revenue might be made
uniform, and order caused to reign, where confusion existed.
The military art had at this time become a separate profes-
sion. A large standing army was kept on foot, which caused

1) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 3, fol. 3.








I. M. Iaa e.


great increase in the army expenditure, as compared with earlier
times, when the soldier was but an ordinary peasant, called
out when his services were required. This undoubtedly also made
the want of a more reliable and elastic system of taxation felt.
The assessment of the levy was based on the amount of the
expenses of every district together with the amounts to be
remitted to the central government. These amounts having been
ascertained, the tax was to be levied from the inhabitants of
the districts. It was assessed in money, though generally com-
muted and paid in produce. The distinction which the state
formerly had made between adults and non-adults was abolished,
and the distinction now to be made was between rich and poor
with the view to distribute more equally the contributions in
accordance with the means possessed. The tax was to be levied
summer and autumn, the first instalment up to the end of the
6th moon, and the second to the end of the 11th moon. The
area of land on which the tax was to be distributed was that
which had been officially reported during the 14th year of Ta
Li (A. D. 779).
A great portion of the populace is said to have viewed the
change with satisfaction, though the more conservative faction
raised objections against the new system as giving precedent
for change and the imposition of new taxes. Another reason for
discontent with the new system is said to have gradually
gained force. At the time when the new system was introduced
and the tax was assessed in money, but generally levied in
produce, money is said to have been cheap as compared with
most kinds of produce. But this ratio was gradually changed;
the value of produce fell, making it incumbent on the contrib-
utor to pay greater quantities of produce to represent the same
money value, than had been the case previously 1). At last,
under Emperor Mu Tsung (A. D. 821) it was found necessary
to reassess the tax in produce 2).
Under the five short dynasties 3) succeeding the T'ang, the

1) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 3, fols. 4, 5, 7, 13, 15. 2) Ibd., fol. 22
3) The Posterior Liang (d -V ), the Posterior T'ang ( O )', the Poste-
rior Chin (V .s), the Posterior 'Han ( ) and the Posterior Chon

(^ ) (A. D. 907-959).








The Landtax in China.


system of the "two levies" was retained, subject, however, to
certain modifications in the rate levied, as may be inferred
from the statement, that under the Posterior Liang dynasty
the tax was light, but under the Posterior T'ang heavy 1).
But in addition to an increase in the standard rate, the dif-
ference at different times in the pressure of the tax was prob-
ably mainly due to other smaller sublevies being imposed on
the land. Thus, for instance, in the 3rd year of Ming Tsung
(A. D. 928) a levy, termed "malt tax" (A W), amounting to
11/, cash per mou, is said to have been added to the summer
duties 2), and again a few years later under the same Emperor
waste allowances are mentioned to have been paid 3).
Under the Posterior Chin dynasty the "two levies" had be-
come to consist of a still greater number of subtaxes, as, for
instance, a certain specified amount (3 tou for every chu of
landtax) was levied as tax on salt, the tax payer, however,
receiving in return 1 or 2 catties salt 4).
A waste allowance of 2 tou for every 'hu landtax paid, was
collected under the Posterior 'Han dynasty, in order, it is said,
to make good losses caused by birds and rats. But whether
this allowance was in addition to those mentioned under the
Posterior Tcang is not clearly stated 5).
Shortly after this time, under the Posterior Chou dynasty
(A. D. 952) a contribution of cowhides, which the people had
been called on to make since the downfall of the T'ang dynasty,
was greatly reduced in amount, equalized on the land, and
merged in the landtax. The contribution had not originally been
a tax, but, the hides being required by the government for
purposes of war, the people had been forced to surrender them,
obtaining payment, however, of their value. Under the Posterior
T'ang dynasty the money payment for them was changed into
an allowance of salt. This salt allowance disappeared, however,
under the Posterior Chin dynasty, and under the Posterior
'Han dynasty the collection of the hides became so strict,
that it was deemed a crime meriting punishment of death to
withhold a hide from the government 6). The merging of this
1) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 3, fol. 24. 2) Chapt. 3, fol. 28.
3) Chapt. 3, fol. 30. 4) Chapt. 4, fol. 2.
5) Ibd., fol. 4. 6) Ibd., fol. 5.








I. M. Daae.


levy into the landtax must have proved an agreeable relief
to the tax payer.
A proposal was afterwards made under the Sung dynasty
to lump all these subsidiary levies together into one impost,
but the proposal was not adopted, lest in after times it should
be lost sight of that taxes on malt, salt &c. were already includ-
ed in the levy, and fresh levies again be imposed on these
articles 1). The malt and salt levies were, however, subsequently
abolished 2). Though, as the requirements of the times made it
necessary, other sublevies took their place. Thus a subsidiary
impost was added to the landtax under the name of "fee levy" 3)
(f 7 i), amounting in the beginning to 7 cash for every
string of cash paid as landtax, and 10 cash for every piece of
silk; but it gradually increased, until about the middle of the
12th century under the Southern Sung dynasty it amounted to
53 cash for every string of cash paid as landtax *).
A levy of cowhides also reappeared about the same time,
being assessed at one cowhide, valued at 1000 cash, for every
20 shih of grain paid as landtax 5). Whether the amount for
cowhides, which was merged in the landtax under the Posterior
Chou dynasty a quarter of a century earlier, had previous to
this been deducted, and was now reimposed in a somewhat dif-
ferent form, or whether it was an additional levy of cowhides
is not distinctly stated.
The landtax was nevertheless at this period not considered
to be excessive; it is said to have amounted to between one
twentieth and one fifteenth of the produce of the land 1). But
the tax did not press correspondingly light on the contributors,
as annoyance and delay was caused them at the time of pay-
ment of the tax, which had often to be commuted at excessive
rates 7). It likewise frequently happened, that it had to be paid

1) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 4, fol. 2. 2) Ibd., fol. 3.
3) I have been unable to discover the origin of this name. The most probable
meaning which the character A here has, is the one which at the present time
it bears in the ordinary phrase jf where M signifies the fee retained by
gaming establishments.
4) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 4, fols. 10-11. 5) Ibd., fol. 11.
6) Ibd., fol. 22. 7) Ibd., chapt. 5, fols. 10-11.








The Landtax in China.


before it was due, and that in payment of grain unjust
topmeasure was exacted 1).
But under the Southern Sung dynasty (A. D. 1127-1279)
new sources of revenue had to be invented, in order to provide
the means to carry on the war against the Chin and Yuan
dynasties, that kept pressing onward from the North, and the
number of levies subsidiary to the landtax was increased in
consequence 2).
Under the Liao and Chin dynasties 3), that had gained power
over the more Northern portion of the empire, while the Sung
dynasty continued to hold sway over the South, no radical
change took place in the system adopted for the levy of the
landtax. It continued to be levied in grain, was assessed on
the mou, and amounted under the Chin dynasty to 3 ko (f-)
grain as summer duties, and 5 shing grain together with a
15 cts. bundle straw as autumn duties 4). As the land at the
time is said to have yielded from 8 tou to 1 shih 2 tou per
mou, according to its quality 5), the above rate of levy in grain
amounted to about o-0th of the gross produce of the land. The
taxpayer had, however, in addition often to convey the grain
long distances, when a reduction of 5 shing on the shih was
allowed for every 300 li the grain had to be conveyed ). It
was the rule that the households of the upper class paid their
tax in the granaries situated farthest away, and the households
of the inferior class in the granaries nearer 7).
The Yuan (or Mongol) dynasty followed the Chin dynasty
in te North, and eventually in 1280 obtained possession of the
Southern provinces, which until then had remained under the
rule of the Southern Sung dynasty. In the North the system
of levy was to some extent modified. A capitation tax and a
landtax proper was levied, which system is compared by the
Chinese to the rent, labour- and household tax (Tsu, Yung
and Tiao) in force under the earlier part of the T'ang dynasty s).

1) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 1, fol. 5.
2) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 5, fol. 5.
3) Liao, A. D. 916-1125; Chin, A. D. 1115-1228.
4) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fol. 28. 5) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 1, fol. 16
6) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fol. 28. 7) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 1, fol. 16.
8) Y. Ch. L. II., chapt. 133, fol. 29.
VIIIe CongrBs international des Orientalistes. -Section de 1'Asie central et de
l'Extreme Orient. 5








I. M. Daae.


In the beginning it appears to have been the rule that in case
the capitation tax exceeded in amount the landtax due, the
former was levied, but if not, the landtax 1); the latter is
stated to have amounted to from 2-5 shing per mou accord-
ing to the quality of the soil ).
But shortly after both the capitation tax and the landtax
must have been paid by the landholders, as it was directed
that families cultivating land in another district than the one
to which they properly belonged, should pay the landtax in
the district in which the land was situated and the capitation
tax in the district where their original home was 3). Now, as
under the Chin dynasty, was it the rule that the families of the
lower classes should pay their grain in the nearest granaries,
while the contribution of grain into the granaries far off, which
was the duty of the rich families, was commuted into a money
payment of Tis 2 in notes 4) per shih. Waste allowance &c.,
amounting to 7 shing per shih, was collected in addition to the
principal tax 5). Military officials were allowed as a privilege
to possess up to 4 ch'ing land exempted from the tax 6).
In the Southern provinces, on the other hand, the system
of the two levies was continued in force 7). In some provinces
there was, however, at first levied only autumn duties 8), until
in the year 1296 it became the rule that summer duties also
should be levied. The former was mainly levied in grain, while
the latter consisted in contributions of cotton, silk, silkpiece-
goods &c., and subsequently also in notes (f & # ). In
the province of Hukuang the summer duty was shortly after
abolished, being replaced by a tax, termed the household rate
( P a), which amounted to 1 kuan 9) 2 mace per household.
During the following year the summer duty was reimposed,
but in the same year again abolished, until in 1298 it was
again finally levied; but the consequence of the change back-


1) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 2, fol. 1. 2) Ibd., fols. 3-4.
3) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fol. 29.
4) WU .~j Tls, 1 of these = Tls 0.5 silver.
5) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fols. 29-30.
6) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., ehapt. 2, fol. 6. 7) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fol. 29.
8) Tbd., fol. 30. 9) 2 kuan = 1 TI silver.








The Landtax in China.


wards and forwards is said to have been that in fact both, the
summer duty and the household rate, were levied together,
although nominally only the former contribution had to be
made 1).
The landtax system which had been in force in the Southern
provinces under the Yuan dynasty was continued, when Hung
Wu of the Ming dynasty in the year 1368 ascended the throne.
The ordinary rate on freehold land was a little above 3 shing
per mou, except in the prefectures of Suchou, Sung-chiang,
Chia-hsing and Huchou, where the tax was assessed as high
as the ordinary rent paid by tenants, amounting in some cases
to more than 7 tou per mou. This rate had been assessed as
a punishment, due to the Imperial displeasure, which the
inhabitants of these places had called down on themselves by
following the lead of a man named Chang Shih-Ch'Cng, who
tried to profit by the commotion which followed the rising of
the Ming dynasty to expel the Mongols. The rate was, how-
ever, much reduced in the year 1380 2).
The tax continued to be paid in the same manner as under
the preceding dynasty. The summer duties consisted mainly in
the contribution of silks and money, only an inconsiderable
quantity of grain being paid, while the autumn tax was paid
in grain principally 3).
The government assisted the peasants with means for commenc-
ing cultivation on uncultivated land, and allowed it as a rule
to remain exempt from tax for 3 years 4).
In the year 1456 a change took place in the levy of the
landtax in the province of Chiangnan, which appears to have
been the beginning, but which later on became the rule, of
merging the levy of personal services, leviable on landowners,
into the landtax. Formerly the principal tax had consisted of
summer duties, autumn grain, and grass for horse food (levied
in accordance with the landtax grain paid), while the contribu-
tions of labour services were added as miscellaneous levies.
These accompanying miscellaneous levies were now commuted
into a payment of grain, and lumped together with the prin-


1) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fols. 30-31.
2) Hs, W. HWIs. T. K., chapt. 3, fol. 2.


3) Ibd. 4) Ibd., fol. 31.








I. M. Daae.


cipal tax into one levy under the name of 2K )f. On land
that was rated highest there was for every shih of principal
tax formerly paid now instead paid 1 shih 3 tou. On land that
was rated lowest, there was for every shih of principal tax
formerly paid now instead paid 2 shih 2 tou. But as the
principal tax was said gradually to have suffered on account
of the additions made to it, these were to some extent reduced
shortly after the middle of the 16th century 1).
After the fall of the last Ming Emperor the reigning Ta Chcing
dynasty accepted without material change the landtax system,
which it found in force. It was not until the year 1724 that
an important change took place. The capitation tax, which had
until that year been levied separately, was then merged in the
landtax. To this rule, however, certain districts in Shansi,
Kwangsi, Kweichou, certain parts of Formosa and Manchuria
formed an exception, where to the present day the capitation
tax continues to be levied apart from the landtax 2).

The capitation tax ( N ).

The second main part of which the present landtax, as just
shown, is made up, is the capitation tax. A capitation tax was
first imposed under the 'Han dynasty (B. C. 199) under the name
of "counting (census) tax" (E VA). Male adults (from 15-56
years old) and women above 30 years of age, who then were and
remained unmarried, were originally the only contributors. For the
male adults the contribution amounted to 120 cash yearly, which
sum, however, was subsequently reduced, while women of the class
named had to pay five times the amount paid by the male adults.
Merchants and slaves paid a double capitation tax 3).
Later on under Emperor Wu of 'Han (B. C. 140-88) the
levy was extended also to children from the 7th to the 14th year,
under te name of "personal tax" ( p 1), amounting at first
to 23 cash per child, but it was afterwards reduced 4).
On the whole, the tax was considered a very light levy,

1) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 3, fol. 34 and 40-41.
2) T. Ch. H. T., chapt. 11, fol. 15. 3) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 10, fols. 5-6.
4) Ibd., fol. 7.








The Landtax in China.


and was, moreover, often remitted; among other instances may
be named, that husbands, whose wives were expecting to be
confined, were exempted from the tax for one year ).
After the 'Han dynasty had fallen and the Ch'in dynasty event-
ually got sway of the empire, a capitation tax does not appear to
have formed part of the regular system of revenue, until under
Emperor Tcai Tsung of the Sung dynasty (A. D. 984), with the
exception of some years under Hsiao Wu of the Ch'in dynasty,
who A. D. 374 abolished the levy of the landtax and the tax
on the household, and imposed instead a capitation tax, amount-
ing at first to 3 'hu, but which amount is said to have been
subsequently increased to 5 shih2).
Under the Sung dynasty the capitation tax was at first
payable partly in money and partly in grain, until A. D. 1011
the portion payable in cash ceased to be levied, while a payment
in silkgoods became the principal part of the levy, being 1
piece for every three adults, which was afterwards reduced to
1 piece for every five, and finally to 1 piece for every seven
adults 3).
The Mongol Emperors continued to levy a capitation tax in
grain in the Northern provinces, amounting at first to 1 shih
per adult, but afterwards increased to 3 shih for adults of the
higher classes of households, the greater number, however,
being liable for only 1 shih 4).
Under the Ming dynasty the capitation tax remained a por-
tion of the regular revenue, and the reigning Manchu dynasty
at first continued the system which it had found in force. The
inhabitants were divided into five classes: town people ( X),
country people (f- F), wealthy people ( i), tenants
(fIt ), and strangers ( ). Each class was again sub-
divided into three grades: the upper, the middle, and the lower.
Within each grade distinction was further made between adults,
youths, and children. There had been periodical increases or
decreases in the tax in accordance with the increase or decrease
in the population. But in the year 1714 it was ordained that

1) W. Ha. T. K., chapt. 10, fol. 9. 2) Ibd,, fol.. 13.
3) Ibd., chapt. 11, fols. 2-3 and 19-20.
4) Hs. W. Ha. T. K., chapt. 19, fol. 16.








I. M. Daae.


the tax should be levied according to the census list of the
50th year of K'anghsi (1712), irrespective of any increase in
the number of inhabitants.
In the 2nd year of Yung ChAng (A. D. 1724) the levy was
eventually merged in the landtax, when all people not possess-
ing land became wholly exempted from it. There were, how-
ever, as mentioned already on page 68, certain districts in
Shansi, Kwangsi, Kweichou, parts of Formosa, and in Manchuria,
where the capitation tax has continued to be levied apart from
the landtax 1).

Personal services (f).

We now come to the third and last part, personal services,
of which the landtax consists. Since long previous to our pres-
ent era it was customary to require a certain number of men
of each household to contribute personal services, besides being
liable to conscription for military duties. Each household had
to furnish from 2 to 3 men in accordance with the number of
adults of which the household consisted (generally reckoned
from 5 to 7), and the quality of the soil which the household
occupied. A household contributed only 1 man for military
services. Each individual was called on to contribute services
from his 20th to his 60th year in the districts situated near the
capitals where the princes resided, while in the more distant
districts the age was between the 15th and the 65th year, the
reason for this distinction being that in the former districts the
inhabitants were liable to more frequent military services2.
The services consisted originally in the execution of public
works, and in the performance of police duties 8). At first they
did not exceed 3 days yearly, and even these were reduced to
two or one day, or entirely remitted, if the year happened to
yield a middling or short harvest 4). But from the time of the
Ch'in and the cHan dynasties they were increased to 30 days
yearly, each adult being liable to contribute from his 20th to
his 56th year. It was allowed people who could afford it, to


2) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 10, fols. 1-2.
4) Ibd., fols. 3-4.


1) T. Ch. H. T., chapt. 11, fol. 15.
3) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 10, fol. 1.








The Landtax in China.


hire others to perform either the personal or military services
for them on a monthly payment of 2000 cash ').
With the exception that in the reign of Tai Yuan of the Chain
dynasty (A. D. 377) the levy of personal services was for a
short period discontinued (when a tax on the individual of 3
chu grain was instituted, instead of a tax on the land) 2), no
change of importance took place, until under the T'ang dynasty.
Before the landtax system of the "two levies" had been
instituted, each adult was as before liable to perform personal
services, but every adult did not actually perform them. Thus
under the reign of Tcien Pao (A. D. 744) it is mentioned that
of a household consisting of above 10 adults, 2 had to perform
personal services, and of a household of above 5 adults, only
one adult contributed 3).
When, however, the system of the "two levies" was put
in force, the personal services (0)), or the money that had
been levied in their place, were merged in the landtax. This
boon to the people was not of long duration, as some time
after the people are said to have again been subject to con-
tribution of personal services. And under the Sung dynasty, when
a special tax had been imposed, which should exempt the
inhabitants from labour services, the village elders after a while
are said not to have received the money from the government
with which to hire people to perform the services, but as it
was indispensable that the services should be performed, the
inhabitants had again to contribute them, so that the levy at
that time appears to have been imposed three times over. It
is, therefore, generally considered that it was then greatly
oppressive, and it is reported to have been at the same time
most intricate, being levied at some places under as many as
70 different names 4).
Under the Southern Sung dynasty (A. D. 1212) the levy
became again subject to some modifications. It remained as be-
fore mainly based on the means possessed by the contributors,
but the services to be performed at any one time are said to


I) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 10, fols. 5-6. 2) Ibd., fol. 13.
3) Ibd., chapt. 10, fol. 23.
4) Ibd., chapt. 11, fols. 18-21.








I. M. Daae.


have been increased threefold. On the other hand, a much long-
er period now intervened between each time the same con-
tributor had to perform the services. It was termed the "system
of doubled personal services" (V ) ').
While the Liao and Ch'in dynasties held the North of China,
labour performances and contributions of money in lieu of per-
sonal services continued to be levied. They were assessed in
accordance with the amount of property, such as land, slaves,
domestic animals, carts &c., possessed by the contributors, and
steps were accordingly taken at frequent intervals to ascertain
the amount of property possessed by the people. Under the
Liao dynasty I find for the first time mention made of postal
service as belonging to personal services to be performed 2).
The rulers of the Yiian dynasty greatly simplified the levy,
and made it extend equally to landowners and tradesmen, the
latter of which had been exempted 3). It was now made to con-
sist mainly in contributions of silk materials (A 4'-) of which
every two households had to pay 1 catty to the central govern-
ment, and every five households 1 catty to the local authorities,
and a money contribution (N $ ) amounting at first to Tls
6, but later to only Tls 4. Besides these there was also
another monetary levy (f# #). All three were, however,
afterwards formed into one impost called "the great door tax"
(j Fl il)4).
At the time certain households, who appear to have been
exempt from personal services 5), were required to perform postal
services 6).
Besides the above levies in lieu of personal services there
was also instituted in Chiangnan at the commencement of the
Yiian dynasty the system of grain contributions in aid of per-
sonal services ( f Y ). The households possessing above
one chcing land had to put aside a certain number of mou of

1) W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 21, fol. 1.
2) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 21, fols. 5 and 6-9.
3) Ibd., fols. 13-18.
4) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 131, fol. 31.
5) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 21, fol. 17.
6) Ibd., fol. 14.









The Landtax in China.


land for every chding possessed, the produce of which they had
to surrender to the authorities ).
Under the Ming dynasty the households were divided into
three classes, the class to which each belonged being determined
by the area of land possessed by it, and different kinds of
labour services or payments in lieu of same were then distribut-
ed on the households in accordance with the class to which
they belonged, while at the same time the number of adults
possessed by each household was taken into consideration ).
Under this rule did not come the services which were incidental
to the institution of hundreds and tithings, which services had
to be performed by the people in turn 3).
Many were, however, exempted from the contribution, as for
instance civil officials, and military officials might possess up to
3 ch'ing land, without being called upon to contribute personal
services. If possessing more than 3 ch'ing, the levy was assessed
in proportion to the excess only 4).
But, as mentioned above, in the year 1456 the levy of per-
sonal services in the province of Chiangnan began to be merged
in the landtax, and this became afterwards, during the latter
half of the sixteenth century, the general rule, which has been
continued under the present dynasty 5).
The postal services, which certain households had had to
perform under the Yuan dynasty, were at a subsequent period
commuted into a money payment to provide for the expenses
incurred by the officials in hiring people to perform them, and
the tax was ultimately merged in the landtax 6).
After having thus shown the gradual development from the
earliest times of the landtax proper, the capitation tax, and
the personal services, and pointed out how the last two levies
eventually became united with the first, so as to form parts
of one general tax assessed on the land, I shall now proceed
to describe, in detail, the nature of the impost as at present
levied.

1) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fol. 31.
2) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fol. 35, and Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 21, fol. 25.
3) Hs. W. Hs. T. K., chapt. 21, fol. 25. 4) Y. Ch. L. H., chapt. 133, fol. 35.
5) T. Ch. H. T., chapt. 11, fol. 15, and T. Ch. L. L., chapt. 8, fol. 42.
6) T. Ch. H. T., chapt. 11, fol. 15.








I. M. Daae.


Present levy.

In levying the landtax the government has adopted the
system of dealing with each individual proprietor. In doing this
the aim of the government has been to ensure, that the lowest
amount compatible with the state expenditure should be levied
from the people, in order thus to aid in procuring plenty for
the inhabitants and, what in China is considered a necessary
consequence of this, internal peace.
It does not, therefore, allow the tax to be farmed out to
speculators, and prohibits under penalty influential members
among the gentry to collect the tax from the smaller cultivat-
ors, in order to hand it over to the district magistrate 1), as
this would give them an opportunity of imposing a greater
amount on the simple minded peasants, than the government
has stipulated. An exception to this rule exists, however, with
regard to small tax-contributors, who have to pay under 1
Tael, and who are living at a great distance from the magist-
rate's Yamen; in their case it is allowable to entrust the
amount to larger contributors for payment to the authorities 2).
For the purpose of assessing the tax, surveys have been
made of the land, the property of each propietor is entered in
a landregister, and the tax is assessed at a fixed rate per mou
of cultivated land.

Survey.

The cultivated land in China has on several occasions under
different dynasties been surveyed. But a scientific survey has
as yet never been made, as the only instrument which the
Chinese employ in surveying land, is the measuring rod, and
at times a rope; it is, therefore, more than probable that the
surveys made are chargeable with great inaccuracies. Moreover,
the old measurement in the different provinces was not based
on a uniform scale, and was in many cases found to differ
widely from the dimensions of the standard measurement issued
by the Board of Revenue under the present dynasty. Not only


1) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 9, fol. 9.


2) Ibd., fols. 7-8.









The Landtax in China.


was the number of feet to the bow ') ( i ) different in different
places (varying from 2 feet 2 inches in certain provinces up
to 7 feet 5 inches in others); but also the number of bows to
the mou was found to vary from 260 bows per mou up to 720
bows. The government did not consider it expedient to amend
this inequality, as it would have necessitated a thorough change
in the amounts of the landtax long since fixed for the different
provinces, and to which the people had already become accust-
omed. It was, however, directed in the 15th year of Chcien Lung
(A. D. 1750) that from that time the Revenue Board standard
should in every instance be employed in surveying land which
is reported to the magistrate as having been laid under cult-
ivation 2).
The area of taxable land as reported by the several provincial
authorities to the central government amounts at the present
time to 7,646,267 ch'ing, equal to about 115,840,945 acres.
In undertaking surveys of the land it is the rule that they
should take place at times when the peasants are unemployed
with their harvest labours.

Registration of land.
After the land has been duly surveyed it is entered in the
district magistrate's landregisters, the most important of which
is called the ,,Fish-shell Register ( J-) 3). This register
contains information with regard to the situation of the land,
its configuration, boundaries, and owner. It is this register
which serves as evidence in cases of boundary disputes 4).

Assessment of the land.
When the registration of newly cultivated land has taken

1) The measures employed in the survey and measurement of land are 10 the
bow ( ) being 5 Chinese feet long; 2 the mou ( M ) equal to 240 square
bows, or being 1564 bows square; 30 the ch'ing ( I ) equal to 100 mon, or
being 1141-8 bows square. 6.6 mou equal about 1 acre; 1 ch'ing equals about
15.15 acres.
2) T. Ch. H. T. S. L., chapt. 140, fol. 21, and H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 7, fol. 38.
3) A remnant from the Ming dynasty.
4) T. Ch. H. T. S. L., chapt. 140, fol. 13, and H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 9, fol. 18.








I. M. Daae.


place it remains exempt from the tax for ten years, if dry
land; for six years, if paddy land. Should, however, the land
previous to the expiration of the stipulated term be found
unsuited for cultivation, the cultivator may, by applying to
the magistrate to have it reexamined, be allowed to relinquish it 1).
After the expiration of the above named terms, when the land
is chargeable with the tax, the assessment is made per mou,
in accordance with the quality of the soil. The land is divided
into classes, according to its quality, each of which is again
subdivided into grades; for each grade a separate rate is fixed.
The rates also vary according to the kind of land, on which
they are levied. Of the different kinds of land into which the
soil of China is divided, the two most important are 10 the
freehold land (X [U) and 2 the land belonging to the grain
transport stations (-j B ). But I shall here confine myself to
mention the rates on the former. These vary greatly in the differ-
ent provinces. The lowest rate levied per mou is T1. 0. 0.0.0.0.5.4.
in money and shing 0.0.5-2' in kind, levied on some land in
Chianghsi. The highest rate levied is T1. 0. 6.5.0. in money
and tou 5.5 in kind, which is levied on certain land in Kwei-
chou. In the different provinces the rates vary in innumerable
shades between these two extremes 2).
The land belonging to the grain transport stations is as a
rule assessed at a lower rate than the freeholds 3).
The monetary part of the tax. is properly assessed in silver,
but in case the people desire to pay the tax in cash, the gov-
ernor shall fix the rate at which the cash is to be received
according to the market price ruling at the time 4).
To the amounts levied in money and kind in accordance
with the fixed rates, there is in addition levied waste allow-
ances on these amounts in most of the provinces. They had been
levied secretly during the commencement of the present dynasty,
and were only officially acknowledged during the 1st year of
the reign of Yung Ch6ng (A. D. 1723) 5). The total of the tax
in money and kind, including capitation tax and waste allow-
ances, amounted in the 13th year of Tcung Chih (A. D. 1874)


1) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 8, fol. 1.
3) Ibd. 4) Ibd., chapt. 9, fol, 7.


2) Ibd., chapt. 5, fols. 8-23.
5) T. H. L., chapt. 24, fol. 16.








The Landtax in China.


to about thirty nine and a half millions Taels. For full partic-
ulars I must refer to the table appended to this chapter.

Land exempted from the tax.

The land belonging to temples, to burial places and places
of sacrifice to the saints &c. are all exempted from the land-
tax. The total area of this revenue free land is stated to be
3567 ching 1).
Moreover, the people are allowed to cultivate small patches
of land, varying in size from one to ten mou, in out of the
way places, as on hills, along river banks &c., in order to
encourage them in their endeavour to increase their means of
subsistence without any fear of finding themselves subsequently
involved in disputes about the tax 2).
Under the head of land exempted from tax comes also the
"banner land" (O J ), though not in the sense of the above
lands, as it may in fact be considered government land, rented
by farmers. It is situated within a radius of 167 miles (500 li)
from the capital, and was granted by the present dynasty to
the officers and soldiers of the eight banners; its area amounts
to 153,467 ch'ing. The banner men were, however, indifferent
cultivators of the soil, and mortgaged their land to Chinese
peasants. Afterwards the government redeemed it, and decided
to let the land out to Chinese tenants, who pay a rent to the
government, which the magistrates collect, and which is divid-
ed among the banner men 3).
There is likewise in all the provinces granted land to the
public educational establishments, amounting to 17000 ch'ing
for the purpose of providing means for defraying expenses for
repairs to the houses, and for giving support to needy scholars.
(In some provinces it is reckoned among the ordinary peasant
land, in others a separate account is kept of it, in which latter
case it is exempt from the landtax, and is let out to tenants,
who pay a yearly rent 4).


1) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 7, fol. 18.
2) T. Ch. H. T. S. L., chapt. 139, fol. 17, and H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 7, fol. 19.
3) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 7, fols. 1-10. 4) T. Ch. H. T., chapt. 11, fol. 10.








I. M. Daae.


In Manchuria, Hunan, Ssuchcuan, Kweichou and Tcaiwan
tracts of land have been granted to military colonists, amount-
ing to several thousand ch'ing, which is exempt from tax; in
some cases the land is cultivated by the grantees themselves;
in others it is let to tenants, who pay a yearly rent 1).

Mode of collecting the landtax.

Before the levy of the landtax is commenced each landed
proprietor is furnished with a memorandum explanatory of the
tax, giving information with regard to the area of land belong-
ing to the household concerned, the amount of landtax leviable
on same, the proportionate additional levy, the tribute grain
due &c., and explaining how the tax is equalized and distrib-
uted on the different classes and grades of land.
For the collection of the landtax there is fixed two terms,
the first from the beginning of the 2nd moon to the end of the
5th moon, when one half of the tax ought to be paid. The
collection is then suspended, on account of the peasants being
busy with their agricultural labours. The second term commences
with the 8th moon and finishes at the end of the 12th moon,
when the tax should be collected to its full amount. Exceptions
to this rule are:
a. Chiangsu, Shenhsi, and SsuchCuan, where the first term
extends from the 2nd moon to the end of the 7th moon;
b. Kwangtung, where the first term begins with the 7thmoon
and ends with the 8th moon, and the second term commences
with the 12th moon and extends to the 1st moon of the following
year; and
c. Yunnan and Kweichou, where the first term for the col-
lection of the tax commences at the beginning of the 9thmoon
and lasts to the end of the year; the remainder of the tax
should be collected to its full amount during the 3rd moon of
the following year 2).
The district magistrate, who also acts as collector of the landtax
in China, employs the circulating memorandum (-' )) '), in


1) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 8, fols. 13-15. 2) Ibd., chapt. 9, fol. 5-6.
3) Except in Kwanghsi, Ssuch'uan and part of Manchuria.








The Landtax in China.


order to speed on the collection of the tax. There is one such
memorandum for every five or ten families. Under the name
of each family is stated the area of land belonging to it, the
amount of tax payable in money and grain, for the payment
of which they are allowed ten minor terms. The portion to be
paid in each term is also stated. This memorandum is forwarded
to the headman of the tithing, who circulates it round, until
the tax is paid. The taxpayers are at liberty to proceed to the
magistrates office and place the money in the moneychest
placed outside the Yam6n, whereupon one part of a triple-
certificate (- $ ), on each part of which is stated the
amount of the items to be paid, is handed him as receipt.
One of the two remaining parts is kept in the magistrates
office for reference, while the other is given to the Yam&n
runner for purposes of comparison. Those certificates that remain
belong to people, that have not paid their tax, and serve as
a kind of "Defaulters' Register"; such outstanding sums have
to be collected without delay. The certificates serve also as a
check on the magistrate's clerks; should the part of the certif-
icate which is to be handed to the tax payer, have been given
up, and the amount of grain or money stated in same not be
at hand, this is held as a proof that the amount has been
wrongfully appropriated for private purposes 1). As to the por-
tion of the landtax that is paid in kind, the magistrate notifies
the peasants some time beforehand when in the autumn the
granaries will be open for receiving the levy, specifying also
the order and the time in which the people belonging to the
different villages have to proceed to the granaries to pay the
tax. It is the duty of the collecting official to superintend at
the granaries himself, in order to prevent the people suffer-
ing injustice 2).
If it happens that a landed proprietor resides in another dis-
trict than the one in which his land is situated, the magistrate
of the latter makes out a memorandum of the tax payable, which
he forwards to the magistrate of the district in which the owner re-
sides, requesting him to urge on for him the collection of the tax 3).


1) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 9, fols. 6-7.
2) T. Ch. H. T. Sh. L., chapt. 143, fol. 26. 3) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 9, fol. 8.








I. M. Daae.


This arrangement is made, in order that the taxpayer may be
the easier reached, and thus no evasion of the tax be caused.

Evasion of the landtax and punishment inflicted therefore.

The payment of the landtax can be evaded entirely by sup-
pressing, or omitting to register the land in the public registers,
or partly evaded by falsely representing the quality of the land
as inferior to what it in reality is. I am unable to ascertain
whether it is a crime of common occurrence to evade the tax,
but it is my belief that on account of the enormous extent of
the country and its great population, a considerable number
of cases of the kind are yearly brought to the notice of the
magistrates, and in all probability a still greater number is
passed unnoticed.
The evasion of the landtax, it is stated in the Penal Code,
"shall be punishable in proportion to the amount of the chargeable
land omitted, in the following manner: When the unregistered
land amounts to one mou, and does not exceed five mou, with
40 blows; and for every additional five mou so suppressed,
the punishment shall be increased one degree, until it arrives
at the limit of 100 blows. The unregistered land shall be forfeited
to the state, and the arrears of the landtax (computed according
to the period during which it had been unpaid, the extent
of the land, and the rate at which it would have been lawfully
chargeable) shall be at the same time discharged in full" 1).
If an attempt is made partly to evade the tax by represent-
ing the land to be of a lower than its real quality, it is stated
that: "When the land is entered in the register, but falsely
represented as unproductive when productive, lightly chargeable
when heavily chargeable;... (or if the land is nominally made
over in trust to another person, in order to exempt the real
proprietor from personal service), the punishment, whether
corporal or arising out of the payment of the arrears of the
tax, shall be inflicted in the manner and according to the scale
above stated; but instead of a forfeiture of the lands, the register
of them shall simply be corrected and the assessment and per-


1) Staunton's translation of the Penal Code, Book II, page 94.








The Landtax in China.


sonal service of the real proprietor be established agreeably
thereto" ').

Deferring of levy and remission of the landtax.

It is not an unfrequent occurrence in China, that when a
locality meets with a natural calamity, or when armies have
to march through it, from which it naturally suffers, or again
when extraordinary services are performed by the people of the
locality, the payment of the landtax is deferred for some time,
in order thus to alleviate the sufferings of the people.
The extent of the calamity is ascertained by the district
magistrate, who in reporting expresses its extent in a certain
number of tenths. If reported to amount to l/o11ths, 9/1,ths, and
811oths, the landtax for the year is distributed over three years,
during which time it has to be paid together with the ordinary
tax for those years. If it amounts to 7/lths, 6/loths, or s5/,ths,
the tax is distributed over two years. If under 5/loths, no part
of the levy is deferred 2).
Sometimes the landtax is wholly remitted, if the finances
of the country admit thereof, on important occasions in an
emperor's reign, as, for instance, the anniversary of his access-
ion to the throne after an unusually long reign, or the emperor's
mother having reached her 80th or 90th birthday, or a period
of great prosperity throughout the empire. The amounts remitt-
ed on such occasions during the present dynasty are said to
have amounted to about 167 millions taels. It being impract-
icable to remit the whole levy in one year, the remission has
as a rule been distributed over three years, a certain number
of provinces being exempt each year 3).
The landtax has also as a rule been partly remitted in those
districts through which the emperor has passed on his way
either to the Imperial tombs, the hunting grounds, or while
on tours of inspection in the provinces. The amount remitted
has generally been 3/,oths of the tax leviable 4).

1) Staunton's translation of the Penal Code, Book II, page 94.
2) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 84, fol. 7.
3) Ibd., chapt. 83, fols. 1-13.
4) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 84, fol. 5, and T. Ch. H. T. Sh. L., chapt. 212-214
VIIIe CongrBs international des Orientalistes.- Section de l'Asie central et de
l'Extreme Orient. 6








I. M. Daae.


It has likewise been the practice to remit arrears due for a
certain period of years back, a most unpopular measure among
the Yamin runners, as they while the money is still supposed
to be due, often obtain a small douceur on their appearing
with their defaulters' register in the villages 1),

Incidences and economical results of the tax.

To trace the incidences and economical results of any tax in
China is a task of extreme difficulty, as the state of general
statistics is still very behindhand, and without these no reliable
data are to be had from which to draw correct conclusions. I
shall, however, from the facts above explained endeavour to
trace the most important incidences and results of the tax under
consideration.
In doing so it will be of assistance first to recapitulate its
principal features. We have seen
10. that the land when first laid under cultivation is exempted
from the tax for a certain number of years (6-10 years);
2. that the tax, after the expiry of the period allowed, is
assessed at certain rates per mou, varying in amount according
to the quality of the soil;
3. that it is levied partly in money and partly in kind;
4. that the money rate is assessed in another than the ordinary
currency, and that the levy in kind is frequently commuted
into a money payment;
5. that there are two yearly terms fixed for the collection
of the tax;
6. that lands belonging to temples and places of sacrifice to
the saints are exempted from the tax;
7. that the punishment inflicted for evading the tax consists
in confiscation of the land so concealed, besides the bastinado;
8. that the tax on certain occasions is remitted either in
part or entirely.
The circumstance that land when first laid under cultivation
is exempted from the tax, proves greatly beneficial to the
agricultural interests of the country. It cannot fail to be an
inducement to the cultivator, that he, when he finds a parcel


1) H. P. Ts. L., chapt. 83, fols. 49-64.








The Landtax in China.


of waste land suitable for cultivation, shall be allowed to enjoy
the whole of the produce himself, without being called upon
to surrender any part thereof to government for some years to
come. Did not this inducement exist, but the land were at
once subject to the tax, it is more than probable that the waste
land would remain waste, as the profits derived from newly
broken up land are but insignificant, while a great amount of
labour is required. As it is, this inducement given to the cult-
ivator may be considered to tend to the increase of the pro-
ductive power of the land.
That the tax is assessed on a certain specified measurement
of land (the mou), and at rates varying in accordance with the
quality of the soil appears theoretically a sufficiently perfect
arrangement. Had exact surveys been made of the land, and
were it possible in practice in every instance to pronounce with
certainty the grade of quality of the soil concerned, such method
would have ensured that the tax would had been equally distrib-
uted. But, as I have pointed out above, inequality exists in
the measurement of the land surveyed previous to the 15th
year of Chien Lung, when mous of different size were assessed
at the same rate, and generally the surveys made subsequently
have been unscientific and are without doubt chargeable with
great inaccuracies.
And the method adopted in assessing the tax of dividing the
land into classes and grades according to its quality, though
theoretically fair and just, must necessarily in practice lead to
great inequalities. Even supposing the functionaries who are
employed in the performance of this work to be honest, well-
meaning men, still the great difficulty in every instance cor-
rectly to decide the particular grade of a class to which a
certain parcel of land belongs will in all probability give rise
to inequalities, and should the functionaries be in the least
chargeable with venality, it is easy to perceive what splendid
field this system throws open for vexatious proceedings and
acception of bribes to the detriment of tax contributors and the state.
It may, however, in fairness be asked, what other system
will give better practical results, without being chargeable
with other equally objectionable consequences. If the land be
accurately surveyed, and the system at present in force be








I. M. Daae.


carried honestly into practice, no greater objection on the score
of inequality among the respective contributors of the tax could
fairly be raised, than under any other method which might
be adopted.
However, to attain this end two important changes would
undoubtedly be necessary in the administration of the landtax.
First, scientific surveys would have to be made of each district,
by which exact knowledge of its area would be obtained.
Secondly, district collectors would have to be specially appointed,
whose sphere of action would not extend to ordinary judicial
matters.
The fact that the tax is levied partly in money and partly
in kind is, as long as the rate of each is fixed, and the tax
is levied in money and kind accordingly, open to no objection,
when the present state of society and the circumstances generally
of China are considered. But that the money rates are assessed
in another than the ordinary currency, and that the levy in
kind is frequently commuted into a money payment, are both
points which especially in a country situated like China are
more or less open to objections. As the money rate of the tax
is assessed in silver, and the ordinary currency used by the
people is copper cash, the peasants if desirous of paying in
silver have to change their cash to obtain the silver, by which
operation a loss is sure to be sustained, and they would then
moreover be caused expense in having the silver melted down
into the proper amount payable. If they pay in cash it is doubt-
less provided, that the governor of the province concerned shall
fix and cause to be made generally known the proper rate of
exchange. But there can be no doubt that this difference in
currency, notwithstanding this provision, causes great uncert-
ainty, as it opens the door for exacting proceedings. Were the
rate published throughout the district, many of the smaller
proprietors might still continue ignorant thereof, being unable
to read it, and it is probable that even those to whose knowledge
it comes would prefer to submit to pay a higher than the
ordinary rate, to calling down upon them the hatred of the
clerks and YamGn runners. The fact that the levy in kind is
often commuted into a money payment is open to the same
objection, giving the unscrupulous taxgatherer an opportunity









The Landtax in China.


of commuting the tax at a higher rate than the market value
of the grain. Both circumstances tend to render the tax uncert-
ain in amount, and to keep out of the pocket of the taxpayer
considerably more than is necessary, over and above what it
brings into the Imperial treasury.
The two yearly terms (each of which is subdivided into
minor terms) fixed for the payment of the tax may be fairly
pronounced the most convenient for the taxpayer. The adoption
of these terms enable the proprietors to make the payment
gradually in small sums, which circumstance causes the outlay
to be felt as lightly as possible by the smaller landowners,
and the later term of the two, during which the latter half
of the tax is paid, ends only after the autumn harvest has
been completed and the cultivator has had time, should need
be, to realize part or whole of his surplus produce.
The exemption granted to lands belonging to temples and places
of sacrifice to the saints, although economically indefensible,
is a measure which under the circumstances may be considered
politically expedient. The extent of the land so exempted is
moreover comparatively insignificant, and but a trifling loss is,
therefore, caused to the treasury.
As regards the punishment inflicted for the evasion of the
tax no great objection can be taken to it on the score of severity,
if the provisions generally of the Chinese criminal code, and
the character of the people whom it is intended to restrain, be
duly considered. It might be urged that confiscation of the land
would eventually prove detrimental to the general interests of
the country, as the lands in the hands of the government would
not be likely to be managed in the same careful manner (and,
therefore, decrease in productive power), as it would under the
peasant proprietor himself, whose own welfare would to a
great extent depend on the proper management of the land.
But such objection cannot have great practical weight. The
confiscated land is as a rule let to tenants for a small rent, and
the interests of these tenants are as fully bound up with the land,
as were it their own property, they and their families being
in most instances allowed to remain on it, as long as they
pay the stipulated rent.
It is but a natural consequence of a system where the









I. M. D a a e, The Landtax in China.


government deals directly with every cultivator, that at times
the remission of the tax either in part or wholly should form
part of the system. Droughts or inundations often befall large
districts, and during such calamities it would be impossible for
the large class of small peasant owners to contribute their share
of the tax, although it can by no means be said to be a heavy
impost. And even the greater and more well to do landowners
would in years of exceptionally bad harvests find difficulty in
paying the tax to its full amount, as tenants are then sure to
be behindhand with their rents.
It has, however, on not a few occasions been the case that,
although no natural calamities have given cause to the measure,
an entire year's landtax has been remitted as an act of grace
on the part of the emperor.
As the government expenditure in future will increase in
consequence of advance made in civilisation, it is not probable
that the state of the Treasury will again admit of such great
sacrifices.
A Table giving details as to the component parts of the tax
and its distribution over the different provinces is hereto appended.















On the Geographical Distribution

of the Turki Branch of the Eral-Altaic Family

of Languages.

By

ROBERT NEEDHAM CUST.

















On the Geographical Distribution


of the Turki Branch of the Ural-Altaic Family

of Languages.



I have long been desirous of arriving at some definite idea
of the living languages, (as distinguished from any Ethnolog-
ical considerations,) known generally as Tatar, or Turki. I
propose to drop the former name, and use the latter exclusively.
The vulgar idea has been, that the word "Turki, Turkish, or
Turk", applies exclusively to the Mahometan subjects of the
Ottoman Empire, and it is not understood over what a vast
area in Asia the name extends, from Kasan on the River
Volga to the confines of British India in Yarkand, from the
Turkoman hordes on the Persian frontier to the Yakit far
away in the Northern Regions of the Asiatic Continent. It is
only lately, that it has become clear, that there are certain
distinctly defined varieties of this symmetrical and beautiful
form of speech, and it is worthy of remark, that the whole
of the Turki-speaking population of the world is slowly, but
surely, gravitating towards Russian domination. A few corners
still lie outside the absorbing influence, but they seem totter-
ing on the brink of the chasm. The Tarantchi of Khilja, and
the Yarkandi of Kashgiria, or Chinese Tartary, are still within
the Empire of China. The Turki tribes who inhabit the regions
betwixt the River Oxus and the Range of the Hindu Kish,
are still in Afghanistan: the Province of Azerbijin still forms
part of the Kingdom of Persia, and the Osminli Turki inhab-
itants of Asia Minor and the ruling classes of Constantinople
are still under the sceptre of the Sultan: but this state of affairs









Robert Needham Cust.


is clearly only temporary. Unity of language is put forward
elsewhere, as a basis of political union, and is no doubt a fac-
tor in politics. I take the opportunity of the International
Oriental Congress of Stockholm to lay the matter before the
Central Asian Section. The presence of so many distinguished
Russian Scholars will greatly advance my object, as, when they
are aware of the deficiency of our knowledge in certain branch-
es of the subject, they will be able and willing to enlighten us.
It is unnecessary to allude to the characteristic features of
the grammatical structure of this Branch of the Ural-Altaic Fam-
ily: they are well known, and are classified as Agglutinative.
Nor is it necessary to make more than a passing remark on
the fact, that the majority of the tribes of this Branch have
at one time or another accepted the Mahometan Faith, though
some are Shamanist, or Christian, and that, as a consequence,
the word-store of some languages has been affected by the influx
of the Semitic Arabic, and Arian Persian, and to an extent
scarcely paralleled elsewhere. My object on the present occasion
is restricted to Linguistic Geography, rather than to Linguistic
Science pure and simple.
I. In my course from the West to the East, I come first
upon the Osmanli Turki, the representative in the eyes of the
general Public, of all that is implied by "Turkish". This beau-
tiful literary Language is thoroughly well known: its proper
Field, as a Vernacular, is in Asia Minor; but it is spoken by
the ruling and influential classes in other parts of the Turkish
Empire in Asia and Africa, and in the great City of Constan-
tinople, and its environs in Europe.
II. Proceeding Eastward I come to the Nogai Turki: their
number is estimated at 190,000: their most Westerly Settlement
is in the Province of Bessarabia, where they have about twenty
villages. They are numerous in the Krimea, where they are
good agriculturists. I have myself visited them in their vil-
lages betwixt Sebastopol and the River Alma: and they have
a distinct Dialect. They are found in the Provinces North of
the Caucasus, on the Rivers Kuban and Kima, dwelling in
villages. Nomads of this tribe are found North of the River
Volga at Astrakhan, which is in fact their ancient home: some
of them tend their flocks on the Kirghiz steppes. The Bezian









On the Geogr. Distrib. of the Turki Branch of the Ural- Altaic Family of Languages 91

shepherds in the pastures North of the Mountain of Elburz are
included in the Nogai. It will be remarked, that their settle-
ments are exclusively in Europe, and within the limits of the
Russian Empire. Their language has been imperfectly studied,
but it is represented by a translation of the Pentateuch, and
the New Testament; specially prepared by British Missionaries
at the town of Karass in 1807. A book of Proverbs of the
Krimean Turks has been published at Kasan, and the book of
Genesis in London in the peculiar Dialect of the Krimea.
III. Proceeding up the basin of the River Volga, I come to
the Province of Kasan in European Russia, where a population
of 200,000, intermixed with Arian Russians, and members of
the Finnic Branch of the Ural-Altaic Family, speak a well-
recognized Turki Language of their own, which is sufficiently
illustrated by translations of two Gospels, a Grammar published
by Balint at Buda-Pest in 1875, a Dictionary published by
Ostramoff at Kasan in 1876, and other books.
IV. In the European Provinces of Kasan, and Nijni Nov-
gorod, and in the Asiatic Province of Orenburg, reside the Chu-
vash, numbering about 450,000, spread along both sides of
the River Volga. This Language has been distinctly proved by
Schott in his Essay, 1876, to belong to the Turki Branch, but
those, who use it, are intermixed with the Mordvin, and Chere-
miss, members of the Finnic Branch of the Ural-Altaic Family.
A translation of the Four Gospels has been made into this
Language from the Slavonic, and published in the Cyril Char-
acter by the Russian Bible Society in 1818. A Dictionary has
been published at Kasan in 1875 by Zolonitzki: it would be
interesting to be informed, how far this Language was affected
by the loan-words, and grammatical forms, of its Finnic neigh-
bours, and how far it is exceptionally free from Arabic and
Persian influences.
V. In the Cis-Caucasian Province of the Russian Empire in
Europe is the Kumuk tribe inhabiting the North-West shore
of the Caspian Sea near Petrovsk, and the North-East District
of Daghestan, watered by the Rivers Aksai, and Sunja. They
number about 70,000, agriculturists. The Gospel of St. Matthew
has been published in this Language: there is a Vocabulary
by Bodenstedt in the "Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl. Ge-









Robert Needham Cast.


sellsch.", vol. V, and it is alluded to in Makharoffs "Turki
Languages spoken in the Caucasus".
VI. In the Trans-Caucasian Province of the Russian Empire
in Asia, and in the Province of Azerbijan of the Kingdom of
Persia, is the Language known as Trans-Caucasian, or Azer-
bijAni, Turki. The population amounts to three Millions. The
entire Bible has been translated into this important Language,
which may possibly have a great literary future, as it has held
its own against the Georgian, Armenian, and Persian literary
Languages, while it was still uncultivated. Allusion to it is
made in Kasem-Beg's "Allgemeine Grammatik der Tiirkisch-
Tatarischen Sprache", published in Russian, and translated by
Zenker into German, Leipzig, 1848. Berg6 published at Leip-
zig, 1868, "Dichtungen Transkaukasischer Singer...".
VII. Proceeding Eastward across the Caspian Sea, I enter
the Province of Trans-Caspia, and Turkestan, in the Russian
Empire in Asia, a region of some linguistic uncertainty: three
of its boundaries are well defined, as to the South it presses
upon the Language-Field of the Kurd and Persian in the King-
dom of Persia; to the East on the Region of the Persian and
Pastu-speaking inhabitants of Afghanistan; to the West on the
Caspian Sea; to the North our knowledge fails in accuracy.
Whether the same Language with dialectic varieties is spoken
by the Turkoman Nomads South of the Oxus, and the Turki-
speaking settled inhabitants of Trans-Oxiania in the Russian
Dominions, and the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Afghanistan
North of the Hindu Kish Range, remains to be seen. One
Gospel has been translated, but there is no certainty as to the
Language, or Dialect of the Language, in which it has been
composed. It is in this quarter of the Turki Language-Field
that we require fresh, accurate, and locally-collected information.
VIII. Proceeding Northward I enter another debateable Field,
to which in this Geographical Essay I assign the name of
"Central Asia, or Khiva", which is intelligible, even if not
accurate, while the terms Ouigiir, Jagatai, and Uzbek appear
to have no certain linguistic meaning. Here we have the ad-
vantage of the learned works of Dr. Radloff, "Aus Sibirien",
Leipzig, 1884, and his Comparative Grammar. A Translation
of four Gospels has been prepared by Professor Ostramoff, and









On the Geogr. Distrib. of the Turki Branch of the Ural-Altaic Family of Languages. 93

submitted to careful revision by competent Scholars. Here at
least we are on safe ground. It is stated, with what accuracy
it is impossible to say, that this same Language is spoken in
the Great Desert betwixt the Amu Daria and the Caspian Sea,
including the Nomad Yomut tribe.
IX. Proceeding still further Northward I come to the Kir-
ghiz, which Language is spoken on the steppes of the Lower
Volga River, right across Asia to the valleys of the Thien
Shan Mountains on the confines of China. There are two great
Divisions, the Kara or Burut, who are highlanders in the Altai,
Pamir, and Thien Shan Mountains: and the Kazkk Kirghiz,
dwellers on the plain, who are subdivided into three hordes.
A portion of the Scriptures was translated into this latter Lan-
guage by a British Missionary at Orenburg. We have the ad-
vantage of the writing of Ilminsky: still more light is desirable.
X. Far to the East in the Province of Chinese Tartary in
the Chinese Empire is the Yarkand Language-Field, revealed
to us by the Grammar of Shaw, a late employ of the Govern-
ment of India. We have here a pure and archaic form of Turki,
with the most primitive forms of words, and a certain amount
of literary culture; but here again we require more certainty.
What relation does this Language bear to that of the Kara-
Kirghiz?
XI. Far to the North, in the North-East corner of Siberia,
are the Yakit, and, thanks to B6htlingk's celebrated monograph,
we have an amount of certainty: this tribe has preserved its
ancient form, and is free from the influence of the Semitic
Arabic, the Arian Persian, and the Altaic Finnic congeners,
which have so much affected the purity of the other languages
of the Turki Family: they are partly Pagan, and partly neo-
Christian of the Russian Church: no portion of the Scripture
has reached them in print; they have no literature or written
character of their own.
XII. There remains one other possible Language-Field, that
of the Bashkir, North of Astrakhan, East of the River Volga:
whatever may be the potentialities of this Language, nothing
has been done.
There may be other Dialects, but I cannot find any other
substantive Language: indeed, some would reduce the number








Robert Needham Cust.


which I have enumerated. A great many names appear in the
statements of different writers, but it is not clear, whether they
are the names of Tribes or Languages, or Dialects of Lan-
guages; so I leave them. It would be mere waste of time, from
my point of view, to allude to possible affinities with the Lan-
guages of Japan and Korea, of modern times, or with the
Akkad of a dim and remote Past. My interest is with living
Languages only, obviously descended from the same Mother-
Language.
I place these lines on paper, conscious of great inaccuracy
of expression, and insufficiency of knowledge. I sit at the feet
of the great Russian Scholars, who alone can direct us right.
No British information is at first hand, and all is unsatisfactory.
My object is a very practical one, viz. to make a translation
of the Word of God, without note or comment, accessible to
the women, schoolchildren, and uneducated males, of every
tribe, which speaks Turki: it is not necessary that they should
read, or write, or be educated: the Gospel is very simple, and
can be understood, if orally explained to the most uneducated.
I have therefore no theory to uphold, no interesting historical
difficulty to unravel: let the terms Ouigilr, JAgatai, and Uzbek
mean what they will in times past, I desire to arrive at con-
temporaneous facts. My problem is as follows: Given a certain
population, speaking a certain language, differing from that of
its neighbour: what is it? Let us have a text in its living
form, and a statement of its grammatical form, its word-store,
phonetics and written characters, if it has one. This does not
mean, that I wish to bring into unnecessary prominence any
patois, or local dialect. In the English and Russian Imperial
Languages many such variations exist, but one translation of
the Bible is understood by all, who claim the honour of speak-
ing English or Russian.
So as regards the Turki Family of Languages, through the
learned labours of Russian Scholars we may arrive at a prac-
tical result, and it is their duty, as much as it has been the
duty of the British Scholars to illustrate the Languages of British
India, and they have not been wanting. A translation of the
Scriptures exists in all the great Languages of British India,
and of some of the second class. I wish to arrive at the same









On the Geogr. Distrib. of the Turki Branch of the Ural-Altaic Family of Languages. 95

result in Russia. Great Britain will supply the money, and
the genius of order for distribution, if Russia will supply the
Scholarship, which is far more precious than money or order.
It will be useful to the sceptical Scholar, as well as to the
uneducated Believer.
It is not desirable to galvanize into a weak life a Lan-
guage, on which the sentence of death has been passed by
some inexorable law, of the nature of which we are ignorant:
the cause and the cure of the disease, to which they are suc-
cumbing, is unknown to us. If with a dawning civilization the
nation desires to accept an Imperial Language, other than its
own, let it do so, so long as the motive power is spontaneous,
and not the result of political short-sighted despotism, or nar-
row-minded religious craft. But, if a nation desires to retain
the Language of their ancestors, as the Welsh have done in
Great Britain, the Breton in France, the Pole in Russia, and
the Magyar in Austria, let no attempt be made to prevent
them. In British India not one of the hundred Languages has
been stamped out. British Rule is maintained in the Vernac-
ular of the people, which is as dear to them as their Religious
Convictions, and Ancestral Customs. The matter is one of high
human policy, far beyond the power of Emperors and Parlia-
ments, and depends upon the uncontrolled secret tendencies or
particular sections of the Human Race. It is not: "Ego sum
Rex Polonia, et super Grammaticam", but: "Hec est Gramma-
tica, et super Reges, et Imperatores, et Senatcs".

July, 1889.





















Pidgin-English

und sein Verhiltniss zu anderen Mischspraehen.

Voil


CHARLES G. LELAND.


VIIle CongrBs international des Orientalistes. Section de l'Asie central et de
l'Extreme Orient. 7




University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs