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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Title Page
    Archaelogical research in India
        Page 1
        Page 2
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    Uber die nene Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit Sayana's Commentar
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    Professions interdites par le Buddhisme
        Page 63
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    Apercu de l'etude de la langue armenienne en Europe
        Page 73
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    The biography of B'aga
        Page 83
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        Page 85
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    Etwas uber due ungarlandischen Zigeuner
        Page 91
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    Der dialect der sogenannten Shabbazgahi-redaktion
        Page 115
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    Advertising
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    Alphabets de transcription
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Full Text


ACTES


DU



HUITIEME CONGRESS INTERNATIONAL
DES ORIENTALISTES,


TENU EN 1889

) STOCKHCLM ET A CHRISTIANIA.





SECTION II: ARYENNE.
1ERl FASCICULE.


LEIDE,
E. J. BRILL.
1892.





UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


3 1262 05425 8768



tr






t, :. /


IMPRTMERIE TIE E. J. BRILL, LEIDE.


















Table des matibres.


Section II: aryenne.

1er Fascicule.
Pages.
Archaeological Research in India. By JAS. BURGESS. . . .
Uber die neue Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit Sayana's Commentar. Von
F. MAX MiLLER. ... ... ... ....... 49
Professions interdites par le Bouddhisine, par LEON FEER . 63
Apercu de 1'Ptude de la langue armenienne en Europe, par G. D'ESOFF. 73
The Biography of B'aga. By HERBERT BAYNES . . ... 83
Etwas fiber die ungarlhndischen Zigeuner. Von P. HUNFALV . 91
Der dialekt der sogenannten Shahbazgarhi-redaktion der vierzehn
edikte des kenigs Agoka. Von KARI FERDINAND JOHANSSON 115






Fautes & corriger.

Page 105, ligne 23: den lisez dem
,, 119, dern. ligne: einerse ,, einerseits,
120, ligne 13: ,, 1881. (a.vant 1886)






Les titres g6nuraux pour les volumes des sections s6mi-
tique et aryenne seront joints aux 2es fascicules de ces
sections, qui sont sous press.









ACTES


DU



HUITIEME CONGRESS INTERNATIONAL

DES ORIENTALISTES,


TENU EN 1889

A STOCKHOLM ET A CHRISTIANIA.





SECTION II: ARYENNE.
lEFR FASCICULE.


LEIDE,
E. J. BRILL.
1892.


11!07`77 9FP e~l? e~p~l



















Archaeological Research in India.

By

JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., C.I.E.


VIIIe Congres international des Orientalistes. Section aryenne.

















Archeological Research in India.




The Archeology of India must ever be a subject of absorbing
interest to Orientalists, as forming the basis of research in con-
nexion with Sanskrit literature in its bearings on Indian history.
And that literature containing so very little of a properly his-
torical character, greatly enhances its relative importance as
compared with the investigation of monumental remains in any
other country in the world. There was no Indian Herodotus or
Strabo or Pausanias; and we learn more of the history and an-
cient geography of India from two Chinese travellers than from
the whole vast field of Sanskrit Literature. But the buildings,
inscriptions, and coins are numerous and ancient, and their evi-
dence is perhaps as full and explicit, when rightly interpreted,
for its history, as those of almost any other nation except As-
syria. Hence it is that a scientific survey and delineation of
them is so indispensable to the proper study of the national
history, as well as to the tracing of the development of its
Art and Architecture. Indeed it is well known to students ver-
sed in the subject, that, in the absence of written annals, we
have in the architecture and art of India alone, the clearest
records of the growth of religions, of manners and customs, of
the taste, civilization, and prosperity of the people, at the per-
iods when, and in the provinces where, different monuments
were constructed; and on these remains, inscriptions occasionally
throw further light; and they, in turn, derive elucidation from,
and are controlled by, the style and consequent age of the
structures to which they belong. This being the case, the study
of these architectural and sculptural records together with their








Jas. Burgess.


epigraphs is necessarily of the highest importance to all enga-
ged in investigating the early history of India; and the collec-
tion of sufficient and accurate materials for such a study is
surely a manifest duty of an enlightened Government.
An outline of what has been hitherto done to provide trust-
worthy materials for study, may not be altogether out of place
in the proceedings of this Congress. The main features in the
past history of Indian antiquarian research are, however, so
well known that it would be difficult to adduce much that is
new, or even to put it in a fresh light; but it may be possi-
ble, at least, to bring together what is, as yet accessible only
in scattered notices elsewhere 1).
It may be premised that, now-a-days, students of the subject
exclude from the domain of Archaeology materials that, a cen-
tury ago or even much less, were readily classed under that
term. Mere descriptions of monuments and other remains, for
example, however pictorial and interesting, must be of little
real use, unless the observer has mastered their history and
significance; hence most travellers' descriptions and not a few
accounts that the authors themselves intended io pass as archae-
ological, however graphic they may otherwise be, cannot
be classed as properly scientific material. The early accounts
of Indian antiquarian remains, it has been well said, "were
only useful in exciting an interest in the subject, and in sti-
mulating later enquirers to labour at those studies which alone
could qualify them and others of later generations who bene-
fited by their works, for the task of investigating the myste-
ries of Indian chronology and art" 2). Further, it is to be re-
membered that the recognition of Archeology as a scientific
department of research, requiring special training for its pur-
suit, and employing special scientific methods, is of quite re-
cent date. It is only within the last half century that it has
really come to rank as a science based on the groundwork of
precise knowledge, with fixed principles and systematic aims,
excluding from its scope everything of a merely speculative or


1) In Markham's Memoir on the Indian Surveys (1878), pp. 236-274, there
a good outline of this history, but requiring correction in minor details.
2) Markham's Memoir of the Indian Surveys (1878), p. 236.








Archmological Research in India.


hypothetical nature. It thus justly ignores now much that has
been written under the name of archaeology respecting Indian
as well as European antiquities, and restricts the name to the
science that logically deduces the history of man and of his arts
from the monuments and other works he has left. The theories
and speculations of writers like Maurice, in his Indian Anti-
quities, have long been consigned to merited oblivion or left
to the amusement of occultists; the imaginative hypotheses of
Wilford, Bird, and others, are now discarded; and ponderous
volumes, printed even within the last fifteen years, at Govern-
ment expense, are filled with speculations unworthy of a strictly
logical science.
Archaeology, like all other modern sciences, however, has
been developed from investigations often crude and tentative.
The accounts of early travellers so interested the illustrious Sir
William Jones, a century ago, in Hindu literature and antiqui-
ties, that he set about encouraging systematic research, and for
this purpose founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal in January
1784, for the express object of collecting materials to illustrate
the history, learning, and antiquities of the East. Such an in-
stitution proved invaluable as the means of rallying round him
every student in India, and of directing their minds to new
and promising fields of discovery. Previous to the impetus he
thus gave to oriental studies, "the English scholar might well
blush for the little that had been achieved in that direction by
our countrymen" 1). Under such a president as Jones for the
first ten years of its existence, and with such coadjutors as
Charles Wilkins, Henry Colebrooke, William Chambers, Fran-
cis Gladwin, and others, much was to be expected of the Asi-
atic Society, and much was achieved. Indeed it may well as-
tonish us that so many of the contributions to the early volumes
of the Asiatic Researches are of so very high quality and of such
permanent value.
Epigraphy formed, from the first, a prominent feature of the
Bengal Asiatic Society's work, Subsequent advances in Palieo-
graphy, more accurate scholarship, and better acquaintance with

1) Elihu Rich in his account of Sir W. Jones, in the Comprehensive Diet. of
Biography.








Jas. Burgess.


the terms and style used in inscriptions, have now rendered
most of the earlier transsltions antiquated and in need of care-
ful revision, but they yielded results of importance to the
advancement of our knowledge, and in some cases, they are,
unfortunately, the only records now existing of the original
documents, which have since disappeared.
The example of Jones was followed at Bombay by Sir James
Mackintosh, in 1804, in the establishment of the Bombay Li-
terary Society, which, during the first seventeen years of its
existence, published three volumes of Transactions. In December
1827, under the presidency of Sir John Malcolm, it was ar-
ranged to reorganise the Society as a Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, which itself had
been formed in 1823, with the Honble C. W. W. Wynn as
its first President and Henry Colebrooke as Director. Under the
new arrangement, from 1828 till 1841, all papers contributed
to the Bombay Branch were transmitted for publication to the
London Society: thus the papers of Colonel Sykes, Capt. Miles,
Vans Kennedy, Wathen, and others, appeared in the publica-
tions of the home society till 1841, when the Bombay Branch
resolved to start its own journal.
The Madras Literary and Auxiliary Royal Asiatic Society
came into existence in 1818, under the auspices of Sir John
Newbold, the Chief Justice, and the earlier contributions of its
members were also sent to the parent society for publication;
but, in 1833, it started the Madras Journal of Literature and
Science as its own organ. This journal prospered for nearly
thirty years, and then, like its contemporary of Bombay, it
fell off.
All these societies did much excellent work; many of their
members were accomplished scholars; and, besides papers on
Natural History and other subjects not specially related to ar-
chaeology, they provided many others on antiquarian topics -
inscriptions and ancient remains. The means, however, were
then wanting for producing perfectly accurate facsimiles of
inscriptions, as well as the technical knowledge and appliances
for the detailed delineation necessary to produce illustrations
of the accuracy required for the satisfactory study of Indian
art and architecture. The plans and other drawing published









Archaeological Research in India.


were mostly based on rough and hasty measurements, and the
sculptures drawn in a style that forbade deductions as to age,
&c. 1). Their work, however, was important, as preparatory
to more complete investigation, and in revealing the rich-
ness and value of the materials available. It was not possible
for such societies to institute systematic researches in exten-
ded, fields, which would have required funds far beyomd their
means.
To reveal to Europe even the scenic beauty and magnificence
of Indian architectural art and the interest attaching to it,
required the labours of those enthusiastic artists Thomas
Daniell (1750-1840), his nephew William (1765-1837), and
James Wales (t 1796) ). The Daniells, after their return
to England, engraved and published their drawings in 144
tinted plates, filling six magnificent volumes of Oriental Scenery
and Antiquities, those of Wales forming one of these and
devoted solely to Elura 3). These were again reproduced on a
smaller scale at a subsequent date '). The work of the Daniells
was followed by others of similar character, but on a smaller
scale, such as the two volumes of L. Langles ), Captain
Grindlay's Scenery, Costume, and Architecture, chiejly in Western
India (1826), and others ). All such works helped to fami-
liarize the public with the monuments of India and their ar-
tistic beauty, and so to pave the way for the scientific inves-
tigator who should analyse the various styles, and reduce them
to order, and interpret their historical import.

1) Compare the plates illustrative of Elephanta in Arcceologia, vol. VII, pp. 328-
332, in Niebuhr's Voyage, tome II, in Goldingham's account, Asiat. Res., vol. IV,
p. 409, or in Malet's account of Ellora in As. Res., vol. VI, with any photographs
and recent drawings of the same subjects.
2) See Ind. Ant., vol. IX, pp. 52, 107.
3) Published 1795-1807, at a cost of two hundred guineas for the six volumes.
4) In 1812-1816. Their drawings were also subsequently popularised in the volu-
mes of Hobart Caunter's Oriental Annual, 1833-40. The Daniells had been pre-
ceded by Hodges, the landscape painter, who published in 1786, Select Views in
India, drawn in 1780-1783, and Select Views in Aquatinta of Antiquities in
India, 1787. A Mr. Home also published Select Views in Mysore, 1794.
5) L. Langles, Monuments Anciens et Modernes de l'Bindoustan, 2 tomes, 1821.
6) C D'Oyly's Antiquities of Dacca, 1816; E. Orme's Views in Hindostan and
the Mysore, 1805; J. Prinsep's Benares Illustrated, 1830-1831; The Portfolio,
edited by H. H. Wilson, 1841.









Jas. Burgess.


Among the more notable contributors to our knowledge of
Indian archaeology, must be mentioned Dr. Francis Buchanan-
Hamilton 1), author of the Journey through Mysore, Canara and
Malabar, who, at the instance of the Marquess Wellesley, was
appointed in 1807, to superintend a statistical survey of the
Bengal Presidency, with a staff of assistants, draftsmen, pan-
dits, &c. Among other instructions, he was directed to draw
up an account of "whatever he might discover worthy of re-
mark concerning the History and Antiquities of the Country" 2).
Dr. Buchanan carried on this important survey for seven years,
at an expenditure of about 30,000, but it was unfortunately,
brought to an abrupt and undeserved close, and, in 1816, his
materials, including large numbers of drawings and copies of
inscriptions, were sent to the Court of Directors, where they
lay neglected till 1838, when Mr. R. Montgomery Martin un-
dertook to publish selections from the reports. The three vo-
lumes 3) thus published contain a selection also of the drawings
of antiquities prepared by Dr. Buchanan's staff, but, un-
fortunately, the plans are lithographed without scales. The
inscriptions are but sparingly reproduced, and these, Lassen
avers, are worse than the original copies 4). The volumes,
however, contain a large amount of important and detailed in-
formation respecting nearly every important antiquity in the
eight districts of Bihar, Shahabtd, Bhagalpur, Gorakhpur,
Dinajpur, Purniya, Ranigapur, and Assam, included in the
survey, that is, the whole of North Bengal ").

1) Born at Branziet in Stirlingshire, 15th Feb. 1763; died at Leny near Callan-
dar in Perthshire, 1829.
2) This provision must have been overlooked by General Cunningham when he
wrote (Arch. Sur. Rep., vol. I, int., p. IV) that Buchanan's instructions "included
neither the history nor the antiquities of the Country; yet both were diligently ex-
plored by him".
3) History, Antiquities, Topography, and Statistics of Eastern India, by R. Mont-
gomery Martin. Buchanan's name does not even occur on the title pages. Conf. Stan.
Julien's Mdmoires sur les Contrdes Occidentales, tome II, p. 368, n. 1.
4) Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. II, (2nd ed.), p. 46, n. He also blames his
editor for throwing Buchanan Hamilton's papers into confusion.
5) Further selections from Buchanan-Hamilton's papers are published in the Sta-
tistical Account of Bengal (1877), pp. 19-103, and in Trans. B. As. Soc., vol. II,
pp. 40-51. See Colebrooke's remarks on the Inscriptions, Life of Colebrooke,
pp. 352, 353.









Archeological Research in India.


One of the greatest explorers of Indian antiquities, however,
was Colonel Colin Mackenzie, C. B. (1754-1821), a native
of Lewes in the Hebrides, who went out to India in 1; -' as
a cadet of Engineers on the Madras establishment, and by his
energy and abilities rose to be Surveyor-General of India. After
being for thirteen years incessantly engaged in military duties,
he was employed, in 1796, on the survey of the Dekhan,
and at once began to form his famous collection of historical
and literary documents, drawings and descriptions of antiquities,
inscriptions, and coins, which he continued to augment at
his own expense till his removal to Calcutta in 1817, when it
had become the most extensive ever brought together by a
single individual in India. He desired to utilise it, at least to
some extent, by the preparation of a descriptive catalogue of
its contents, and by some account of the antiquities he had
examined; and Sir Alexander Johnston of Carnsalloch pressed
upon the Court of Directors to grant leave to Col. Mackenzie
to return to England to arrange his materials and prepare some
of them for the press; but before this was granted Mackenzie
died in 1821 1). He had spent about 15,000 Pounds upon his
collections, and after his death, the Marquess of Hastings
purchased them for Government for 10,000. After lying for
years untouched, Dr. Horace Hayman Wilson proposed to the
Supreme Government to report on them, and the result was
the production of his JDescriptive Catalogue of the Oriental Ma-
nuscripts, -c. collected by the late Lieut.-Col. Colin Mackenzie.
(2 vols. Calcutta, 1828) 2).
The collection was divided, and part of it sent to the India
Office; part was deposited with the Asiatic Society of Bengal;

1) For some account of Col. Mackenzie, see the .Tornal R. Asiat. Society, vol. I,
pp. 833-364; Madras Jour. of Lit. and Science, vol. II, pp. 262 ff., and 354 ff.;
Wilson's Catalogue of the Mackenzie Coll. (1828), vol. I, introd., pp. i-xxiij; and
2nd Ed., pp. vii-xviij, and 1-14; Higginbotham's Men whom India has known, sub
nom.; Taylor's Cat. Bais., vol. I, pref., pp. i-x. All the others, however, are drawn
from the first. See also, .7. B. As. Soc., vol. II, pp. xxx-xxxiij, and xxxiv; and vol. I,
p. 169; L fe of H. T. Colebrooke, pp. 257-260.
2) Reprinted by Higginbotham & Co. Madras, 1882. The index to Wilson's
volumes did not include the 154 pp. of the valuable introduction to the first volume
nor the last 249 pages of the second; and the index to this second edition is de-
feetive to the same extent, covering only pp. 92-292, of the 621 pages of the
volume.









Jas. Burgess.


and part chiefly the Local records and Tracts was sent
to Madras ). The latter were deposited with the College Board,
and in 1830 the Madras Auxiliary of the Asiatic Society pro-
posed to "select one or two subjects, and by applying their
whole resources to them", they hoped to be "able to extract
much interesting and valuable information from the mass of
papers, which then lay in a confused and utterly useless state".
The two subjects which the Committee proposed commencing
were, the literature of the Jainas, and Inscriptions in general;
and they asked the transfer of the collection to the Asiatic
Department of the Literary and Scientific Society, promising
immediately thereupon to proceed with their plan 2). The transfer
was made, but nothing more was done, no "resources" were
spent upon the work.
The India Office portion was equally neglected. Captain Hark-
ness, Secretary to the Royal Asiatic Society, in 1835, under-
took "to translate and digest a portion of the manuscripts,"
and M. Jaquet of Paris intimated that the mass of the In-
scriptions, to which the Court of Directors gave him free ac-
cess, was to be included in the Corpus Inscriptionum on which
he was then said to be "busily engaged" 3).
Nothing whatever came of these projects; but in 1837, at
the instigation of the Madras and Bengal Asiatic Societies, the
Government of Madras sanctioned the employment of the Revd.
William Taylor 1) to examine and report on the collection there.
He found many of the MSS. perishing from the destructive
effects of the moist tropical climate and insects. Some papers
and portions of papers had thus been irrecoverably lost, while


1) Letter from Dr. H. H. Wilson to Government of India, dated 20th Feb. 1828;
and letter from the Secretary to Government, Fort William, No. 895 of 15th Aug.
1828; Taylor's Catal. Baison., vol. I, pref., pp. xiij, xiv.
2) Letter from Secretary, Asiatic Department of Madras Literary Society to Govern-
ment, dated 9th March 1830.
3) Communication from Asiatic Society of Bengal, dated 20th August 1836; Tay-
lor's Catal. Raison., vol. I, pref., p. xvij. Jaquet died soon after and before he had
begun the publication of his projected Corpus.
4) Author of Oriental Historical anuacripts in the Tamil Language, translated
with Annotations. 2 vols. 4to, pp. 600. Madras, 1835. This work was drawn
from the Mackenzie Collections. For an account of Mr. Taylor, see Higginbotham's
Men whom India has known, Supplement, p. 92.









Archaeological Research in India.


occasionally whole papers, and, in some cases parts of others,
had been "taken away or cut out, when, where, or by whom,
it was impossible to say" 1). So far as possible Mr. Taylor
"commenced the work of restoration at his own cost by having
what could be retranscrihed on royal demy writing paper, and
handsomely bound in five folio volumes" 2). His reports were
published in the Miadras Journal of Literature and Science, vo-
lumes VII (1838) to XV (1848) 3). No further action as to
translation, recommended by the Bengal Asiatic Society, was
taken, "and the Mackenzie Manuscripts were again allowed to
lapse into obscurity, a neglect which, considering the vast store
of curious and interesting matter they were known to contain,
reflects discredit on the learned Society that promised to apply
their 'whole resources' in utilizing them, and on a Govern-
ment that had spent a lakh of rupees in purchasing a mass of
records that were deemed an object of high and national im-
portance" 4).
The great collection of Local Tracts or records seemed tro be
doomed to destruction when Mr. C. P. Brown had the-m re-
written and deposited in the Oriental MSS. Library of Madras,
in sixty-two volumes. "Some portions of the recor-ds do not
appear to have been copied, as Mr. Brown says he omitted
much hackneyed mythology, and also such lists o-' names and
accounts of money matters as seemed worthless" '). These vo-
lumes have now been carefully indexed by P rof. G. Oppert,
Ph. D., in the Journal of the Madras Literary Society for 1878.
At the instance of the late Sir Walter Elliot, another effort
was made on behalf of the manuscripts at M-adras, which had
been augmented by the India House or Leyde( 6) and the Brown
collections. Mr. William Taylor was again ergaged in 1853 to
prepare a Catalogue raisonne of the whole ). This appeared in
1857-1862 in three volumes of about 800 pages each, the

1) Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. VIP' p. 2.
2) Wilson's Catalogue, Memoir prefixed to 2nd Ed., r'. .
3) And in the .Tour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. VII, pp. 173 f. 371 if.
4) Wilson, ut sup., p. xvi.
5) Madras Jour. of Lit. and Science, 1878, preface to Dr G. Oppert's Index.
6) Despatch of Court of Directors to Madras Government N 6 of 848; Taylor's
Cat. Raison., vol. I, pref., pp. xviij-xxij.
7) Taylor's Cat., ut sup., pref., p xxvi.









Jas. Burgess.


third being devoted to the Mackenzie MSS. Government could
not be induced, however, to have translations made of even
the more important of the papers '); and nothing more has
been done since.
Mackenzie had devoted himself assiduously to the study and
delineation of Indian monumental antiquities, and had visited
nearly every place of interest south of the irishna, accompa-
nied by his assistants, drawing the antiquarian remains, co-
pying inscriptions, and collecting records. He had prepared over
2000 measured drawings, carefully laid down to scale, and
plans of monuments, antiquities, &.c.; and had made facsimiles
of 100 inscriptions, with copies of about 8000 others, in se-
venty-seven volumes. Of the drawings the only portion published
are those in the volume devoted to Amarkvatt, of which about
half (over forty) were included by Mr. Fergusson in the second
part of his Tree and Serpent Worship e), and the other half ap-
i neared in my Report on the Amardvati and JagayyaIpeta St&pas 3).
INeither Wilson's nor Taylor's catalogues took account of the
Inscrin)tions, "the collection of which", as Wilson remarks 4),
"forms the most laborious, and possibly the most valuable
portion of the whole; very few of them have been translated,
but the wLole of them have been examined and abstracted, and
drawn out 1:n a tabular form, stating the object of the inscrip-
tion, the date where found, and in whose reign or by whom
inscribed. Of three folio manuscript volumes containing these
abstracts, two were prepared after the death of Col. Mackenzie".
The immense, collection of literary manuscripts, historical
tracts, and inscriptions, which he brought together yielded
much of the materials for Wilks's History of Mysore, and the
whole for Wilson's Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of Pdndya 5);
the Biographicalt Sketches of Dekkan Poets6) published at Cal-
cutta, 1829; the Account of the Province of -dmndd; and Prof.


1) lbid., p. ,xvii.
2) Second edition, Il
3) London, Tribner, Co., 1887.
4) Desc. Catalogue, o. I, pp. xx, xxi; or 2nd ed., p. 18.
5) Jour. B. As. S vol. II, pp. 199-242, 387-390.
6) By Cavelly Venka\. Ramaswamie; the book is reviewed in 'J.. As. Soc., vol, I,
pp. 137-144.









Archaeological Research in India.


Dowson's paper on the Geographical Limits, History, and CLro-
nology of the Chera Kingdom of Ancient India 1). Mackenzie,
too, was the first to bring to notice (1) the religion and phi-
losophy of the Jainas, and its distinction from the Bauddha
religion; (2) the different sects in Southern India and their sub-
divisions Liigavats, Saivas, Pandarams, Maths, &c. &c.; (3)
the nature and importance of Sbsanas, throwing light on
Hindu tenures and history; (4) the nature of Virakals, Masti-
kals, and similar monuments; and (5) the prehistoric sepulchral
Tumuli, Mounds, and Barrows, similar to the rude-stone
monuments of other countries, all illustrated by numerous
drawings. All this work, with the papers he contributed to
the Asiatic Annual Register 2), Asiatic Researches 3), Transactions
of the Royal Asiatic Society 4), &c. ) though he never found
time, in his officially busy life, to prepare the work he had
planned, stamp Colonel Mackenzie as hardly second to any
subsequent investigator in the field of Indian Archaeology ().

1) J. R. As. Soc., vol. VIII, pp. 1-29.
2) This journal (London, 1800-1811) contained Sketch of the life of Hyder
Ali Khan; History of the Rdjas of Anagundi or Vijayanagar; History of the Ana-
gundi RBjas from enquiries made on the spot; Account of the Marda Gurus.
3) Account of thepagdda of Perwuttum (Sri Sailam), vol. V, pp. 303-314; Remarks
on some Antiquities on the west and south coasts of Ceylon, vol. VI, pp. 425-447;
Account of the Jains, vol. IX, pp. 244-286; Inscription on a stone found at
Kurugod in the district of Adwani, ib., pp. 424--433; conf. also pp. 413, 423.
4) An Account of the Marriage Ceremonies of the Hindus and Muhammadans, as
practised in the Southern Peninsula of India; vol. III, pp. 170-184.
5) In the Asiatic Tournal, vol. XV (1823), pp. 464-478 ff., is a long paper by
Mackenzie on the Ruins of Amravutty, Depauldina and Darnacotta. This was a
reprint of Mackenzie's article first published by himself in the Calcutta Journal. In
Dalrymple's Oriental Repertory, (1808), vol. I, he published his Account of the con-
struction of a Map of the Road from Nelor to Ongol; and Description of the route
from Ongol to Innakonda and Belamkonda, with a Map; and in vol. II, an Ac-
count of the Kammam tauk; and Description of the source of the Penndr river.
6) In his Archaological Survey Reports, vol. I, p. vii, General Sir A. Cunningham
says "Colin Mackenzie was an ardent and successful collector of archeological mate-
rials, but he was not an archeologist. He could dig up and make drawings of the
splendid sculptures at Dharanikotta, but he could neither restore the building, nor
translate the inscriptions". An examination of Mackenzie's volumes containing his
drawings and descriptive notes prepared as materials for his projected work to be
entitled "India Antiqua Illustrata: an Essay to illustrate the Ancient History, In-
scriptions, and Religions of India, by drawings of remarkable sculptures, inscriptions,
buildings, coins, and other existing Remains of Antiquity"- affords ample proof
that no more careful archeologist has appeared in India. No Stipa had been even









Jas. Burgess.


Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765-1837) was the natural
successor of Sir William Jones in the Bengal Asiatic Society.
In the service of the East India Company he had arrived in
India in 1783, and early turned his attention to such subjects
as Hindf Astronomy, Mathematics, and Metrology, to Law and
Justice, to Botany, Geology, Natural History, Geography,
and Agriculture, to Hindu sects, classes, and ceremonies, to
Sanskrit Grammar, Literature, and Philosophical systems, and
to Epigraphy. In each of these departments he wrote with
scientific accuracy. Monumental archeology he either did not
care much for or, perhaps, had not time and opportunity for
its study; but his scholarship rendered him the first really
capable Indian epigraphist, though he published only five
papers ') on the subject. He retired from India in 1815. His
valuable and then unrivalled collection of Sanscrit MSS. he
presented to the India Office in 1819, where it has been of
invaluable service to scholars both English and continental; and
in 1823, he founded the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland, through which he gave an impulse to, and pro-
vided for, the expansion of an interest in, and knowledge of,
Indian subjects 2).


described, nor had any Bauddha inscription of early date been deciphered in his time,
nor for long after his death. Wilford's attempts (As. Resear. vol. V, pp. 136-
142) show how impossible it was even for a Sanskrit scholar in Mackenzie's time.
Not to have anticipated the discoveries in palmography of the next half century,
can be no disparagement to his merits; he certainly formed a very accurate concept
tion of the original form of the Amarhvati stilpa, while his drawings of its sculp-
tures which "are unsurpassed for accuracy and beauty of finish by any drawings of
their class that were ever executed in India" (Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship,
p. 164) witness to his discernment of what is wanted in a scientific antiquary.
1) These are (1) Translation of one of the Inscriptions (Visaladeva's) on the
pillar at Dehli called the Ldt of FIrdz Shdh, Asiat. Resear., vol. VII (1801),
pp. 179-182; (2) On Ancient Monuments containing Hindu Inscriptions, ib.,
vol. IX (1807), pp. 398-445; (3) Explanation of Inscriptions upon Rocks in South
Bihdr, Trans. B. As. Soc., vol. I (1824), pp. 201-206; (4) Translation of
Three Grants of Land, inscribed on Copper, found at Ujjayant, ib., pp 230-239,
and 462-465; (5) On Inscriptions at Temples of the.Taina Sect in South Bihdr, -ib.,
pp. 520-523. These were all reprinted in his Miscellaneous Essays (1837).
2) Colebrooke died 10th March 1837, and a sketch of his life was published by his
son, Sir T. E. Colebrooke, in the Journal of the R. Asiatic Society, vol. V (1839),
pp. 1-60; a shorter notice appeared in the Asiatic Journal and was reprinted in
the Madras edition of his Miscellaneous Essays (1872) and in Higginbotham's Men








Archaeological Research in India.


By the end of the first quarter of the century the labours
of Jones, Colebrooke, and others had begun to bear fruit in
Europe, and in 1826 Burnouf and Lassen published their fa-
mous Essai sur le Pali. The second chapter of it is devoted
to the alphabets and a comparison of them, illustrated by
plates, of characters from India, Tibet, Java, and Ceylon, on
which the authors remark: ,,Nous regrettons qu'aucun tra-
vail pal6ographique n'ait 6t6 entrepris sur l'alphabet d6vanhgari;
notre tache en efit U6t plus facile, et nous ne doutons pas que
les diverse formes par lesquelles out successivement pass les
caracteres anciens, ne continussent en germe tous les alphabets
de 1'Inde" 1).
In 1828 Dr. B. G. Babington, in the Transactions of the
Royal Asiatic Society 2), gave comparative tables both of the old
Sanskrit and Tamil alphabets, from the inscriptions at Mamal-
lapuram, and in 1833 the late Sir Walter Elliot published
elaborate tables, in 40 large folio pages, of the older forms of
the Southern Sanskrit alphabet from inscriptions in the Ka4-
nada and Telugu countries. About the same time Capt. H.
Harkness was preparing his Comparative Ancient and Modern
Alphabets of Devandgari, Grantha, Telugu, Kannada, Malaya-
lam, and Tamil, which, however, was not issued till 1837.
Mr. James Prinsep (1799-1840) succeeded Dr. H. H. Wilson
as secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1832, and
immediately started the Journal, which has ever since been the
organ of that Society. He was thus brought into close relations
with the discoveries of Buddhist remains and ancient Baktrian
and Hindu coins, made by Colonels Wilson, Mackenzie, Tod,
Conolly, Burnes, Masson, Gerard, Court, Ventura, Swiney,
Burt, Hodgson, and others, and with the scientifle advances
being made by some of these and by European scholars in
Epigraphy and Numismatics. Schlegel 3) and Tod 4) had contri-
buted papers on the Baktrian kingdom and coins, which drew

whom India has known. His Life by his son, in one volume, was published in
1873 in connexion with Prof. Cowell's new edition of the Miscellaneous Essays.
1) Essai, p. 36.
2) Vol. II, pp. 258-269, with plates.
3) Journal Asiatique, Nov. 1828, pp. 326 ff.
4) Trans. B. As. Soc., vol. I, pp. 330 ff.








Jas. Burgess.


Prinsep's attention to the recent discoveries 1), and he found
Babington's tables of the MAmallapuram alphabets of imme-
diate use in deciphering early Hindu legends 2). In November
1833 Lieut. Burt sent him a copy of the Agoka and other
inscriptions on the Allahabad LAt, with a careful paper on the
subject 3), calling attention to the relations of their alphabets
to those of other previously published inscriptions 4). Prinsep
prepared an analysis of the alphabetic symbols but made no
progress then in determining their values 5). The Samudra-Gupta
inscription was taken up by Capt. Troyer who got the alphabet
mostly made out by Pandit MAdhavrho, and submitted a rough
transcript of it in March 1834 6). The Rev. Dr. W. H. Mill
immediately took it up and gave a revised transcript and Latin
version 7), which shewed important advances. The Rev. J. Ste-
venson of Bombay next communicated some tentative readings
of the KArle cave inscriptions, in which he determined accu-
rately at least ten of the Maurya letters 8). Mr. Wathen of
Bombay, by the aid of Troyer and MAdhavrAo's alphabet, made
out a long Valabhi grant, which was published with a com-
parative alphabet in Sept. 1835 9). These were important ad-
vances towards the decipherment of the Maurya characters. Mr.
Brian H. Hodgson supplied Prinsep with copies of the Agoka
edicts on the MkthiA 10) and Rhdhia 1lts 11). The first of these
led to his discovery of the identity of it with the AllahAbad
and Dehli pillar inscriptions, but the attempt to read them was
deferred. He had deciphered some Gupta coin legends 12), when

1) Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. II, p. 314.
2) lb., vol. II, pp. 415, 649.
3) Ib., vol. III, pp. 105-113.
4) In As. Bes., vol. I, pp. 181, 279; vol. VII, p. 180, and pll. x-xiv; vol.
XV, p. 314.
5) Jour. As. S. Beng., vol. III, pp. 114-118, and pl. v.
6) Ib, vol. III, pp. 118-123, and plate.
7) lb., vol. III, pp. 257-270, and 339-344.
8) Viz. those for ka, ga, ja, ta, tha, pa, ba, ya, va and sa. J. A. S. B.,
vol. III, pp. 487n, and 498.
9) J. A. S. B., vol. IV, pp. 477-487.
10) It., vol. III, pp. 481 if.
11) Ib., vol. IV, pp. 121-128.
12) J. A. S. B., vol. IV, pp. 621-643; Thomas's Ed. of Prinsep's Essays, vol. I,
pp. 196-288.









Archaeological Research in India.


Masson sent him the Baktro-Pali characters he had found to
correspond to the Greek words Ar-oAAo~ovT MIvavxpou, 'Ep-
xiarov, (ao-Iswi, and LoTipos '); and the examination of more
coins with bilingual legends enabled him greatly to extend the
number of coincidences and to make a first attempt to decipher
the alphabet in June 1835 2); but it was not till July 1838 3)
that he ultimately succeeded in correctly fixing the values of
seventeen of the consonants and five vowel signs or half
the alphabet, which Norris and Cunningham afterwards com-
pleted 4).
In 1836 Lassen had sent to Prinsep the reading in Maurya
characters which he had found to stand for AGATHUKLA 'n), and
in January 1837, Dr. Mill published his reading of the BhitArt
lAt inscription 6). In March 1837 Prinsep drew up a compara-
tive alphabet of the Samudragupta inscription, the Sivani cop-
perplates 7), a sixth century inscription from Amaravati, and
of the Telugu and Kannlada alphabets 8). The receipt of copies
of two plates of Saurishtra coins, then about to appear in the
Royal Asiatic Society's Journal 9), directed his attention to them
in May 1837, and though he read kritrimasya instead of kshatra-
pasya, he made out most of the alphabet, which Wathen's and other
preceding advances had already prepared for 10); and immediately
after, on studying the Sanchi donatory inscriptions, he further
applied these advances to them and found they enabled him


1) See his first paper in J. A. S. B., vol. III, pp. 153-175.
2) J. A. S. B., vol. IV, pp. 327-348, or Thomas's Essays, vol. I,pp. 178-194.
3) J. A. S. B., vol. VII, pp. 636-655, or Thomas's ed., vol. 1, pp. 125-143.
4) Cunningham (.T. A. S. B., vol. XXIII, 1854, p. 714) stated that he had
determined eleven of the letters and several of the compounds, and that Norris in
his paper, early in 1845 (.T. R. As. Soc., vol. VIII, pp. 303 f), identified the re-
maining six others and the anusvara; apparently, however, Cunningham did not
make known his discoveries till so late as 1854 (Arch. Rep., vol. I, p. xl.), nine
years after Norris's brilliant decipherment and alphabet had been published.
5) J. A. S. B., vol. V, p. 723, or Essays by Thomas, vol. I, p. 401.
6) .J. A. S. B., vol. VI, pp. 1-17.
7) These were read (.7. A S. B., vol. V, pp. 726-731) by aid of the alphabet
of the Chattisgarh inscriptions in Asiat. Res., vol. XV, pp. 504 ff.
8) J. A. S. Beng., vol. VI, pp. 218-223.
9) J.. R. As. S., vol. IV, p. 397, with a note by Dr. H. H. Wilson.
10) J. A. S. B., vol. VI, pp. 377-392, or Thomas's Ed., vol. I, pp. 425-435;
conf. Cunningham's Arch. Sur. Rep. vol. I, int. pp. viij-x.
VIIle Congres international des Orientalistes. Section aryenne. 2









Jas. Burgess.


to read the inscriptions in the Maurya character also 1). This
discovery he now applied to the four Asoka pillar inscriptions 2),
the GayA Cave inscriptions, and to those from the Orissa
caves 3); and then, in February 1838, to the larger GirnAr
inscription, of which a copy from Dr. John Wilson's tracing
had been sent him early in 1837 4), -while, towards the end
of that year, Capt. Kittoe had discovered the cognate Dhauli
edicts of Asoka, and had sent his copies to Mr. Prinsep5).
Government, too, at once liberally acceded to his request to
depute an officer to copy afresh and verify the readings of the
GirnAr rock, and sent Capt. Postans to KAthiAwAr for that
purpose; but before his copies reached Calcutta, Prinsep had
been sent home seriously ill, and he died in April 1840 6).
Prinsep's contributions to Indian archaeology, as we have
just seen, were confined to palaeography and epigraphy. His
open unassuming character drew all to assist him and facilitate
his work. His translations were made by the help of Pandits
and are not authoritative; but the impulse his enthusiasm gave
to research can hardly be estimated too highly.
Among his contemporaries was Mr. (afterwards Sir) Walter
Elliot, LL.D., F.R.S. (1803-1887). In 1826 he began to
investigate the archaeology and natural history of the districts
in which he served; and in 1832 he printed comparative al-
phabets derived from ancient 9ssanams of the peninsula. Based
on these grants he wrote his paper on Hinddu Iunscriptions, read
to the Royal Asiatic Society in 1836 7), in which for the first

1) J. A. S. B., vol. VI, pp. 460-477; conf. Cunningham's Arch. Sur. Rep.,
vol. I, int. pp. xi, xij.
2) J. A S. B., vol. VI, pp. 566-609.
3) Ib., pp. 671-680, 790-795, 963-969, and pp. 1072-1091.
4) Dr. Wilson (1804-1875) visited the Girnir rock on 13th March 1836, and
found he was able "to make out several words". In his letter to Prinsep with the
facsimile, he mentions his obligation to W. Elliot's Alphabets. Smith's Life of
John Wilson, D.D., F.R.S., pp. 320 ff.; and J.A.S. Ben. vol. VII, p. 336.
5) J. A. S. B., vol. VII. pp. 156-167, 219-281, 334-356 and 438-456;
Mr. Turnour of Ceylon had previously identified the Piyadasi of the edicts with
Asoka, B. C. 267-225.
6) For a complete list of Prinsep's papers on scientific as well as epigraphical subjects
in the Asiatic Researches, vols. XV, XVI, and XVIII, and Journal As. Soc Beng.,
vols. I-VII, see Centenary Review of the As. Soc. Bengal, pt. I, pp. 172-174.
7) J. B. As. Soc., .vol. IV, pp. 1-41; it was afterwards revised and printed in
the Madras Jour. of Lit. and Science, vol. VII, pp. 190 ff.









Archeological Research in India.


time he gave a connected account of the great Chalukya dy-
nasty of the Dekhan and of the Yadava, Kalachuri, and Ka-
damba dynasties. This paper, together with the copperplate-
grants subsequently published by Mr. Wathen of Bombay, was
almost the only material available in 1861 when Lassen wrote
the history of these ruling families in the fourth volume of
his Indische Alterthumskunde 1). Elliot next published two pa-
pers under the title of Numismatic Gleanings 2), in the second
of which he gave a full list of both the Eastern and Western
Chalukyan kings. He spared no pains in making a collection
of copperplate-grants, which he presented to the British Museum,
where they are accessible to all scholars; he formed also a
collection of excellent facsimilies, printed directly from the
originals: all these he kindly placed at my disposal for the
Indian Antiquary, and, with the generous assistance of the
Secretary of State for India, I published large numbers of them
in that journal between 1876 and 1885.
In 1845 he made excavations on the site of the great stipa
at AmarAvati, which had been entirely destroyed towards the
end of last century by the local Zamindar, and here he ob-
tained a great number of sculptured slabs which were forward-
ed to Madras and subsequently to London, and are now placed
in the grand stair-case of the British Museum 3).
He made large collections also of copies of all SilaSdsana
inscriptions and of others on temples, &c., and during his long
residence, he collected 595 of these in the Kanarese districts,
filling two massive volumes, of which he gave copies to the
Royal Asiatic, and to the Madras and Bombay Branch Asiatic
Societies, which, however, are no longer to be found, -
and his own copy he presented to the Library of the Edin-
burgh University. A similar collection, made in the Telugu
provinces and comprising about 700 copies of Inscriptions, was
also recopied for the Madras and Royal Asiatic Societies and for
the India office, but his own transcript was destroyed on the vo-
yage to England 4). In his later years he contributed several
1) Bd. IV, Ss. 89-147.
2) Mad. .T. of Lit. and Sc., vol. XIX, pp. 220-249, and vol. XX, pp. 76-99.
3) These were described in the second section of Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship.
4) Conf. Indian Antiquary, vol. II, p. 184; vol. IV, p. 176 n.; and vol. VI,
pp. 226-228.








Jas. Burgess.


papers on archeological subjects to the Indian Antiquary, and
was ever ready to assist in furthering the cause of research.
His last work was his Coins of Southern. India, in the Inter-
national Numismata Orientalia, published when he had entirely
lost the use of his sight, and was in his eighty-third year.
Though his work was chiefly literary, the name of Dr. Ho-
race Hayman Wilson (1786-1860) may not be passed over, as
he made some important contributions to our science 1), -
chiefly in the later years of his life. Besides other inscriptions,
he produced a revised version of the Agoka edicts, including
for the first time that of Shahbtzgarhi, from the transcript of
that epigraph made out by Mr. E. Norris in 1845 2). Then
from 1834 to 1837 Mr. Masson had been engaged in Afgha-
nistan excavating Stipas and collecting coins and antiquities,
on behalf, and at the expense of, the East India Company.
When his collections reached England, Dr. Wilson was en-
trusted with reporting on them. This he did in his Ariana An-
tiqua3), in which he gave a scholarly account of the antiqui-
ties and coins and of the Geography and ancient accounts of
the countries between Persia and India. In the field which it
covers this work will long continue to be of standard impor-
tance.
Lieut. Markham Kittoe, an officer of artistic tastes, who
helped Prinsep greatly by his careful copies of inscriptions,
and who discovered the Asoka inscription at Dhauli, was one
of the first to take up the branch of monumental Archeology
or Architecture, and in his official tours he constantly em-

1) His principal papers were, (1) Translations of various Inscriptions found
among the ruins of Vijayanagar, in As. Bes., vol. XX, pp. 1 if.; (2) Remarks on
Mr. Wathen's Translations of Ancient Inscriptions, J. R. As. Soc., vol. II (1835),
pp. 393-399; (3) Observations on some Indian Coins in the cabinet of the R.
Asiatic Society, ib., vol. III, pp. 381-386; (4) Note on two plates of Coins pre-
sented to the R. As. Society, ib., vol. IV, pp. 397-39S; (5) Note on Mr. Norris's
vaper on the Kapurdigiri Bock-Inscription, ib., vol. VIII, pp. 308-314; (6) On
the Rock-Inscriptions of Kapurdigiri, Dhauli, and Girndr, ib., vol. XII, pp. 153---251;
(7) Buddhist Inscriptions of King Priyadarst, ib., vol. XVI (1856), pp. 357-367;
(8) Sanskrit Inscriptions at Abu, in Asiat. Res., vol. XVI, pp. 284 ff.; (9) Descrip-
tion of Select Coins, ib., vol. XVII, pp. 559 ff.
2) J. B. A. S, vol. VIII, pp. 303-307.
3) A Descriptive Account of the Antiquities and Coins of Afghanistan, Lon-
don, 1841.









Archaeological Research in India.


played his pencil and measuring rule to secure illustrations of
the interesting monuments he met with. One result of this was
his publication at Calcutta, in 1838, of a volume of lithogra-
phed drawings entitled Illustrations of Indian Arcitecture from
the Muhammadan Conquest downwards. He also contributed many
papers in the years 1838, 1839, and 1847-52, briefly descrip-
tive of antiquarian remains, sculptures, and inscriptions ').
He may be fairly regarded as a pioneer in Archeology pro-
per, though his education in the subject did not qualify him
for scientific exposition or illustration of its principles.
The great exponent, however, of scientific Archeology as applied
to Indian monuments was the late Jas. Fergusson, D. C. L., LL. D.,
C.I.E., (1808-1886). Arriving in India in 1829, he made
frequent and long tours between 1834 and 1839 ) all over
India, measuring and drawing with his own hand the more
remarkable monuments. In 1843, he laid before the Royal Asi-
atic Society his first paper that on Te Rock-cut Temples
of India 3), and, though the number of objects described
in it was large, and the accounts necessarily much compressed,
the mode of treatment was on new and scientific lines, the
first of a science which, it may almost be said, he was pre-
paring to create. Others, as he remarked, had "only visited the
caves and temples incidentally, while travelling on other avo-
cations", whereas his surveys embraced nearly all the rock-cut
temples of India then known, and "all his journeys were un-
dertaken for the sole purpose of antiquarian research", he was
thus "enabled to devote his whole and undivided attention to
the subject, and all his notes and sketches were made with

1) For a list of these papers, in the .Tour. As. Soc. Beng., vols. VII, VIII,
XVI, XIX, and XXI, see Centenary Review of As. Soc. Beng., pt. i, pp. 150, 151.
He was Librarian of the Asiatic Society in Calcutta till 1838. He died soon after
returning to England in 1853.
2) In his tour in Southern India, circumstances prevented his accomplishing all he
had intended; see Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architecture in Hindostan
(1848), pref., p. IV. He returned to India again about 1842 and retired in 1845.
See Jour. R. Inst. Brit. Arch. vol. V, (N.S.) pp. 177, 198, 227, 309, 327.
3) J. R. As. Soo, vol. VIII, pp. 30-92. This paper was reprinted as the text
to a folio volume of 20 plates further illustrative of the subject, with the title -
Illustrations of the Rock-cut Temples of India: selected from the best Examples of
the different series of Caves at Ellora, Ajunta, Cuttak, Salsette, Karli, and
Mahavellipore, from Sketches made in 1838-9. London: Weale, 1845.










Jas. Burgess.


only one object in view, that of ascertaining the age and
object of these hitherto mysterious structures". In the course
of his arguments, with true scientific instinct, he "tried to
avoid, as much as possible, all hypothetical matter, and to
state merely what bore directly on the subject under conside-'
ration, and that as succinctly as possible". His conclusions
were arrived at "almost entirely from a critical survey of the
whole series, and a careful comparison of one cave with another,
and with different structural buildings in the vicinity, the da-
tes of which are at least approximately known". And he held
that though inscriptions by themselves will not fix the dates
of monuments, for in many cases they belong to a long
subsequent period, and cannot in all cases be relied on, yet
they "form a most essential part of the enquiry" 1). Thirty-
seven years later, speaking of this paper, he could justly
remark "A great deal has been done since by new discoveries
and further investigations to fill up the cartoon I then ven-




1) Ib., pp. 31, 32, or text to The Rock-cut Temples, pp. 2, 3. It is not quite
unnecessary to note Mr. Fergusson's expression of his estimate of the importance
of Inscriptions, for, though he always accepted a genuine inscription as final
General Sir A. Cunningham discounts the importance of Fergusson's methods of
induction on the ground that he did not give due weight to such records, forget.
ting apparently Fergusson's own express statement and the real aim of his work,
which was not so much to fix the precise year of a monument at first, as to assign
its place in a. chronometric scale, to which approximate dates might be attached
tentatively to be rectified afterwards, if necessary, by the discoveries of epigra-
phists. He has cited against Mr. Fergusson's deductions a Kanhari Inscription which
he says "gives the date of 30 of the Sakaditya KUla, or A. D. 108", but unfor-
tunately the General's reading of the record is at fault, for the original has
only ".. chivarika ddtava solasaka utukdle cha..." (West's No. 39 in .7. Bom.
B. B. As. Soc., vol. VI, p. 9; or Arch. Sur. West. India, vol. V, p. 85) and
contains no date. So again Mr. Fergusson, who depended on the scholarship of
others in epigraphical matters, was misled by Stevenson (.. B. B. .A. S., vol.
V, p. 39) in ascribing Gautamiputra to the fourth century A. D, but he saw clearly
and asserted what his science alone taught, that the AmarAvati and Nasik Caves
belonged to one and the same period; and he readily accepted the correction in the
date of both when Stevenson's mistake was proved. His reliance on Stevenson's in-
terpretation of another inscription also misled him in fixing the date of the Kanheri
Chaitya cave: had he trusted to his method alone he would hardly have failed to
relegate it to its true place. The date he assigned to Kdrl6 is now accepted, and
General Cunningham's is no longer tenable: See Cunningham's Arch. Sur. Reports,
vol. I, introd., pp. xxi, xxiii, xxiv; Anc. Geog., pp. 532, 533.









Archaeological Research in India.


tured to sketch in, but the correctness of its main outlines have
never been challenged and remain undisturbed" 1).
The immediate practical result of this work was that the
Asiatic Society moved the Court of Directors to employ a
competent artist to copy the wonderful frescoes in the Ajantf
Caves. This was at once generously sanctioned, and Major Ro-
bert Gill spent about twelve years in making copies, which
were afterwards most unfortunately destroyed by fire at Syden-
ham Crystal Palace in December 1866 2). The Court of Direct-
ors also acknowledged the duty imposed on the Government
of India to preserve the relies of ancient art and architecture,
and sent out orders to each presidency to adopt measures to
keep them from further decay. They further proposed "to in-
stitute an Archeological Commission for investigating the ar-
chitectural character and age of the several monuments" 3).
This gave rise to the Bombay Cave-temple Commission in 1848 4),

1) Fergusson's Burgess and Cave-Temples of India (1880), pref., p. xiv.
2) When Major Gill began his work on these frescoes in 1846, they were in
very much better preservation than twenty years later; much had peeled off in the
interval, and the varnishing had possibly injured what remained. After the destruct-
ion of the copies at Sydenham, Mr. Fergusson and I used every effort with Go-
vernment, and finally obtained a series of grants, and Mr. J. Griffiths of the
Bombay School of Art was charged with the recopying of them between 1872 and
1885. But again, the new copies being hung in the South Kensington Museum,
where they were exposed to fire from a flue, numbers of them were again des-
troyed, and no serious effort has yet been made to replace the loss or to make
these precious materials available to the scientific world by suitable publication.
3) Conf. Despatches No. 15, of 29 May 1844; NO. 24, of 29 Sept. 1847;
N. 13, of 4 May 1853; and Lord Hardinge's despatch NO. 4, of 19 April 1847.
Also Bird's Historical Researches on the Origin and Principles of the Bauddha and
Jaina Religions (1847), pref. Bird was one of those antiquaries, of the Maurice
and Stukeley.type, who first formed theories more wonderful than natural, and then
tried to make both facts and inscriptions support them. He probably could not
draw himself and he did not control his draftsmen, nor select the objects most
deserving of delineation. From the Ajanut frescoes he selected only individual heads
and figures, rather than the groups which give meaning to them. Having the pa-
tronage of the then Governor of Bombay he was supported with means, and
destroyed the Kanheri stfpas by hasty and unscientific excavations, losing for science
all that might have been learnt from them, while from the so called 'zodiac' in
Cave XVII at Ajant& he removed numbers of the small painted figures (Cave Tem-
ples, p. 310) A curious instance of his readiness to theorise on any or no basis is
cited by Dr. E. W. West in Jour. Bom. B. R. As. Soc., vol. VI, p. 5.
4) Resolution of Bombay Government, No. 2805, of 31 July 1848; .Tour. Bom.
B. R. As. Soc., vol. III, pt. ii, p. 36; and G. Smith's Life of John Wilson,
D D., F.R.S., pp. 466 ff.








Jas Burgess.


with Dr. John Wilson as its president. The fruits of their
labour were the preparation of two Memoirs by Dr. Wilson,
the first, in 1850, sketching the extent of the information
then available respecting the Caves in Western India 1), and
the second in 1852, containing short notices of a few other
caves brought to light during the preceding two years 2).
Dr. Stevenson, also, prepared translations of the Cave inscrip-
tions 3), but, like most of the early attempts to translate
ancient Indian inscriptions, without a mastery of their language
and from defective eye-copies, his versions cannot be depended
on. The Commission ceased to exist about 1861 4), but it had
stirred up district officers and others to call -attention to local
antiquities, and among these the contributions of Sir Bartle
Frere 5), Captain Meadows Taylor 6), Dr. E. Impey 7), Dr. Brad-
ley 8), the Messers West 9), and others contained valuable ad-
ditions to our knowledge.
But to return to Mr. Fergusson: His second contribution to
the study was his Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architect-
ure in IIinclostan (1848), a folio volume with 23 plates from
his own drawings, and remarkable for their accuracy of
detail. The principles that had now been worked out in his
mind he applied with confidence, and he expressed in the pre-
face his conviction that had he begun his journeys with
the knowledge he now possessed, he felt "he should not leave
much either as to age or style of the buildings, to be settled
by subsequent researches", and that "future explorers in this
field would. thank him for his outline of the subject". He had
thus begun to do for archaeology what Cuvier had done for
zoology: or, to put it otherwise, he had discovered that the
evolution of Indian, and of all other art, follows distinct laws.

1) J. Bom. B. R. A. S., vol. III, pt. ii, pp. 36-107.
2) Ib., vol. IV, pp. 340-379.
3) .T. Bom. B. B. A. S., vol. V, pp. 1-57, and 151-178.
4) Ib., vol. VI, proc., pp. lxxxix-xcj.
5) .T. B. B. R. A. S., vol. III, pt. ii, pp. 108-118; vol. V, pp. 349-362,
and 538-543.
6) 1b., pp. 179-196; vol. IV, pp. 380-429.
7) Ib., vol. V, pp. 336-349, and 543-573.
8) Ib., vol. V, pp. 117-124.
9) 1b., vol. VI, pp. 1-14; 116-120; 157-160: and vol. VII, pp. 37-52.









Archaeological Research in India.


And, as he remarked '), "Nowhere are the styles of architect-
ure so various as in India, and nowhere are the changes so
rapid, or follow laws of so fixed a nature. It is consequently
easy to separate the various styles into well-defined groups,
with easily recognized peculiarities, and to trace sequences of
development in themselves quite certain, which, when a date
can be affixed to one of the series, render the entire chrono-
logy certain and intelligible".
Early in 1848 he read to the Royal Institute of British Ar-
chitects a paper on Ancient Buddhist Architecture in India 2),
which was afterwards followed by others, read to the same so-
ciety 3). In 1855 appeared his Illustrated Handbook of Architect-
ure, describing the different styles prevailing in all ages and
countries 4). This he further elaborated in his next work, the
Ilistory of Architecture in all Countries from the Earliest Times
to the Present Day.
Early in 1865, while he was engaged on this work, the
prospects of progress in our acquaintance with Indian architect-
ure suddenly looked promising. Sir Bartle Frere, the Governor
of Bombay, formed an influential "Committee of Architectural
Antiquities of Western India", with a view to publishing pho-
tographic and other materials in a comprehensive series of about
six volumes ), the expenses of which were to be met by cer-
tain native gentlemen, who "for the honour of their country
and the greater diffusion of an acquaintance with it, volun-
teered each to take one volume under his patronage and con-
tribute 1000 towards its publication". The general editing of
the first volumes was entrusted to Mr. (now Sir) Theodore C.


1) Fergusson's Archeoology in India, (1884), p. 2.
2) Printed as a "Sessional paper", 6th March 1848.
3) Architecture in Southern India, Sess. Paper, 7th Jan. 1850; Architectural
Splendour of the City of Bijdpur, S. P. 27th Nov. 1854; and Great Dome of
Sultdn Muhammad's Tomb at Bijdpur, S. P. 27th Nov. 1854.
4) A second edition in one volume with 850 woodcuts appeared in 1859, supple-
mented in 1862 by a separate volume on the History of the Modern Styles of Ar-
chitecture, which also formed the third volume of his History of Architecture, 2
vols. 1865 and 1867. In 1863 he prepared the letterpress for One Hundred Stereo-
scopic Illustrations o0 Architecture and Natural History in Western India, photo-
graphed by Major R. Gill (Cundall Downes, 1864).
5) Only three were published.








Jas. Burgess.


Hope, and Mr. Fergusson was most wisely asked to write the
architectural introductions, which he freely undertook to do
and performed for the three volumes that were published, viz.
- (1) on Ahmadkbad '), (2) Bijapur 2), and (3) Mysore and Dhar-
war 3). To these he contributed freely from his own works all
the woodcuts necessary to illustrate the subjects, but except
for the first and second volumes, the materials unfortunately
embraced no new drawings, without which much of the
value of the photographs for scientific study was lost.
In 1867 his attention was directed to the sculptured slabs
brought by Sir Walter Elliot and Col. Mackenzie from the
Amaravati Stripa, and after reading a paper on them to the
Royal Asiatic Society 4), he was led to the preparation and pu-
blication under the enlightened patronage of the late Lord Id-
desleigh, (then Sir Stafford Northcote) Secretary of State for
India, of a volume titled Tree and Serpent Wor8sip or Illus-
trations of MVIythology and Art in India from the Sculptures of
the Buddhist Topes at Saneli and Amaravati (1868) 5). In this
volume he was fortunately enabled to make public a most im-
portant collection of illustrations of Bauddha mythology and
art. In addition to the Amaravati sculptures, he found among
the Mackenzie drawings, a volume containing more than eighty,
taken from sculptures now lost, and he used about half of
them, together with a large series from Sanchi, drawn by


1) Architecture of Ahmedabad, the capital of Goozerat, photographed by Colonel
Biggs, B. A., with an historical and descriptive sketch by Theodore C. Hope, Bo.
C. S., and Architectural Notes by Jas. Fergusson, F. R. S., F. R. I. B. A., (Mur-
ray, 1866, 4to).
2) Architecture of Beejapore from drawings by Capt. Hart, and A. Cumming,
C. E., photographed by Col. Biggs and Major Loch, with a Memoir by Colonel Mea-
dows Taylor, and Architectural Notes by Jas. Fergusson, F. R. S. &c. (Murray,
1866, folio).
3) Architecture in Dharwar and Mysore, photographed by the late Dr. Pigou,
A. C. B. Neil Esq. and Colonel Biggs, It. A., with a Memoir by Colonel Meadows
Taylor, and Architectural Notes by Jas. Fergusson F. R. S. &c. (Murray, 1866, -
olio).
4) .J. R. A. S., N. S., vol. III, pp. 132-166.
5) Objection has been taken to the first part of this title, and it may be granted
that it is rather a "catch-title" than descriptive of the work, but the alternative
and second part fully guards against misconception as to the nature of its contents;
- conf Cunningham's Arch. Surv. Rep. vol. I, int.. p. xxiv.








Archeological Research in India.


Colonel Maisey. This important work helped greatly to create
an interest in ancient Indian art, and was issued in a second and
much improved edition in 1873, which is also again exhausted.
The information on Amarkvati has since been considerably
extended in my volume on The Amardvati and Jaggayyapeta
Stdpas ') (1887); and should Fergusson's work ever be repu-
blished, it should be recast, and the division on SAnchi would
be well worth augmenting by the further drawings and infor-
mation that ought to be collected on the spot to illustrate
fully this most remarkable group of monuments.
Fergusson again greatly expanded his History of Architecture
in a new edition (1873-76)2), the third volume of which
was devoted exclusively to Indian and Eastern Architecture, and
in fact forms a separate work 3), which has taken a position
of preeminent importance in the estimation of oriental archeo-
logists. When he began to write on Indian architecture, in
1845, no one knew anything definite about it, but now, to
quote his own words, "the date of every building and every
cave in India can be determined with almost absolute certainty
to within fifty, or at the outside one hundred, years; the se-
quence is everywhere certain, and all can be referred to the
race and religion that practised that particular style". It is
now held that in Indian, as in classical archeology, -
"the lithic mode of investigation is not only capable of sup-
plementing to a great extent the deficiencies of the graphic
method, and of yielding new and useful results, but that the
information obtained by its means" in India at least, -
"is much more trustworthy than anything that can be elabo-
rated from the books of that early age". It had not occurred
to scholars before Fergusson's time "that there was either


1) London: Trubner Co. In this was engrossed the other half of Col. Mackenzie's
drawings. The volume is illustrated by 69 plates and 32 woodcuts.
2) In 1871 Mr. Fergusson received from the Royal Institute of British Architects
the Royal Gold Medal for Architecture given by Her Majesty the Queen, for "pa-
tient and zealous industry, and power, as an architectural historian, and for the
faithfulness, ability, and truthfulness with which he had fulfilled his task".
3) To this I contributed the originals for the twentyfour woodcuts Nos. 45, 46,
48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 89, 90, 120, 122, 126, 127, 128, 189,
243, 244, and 344. A second edition of his Modern Styles of Architecture, issued
in 1873, in a separate volume, completed his great work.








Jas. Burgess.


history or ethnography built into the architectural remains of
antiquity". While they were seeking for information in Purdnas
and Kdvyas, he was trying to read the history which the
Hindus "had recorded in stone, in characters as clear, and far
more indelible than those written in ink". To him it appeared
that to neglect an ancient nation's monuments "is to throw
away one-half, and generally the most valuable half, in some
cases the whole, of the evidence bearing on the subject" 1).
And in such a country as India, the chisels of her sculptors
are "immeasurably more to be trusted than the pens of her
authors". His aim in the treatment of the History of Indian
Architecture, he has stated in these words: "My endeavour
from the first has been to present a distinct view of the ge-
neral principles which have governed the historical development
of Indian architecture, and my hope is that those who pursue
the subject beyond the pages of the present work, will find
that the principles I have enunciated will reduce to order the
multifarious details, and that the details will confirm the prin-
ciples. Though the vast amount of fresh knowledge which has
gone on accumulating since I commenced my investigations
has enabled me to correct, modify, and enlarge my views,
yet the classification I adopted, and the historical sequences I
pointed out thirty years since, have in their essential outlines
been confirmed, and will continue, I trust, to stand good" 2).
This confidence is confirmed, and must be so, by investigators
having the necessary scientific training in architectural archae-
ology rightly to apply the principles. But the qualifications to
apply successfully the principles of this, or of any science, are
not to be acquired without long and patient study and exten-
sive experience; these principles, however, are now universally
accepted by all scholars in dealing with classical and national
antiquities 3); and if the results arrived at in the Indian field



1) Hist. of Architecture, vol. I, pref., pp. iv, xij, and xiij.
2) Hist. of Indian and Eastern Arcit., pref., pp. vij, viij.
3) In 1880, he wrote, "What I have attempted to do during the last forty
years has been to apply to Indian architecture the same principles of archaeological
science, which are universally adopted, not only in England, but in every country
in Europe. Since the publication of Rickman's Attempt to Discriminate Styles, &c., in









Archaeological Research in India.


occasionally require modification, the fault must lie with the
worker whose experience or use of his data is in error. Mr.
Fergusson worked out for us the principles and outlines of his
science, and these outlines may be filled up by future workers
as the means of doing so become available, and these means
can only be acquired by an extended and scientific survey,
which the Government ought to carry out.
In 1872 Mr. Fergusson published a volume 1) on Rude Stone
Monuments in all Countries, in which a chapter of 55 pages
with 27 woodcuts is devoted to the pre-historic remains of
India and Ceylon. In this work he attacked the 'Druidical'
theories of the old school of antiquarians, and argued from the
evidence of facts, for the comparatively recent date of most of
these monuments 2).
His other papers, contributed to the Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, on Indian Chronology 3), the Journey of Hiuen
Tsiang 4), and the AjalLta Frescoes 5), are full of interest. In
the first of these he stated his conviction that the 8aka era
dated from the accession of king Kanishka 6), a suggestion
which has been largely accepted by Orientalists, and has, more
than almost anything else, given consistency to our chronology
of the early centuries of Indian history.


1817, style has been allowed to supersede all other evidence for the age of any buil-
ding, not only in Mediaeval, but in Byzantine, Classical, and, in fact, all other
true styles". J. R. A. S., N. S., vol. XII, p. 141.
1) In the Quarterly Review for July 1860, he had given an article on 'Stone-
henge', and in the same journal for April 1870, he had another entitled 'Non-
Historic Times', both dealing with the same class of monuments. In 1876 he wrote
A short Essay on the age and uses of the Brocks and the Rude Stone Monuments
of the Orkney Islands, 4c.; and in 1878 a paper, in Proo. B. Scot. Soc. Antiq. vol.
XII, pp. 630-669, on the same subject.
2) Herr Kinkel of Zurich, in his Mfosaik zur Kunstgeschichte, Berlin 1876, adop-
ted Fergusson's views with regard to the age of Stonehenge without reservation,
though arriving at that conclusion by a very different chain of reasoning from Mr.
Fergusson's (Hist. Ind. and East. Archit., pref. p. ix). Conf. Hist. of Arc/it.,
vol. I, pref. pp. v, vi.
3) J. R. A. S., N. S., vol. IV, pp. 81-137; vol. XII, pp. 259-285. This
latter was previously printed for private circulation in March 1875.
4) Ibid., vol. VI, pp. 213-274; and vol. XII, p. 105; also conf. Archacol. in
India, pp. 77, 110-115.
5) Ibid., vol. XI, pp. 155-170; and vol. XII, pp. 126-151.
6) J. R. A.S., N. S., vol. XII, p. 261; conf. his Archaol. in India, pp. 26, 27.








Jas Burgess.


In 1879 Mr. Fergusson joined me in the production of a
work on the Cave-Temples of India, of which he wrote about
a third, treating on the Rock Temples of Northern and East-
ern India, and in which he added considerably to our know-
ledge of these remains. My share of the work was the descrip-
tion of those in Western India 1).
It is not necessary to particularise here his very important
contributions to Classical and Jewish archeology, to Geology 0),
Fortification 3), and modern architecture. His deservedly great
personal influence was also constantly brought to bear in ad-
vancing every branch of archaeology.
It has most justly been said of him, that, "by his in-
dividual efforts, without a jot of encouragement from the Go-
vernment, with no existing criteria which could enable him to
form a judgment of the age or style of the buildings he was
studying, he classified them, and laid the solid foundations ot
an architectural chronology for Hindustan .. Until Fergusson
began to systematize the result of his laborious examinations
and to publish his studies of the historical monuments in stone
and marble scattered over the face of India, the mass of these
and their mutual affinities were like a sealed book to the learn-
ing and intelligence of the world. It is not too much to assert
that the present votaries of Indian research owe to him the
means of checking historical tradition by. easy reference to the
substantial records with which, principally through his works,
they are now familiar" 4).
Edward Thomas, F.R.S., C.I.E., a contemporary and friend
of Fergusson's ), was a zealous numismatist. Besides many
papers in scientific journals, he wrote the well known Chro-
nicles of the Pat dn Kings of DeMli, and was the editor of

1) It was originally intended that I should include the Mahavallipuram Raths
and Caves, which I had examined in 1877, but we arranged that I should give him
my rough notes and he should write the text.
2) His paper to the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society for Aug. 1863
established the law of the oscillation of Rivers.
3) He was the first to insist on the value of earthwork defences in place of
masonry: see his Proposed New System of Fortification, 1849.
4) W. White, Sec. R. Inst. Brit. Arch. in Jour. R. As., Soc., N. S., vol. XVIII,
pp. xxxvij, xxxviij.
5) Died 10th Feb. 1886; Fergusson died on the 9th of the previous month.








Archaeological Research in India.


Prinsep's Essays and of the International Numismata Orientalia.
Another labourer that cannot be passed over in any sketch,
however short, was Christian Lassen (1800-1876), a native
of Bergen, who studied at Christiania, and was the first to syste-
matise the vast accumulation of information, scattered through
the journals of the various Asiatic Societies and other publica-
tions, into one general work Die Indiscie Alterthumskunde ,
a treatise of the most comprehensive character, embracing the
Geography, Ethnology, History, Commerce, Literature, Science,
&c. of ancient India, of which four volumes were published
(1847-61). Unfortunately failing health caused the work to be
discontinued, though he issued revised and enlarged editions of the
first two volumes in 1867 and 1874. This great cyclopedia,
however, hardly received the attention in India it deserved,
because being in German, which scarcely any native scholar
reads and but few of the English with ease, it has not had
the chance of being much studied '). Its influence has, there-
fore, been rather of an indirect kind 2).
About fifty years ago, quite a new element was imported
into Indian research by the translation of the Travels of Fh-
hien by Remusat, Klaproth, and Landresse (1836). The geo-
graphy and scraps of history, contained in the narrative of
this early Chinese traveller, and in the appendix to the trans-
lation, giving an itinerary of the journeys of Hiuen Tsiang
and identifications of many of the places mentioned in the rou-
tes, opened a new field and supplied important data unknown
in Sanskrit or Pali writings ). The French work was trans-
lated into English, in 1848, by Mr. J. W. Laidlay (1808-
84) and at once attracted the attention of antiquaries in India.
In April 1853, M. Stanislas Julien gave to the world a com-
plete version of the Life of Hiuen-Tsiang, together with a


1) No translation has been made into English, but Sir Erskine Perry, in 1851,
drew from it an account of King ASoka, J. Bom. B. R. A. S, vol. III, pt. ii,
pp. 149-178. Conf. Ind. Altertkiimer, Bd. II, Ss. 223-283. Some sections were
also translated in the early volumes of the Indian Antiquary.
2) J. B. A. S., N. S., vol. IX, pp. vii-x; Ind. Ant., vol. V, pp. 283, 284.
3) Col. Sykes in 1840 made this work the basis of his Notes on the Religious,
Moral and Political State of India before the Muaammedan Invasion, in J. R. S.,
vol. VI, pp. 248-484.








Jas. Burgess.


long supplement, containing the principal historical, statistical,
and geographical notices contained in the Si-yu-ki of the same
pilgrim, elucidated by extracts from other Chinese works ).
This, again, was followed in 1857-58, by the complete trans-
lation of the Si-yu-ki 2), carefully annotated, and with a learned
MIdmoire by M. Vivien de St. Martin, on the Map of Central
Asia and India, tracing Hiuen-Tsiang's route with minute care 3).
These works have had a vast influence especially in the elu-
cidation of the history and ancient geography of India 4), and
have helped greatly in directing attention to ancient sites in
Upper India, and thus led to fruitful results 5).
Towards the end of 1861, Colonel (now Sir Alexander) Cun-
ningham of the Engineers laid before Lord Canning a proposal
for the investigation of ancient remains in Upper India. He
represented that it would be possible to make a careful exami-
nation of all the more important places, which he had noted
in his memorandum, during two cold seasons, the first to
be devoted to Gaya and Rhjagriha, and of all the remains in
Tirhut to the eastward of BanAras and Gorakhpur, and the
second to all places to the westwards of Banaras 6). In answer
to this Lord Canning minuted, 22nd Jan. 1862, that, "It will
not be to our credit, as an enlightened ruling power, if we
continue to allow such fields of investigation, as the remains
of the old Buddhist capital of Bihar, the vast ruins of Kanauj,
the plains round Dehli, studded with ruins more thickly than
even the Campagna of Rome, and many others, to remain
without more examination than they have hitherto received.

1) lisoire de la Fie de Hiouen-Thsang et de ses Voyages dans l'Inde, depuis
l'an 629 jusqu'en 645; Paris, 1853. The Rev. S. Beal has lately given us a new
version in English of the first five (of the ten) books of this Life. (London, 1888).
2) An Extract from the IVth Book had already been published by the author
in .7. B. A. S., vol. XVI, pp. 340-345, (April 1855).
3) MImoires sur les Contrdes Occidentales, traduit du Sanskrit en Chinois, en
l'an 648, par Hiouen-Thsang; Paris, 1858.
4) Fa-hian's travels were again translated from the Chinese by the Rev. S. Beal
in 1869, together with those of Sung-yun; and a revised version of both is pre-
fixed to the same author's Si-yu-ki, or Buddhist Records of the Western World,
vol. I. pp. xxiij-eviii (1884).
5) In Jan. 1859 Dr. H. H. Wilson read a paper on these volumes to the Royal
Asiatic Society: see the Jour. R. A. S., vol. XVII, pp. 106-137.
6) Cunningham's Arckceol. Sur. Reports, vol. I, pref., p. vij.








Archaeological Research in India.


Everything that has hitherto been done in this way has been
done by private persons, imperfectly and without system. It
is impossible not to feel that there are European Governments,
which, if they had held our rule in India, would not have
allowed this to be said". The proposal was sanctioned; and
it was laid down that the aim of this survey was to be "an
accurate description, illustrated by plans, measurements,
drawings or photographs, and by copies of inscriptions, of
such remains as most deserve notice, with the history of them
so far as it may be traceable, and a record of the traditions
that are retained regarding them". General Cunningham con-
tinued this survey for four consecutive years, and his reports
were printed by Government, but without the plans, dra-
wings, and photographs, which ought to have been a prominent
feature of them; and it was not till they were reprinted in
1871, that forty small maps and fifty-nine other drawings
were added. This survey was broken up by Lord Lawrence
in 1866.
Mr. Fergusson and others continued to urge on Government
the desirability of carrying out the proposals of 1844 and 1847,
to secure more artistic delineations of the monuments; and in
August 1867, the Government of India forwarded a circular
to the Local Governments, expressing their sense of the desi-
rability of conserving ancient architectural structures or their
remains, and other works of art in India, and of organizing a
system for delineating and photographing them 1). Lists were
called for, of all remains and works of art in the different pro-
vinces; and it was proposed to encourage amateurs to take
photographs of them. Further, in 1868, Mr. Fergusson induced
the Society of Arts to memorialise the Indian Government to
obtain casts and drawings from different monuments in India.
A sum of Rs. 13,000 per annum was sanctioned for each of


1) The Madras Government went to great expense in obtaining photographs, en-
gaging Capt. Lyon for the duty, but made no arrangement that the negatives
should belong to Government, and he retained them: Despatch of Secretary
of State, No. 2 of 20th January 1870. Some of the negatives afterwards became
the property of Marion & Co. of Soho Square, London. Rotes on 277 of them, pre-
pared by Capt. Lyon, and edited by Mr. Fergusson (Marion & Co. 1870), were
distributed to purchasers of ten photographs.
VIlle Congrbs international des Orientalistes. Section aryenne. 3









Jas. Burgess.


four provincial areas Bengal, Bombay, Madras, and the Up-
per Provinces, for the employment of parties to make accurate
drawings, with descriptions and photographs of important mo-
numents, and to take plaster casts of details 1). The work was
begun, however, in a way not very well advised. It was sug-
gested that the Local Governments might proceed, in the first
instance, experimentally by allowing the heads of the Schools
of Art to carry out the work 2). This ignored the necessity of
architectural knowledge in the direction of the survey, and
the scheme was soon given up as a failure3; nor were the
results of it carefully utilized.

1) Resol. of Govert. of India, Home Dept. No. 14-931, of 24th Feb. 1868.
This was supported by a Convention entered into during the Paris Exhibition for
promoting universally Reproductions of Works of Art for the benefit of Museums of
all countries, signed by H. R. H. the Prince of Wales; H. R. H. the Duke of
Edinburgh; H. I. H. Frederick-William, Crown-Prince of Prussia; Prince Oscar of
Sweden and Norway; the Csarewitch Nicolas, Due de Leuchtenberg: Prince Hum-
bert of Italy; Duke Amadeus of Aosta; Archdukes Charles Louis and Rainer of
Austria; Frederick, Crown Prince of Denmark, and others. On 12th March 1868,
H R. II. the Prince of Wales communicated this convention to the Duke of Marl-
borough, Lord President of the Council of Education, who replied, 14th March,
pledging the co-operation of the Science and Art Department. This of course related
to the Art of all nations including Hindu; and out of this arose the casts of the
Sanchi Gateway taken by Major H. H. Cole in 1870. The northern gateway, as
the more perfect and interesting, was intended to be taken, but Major Cole preferred
to make casts of the eastern one. They are now to be seen in the South Kensington,
Edinburgh, and Dublin National Museums.
2) A party was sent from Calcutta to Orissa and took casts at BhavdneBvar, and,
during the second season, at Khandagiri Caves. The Bombay-party went to Ama-
ranAtha in the Koikan, and, besides casts, took an excellent series of drawings,
afterwards published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. III, pp. 316-320.
3) In the North Western Provinces, Sir John Strachey, then Lieut. Governor,
organised an Archaeological Department, to carry out the objects proposed, of
making drawings, photographs, and casts, and to undertake the preservation of
monuments. This was entrusted to officers of the Public Works Department. Major
Cole was appointed to conduct it and published Illustrations of Ancient Buildings
in Kashmir (London 1869), the text entirely based on General Cunningham's
paper on Kamtir architecture, and showing no original knowledge of archaic ar-
chitecture; and Illustrations of Buildings near Muttra and Agra (1873), dealing
with the Govindadeva temple at Bindraban, Haradevaji's Mandir at Govardhan,
the Bharatpur RAja's palace at Dig, and the principal buildings at Fathpur Sikri, -
illustrated by only 11 drawings and 42 photographs. In 1872 he also published,
through the Arundel Society, The Architecture of Ancient Dehli, containing
25 photographs of the buildings round the Quth-Minfr. Mr. Carr Stephen, a Civil
Servant, has provided us, in his Archceology and Monumental Remains of Dehli
(Ludhiana, 1876), with a nuch better account of the old capital and its buildings than









ArchEological Research in India.


Mr. Fergusson offered himself to pay the expenses of sending
a second expedition to Orissa to do what should have been
done at first '); the Bengal Government acceded to the request,
but committed the materials to other, and less competent
hands, to publish, whereby nothing of importance was added
to our knowledge 2).
In May and June 1869, Mr. Fergusson submitted to the
India Office definite proposals as to the ancient monuments re-
quiring representation by drawings, photographs, and casts,
and as to their conservation 3); and Colonel Meadows Taylor
and General Cunningham were also asked for, and submitted
Memoranda on Pre-historic and Architectural remains. These
papers were printed in June 1869, by Dr. Forbes Watson in
his Report on the Illustration of the Archaic Architecture of In-
dia, with Appendices. A glance at these Appendices "will give
some idea of the amount of work that remains to be done be-
fore the archaeological survey of India approaches completion" 4).
"The interest now shown by the Government of India in the
preservation and illustration of ancient monuments was very
encouraging, as it thus became clear that the importance of
the subject was fully appreciated" 5). The failure of the scheme
of 1868 led Government to resolve, in January 1870, that "a
central establishment should be formed to collect the results of
former researches, to train a school of archeologists capable of
conducting local enquiries, and to direct, assist, and system-
atize the various efforts and enquiries made by local bodies and
private persons, as well as by the Government. The direction

either this or the Report prepared by Mr. Beglar and published under General Cunning-
ham's direction, in his Archeological Survey Reports, vol. IV, for 1871-72 with
11 small plates of ground plans and rough sections. Unfortunately Mr. Carr Stephen's
work is not illustrated. A somewhat similar survey to that in the N. W. Pro-
vinces was instituted by Government in the Panjab, but none of the drawings have
been published, and are therefore not available for study.
1) Viz. to make a careful survey of the caves at Udayagiri and Khandagiri.
2) See Fergusson's Archaology in India (1884), pp. 20 ff., and 55, for details.
3) He urged that an officer should be appointed in each Presidency, to devote
his whole time to archaeology. His Memorandum regarding objects of which it was
desirable casts should be made, was reprinted in Capt. Cole's First Report on the
Preservation of National Monuments, (1882), Appendix B.
4) Markham's Memoir on the Indian Surveys (1878), p. 269.
5) Markham's Memoir on the Indian Surveys, p. 268.









Jas. Burgess


of this establishment was offered to General Cunningham",
who returned to India in 1870. Here was, now at length, the
golden opportunity of Indian archeology: the allowances made
by Government were liberal '), and native draftsmen could
easily be trained to architectural delineation of the utmost ac-
curacy of detail2, while European scholars only wanted satis-
factory impressions from which to work out all the epigraphi-
cal documents that could be submitted to them. A new scien-
tific departure was now practicable in Indian, such as had taken
place in Classical Archmology. The attention of the survey,
however, was concentrated on the ancient sites mentioned by
the Buddhist pilgrims and others, and on numismatics and
epigraphy, rather than on architecture and its teachings; and
the assistants employed were unfortunately but poorly educated
for their responsibilities 3). The first two volumes of the Re-
ports were revised reprints of those written in 1862 65, and
of the remaining twenty-one, half were the work of the as-
sistants, and are not scientific or reliable 4).
In 1877 General Cunningham issued the first volume of a
Corpus Inscriptionum Incdicarum, containing lithographed copies
(not properly facsimiles) of the Agoka Inscriptions. Volume II,
to embrace the Inscriptions of the Indo-Skythians and of the
Satraps of Saurhshtra, was said to be in progress ten years

1) See Despatch of Secy. of State for India, No. 4 (Public) of llth Jan. 1870,
and Resolution of the Government of India, No. 649-650 of 2nd Feb. 1871, for
details on the origin of the Department; also Proc. of Sub-committee, Pub. Service
Commission, Scientific Departments (1887), pp. 27ff. The central establishment and
the systematizing of work done was never set on foot.
2) General Cunningham prepared all his drawings with his own hand, a work
which could easily have been performed by a native draftsman, on a twentieth of
his salary, with only a little supervision, and thus have set his own time free for
more scientific and important duties.
3) See Fergusson's ArcLeology in India, pp. 76, 77.
4) In his written evidence before the Public Service Commission (1887), Mr. F. S
Growse, M.A., C.I.E., states with regard to these: "the unrevised lucubrations
of [General Cunningham's] assistants are a tissue of trivial narrative and the cru-
dest theories, in which, to borrow the language of a French savant, "le manque
de critique et de sens historique depasse en effet toutes les limits permises". Proc.
Sub. Committee, Pub. Serv. Commission, Scient. Depts., p. 52. "We trust that all
future Reports issued by the Archmeological Department of the Government of India
will be free from the defects which mar the usefulness and impair the authority of
Sir Alexander Cunningham's series". Quarterly Review, July, 1889. Compare
also Fergusson's remarks, Archeology in India, pp. 76-79.










Archaeological Research in India.


ago, but has not yet appeared; while Mr. Fleet has recently
completed the third volume.
General Cunningham, in 1874, surveyed the Bharhut Stfpa,
and in 1879 was published his volume on that monument ),
which, from the fulness of its illustrations, is one of the most
important and valuable we possess on early Indian art. When
he was appointed in 1870, as Director of the Survey, five
years was named as the probable duration of his period of of-
fice, but he continued in charge for fifteen.
In order to carry into effect the proposals made by the Se-
cretary of State for India, in a despatch of the 11th October
1871 2), with a view to the production of a complete survey
of the Rock-Cut Temples of Western India, the Government of
Bombay, in July 1873, submitted a scheme for the survey of
the archeological remains in that side of India, suggesting my
employment to conduct the survey 3). The Government of India
restricted the expenditure to such an amount as to allow only
3000 rupees per annum for establishment, travelling, photogra-
phy, &c. 4); this greatly hampered my operations. I began
work in January 1874, and in October of the same year, the
first Report was published, containing 56 plates, illustrating
pretty fully the architecture, sculpture, and epigraphy of the
Cave-Temples and structural remains at Btdami, Aihole, Pat-
tadkal, and other places in the Belgaum and Bijapur districts.
In this volume I was able to fix the date of the BAdami Caves
by means of the one dated inscription found in any cave in


1) The Stdpa of Bharhut: a Buddhist Monument ornamented with numerous
sculptures illustrative of Buddhist Legend and History in the third century B. C., by
Alexander Cunningham, C.S.I., C.I E. (London: 1879).
2) The survey of Western India was due in the first place to a representation
made by Mr. Fergusson to the Duke of Argyll, then Secretary of State for India;
but the despatch lay unheeded by the Government of Bombay for two years. See
Report of Royal Asiatic Society for May 1873 in Ind. Ant., vol. III, p. 58.
3) In 1870, I had been asked by the Government of Bombay to examine and report
on the returns to their Resolution, No. 1610, of 23d Sept. 1867, calling for Lists
of monuments, and of the means adopted to preserve them, with a view to an Ar-
cheological Survey. My reply was contained in a Memorandium on the Survey of
Architectural and other Archeological Remains, with Lists of those in the Bombay
Presidency, Sindh, Berar, Central Provinces, and Haidarabad: 52 pp., printed by
order of Government, 20th Augt. 1870.
4) Markham's Memoir on the Indian Surveys, 1878, pp. 270, 271.









Jas. Burgess.


India bearing on the question '), thereby supplying a
fixed point from which to reason, in respect of other series,
such as we had not previously, and corroborating the date I
had previously ascribed to the Elephanta Cave on archaeological
grounds alone ).
Previous to this, in January 1872, I had started, at my
own expense, the Indian Antiquary, a monthly publication, in
which I hoped to do some service to a cause in which I felt
intensely interested; and by the time the first few parts were
issued, Drs. Burnell, Biihler, Blochmann, Hoernle, Messrs. Bea-
mes, Damant, Growse, R. G. Bhandarkar, S. P. Pandit, Rhys
Davids, R. S. Sinclair, V. Westmacott, Sir H. Yule, &c. had
rallied to my assistance, and others soon followed, while the
testimonies borne to the service done by starting and mould-
ing this journal into the shape it soon assumed, have been
unanimous and complimentary. To find it proving a means of
creating and sustaining a wider interest in antiquarian research
was indeed a pleasure. Much attention was given to inscrip-
tions, and, with a modest subsidy in the form of a subscrip-
tion for a number of copies by the Secretary of State for India,
I was able, during the thirteen years I conducted the journal
myself, to publish about 260 plates of facsimiles3. In January
1885, when it was fully established and was beginning to repay
the outlay of the earlier years, threatened loss of sight indu-
ced me to give it over to the present editors.
The next advance was the initiation of the Survey of Sou-
thern India. "In consequence of representations made by the
President of the Oriental Congress of 1874, the Secretary of
State addressed the Madras Government on the subject of ar-
ranging an Archeological Survey for Southern India, in the
same way as had been done in the other presidencies. It was
pointed out that with a few exceptions, the antiquities of Sou-

1) Report on Belgaum and Kaladgi Districts, 1874, p. 25; conf. Fergusson's
Indian and Easts. Architecture, pp. 261, 439 f.; and Archeiology in India, p. 26.
2) The Rock-Temples of Elephanta, 1871 (4to ed.), p. 10; Fergusson's Ind. and
'East. Archit., pp. 439, 441 and note. Goldingham (Asiat. Res., vol. IV, p. 415)
had ascribed Elephanta to the first Century A. D.
3) Some 220 of these were issued in the nine volumes v to XIII (1876-1884),
and forty in volumes I to IV. Twenty-three others previously prepared were handed
over and published in vol. XTV (1885).









Archaeological Research in India.


then India, though equally important, have not attracted the
same attention that had been bestowed by the Asiatic Societies of
Bengal and Bombay on the archaeology of Hindustan before the or-
ganization of the present Survey. The difficulties attending an Ar-
chaeological Survey in the south", it was represented, "are greater
than those that operate in the north and west, on account of the
greater variety of characters used in the inscriptions and an-
cient documents, which are not easy to decipher; and on ac-
count of the mixture of Sanskrit with forms of local vernacu-
lars now little understood" 1). Delays, however, arose from
various sources; and it was not till' Mr. Adams succeeded the
Duke of Buckingham as Governor of Madras that it was de-
cided to organize the survey at once and place it under my
charge. Mr. Robert Sewell was accordingly charged with the
preliminary task of preparing lists of the archaeological remains
of the southern presidency. Before these were far advanced
the Governor died, and matters were again delayed till the ar-
rival of Sir M. E. Grant-Duff, as his successor, when Madras was
added to my charge in November 1881. My only assistance for the
first season was that of three or four School of Art students, without
experience of field work, and requiring constant supervision.
I proceeded first to Amarivati, where the whole area of the
famous Strpa had'recently been cleared out by Government
orders, and all traces that may have remained of foundations
or walls were eradicated. While surveying the remains, further
exploratory excavations led to the discovery of about 90 addi-
tional sculptures. The best of the marbles were then packed to
be sent to the Government Museum at Madras ), where I
had them photographed for my Report. During the same sea-
son the small, but very early stfpa at Jaggayyapeta was also
excavated and surveyed, and impressions taken of the ASoka
edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada 3) and of the inscriptions in the
Khandagiri Caves. In November 1882, I was allowed the as-
sistance of Mr. A. Rea, a well qualified professional archi-

1) Markham's Memoir, p. 272.
2) A number more have been discovered in recent explorations outside the area
by Mr. A. Rea of the Madras Archeological Survey.
3) These have been edited and translated by Prof. Biihler in the Amardvyat and
.Taggayyapeta 8tdpas, Jeport of Arch. Sur. South. Ind., vol. I, pp. 114-131.









Jas. Burgess.


tect, who has proved a most competent archaeologist. He
has made important original investigations, both in prehistoric
and in Bauddha and medieval antiquities. Last season he has
been able to show that the number of Buddhist religious esta-
blishments in the Krishna and neighboring districts must have
been very large indeed, and in one instance he has discovered
a veritable structural Bauddha Chaitya '), still almost entire,
and used as a Hindu temple.
I need not enter further into the details of the progress of the
surveys of Western and Southern India 2). The materials on hand
from both surveys, for the publication of which arrangements
have not yet been sanctioned, are very considerable, four
volumes from each survey might be published within three
years, were the means to do so made available, and it is
greatly to be desired that Government will, ere it is too late,
make an effort to expedite this.
The question of the preservation of ancient remains is an
essential part of Indian archaeology; and necessarily came under
notice in connection with the organization of the surveys. In
July 1873 an influential meeting of noblemen and gentlemen
interested in the history and antiquities of India was held in
London, and a memorial was prepared and presented to the


1) At Chezarla in the Krishna district.
2) For Western India, five quarto volumes of Reports; the Cave Temples of
India, by Jas. Fergusson, D.C.L., and Jas. Burgess, 556 pp. with 99 plates and
75 woodcuts, 1880, (super royal 8vo.); and eleven fasciculi of Memoranda, and a
small volume on Kachh antiquities, have been published. The published Report vo-
lumes are: I. Report on Belgaum and Kaladgi Districts,- with 56 photographs
and lithographic plates, and 6 woodcuts, 1874: II. Report on the Antiquities of
Kdthidwdd and Kachh, 1875, 242 pp. with 74 photographs and lithographic
plates; III. Report on the Antiquities of the Bidar and Aurangdbdd Districts, in
the Territories of H. H. the Nizdm of Haidardbid, 1878, 138 pp. with 66
photographs and plates and 9 woodcuts; IV. Report on the Buddhist Cave-Temples
and their Inscriptions, 1883, 140 pp. with 60 plates and 25 woodcuts; and
V. The Elara Cave-Temples and the Brahmanical and Jaina Caves in Western
India, with translations of the NanAghftt, Kanheri, and other inscriptions by Prof. G.
Biihler, LL.D., C.I.E. with 51 plates and 18 woodcuts. For Southern India -
the Buddhist Stipas of Amarivati and Jaggayyapeta with Translations of the
Agoka inscriptions at Jaugada and Dhauli, by Prof. G. Biihler, LL.D., C.I.E.,
1887, 132 pp. with 69 plates mostly antotype and 32 woodcuts; two volumes
of Lists of Remains and South Indian Dynasties; and two other volumes of Memo-
randa, have appeared.









Archaeological Research in India.


Duke of Argyll, then Secretary of State for India, suggesting
the adoption of measures to secure the efficient protection of
historical monuments in India, and their permanent record 1). It
was represented that "many of these monuments are such as,
were they in Europe, would be cherished with the utmost
care, and form the pride of the city, if not the country which
possessed them; nor can it be considered creditable to British
rule in India that no adequate effort should be made to arrest
the destruction of the ancient monuments of the art of a country
of which England has become possessed by conquest. Every
year the task becomes more difficult and costly, and the build-
ings which, by the judicious application at this moment of a
few loads of cement, might be preserved for centuries, will, in
half a dozen years more, be only maintainable by a very large
expenditure". This memorial further suggested "the employment
of officers charged with the conservancy of historical monu-
ments, whose business it would be not only to search out and
record the monuments most worthy of attention, but also be
responsible for the apportionment and expenditure of any grant
made by Government". The grants really required need not
have been large, if only economically and efficiently applied,
Government machinery, however works slowly, and it was not till
1880 that the prayer of the memorialists was practically com-
plied with. Many monuments had, indeed, been repaired by
local engineers, at Government expense, occasionally with but
little regard to architectural principles, and to the very great
detriment of certain of them. As an experiment, a Curator was
appointed in 1881 for three years. By the end of that period, it
was found that matters of conservation would be more satisfacto-
rily carried out by the Archmological Surveyors, who, if they
were architects competent for their other duties, ought to be the
best fitted to advise the Government as to what was really required
in each case, and that the expense of a separate appointment did

1) This was signed by about forty noblemen and gentlemen, among whom were -
the Archbishop of York, Lords Salisbury, Lothian, Ripon, Derby, Stanhope, Car-
narvon, Stanley, Russell, Lawrence, Napier and Etterick, and Halifax, Sir H. Bartle
Frere, Field Marshal Sir W. M. Gomm, Sir Arthur Gordon, Sir Gilbert Scott,
also Mr. Froude, Sir Stafford Northcote, &c. &c. Lord Napier and Etterick,
Sir A. Gordon, and Mr. Fergusson were appointed to prepare the Memorial for
signature and to forward it to the Secretary of State.









Jas. Burgess.


not justify a renewal of the arrangement 1). The curatorship con-
sequently ceased in January 1884; and the provincial Govern-
ments were instructed to refer all matters of Conservation to the
heads of the two surveys. In Bombay this was strictly car-
ried out, and I was able to see much good work done at
AhmadAbad and elsewhere. In Madras less has yet been required,
but it is safe in the hands of Mr. Rea, if he is freely con-
sulted by that Government; while in future Mr. H. Cousens,
it is to be hoped, will be the referee in Bombay.
For years I had urged upon Government the great desirabi-
lity of a scholarly Epigraphist being appointed to edit the more
important inscriptions that were collected by the surveys. In
1881 I drew up a Memorandum on the collection and publication
of Indian historical Inscriptions 2), which was circulated among
those interested in the subject, and submitted to the Secretary
of State. In 1883, Mr. Fleet, whom I had recommended as
most suitable for the post, was appointed experimentally for a
period of three years as Epigraphist under General Cunningham.
Mr. Fleet took up the third of the volumes of the Corpus In-
scriptionum as projected by the General, viz. that on the Gupta
inscriptions; and his volume, containing 81 inscriptions 3), with
an elaborate introduction has only just appeared after six years.
His three years engagement, however expired early in 1886,
and though he was allowed six months more in the office, the
appointment was abolished in the middle of 1886.
Towards the end of 1886, Dr. E. Hultzsch was sent out by

1) Major H. Cole, of the Royal Engineers was the Government Curator, but
he employed himself also in survey work, obtaining from Government sanction to
expend a sum not exceeding Rs. 5000, to get a selection of the drawings made
in his office repeated by the best processes for publication. These were prepared in
Paris at a cost of from 200 to 1400 francs for 100 copies of each plate, and over
42,000 francs were spent in reproducing 103 plates, when Government interfered
to stop this wasteful expenditure. The whole, consisting of 61 heliogravure photo-
graphs and 42 lithographs and chromolithographs, was issued in ten parts, without
even a title-page, and with only the most commonplace descriptive notes. No single
monument was satisfactorily illustrated; and the whole forms an expensive collection
of pretty pictures.
2) Dated 20th August, 1881.
3) A large proportion of these had been edited long ago, but were in need of
revision; and ten of them (Nos. 18, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 55, 58, 61 and 72) had
been recently edited in the Indian Antiquary, vols. VII, XI-XV, chiefly by Mr.
Fleet himself.









Archmological Research in India.


the Secretary of State for India, to work upon the long ne-
glected, though very numerous and important, inscriptions
chiefly in the Dravidian languages in Southern India. He was
given to expect the assistance of a few young native scholars
to be trained by him in epigraphical work; but the Govern-
ment of India has hitherto ignored the judicious recommenda-
tion of the Secretary of State to this effect, and he has had
only one assistant. Dr. Hultzsch has already made important
additions to our knowledge, especially of the Pallava and Chola
dynasties of the South, and he has a volume of texts and trans-
lations of Tamil and Sanskrit inscriptions in the press. 1)
In 1885 General Sir Alexander Cunningham proposed that,
on his resignation, his pay and allowances should be appro-
priated among three provincial surveys for Bengal, the North-
Western Provinces, and PanjAb, and the appointments thus crea-
ted were at once filled up. The Government of India also decided
that I should be consulted and advise on the annual programmes
and reports of the surveyors, and be referee upon Conservation;
but the impracticability of this scheme was apparent, and I re-
quested to be freed from any connexion with these new sur-
veys, the men selected to fill the offices not having the neces-
sary qualifications, while the arrangements were unnecessarily
expensive. The Marquess of Dufferin, however, thought it bet-
ter to appoint me Director-General of the Surveys, to do the
best I found the circumstances would allow. But it is hard to
do good work without suitable tools. In Dr. Fiihrer, however,
I had one very capable officer, and but for the delays of the
Government printing and lithographic offices, the Report on the
Sharqi Architecture of Jaunpur s) by him and his assistant Mr. E.
Smith, ought to have been published a year earlier than it
appeared.
My idea in carrying on the Archeological Surveys was, that
to be what the name imports, they should be scientific, the
architectural monuments forming a dominating element in the
operations. These monuments should be drawn to scale with

1) Despatch of H. M. Secy. of State for India, No. 104 of 30th Sept. 1886.
Dr. Hultzsch's appointment was led up to by a proposal of Sir M. E. Grant Duff,
when Governor of Madras.
2) Published by the Govert. of India, super-royal 4to, with 74 plates, Calcutta 1889








Jas. Burgess.


that fidelity in details which only a trained archeologist and
architect could be expected to attend to; and the drawings and
photographs themselves should be selected so as to give an
adequate representation of those features that help to fix the
place of a building in the progress of development belonging
to its age; in excavations,- to be more careful for the tra-
ces indicative of early connected works and their relations to
the main one, than to be in haste to dig out, careless of
destruction to the whole, any buried relic-casket, the monu-
ment itself being always of more archaeological interest than
such contents; and, generally, to make a careful survey and
delineation of the site and present condition of any ruin before
commencing an excavation '); and to demolish nothing that
by trouble could be preserved in situ. In Epigraphy my aim
has been to obtain the best possible mechanical reproductions
of inscriptions, never trusting to the most perfect eye-copies,
which are so apt to mislead; and, as a practical surveyor
best performs his duty in this department when he places the
best epigraphical materials in the hands of those specially qua-
lified to make good use of them, I have always tried to
lay such facsimiles before scholars whose reputation was a guar-
antee for the accuracy of their translations and the value of
their comments.
To attempt collecting the: medieval Inscriptions of India into
volumes, arranged by dynasties, would necessitate great delays
and would still be imperfect, and therefore it seems better
to publish them as they are found in frequent fasciculi, as
in the Epigr'aphia Indica, and trust to an index to facilitate
references. On the abandonment of the appointment of epigra-
phist in Upper India, I was allowed an annual grant of
Rs. 6000, and if this is continued for a year or two longer,
we may hope to publish a complete edition of all the ABoka
rock-inscriptions, such as Will do credit to scholarship and be
worthy of the Government 2). During the last few years I have

1) Had this been done at Jamalgarhi, Takht-i-Bahi, and other places, much
important information might have been obtained as to the arrangement and object
of the sculptures, that has been quite lost for want of intelligent forethought.
2) In the Epigrcphia Indica, the Government will shortly have what is practi-
cally another volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum, produced at a minimum of cost.







Archaeological Research in India.


endeavoured to secure as good mechanical impressions, or estam-
pages, of these invaluable epigraphs as is practicable; and only at
the present Congress has been exhibited the first rough impression
of the very important XIIIth Edict, in the Baktrian-Pali cha-
racter, quite recently discovered, under my direction, in Hazara.
The present position of affairs with the Indian Archaeological
Surveys is this: The arrangements made in 1885 with respect
to Upper India expire in September next. They were arranged
so as to engross the whole grant previously allowed to Genl.
Cunningham, and were thus confessedly expensive; and expense
in a small Department is a mortal sin in the eyes of Govern-
ment. I am retiring to effect a saving and secure the publica-
tion of the results now on hand, and I wait the sanction of the
arrangements the Government has suggested.
Governments are too prone to insist on immediate results,
whereas reports on Archeology, to be of any real value, can-
not be written on the spur of the moment and without care-
ful study of the materials. What is wanted is a careful arrange-
ment and analysis of these materials, with full and accurate
descriptions of the monuments, indicating their relations to
whatever is already known, their relative chronological posi-
tions, and, generally, to supply the information available in
a form so far final that both historical and art students can with
confidence apply to the Reports for the light they throw on
their researches. In the case of my own work of late years,
the difficulty most pressing has been, and still is, that of pu-
blication in such a form as to do justice to the subject and
materials, and at the same time to bring the publications within
the means of scholars. Small editions, brought out on the
responsibility of the publishers, are specially calculated to be
expensive both to Government and to the public. The volumes
now in preparation would illustrate Indian archaic and medi-
eval Architecture as they have never yet been illustrated; and if
Government will only be advised to publish them in editions
of the extent of General Cunningham's volumes, they would
be within the reach of most students and of the general public.
The three provincial surveys in Upper India have already
been reduced, and can be still further reduced in expenditure,
by combining them with those of Western and Southern India;








Jas. Burgess.


and a satisfactory Survey may still be carried on by three or
four qualified surveyors with a proper knowledge of monumental
archeology, and who would be authorised to advise on the
Conservation of the monuments. For the epigraphy of the long-
neglected South, with its thousands of Dravidian inscriptions,
Dr. Hultzsch has, of late, been doing excellent service; and
perhaps another ought to be added for the North; but the
Surveyors would make impressions of all inscriptions they
met with and forward them to the epigraphist. Superior direct-
ion might occasionally be very requisite, but skilled scientific ad-
vice, in such cases, could be obtained without material ex-
pense. These four or five officers, each with a small staff of
native assistants, would do invaluable work, and each party,
after a term of a few years in one province, might, when
the first had been fairly surveyed,- be transferred to another.
The real difficulty in the way of the achievement of this
result, so greatly desiderated, and to which the Govern-
ment has so often pledged itself, is not the expense, how-
ever, which would be but a very small percentage of sums
that are often spent on inquiries not more important and
far less urgent: it arises from another quarter well sta-
ted by a late member of the Government of India, in the
following quotation: The late Honourable Mr. J. Gibbs, so
recently as April 1886, speaking in public, said, "In spite,
however, of what appears to be the clear duty of a civilized
Government in regard to the ancient monuments it has inhe-
rited, as well as its manifest use in affording the only safe
evidence of the history of the past, it is surprising to find
how little support or encouragement archeology meets with
from the great majority of the officers of Government; many
very able men speak openly of the survey as a waste of mo-
ney, and the surveyors and others engaged get but too often
the cold shoulder of officialism, and find the bands of red-tape
tightened to their discomfort and hindrance. Unless it so hap-
pens that a member of Government is personally interested,
a director or surveyor finds it very uphill work. A secretary
or some junior officer 'pigeon-holes' a report, not knowing,
perhaps how to deal with it, or contents himself with announc-
ing his opinion that 'we govern the living and not the dead',








Archueological Researe-h in India.


and so would relegate all archeological matters to that obli-
vion in which they so long remained. Much of this I have
personally felt, and, even in the higher positions I subse-
quently held, have seen how difficult it was at times to over-
come the vis inertia of those who, thinking the whole subject
purely dilettantism and unpractical, but not daring openly to op-
pose a member of the Government, used all the powers of
the Secretariat to delay and thwart the work" 1).
In a recent article in the Quarterly Review 2) the writer re-
marks that "it is impossible that the State should do all that
is necessary, and the Government is entitled to ask for the
aid of private enterprise in the prosecution of archeological
researches. No one will deny that it is very desirable to res-
cue the remaining Amarkvatt marbles from destruction. Expe-
rience proves that even the slabs at Madras cannot be regard-
ed as safe from injury". And he proceeds to ask, "Is it
too much to hope that some individual possessed of the mo-
derate funds needful will emulate the example of Lord Elgin,
and enrich the national collection with a series of marbles
which cannot, indeed, vie in artistic merit with the master-
pieces of Attic genius, but may, nevertheless claim to be pos-
sessed of equal value as documents for the illustration and
elucidation of the history of an independent school of art? The
interest of wealthy Englishmen in Indian archeology is not
yet sufficiently developed to encourage us to expect that this
or any similar suggestion will soon be acted on; but interest, of
a sort, is undoubtedly developing, and tourists are despoiling
India, as far as they are able to adorn their lawns,
rockeriess', &c. with ancient Indian sculptures, an insana-
bile cacoethes the most detrimental possible to archeology,
and which it is the imperative duty of Government to stop."
But, turning to India itself, may we not expect this
work to be wisely and munificently furthered by its own na-
tive princes and educated Hindus? H. H. the Maharaja of Jay-
pur is at present aiding most liberally by the publication of
a series of ten portfolios on the Details of Architectural Art in


1) Jour. of the Society of Arts, vol. XXXIV, p. 562.
2) For July 1889, p. 185.








Ja s. B ur ges s, Archeological Research in India.


RAjputhnk, prepared by Colonel S. S. Jacob, R. E. Early in 1886
I had the pleasure of bringing the materials of this work to
the notice of the Government of India, and Lord Dufferin hav-
ing forwarded my remarks on their importance to the Jay-
pur Darbar, the latter at once and most munificently engaged
to undertake the cost of publication. When the work is com-
pleted it is sure to be hailed with delight, at least by archi-
tects and artists: it does not aim at anything specially
scientific.
Again, among the presents announced to His Majesty the
King of Sweden and Norway as president of this Congress at
Stockholm, is a volume') which I have had the honour lately
to prepare for another enlightened Hindu prince, H. H.
the Maharaja Gaikwad of Baroda; and it is still further en-
couraging to be able to report that yet another and more im-
portant volume is in preparation also at His Highness' expense,
on the remains at Siddhpur, Anhilwhda PAtan, Mudhera, and
other sites in Northern GujarAt.
The publication of the most interesting and instructive fres-
coes of Ajanta has long been desiderated, but the Government
defers this duty, involving an outlay of probably less than
2500, of which were an edition of 600 copies issued, -
a considerable portion would be recovered by sales. Here is an
opportunity for a Native Prince, or some private individual of
wealth and taste, furthering our knowledge of Indian art and
archmology by undertaking the mere publication.
Finally, would the Government of India be as liberal in
publishing the materials already collected within its own ter-
ritories as the Princes just named, we might hope to see com-
pleted within a few years the volumes of Reports for which
these materials have been brought together at considerable ex-
pense and are in my hands, and which embrace much that is
most valuable both in the history of Architecture and of Art
and in other branches of scientific Archeology.

1) The Antiquities of the Town of Dabhoi in Gujarat, with 23 plates, atlas 4to.
(Edinburgh: Waterston), 1888.

















Uber die neue Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit
Sayaza's Commentar.
Von

F. MAX MULLER.


VIIIe Congres international des Orientalistes. Section aryenne.


















Uber die neue Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit Sayana's Commentar.




Ich habe die Ehre, den hochverehrten Mitgliedern unsres Con-
gresses einen Band der neuen Ausgabe des Rig-Veda und seines
Commentars von Skyan kkrya vorzulegen. Ich glaubte nicht, als
ich im Jahre 1874 den Mitgliedern des in London versammelten
Congresses den letzten Bogen meiner ersten Ausgabe dieses il-
testen heiligen Buches der Menschheit iiberreichte, dass es mir
vergonnt sein wiirde, eine neue Ausgabe dieses Werkes zu erleben.
Der erste Band war im Jahre 1849 erschienen, und dieser Band
setzte bereits fiinf Jahre von Vorarbeit voraus, sodass volle
dreissig Jahre meines Lebens diesem einen Werke gewidmet
worden sind. Ich muss gestehen, dass ich hiermit meine Schuld
an den Veda abgetragen zu haben glaubte, und dass ich keinen
Wunsch hegte, diesen oft sehr trocknen und dornenvollen Pfad
zum zweiten Male zu wandern.
Fiir die Europdische Wissenschaft reichte, glaube ich, die erste
Ausgabe aus, denn obgleich mir selbst ihre Schwachen am besten
bekannt sind, so waren sie doch nicht der Art, dass sie den
Gelehrten von Fach gehindert hatten, den Gewinn aus Skyana
zu ziehn, der iiberhaupt fiir unsere Wissenschaft daraus zu ziehen
ist. In Europa hatte die Vedische Forschung, noch ehe SAya-
na's Commentar vollstdndig bekannt geworden war, schon ihre
eigenen Wege eingeschlagen, und obgleich kein griindlicher
Sanskritist die Erklirungen des indischen Commentators bei
Seite lassen kann, so war doch die selbstandige Forschung auf
diesem Gebiete weit anziehender und weit lohnender. Der Auf-
schwung, den die Vedische Philologie in Europa genommen
hat, ist Ihnen allen wohl bekannt. Sie hat unsere Sprachfor-









F. Max. Miller.


schung, unsere Mythenforschung, unsere Geschichte der Religion
und Philosophie vollkommen umgewandelt, und trotz der mas-
senhaften Errungenschaften, die sie schon aufweisen kann, ist
noch genug Arbeit Uibrig fir hundert Hiinde, vielleicht fiir
hundert Jahre.
Aber wir vergessen nur zu leicht, dass der Veda nicht nur
fiir Europa existirt. Der Veda hat noch immer in den Augen
des indischen Volkes dieselbe Bedeutung, welche die Bibel fiir
uns hat. Er ist und bleibt die hochste Autoritat im religiosen
Leben des Brahmanischen Indiens. Wie es aber mit der Bibel
im Mittelalter going, so going es auch mit dem Veda in Indien.
Man appellirte an ihn in allen Glaubenssachen, aber er wurde
nur von sehr wenigen Theologen griindlich gelesen und studirt.
Selbst als das Interesse, welches Manner wie Sir William Jones,
Colebrooke und Wilson fir die alte Literatur Indiens erweck-
ten, auch unter den einheimischen Gelehrten ein erneutes Leben
hervorrief, wurde die Vedische Literatur zuerst nur wenig be-
achtet. Man hatte keine Ahnung, welcher Reichthum in dieser
vergessenen Schatzkammer zu finden sei. So vergingen viele
Jahre, wahrend welcher man in Indien und in Europa an der
Herausgabe der spdteren kunstvollen Dichtungen, der metrischen
Gesetzbiicher, der philosophischen Systeme arbeitete, aber die
Vedische Literatur nur wenig beriicksichtigte. Selbst Colebrooke,
der sich mit Hiilfe Shyana's eine sehr umfassende Kenntniss der
Veden erworben hatte, sprach geringschUtzend von ihrem Werthe.
So kam es denn, dass, als die Europiische Wissenschaft das
Bediirfniss fiihlte, nicht nur den Text, sondern auch den ein-
heimischen Commentar des Rig-Veda zu besitzen, nicht ein ein-
ziger Gelehrter in Indien zu finden war, der sich getraut, eine
Ausgabe dieser Werke zu unternehmen. Wilson machte kein
Geheimniss daraus, dass er es lieber gesehen, wenn diese Arbeit
von einem indischen Pandit ausgefihrt worden wire. Und
erst, nachdem er von Benares, Calcutta und Bombay ableh-
nende Antworten erhalten hatte, entschloss er sich, einem jun-
gen deutschen Gelehrten diese Aufgabe zu iibertragen.
Zu derselben Zeit aber, als die Manner der Wissenschaft in
Europa Zugang zu den Materialien ffir eine griindliche Kennt-
niss der Vedischen Literatur verlangten, regte sich auch in In-
dien dasselbe Bediirfniss, wenngleich aus anderen Griinden.








Uiber die neue Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit SAyana's Commentar.


Rammohun Roy, der grosse Reformator, erklirte, dass seine
gereinigte Lehre auf dem Veda gegriindet sei, und dass der
Veda eine gottliche Offenbarung der ewigen Wahrheit enthalte.
Als sich nun, wie nicht anders zu erwarten, unter einigen
seiner Schiiler Zweifel an dieser gottlichen Autoritat des Veda
erhoben, fand man bald, dass der Veda fiir die Meisten nur
ein Name war, und dass man gewdhnlich nur die Upanishaden
darunter verstanden hatte. Dvarkfntth Tagore, der Freund und
Schiiler von Rammohun Roy, fand mich im Jahre 1845 in
Paris mit den Vorarbeiten zu einer Ausgabe des Veda beschif-
tigt. Und auf seinen Antrieb schickte dann sein Sohn, der be-
riihmte Debendranhth Tagore '), vier Schiler nach Benares, um
womoglich vollstlndige Texte der Vedas und ihrer alten Com-
mentare zu erhalten. Als nach einigen Jahren die Leiter der
Reformation mit dem Inhalt der Vedas naher bekannt wurden,
bildete sich bald ein Schisma, das noch bis auf den heutigen
Tag fortbesteht. Die aufgeklartere Partei sprach dem Veda jeden
Anspruch auf g6ttliche Offenbarung ab; die conservativere Par-
tei blieb dabei, den Veda als hochste Autoritat in alien Sachen
des Glaubens anzuerkennen.
Sie konnen leicht begreifen, zu welchen heftigen und lang-
wierigen Verhandlungen eine Streitfrage dieser Art, wenn sie
einmal eroffnet, fiihren muss. In Europa wird dieselbe Frage
seit vier Jahrhunderten von christlichen Theologen verhandelt,
und ist noch immer nicht zum Abschluss gekommen. Meine
Ausgabe des Rig-Veda und des scholastischen Commentars von
Sayana- wurde bald das Schlachtfeld hitziger Angriffe, aber auch
muthiger Vertheidigung. Zuerst sprengte man das Geriicht aus,
dass die Druckerschwirze, mit der das Buch gedruckt, Kuh-
blut enthalte, und dass kein Brahmane das Buch anriihren
diirfe. Dies half aber wenig. Die alte Bibel Indiens war zum
ersten Male dem Volke, oder wenigstens dem Volke der Ge-
lehrten, zuginglich gemacht worden, und die ernsteren Denker
lessen sich diesen Zugang nicht wieder verlegen. Wihrend die
Gelehrten in Europa iiber Vedische Grammatik, Metrik, Syntax
und Accente forschten, stritt man sich in Indien dariiber, ob
der Veda ein Werk von Menschenhand sei, oder ob er schon

1) Man sehe Religious Reform, Part II, Vedic Hinduism, Madras, 1888, p. 2.








F. Max Miller.


vor der Schapfung der Welt im Geiste Brahma's existirt habe.
Wenngleich nun aber die Standpunkte der europaischen und
indischen Gelehrten so weit auseinander lagen, so haben sie
doch in einem Punkte dasselbe Ziel verfolgt und denselben
Nutzen verschafft, n~mlich in der Herausgabe Vedischer Texte.
Fir den Rig-Veda hatte ich selbst gesorgt, indem ich neben
der umfangreichen und kostspieligen Ausgabe des Texts und
Commentars eine billige Ausgabe des Texts, hauptshchlich fuir
Indien, veranstaltete. Auf Grund dieser Ausgabe ist vor Kurzem
(1887) in Bombay eine noch billigere erschienen, und es macht
dem Verleger alle Ehre, dass er nicht, wie andere Buchhandler
in Indien, den von mir hergestellten Text einfach abgedruckt
hat, sondern seine Verpflichtung gegen den ersten Herausgeber
dankbar anerkennt. Ausserdem erschien in Bombay seit 1876
eine Ausgabe des Textes mit Obersetzung in Markthi und En-
glisch, unter dem Titel VedArthayatna, d. h. ein Versuch, den
Veda zu erklaren. Sie geht bis zum Ende des dritten Ashtaka,
wenigstens ist mir seitdem nichts weiter zugekommen. Obgleich
sie anonym erschien, gilt sie allgemein als das Werk des be-
kannten Gelehrten Shankar Pandurang Pandit.
Ein anderer indischer Gelehrter, Ramesa Kandra Datta, hat
vor Kurzem meine Textausgabe mit BengAli-Typen herausgegeben,
1885, und eine Bengalische Obersetzung des ganzen Rig-Veda
beigefiigt.
Ausser diesen ist nun in Indien noch eine Ausgabe des Rig-
Veda erschienen von dem beriihmten Dayananda Sarasvati, dem
Grinder der Arya-Samaj (1883). Sie began im Jahre 1879,
und die letzte Nummer, die ich erhalten, endigt mit dem 158ten
Hymnus des ersten Mandala. Dieses Werk enthilt einen ganz
neuen Commentar in Sanskrit und Hindi, der von DayAnanda
verfasst ist und die Grundlage fur seine eigene Lehre bilden soil.
Von der Yagur-Veda-SamhitA haben wir von Indien drei Aus-
gaben erhalten, die eine von Giripraskdavarman, dem Rajah
von Besma, mit einer Hindi-Ibersetzung von Mahidhara's Com-
mentar (1870-74); die andere von Pandit Gvkla-PrasAda, 1885,
mit einem neuen Sanskrit-Commentar, welcher nebst der w6rt-
lichen Erklarung zugleich eine philosophische Deutung der Verse
gibt; und eine dritte, noch nicht vollendete, von demselben
Dayananda Sarasvati.








tber die nene Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit Sayana's Commentar.


Von der Taittiriya-SamhitA hat TukArkmatAtya eine recht
brauchbare Ausgabe in Bombay erscheinen lassen.
Von der Atharva-Veda-Samhith hat der bekannte JibAnanda
einen Nachdruck der Deutschen Ausgabe in Calcutta auf den
Markt gebracht.
Von den in der Bibliolteca Indica erschienenen Vedischen
Texten brauche ich nicht zu sprechen. Sie sind allgemein be-
kannt, und wir verdanken dieselben mehr der von der Asiatic
Society of Bengal ausgehenden wissenschaftlichen Anregung als
dem selbstgefiihlten Bediirfniss der einheimischen Gelehrten.
Wihrend nun aber in Bezug auf kritische Textausgaben
indische und europhische Gelehrte von demselben Interesse ge-
leitet werden, gehen ihre Interessen weit auseinander, sobald es
sich um das richtige Verstandniss der Vedischen Literatur handelt.
Der Inder geht natitrlich zuerst an die iiberlieferten Erklirun-
gen, wie sie sich in den mittelalterlichen Commentaren, sodann
in den sogenannten Vedingas und in den ilteren Sutras und
BrAhmanas finden. Er ist meist mit Skyana's Commentar voll-
kommen zufrieden, und es kostet ihm eine starke Uberwindung,
die Erklkrung eines europaischen Gelehrten der alten Oberliefe-
rung vorzuziehen. So kommt es denn, dass meine Ausgabe des
Rig-Veda mit Sayana's Commentar einem lebendigen Bediirfniss
in Indien entsprach, und dass, nachdem die erste Ausgabe er-
schipft war, eine neue von vielen Seiten immer dringender
verlangt wurde. Es ware mir unm6glich gewesen, diesem Ver-
langen zu entsprechen, hitte nicht ein freisinniger und freige-
biger indischer Fiirst, der Maharajah von Vijayanagara, die
n6thigen Mittel dazu bewilligt, und hitte ich nicht in einem
Schiiler von Professor Biihler, Dr. Winternitz, einen kenntniss-
reichen und gewissenhaften Mitarbeiter gefunden.
Man hat zuweilen, namentlich in Indien, geglaubt, dass, weil
ich den beaten Theil meines Lebens der Ausgabe des Commen-
tars von Shyana gewidmet habe, ich deshalb mit seiner Erkla-
rung des Veda einverstanden sei. In Europa war ein solches Missver-
stindniss wohl nicht moglich. Wer, was ich seit 1847 iiber den
Veda geschrieben, kennt, weiss, dass ich Shyana stets eher
unter- als iiberschatzt habe. Eine Kenntnissnahme seines Com-
mentars scheint mir jedoch nichtsdestoweniger ein Sine qud
non fir jedes ehrliche Veda-Studium, aber es ist der Anfang,








F. Max Miller.


nicht das Ende. Es ist ein Mittel zum Zweck, nichts weiter.
Und hier, in Bezug auf unseren Zweck, zeigt sich der Schei-
deweg zwischen dem europ~ischen und dem indischen Studium
der Sanskrit-Literatur im vollsten Licht. Niemand hat, glaube
ich, mit grosserer Anerkennung von den Leistungen der indi-
schen Gelehrten gesprochen, als ich selbst. In friiheren Jahren
hat man es mir oft zum Vorwurf gemacht, dass ich ihre Ver-
dienste iibertrieben habe. Ich glaube aber noch immer, dass in
gewissen Punkten wir nie die Kenntniss des Sanskrit erreichen
werden, welche die hunter dem alten System gebildeten Pandits
besassen, und, zum Theil wenigstens, noch jetzt besitzen.
Aber auf der andren Seite muss ich doch, namentlich heute
auf unserem Congress, die Europiische Wissenschaft gegen die
Angriffe der einheimischen Gelehrten in Schutz nehmen. Auf dem
Congress in Wien sprach sich mein verehrter und gelehrter
Freund, Professor Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, mit grosser
Anerkennung iiber die Leistungen der europaischen, namentlich
der deutschen Gelehrten aus. Aber nach seiner Riickkehr nach
Indien hielt er eine offentliche Ansprache, in der er bemerkte 1),
dass wir in Europa beim Verstandniss schwieriger Texte nur
auf Grammatik und Lexicon angewiesen seien und daher den
wahren Sinn oft nicht entdecken konnten. Mit aller Hochachtung
fir gewisse indische Gelehrte, die in speciellen Zweigen der
Literatur so bewandert sind, dass sie Text und Commentar
ihrer classischen Werke auswendig wissen, muss ich denn doch
bemerken, dass wir in Europa durchaus nicht bloss auf Grammatik
und Lexicon angewiesen sind, sondern in den alten einheimischen
Commentaren dieselben Mittel zum VerstLndniss eines Sanskrit-
texts besitzen, wie die Pandits in Indien. Niemand wird sagen, dass
die jetzt lebenden Pandits besser unterrichtet seien als z. B. Skyana,
und wenn wir SAyana haben, so haben wir, glaube ich, einen
besseren Lehrer als wir jetzt irgendwo in Indien finden kinnten.
Wenn man uns nun aber tadelt, dass wir so oft den ein-
heimischen Commentatoren nicht folgen, so gereicht dies der
Europiischen Wissenschaft zur Ehre, nicht zur Schande. Wir
lesen die Commentare, aber wir halten sie nicht fiir unfehlbar.


1) 'My Visit to the Vienna Congress', in the Journal of the Bombay Branch
the Royal Asiatic Society, 1887, p. 72.








iber die neue Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit Shyana's Commentar


Wie oft weichen die Commentare von einander ab! Wie oft
erlauben sie zwei oder drei Erklarungen derselben Stelle! Haben
wir da nicht das Recht, selbst6ndig zu urtheilen? Ich erinnere
mich wohl, als ich mit einem indischen Pandit das MahAbhashya
las, wo so oft verschiedene Meinungen (eke, anye) erwahnt und
vertheidigt werden, und ich ihn frug, welche Ansicht er denn
selbst fiir die riclitige halte, er mir sehr naiv antwortete: 'Sie
sind alle richtig'. Dies ist allerdings mehr, als ein europaischer
Gelehrter listen kann. Er meint, dass unter alien Erklhrungen
nur eine die richtige sein kann, d. h. die, welche der Autor
selbst im Sinne hatte und billigen wiirde.
Und was flir Sanskrit gilt, gilt auch ffr Pali. Der ehrwiir-
dige und gelehrte Priester Sumangala in Ceylon, meint, dass
man beim Ubersetzen eines Palitextes stets dem Commentar,
der Atthakatha, folgen sollte, und dass wir, weil wir dies
nicht thaten, so oft ungenau fibersetzten '). Hier gilt nun das-
selbe wie beim Mahabhhshya. Oft weichen die einheimischen
Erklarer von einander ab, oft erlauben sie mehr als eine Er-
klirung, zuweilen sind ihre Erklarungen so kiinstlich und ge-
zwungen, dass es unmoglich ist, sie einem europiischen Publi-
cum vorzulegen. Das Wort, welches Sumangala als Beispiel er-
wihnt, namlich .Dhammapada, spricht entschieden gegen ihn.
Er meint, es bedeute 'Portions of the Law', Theile des Dhamma.
Hat er dafiir irgend eine Autoritat in der AtthakathA? Ich be-
zweifle es. Die verschiedenen buddhistischen Erklarungen des
Titels sind von mir ausfiihrlich in der Einleitung zu meiner
Uibersetzung des Dhammapada besprochen worden, und obgleich
ich mit einem Non liquet schliesse, so ist doch fiir die von Suman-
gala vorgeschlagene Bedeutung absolut keine Autoritht vorhanden.
Er klagt, dass wir Europier PAli so oft durch Sanskrit er-
kliren. Wir Europaer klagen, dass die buddhistischen Erklarer
so oft vergessen, dass Phli aus Sanskrit entstanden ist, und dass
eine ununterbrochene Kette die Bedeutungen desselben Wortes
im Sanskrit und PAli ebenso verbinden muss wie die Bedeutun-
gen der franzdsischen mit denen der entsprechenden lateinischen
Worte historisch zu verbinden sind. Das dasselbe Wort im PAli
eine ganz andere Bedeutung haben kann als im Sanskrit, ver-


1) The Buddhist, 12 July 1889.








F. Max Miiller.


steht sich von selbst. Die wahre Aufgabe ist, die getrennten
Bedeutungen historisch zu vermitteln.
Um aber wieder auf den Vortrag von Professor Bhandarkar
zuriickzukommen, so bemerkt er, dass die Sanskritisten in
Europa das Sanskrit nie recht beherrschen, und fiihrt als Beweis
an, dass ein Professor bei dem Wiener Congress ibm ein ge-
drucktes Gedicht in Sanskrit iiberreicht babe. In drei von seinen
vier Zeilen habe er einen metrisehen Fehler, und in der zweiten
ein falsches Compositum entdeckt. Ich habe das Gedicht nicht
gesehen und will gerne zugeben, dass die Kritik eine gerechte
sein kann. Was dann? Lernen wir etwa Sanskrit, um Verse zu
schreiben? Es ist dies ein erlaubtes Vergniigen bei einem Con-
gress. Dulce est desipere in loco. Ich fiirchte, unser Congress
wird wieder ein grosses Siindenregister in Bezug auf orienta-
lische Gedichte aufzuweisen haben. Ich selbst gehbre zu den
Schuldigen, vielleicht zu den Schuldigsten. Ich spreche aus
bitterer Erfahrung. Zur Er6ffnung der grossen Ausstellung im
Jahre 1886 hatte ich eine Sanskrit-Ubersetzung von God save
the Queen zu schreiben, die bei der Eroffnung in Gegenwart der
Kaiserin von Indien gesungen werden sollte. Um dies zu hintertrei-
ben, wurde ein Geriicht ausgesprengt, dass eine solche Bevor-
zugung der alten einheimischen Sprache die mohammedanische
Bevblkerung aufs Tiefste beleidigen wiirde. Nachdem sich dies als
grundlos bewiesen, und, auf speciellen Befehl der Kaiserin von
Indien, meine Sanskrit-Ubersetzung des Englischen National-
hymnus in Gegenwart der versammelten Rajahs gesungen wor-
den war, gab man sich alle Miihe, durch erlaubte und unerlaubte
Mittel gewisse Pandits in Indien zu vermigen, grammatische oder
metrische Fehler in meiner Obersetzung nachzuweisen. Wie Sie wis-
sen, entsprosste in Indien eine ganze Literatur, erst gegen, daunfigr
meine Obersetzung. Das Ende vom Liede war, dass das Metrum und
die Grammatik richtig befunden wurden, und dass die wirklichen
Maingel, die man nach den Regeln der indischen Poetik und
Rhetorik geriigt hatte, dem Verfasser des Gedichtes zu Schulden
fielen, nicht mir, der ich natiirlich nur fiir die Ubersetzung, nicht
aber ffir das Original von 'God save the Queen' verantwortlich bin 1).

1) Es freut mich zu erfahren, dass man in Indien selbst beschlossen hat, meine
ilbersetzung so lange zu gebrauchen, his eine bessere erscheinen wird; siehe 'A Proposal
for the establishment of a Hindu National Congress, Calcutta, 1888, p. 44.








Uber die neue Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit SAyana's Commentar.


Aber ich frage nochmals: Lernen wir denn etwa Sanskrit,
um Sanskrit zu schreiben? Das mag so in Indien sein. Es war
ja ebenso in Mittelalter, als man, um in Europa verstanden zu
werden, Lateinisch schreiben musste. Die Orientalische Wissen-
schaft hat aber ganz andere und hlhere Zwecke. Weshalb stu-
diren wir denn Sanskrit? Etwa um Nala und SakuntalU zu
lesen, oder den KumArasambhava zu entziffern, oder die Nyaya-
sAtras construiren zu kinnen? Das alles sind nur Mittel zum
Zwecke, aber in der Wissenschaft, da ist es ganz wahr, dass
erst der Zweck die Mittel heiligt und ihnen ihren wahren
Werth verleiht. Glauben denn die indischen Gelehrten, dass wir
aus reiner Neugierde ihre massenhafte, und zuweilen recht
seichte und geschmacklose, Literatur durcharbeiten, oder dass
wir nur danach trachten Sanskrit lesen und verstehen zu kinnen,
um als Gelehrte zu gelten oder Professores extraordinarii oder
ordinarii des Sanskrit zu werden? Es gibt ja wohl Leute, die
ihre Lebensaufgabe gel6st zu haben glauben, wenn sie den Nala
und die SakuntalA lesen, oder gar von Neuem abdrucken lassen
kinnen. Dies ist recht schin, aber ce n'est pas la guerre. Der
Zweck der Europaischen Wissenschaft ist, die geschichtliche Ent-
wickelung des Indischen Geistes in Sprache, Literatur, Philo-
sophie und Religion verstehen zu lernen, und nachdem wir
dies erreicht, dann die Geschichte des Indischen Geistes mit
der der andren Glieder der Arischen Familie zu vergleichen.
Was nun bei diesen vergleichenden Studien der Indischen Li-
teratur ihren eigenen Reiz und ihren hohen Werth verleiht,
ist, dass sie sich so unabhangig und eigenwiichsig entwickelt
hat. Als Sprache steht das Sanskrit mit dem Zend alien iibri-
gen Arischen Sprachen eigenartig gegeniiber. Die Sanskrit-Li-
teratur ist bis in die spatere Zeit von alien fremden Einfliissen
fast unberiihrt geblieben. Nur in Indien finden wir eine Grammatik,
eine Logik, eine ganze Philosophie, die sich ebenso frei ent-
wickelt hat wie die Grammatik, Logik und die ganze Philo-
sophie der Griechen. Und was das vergleichende Studium der
Religionen betrifft, so kann man wohl sagen, es ware nie ent-
standen ohne das unerwartete und massenhafte Licht, das uns aus
der alten Indischen Literatur entgegenleuchtete. Wie in der Natur-
so in der Geistes-Wissenschaft gewinnen wir erst durch Verglei-
chen verwandter Bildungen ein Verstandniss ihres wahren Wesens.








F. Max Miller.


Dies sind die Ziele, welche die Europiische Wissenschaft ver-
folgt, und weshalb sie namentlich ihre wiederholten Kreuzziige
nach Indien unternommen hat.
Wir diirfen hoffen, dass mit der Zeit auch die einheimischen
Gelehrten unseren Fahnen folgen werden. Wenn nur erst vom
wahren wissenschaftlichen und historischen Geiste beseelt, wer-
den die indischen Pandits ganz Ungeheures listen konnen. Der
erste Anfang dazu ist schon gemacht. Man lese nur die letzte
Abhandlung meines Freundes Bhandarkar '), und man wird
seen, wie der europiische Samen in Indien hervorspriesst,
und was fiir reiche Erndte er dort verspricht.
Nur die Vedische Literatur wird noch immer mit einer Art
heiliger Scheu betrachtet. Ich will den indischen Gelehrten
nicht die Thorheiten zur Last legen, welche sich in den Schrif-
ten des grossen Reformators DayAnanda Sarasvati finden, und
in der von seinen Schiilern herausgegebenen Arya, Patrikd. Hier
heisst es, dass der Veda ewig sei, dass Brahma ihn nicht ver-
fasst habe, sondern dass Brahma ein Konig gewesen, der den
Veda eifrig studirt habe. Agni, VAyu, SArya und Angiras
seien Menschen gewesen, die den Veda in vier Biichern nieder-
schrieben 2). DayAnanda findet daher im Veda alle Weisheit
der Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft. Wir glauben, dass
Dampfmaschinen eine neue Erfindung seien. Nein, sagt Daya-
nanda, der im Veda erwahnte sveta asva, das weisse Pferd,
war eine Dampfmaschine. Ebenso entdeckt er Luftballons, Ka-
nonen und vieles Andere im Veda und wundert sich dann, dass
die europiischen Gelehrten den Veda so wenig verstehen. iJber
diesen Standpunkt sind nun allerdings die meisten einheimischen
Sanskritisten weit hinaus. Aber der wahre historische und kri-
tische Geist muss noch weit muthiger auftreten, als es bis jetzt
geschehen. Wenn Sumangala uns peremptorisch versichert, dass
der Dhammapada eine Compilation aus dem Suttapitaka sei,
welche auf dem ersten grossen Concil, ein Jahr nach dem
Tode Buddha's, zusammengestellt wurde, so ignorirt er einfach
alle Schwierigkeiten der buddhistischen Chronologie. Fir ihn
scheint es hinreichend, wenn er sich auf den Kullavagga oder
die Atthakathk berufen kann. Die Frage, welche Mittel die
1) The Critical, Comparative, and Historical Method of Inquiry, Bombay, 1888.
2) Vedic Hinduism, p. 76.








iMber die neue Ausgabe des Rig-Veda mit SAyana's Commentar.


Verfasser dieser Biicher besitzen konnten, um die Chronologie
der drei grossen Concilien und des buddhistischen Canons fest-
zustellen, existirt fir ihn nicht ).
Uns scheint es unmoglich, dass eine solche Frage, wenn sie
einmal aufgeworfen, ignorirt werden kann. Allerdings, wenn
religiose Vorurtheile die Anerkenmtniss der Wahrheit auch in
Indien erschweren, so haben wir kein Recht, uns zu verwundern.
Chest tout come chez nous. Wo dies aber nicht der Fall ist, da
ist es zu bedauern, dass der bose Geist des Rechthabens den
Fortschritt wahrer Wissenschaft auch in Indien verz6gern sollte.
Ich glaube nicht, dass unter Gelehrten noch ein Zweifel existirt,
dass Kalidasa in der Mitte des sechsten Jahrhunderts A. D.
lebte, und jedenfalls zu einer Zeit, wo die Kenntniss der
Griechischen Astronomie in Indien verbreitet war. Wenn wir
also im Raghuvansa das Wort gamitra finden, was keine Etymo-
logie im Sanskrit hat, was aber dem griechischen 5n(ifEpo; genau
entspricht und eine vollkommen tadellose Etymologie im Grie-
chischen hat, dann scheint es mir ein Vergehen gegen den
heiligen Geist der Wahrheit, zu behaupten, dass beide Warter
denn doch unabhangig von einander entstanden sein k6nnten,
oder dass das griechische ~BiiETpo; gar eine gricisirte Form von
gAmitra sei 2).
Gelehrte diirfen keine Advocaten sein. Advocaten diirfen be-
weisen, dass schwarz weiss, und weiss schwarz sei, wenn sie
nur die Jury davon iberzeugen konnen. Der Gelehrte aber, der
ein Schuldig iiber sich selbst ausspricht, steht weit hoher als
der Gelehrte, der nie sagen kann, dass er Unrecht gehabt. Alles
Personliche muss in der Wissenschaft verschwinden. In Annam
existirt die Etiquette, dass kein anstlndiger Autor je seinen
Namen auf sein Buch setzt, und es scheint oft wiinschenswerth,
dass dieselbe Etiquette in Europa existirte. Es gibt ja aufErden
keinen hoheren Beruf als den des Mannes der Wissenschaft. Er
soll Wissen schaffen, er soll die Wahrheit entdecken, und man
gibt ihm zu diesem Behuf eine Freiheit, wie kein andrer Sterb-
licher sie auf Erden geniesst. Das Geringste, was er der Mensch-
heit dafiir bieten kann, ist eine Liebe zur Wahrheit, die keine


1) See Introduction to the Dhammapada, Sacred Books of the East, vol. x, p. xxix.
2) Preface to the Raghuvamsa, by Shankar Pandurang Pandit, p. 43








62 F. M a x M ii 1 e r, Ober die neue Ausg. des Rig-Veda mit SAyana's Comm.

Riicksicht kennt. -In keinem Volke, dessen Literatur ich kenne,
tritt die Liebe zur Wahrheit so iiberwiegend und iiberwaltigend
hervor wie bei dem indischen. Gerade deshalb habe ich es ge-
wagt, meinen Freunden in Indien die Wahrheit zu sagen. Wir
konnen Vieles von ihnen lernen aber Eines miissen sie von
uns lernen, dass es nichts Heiligeres gibt als die Wissenschaft
in ihrem ganzen Umfang, und dass die Ehrfurcht vor den
Thatsachen und die unverbriichliche Liebe zur Wahrheit fiir den
Mann der Wissenschaft mehr werth ist als alles Wissen.



Der Redner iiberreichte zu Ende ein Specimen der neuen Aus-
gabe des Rig-Veda mit SAyana's Commentar. Gedruckt sind bis
jetzt Mandala II bis VI. Das erste Mandala, dessen Druck behufs
Benutzung neu entdeckter Mss. aufgeschoben werden musste,
soll im Lauf des nachsten Jahres beendet werden.


















Professions interdites par le Bouddhisme

par

LEON FEER.


















Professions interditos par le Bouddhisme.


Le BrAhmanisme, qui parque les homes dans 4 castes bien
d6limit6es et dans un grand nombre de classes irr6gulieres n6es
du melange inevitable des castes, attache une grande importance
A la distinction des professions diverse que les homes peuvent
exercer. De la vient l'attribution sp6ciale d'une profession a
une caste ou A une classes determine.
Le Bouddhisme, qui condamne le systeme des castes et ne
reconnait aucun privilege de naissance, laisse au contraire A
chacun la liberty d'adopter la profession de son choix. Ce n'est
pas a dire pourtant qu'il ne fasse aucune difference entire les
professions et que toutes soient 6galement permises. Bien que
le Bouddhisme soit, A cet 6gard, fort eloign6 de la r6glementa-
tion minutieuse du Brahmanisme, il a aussi ses interdictions,
peu nombreuses, mais bien caract6risees.
Le Bouddhisme partage les homes en deux classes: ,les gens
distingues" (drya) qu'on peut appeler les ,,Bouddhistes", et ,les
gens du commun" (prthagjana) qu'on peut appeler les ,non-
bouddhistes". De ceux-ci il n'y a rien A dire; ils sont en dehors
de la loi du Buddha qu'ils ignorent ou meconnaissent; ses
prescriptions ne sont pas faites pour eux, A moins qu'ils n'ad-
herent au Buddha et n'entrent dans la socidt6 des ,gens distin-
gues" ouverte A tous.
Ces ,,gens distingues" (drya), les seuls dent nous devions
nous occuper, se divisent eux-memes en deux grandes classes:
1 les BHIxus (ou membres de la Confr6rie, du Salgha); 2 les
UJPRAKAS adherentss laiques). Nous allons 6tudier successive-
ment les prescriptions qui les concernent.
VIIIe CongrBs international des Orientalistes. Section aryenne. 5







Leon Feer.


I. BHmxs.

Pour ceux-ci la reglementation peut se r6sumer en cette uni-
que proposition: Toute profession leur est interdite. I est
inutile d'insister sur le principle de cette prohibition g6n6rale et
absolue. Mais il n'est pas hors de propos de noter, parmi les
nombreuses prohibitions particulieres 6num6rees (et don't la plu-
part ne sont pas relatives a des professions), les messages
(d'ordre inf6rieur), le negoce, l'assistance aux jeux et
spectacles publics, la divination.
Nous ne dirons rien des deux premiers points. Mais l'assi-
stance aux jeux et aux spectacles nous semble m6riter quelques
observations. Cette assistance n'est pas une profession, mais elle
suppose 1'existence de professions qui se trouvent frappees,
par l'interdiction dent il s'agit, d'une sorte de demi-condamna-
tion. La condemnation serait complete si les divertissements
vis6s 6taient interdits a tous les dr'yas; mais nous ne voyons
pas qu'il en soit ainsi. Nous pouvons done admettre, jusqu'a
ce que des renseignements plus positifs nous aient 6clair6s sur
la question, que ces jeux sont tol6r6s d'une maniere g6n6rale.
On verra n6anmoins, par la suite, que plusieurs sont forc6ment
prohib6s: tels sont, par example, les combats d'animaux.
La question de la divination est plus complex. On 6numere
divers modes de divination: 1 la divination par les membres
du corps, les songes, etc.; 2 la divination par les signes des
objets, les joyaux, etc.; 3 la prediction des v6inements poli-
tiques; 40 la prediction des ph6nomenes celestes; 50 la prediction
des 6v6nements terrestres par les calculs; 6 l'emploi des charmes
pour produire des effects extraordinaires; 7 les ceremonies pro-
pitiatoires et les diverse medicamentations. Ici se pose une
question. Le m6tier de devin est tres lucratif. Est-ce IA le
motif de la prohibition? ou bien la divination est-elle interdite
comme fausse et immorale? 11 y a bien un mot (A la fin du
Majjimta-sla) sur la cupidity des devins; et l'on s'explique
tres bien la crainte que le Buddha aurait pu 6prouver de voir
ses moines tomber, par la pratique de la divination, dans
cette passion du gain qu'il s'efforqait tout particulikrement
d'extirper en eux. Cependant, si la divination est vraie, pourquoi
se river d'un 16gitime moyen d'influence, pourquoi surtout








Professions interdites par le Bouddhisme.


refuser au public d'importants services? I1 faut done ad-
mettre que le Buddha ne voyait dans l'art du devin qu'une
fourberie, ou qu'il le consid6rait come le lot de quelques
rares privilegies. Mais c'est lI un point distinct de celui que
nous traitons.
On salt que les jeux et l'art du devin, prohibes par le Bud-
dha, fleurissent dans les pays bouddhiques. Mais les moines
bouddhistes y demeurent, en general, strangers: les devins n'ap-
partiennent pas a la Confr6rie, et ceux qui, come au Tibet,
en font r6ellement parties se distinguent neanmoins assez des
v6ritables moines pour que 1'on puisse dire, avec un peu, ou
plut6t avec beaucoup de bonne volonte, que la defense faite
par le Buddha est observee. Quant aux jeux, il en est de bar-
bares qui provoquent l'indignation des membres de la Confrerie;
mais ni leur abstention plus ou moins complete, ni leur oppo-
sition plus ou moins accentu6e n'empechent la population de
les rechercher avec ardeur.
On aura remarqun que la m6decine figure parmi les profes-
sions interdites. Le Buddha ne croyait done pas a lamedecine?
Les textes citent plusieurs cas de maladie auxquels on appli-
que, pour tout remade, une leqon de m6taphysique ou de
morale. I1 est vrai qu'il s'agit de Bhixus; mais le traitement
des laiques ne doit pas diff6rer essentiellement. Notons que le
Brahmanisme interdit aussi la m6decine aux BrAhmanes; mais
il la reserve A une classes particuliere composee des fils d'un
BrAhmane et d'une Vaiqyd. Done, il fait A la medicine une
place; il lui assigned un r6le subalterne, mais lie la rejette
pas. Le Bouddhisme, au contraire, semble la proscrire compl&-
tement; car si les gens voues & 1'etude n'ont pas le droit de
s'en occuper, qui done l'exercera? Les Upasakas? Mais, a sup-
poser que certain d'entre eux s'y adonnent, s'ils s'61vent au
degree de Bhixu, ils seront obliges de l'abandonner. C'est une
question sp6ciale A 6lucider. I1 y a toutefois grande apparence
que le Buddha proscrit l'art de gu6rir come absolument faux
et dangereux. Nous ne croyons pas, du reste, que cette con-
damnation de la m6decine par le Buddha ait fait du tort, soit
A 1'un, soit A 1'autre. On rend homage au Buddha en temps
ordinaire, et en temps de maladie, on s'adresse au m6decin,
sans s'inquieter de savoir s'il est, ou non, bouddhiste.








LIon Feer.


II. UPISAKAS.

Les UpAsakas, ou ,ceux qui sont allies dans le refuge"
(saranagatd) selon le commentaire du texte que nous invoque-
rons tout A l'heure, sont les Bouddhistes rests dans le monde.
Ce sont des Bouddhistes imparfaits, mais indispensables. Com-
ment les Bhixus, les vrais Bouddhistes, subsisteraient-ils, si
les Upasakas n'etaient la pour leur donner le necessaire, nour-
riture, v4tement, logement? Les UpAsakas entretiennent la
vie social en s'adonnant aux diverse professions de 1'agricul-
ture et du commerce r6serv6es par le BrAhmanisme aux Vaiq-
yAs, et A celles de l'industrie qu'il repartit en general entire
les classes mel6es. Le Bouddhisme qui, exterieurement du
moins, met tous les Upasakas sur le meme rang leur laisse
toute liberty dans le choix d'une profession. II leur en interdit
n6anmoins quelques unes.
D'apres un texte du Paicaka-nipdta de 'dAnguttara-nikdya, -
le septieme de 1'UpAsaka-vaggo, il est cinq commerce (va-
n'jjd) auxquels 1'Uphsaka ne doit pas se livrer; ce sont les com-
merces:
10 des ,,4tres" (satta) c'est-A-dire, selon le commentaire, des
homesme" (manussd) qu'on ne doit pas vendre.
20 des ,,armes" (sattha), c'est-a-dire la fabrication et la vente
des armes et de tout ce qui s'y rapporte (dyudhabaddchaw).
30 de la ,viande" (mamsa) c'est-A-dire des pores, daims et
autres animaux qu'on nourrit pour les vendre (sdkaramingdayo .,..)
40 des ,,liqueurs enivrantes" (majja"') c'est-A-dire de toute
liqueur enivrante qu'on fait faire pour la vendre.
50 des ,,poisons" (visa) c'est-A-dire la composition et la vente
des poisons.
Le commentaire, qui donne ces explications, ajoute que
1'Upasaka doit non seulement ne pas exercer lui-meme ces com-
merces, mais aussi ne pas les faire exercer par d'autres.
Les prohibitions 6numbrees dans notre texte se retrouvent
melees A beaucoup d'autres dans Manu qui, tout en conc6dant
aux BrAhmanes et aux Xatryas en d6tresse la permission de se
livrer aux travaux des Vaigyas, leur interdit neanmoins jusqu'a
35 especes de commerce (X, 85. 89). Or, nous trouvons,
dans cette longue liste, au qloka 85, ,le betail et les hommes"









Professions interdites par le Bouddhisme 69

(papavo ye ca mdnusd), au qloka 88, ,,les armes, les poisons,
la viande" pastramim visam mdsam), enfin, au qloka 89, ,,les
liqueurs enivrantes (madyain).
Sur pastrami visa~ madyan il n'y a pas d'observation A faire,
sinon que ce sont les terms memes du texte pali, et que ces
terms ont Bvidemment le meme sens de part et d'autre. II en
est autrement de mamsa, common aux deux textes, mais ne
paraissant pas avoir le meme sens dans chacun d'eux; et sur-
tout du pali satta repr6sent6 dans Manu par l'expression com-
plexe papavo ye ca mdnusad ,b6tail et gens".
D'apres le commentaire bouddhique, satta d6signe exclusive-
ment les hommeses" et man sa les ,,animaux". En r6unissant ,,le
b6tail et les homess, Manu semble donner le commentaire
d'un texte qui serait sattva (,les 6tres"), le mot meme du texte
pali; car il est evident que le commentateur bouddhiste restraint
l'acception du mot satta. L'introduction par Manu de 1'expres-
sion pacavo (,,b6tail") rend inutile le mot mdasa pris au sens
que lui done le commentaire pali. Que signifie done ce mot
dans Manu? II d6signe 6videmment la viande de l'animal tu6
et d6pec6; et c'est le sens que je lui donnais en phli avant
d'avoir lu le commentaire, de meme que j'entendais par satta
tout Atre vivant, homme ou bete.
D'apres cela le texte pali serait d'accord et le commentaire
pali en d6saccord avec Manu. Je crois pouvoir, en effet, eta-
blir les relations suivantes:
Texte pali Manu
satta = pacavo ye ca mdnusd
sattha = qastram
maisa = mmsam
visam = visam
majja = madya i

Commentaire pali Manu
satta = ye madusd
sattha = qastrai
mamsa = papavo
visam =- visamf
majjaIk = madyami
Done Manu interdirait expressement le m6tier de boucher








L6on Feer.


tandis que le commentateur bouddhiste ne 1'interdirait que d'une
maniere indirecte par la prohibition de la vente du b6tail. L'in-
terpr6tation de ce commentateur ne me satisfait pas; je pr6fere
celle qui resort de la comparison du texte pdli avec le texte
de Manu, comparison d'of il semble r6sulter que satta-vanijjd
d6signe la vente tant des hommes que des animaux vivants
et mamsa-vanijjd la vente de la chair des animaux tu6s. Je n'ai
pas A discuter ici les prohibitions de Manu; cependant je ne
puis taire mon 6tonnement de le voir interdire le commerce
des armes an Xatrya en d6tresse, tandis qu'il permet et meme
ordonne an Xatrya qui est dans son 6tat normal de blesser et
de tuer avec ces memes armes. Mais cette question n'est pas
de mon sujet; je reviens au Bouddhisme.
Les cinq prohibitions qui nous occupent en ce moment se jus-
tifient par des raisons 6videntes. Elles sont une suite necessaire
de la r6gle morale connue sous le nom de Paifca-szla et se r6-
ferent visiblement A la premiere defense, celle de tuer ou de
violenter, et a la dernikre, celle de boire des liqueurs enivrantes.
I1 est manifest que, en fabriquant et en vendant des liqueurs
enivrantes, on donne le moyen d'en boire, que, en trafiquant
des 6tres vivants, en fabriquant, en pr6parant, en vendant des
armes, de la viande, du poison, on favorite, on provoque le
meurtre et la violence, et que, si l'on n'exerce pas soi-m6me les
mauvais traitements, du moins on s'y associe et 1'on en b6n&-
ficie. Ces prohibitions 6taient done en quelque sorte dict6es par
la regle sup6rieure du Paica-sc a commune A tous les hommes,
aux Uphsakas comme aux Bhixus.

On ne peut pas reprocher au Bouddhisme d'etre trop minu-
tieux sur ce point, et l'on doit le f6liciter d'6tre logique. Il
ne pouvait pas faire moins. Mais a-t-il fait plus? Existe-t-il
d'autres prohibitions? Je ne saurais ni l'affirmer ni le nier. Une
6tude plus complete des textes pourra seule faire connaitre s'il
y a quelques prohibitions A ajouter aux cinq qui viennent d'etre
6num6r6es. 11 faut du reste noter que celles-ci sont tres g6n6-
rales et peuvent s'appliquer A un assez grand nombre de pro-
fessions qu'il resterait A d4nombrer. Ainsi, comme nous l'a-
vons dit plus haut, l'entreprise de certain jeux publics, tels
que les combats d'animaux, tombe naturellement sous l'interdit.









Professions interdites par le Bouddhisme. 71

Mais je ne veux pas essayer de faire ce d6nombrement. Je me
bornerai A dire, en finissant ce travail, que, autant le BrAh-
manisme est enclin, en raison de sa constitution mmme, A
multiplier ce genre de prohibitions, autant le Bouddhisme, A
cause de l'esprit qui l'anime, est port A les restreindre, en
sorte que, une grande liberty 6tant laiss6e aux UpTsakas, et
cette liberty ne pouvant 6tre limit6e qu'en consideration de
devoirs tres g6n6raux, il n'y a pas lieu de penser que la liste
des interdictions doive recevoir un grand accroissement. Par
consequent, sans avoir la pr6tention de dire le dernier mot sur
la question, je crois pouvoir 6tablir comme conclusion de cet
expos, la regle suivante: Toute profession entrainant la vio-
lation de la premiere et de la dernidre defense du Pahca-ela, -
et, s'il y 6chet, de 1'une quelconque des trois autres, est
interdite A 1'UpAsaka; toutes les autres sont permises.
















Aperu de 1'Itude de la langue arminienne
en Europe

par
G. D'ESOFF.


















kperqu de l'itude de la langue arminienne en Europe.




Je me permits de croire, que les travaux do notre section
aryenne ne seraient pas complete, si vous n'accordiez votre at-
tention 6clair6e A l'un des plus anciens repr6sentants de la
famille de langues qui nous occupe: je veux parler de la lan-
gue arm6nienne. Sans m'arr6ter aux destinies historiques du
people qui parole cette langue, people qui durant son existence
plus de quarante fois s6culaire fut en contact avec toutes les
nations importantes de l'Asie ant6rieure, et qui, aprAs avoir
jou6 un r6le, sinon preponderant, du moins non sans impor-
tance dans la march historique des 6venements en Orient, est
rest jusqu'A ce jour 1'avant-garde de la chretiennet6 en Asie et
l'interm6diaire de la civilisation europ6enne.
Je ne mentionnerai pas la litterature armenienne ancienne
ni moderne, cela exigerait plus de temps que celui, don't
je me crois autoris6 A disposer ici. Je remarquerai seulement
que, quoique les debris des plus anciens monuments de cette
literature, 6pargnes par le temps et la main barbare des con-
querants de 1'Arm6nie, restent ind6chiffrables depuis des dizaines
de siecles, et que les efforts des savants, tant europeens qu'ar-
meniens pour d6chiffrer les inscriptions cuneiformes graves sur
les rochers autour du lac de Van, ainsi qu'aux environs du
mont Ararat, restent presque steriles, en depit du voeu 6mis
au CongrBs des Orientalistes reunis A Vienne en 1886, que ces
inscriptions fussent recueillies, classes et imprim6es; malgr6
que la majeure parties des monuments litteraires de 1'epoque
chretienne soit jusqu'ici inedite et reste confine dans les mo-
nastrres, don't est parsem6 le sol biblique de l'Arm6nie, et
qui t6moignent du dAveloppement moral et intellectual de la








G. d'Esoff.


population; malgr6 tout cela celles de ces ceuvres, qui ont
6t6 imprim6es et qui par lA sont revenues accessible l'Europe
savante, ont d6jA assure A la litt6rature arm6nienne ancienne
une place honorable parmi les autres litt6ratures, surtout pour
les questions historiques et th6ologiques.
Quant a la litt6rature moderne, quoique elle soit jusqu'ici
peu connue en Europe, 6tant principalement destin6e A satisfaire
les besoins intellectuals de la population locale, cependant le
succs de 1'6dition de Leipsick: Armenische Bibliothek, r6dig6e
avec tant de talent par Mr. Ab. Joannissiany, qui se trouve
parmi nous, a su attirer attention du public allemand.
L'objet de la pr6sente communication est de vous offrir un
tableau de la march des 6tudes arm6niennes en Europe avec
1'indication des circonstances qui ont donn6 naissance A ces
6tudes et du but auquel elles tendaient.
C'est a 1'6poque des croisades que l'Occident entra pour la
premiere fois en contact avec les Arm6niens. Apres la chute
du royaume de la Grande Arm6nie, envahie par les Turcs
Seldjoucs, beaucoup d'Arm6niens, surtout parmi l'aristocratie
f6odale, abandonnarent leur patrie et s'6tablirent dans les gorges
du Taurus, sous 1'6gide de 1'empire Byzantin. Mais l'autorit6
de Byzance, affaiblie par les revolutions int6rieures et les inva-
sions du dehors, 6tant devenue presque fictive, beaucoup de
ces principicules devinrent ind6pendants, et lorsque les crois6s
atteignirent l'Asie Mineure, ils furent accueillis par les Arme-
niens avec une vive sympathie. Les princes armeniens, surtout
de la famille des Rouben, vinrent en aide de toute maniere
aux crois6s et contribuerent A la prise d'Antioche en fournis-
sant g6n6reusement des vivres aux assi6geants.
A partir de cette 6poque les relations les plus amicales s'6ta-
blirent entire les crois6s et les Arm6niens, qui d6fendaient la
cause commune des int6rits du christianisme. A c6t6 des 6tats
christiano-europ6ens surgit une principaut6 arm6nienne en Cili-
cie, don't le souverain, L6on, obtint du pape et de l'empereur
Henri VI la couronne royale; mais en retour le pape exigea
que l'lglise arm6nienne reconnft son autorit6. La cour, mue
par des vis6es ambitieuses, favorisait cette combinaison et cher-
chait, en d6guisant la v6rit6, et en d6pit des dogmes de l'Eglise
arm6nienne A persuader A la Curie romaine que la doctrine








Aper9u de l'etude de la langue armenienne en Europe.


arm6nienne concordait en tout avec la doctrine catholique et
que l'Eglise armenienne reconnaissait la supr6matie du pape.
Ces agissements de la cour souleverent un vif m6contentement
dans le people, d6vou6 A la cause de l'independance de l'Eglise
arm6nienne et de l'inviolabilit6 de sa doctrine. Ce conflict entire
le gouvernement et la nation fut une des principles causes de
l'affaiblissement du royaume d'Armenie.
La position de ce royaume devint encore plus precaire, lors-
que les petits 6tats fondds par les croises, tomberent 1'un apres
1'autre, lorsque l'affluence des crois6s d'Occident diminua et que
de cette faqon le royaume armenien de Cilicie devint l'unique
d6fenseur des int6rets chr6tiens en Orient. Dans ces circonstances
le gouvernement du royaume ne cessait de demander au St.-
Siege son appui pour decider les souverains de l'Europe A secourir
les chretiens d'Orient. Au lieu d'envoyer des secours les papes exi-
geaient 1'assemblee de conciles pour recomnaltre leur suprematie
spirituelle. Les tentatives de satisfaire A ces exigences soulevaient
des 6meutes dans le pays et causaient friquemment la chfite du
souverain. Ces rapports-mimes, sans Atre d'aucune utility, ame-
nerent des attaques et des persecutions de la part des musul-
mans. Toutes ces circonstances ne tarderent pas A amener la
chute du royaume armenien en 1375 sous les coups des Mame-
loucs d'Egypte. Cependant ces 6v6nements ne mirent pas fin
aux projects du St.-Si6ge, qui n'abdiqua pas ses pretentions
sur l'Eglise armenienne.
La ,Congregatio de propaganda fide" commenqa a preparer
pour 1'Arm6nie des missionnaires speciaux, connaissant la langue
du pays, et munis de livres arm6niens, imprim6s ad hoc. Ainsi
sortirent de la typographie de la congregation des syllabaires,
des grammaires et des dictionnaires arm6niens, ainsi que des
livres de th6ologie. Sous le pontificat du pape Alexandre VII il fut
meme question de fonder A Rome un gymnase pour la jeunesse
armenienne ,,ubi pie suo institute ritu, studiis litterarum
vacaret".
La fille ain6e de l'Iglise catholique, la France, qui avait
conserve les traditions du movement vers l'Orient, inaugure
par les croisades, soutenait activement les visees de Rome,
surtout sons le cardinal de Richelieu, et d6veloppa une grande
activity A r6pandre la connaissance de la langue arminienne.







G. d'Esoff.


C'est dans ce but que Richelieu proposal au roi de faire com-
poser et imprimer a 1'Imprimerie royale des lives arm6niens.
Dans la preface du dictionnaire arm6no-latin, imprim6 A Paris
en 1633, l'auteur explique que Richelieu, p6n6tr6 du desir de
r6pandre la foi chr6tienne dans tous les pays du globe, avait
dirig6 ses vues vers l'Orient, oih il fallait d'un co6t combattre
les ennemis du christianisme, et d'un autre c6t6 ramener A la
vraie foi les schismatiques. Apres avoir compare la champagne
entreprise par le cardinal sur les bords du Tigre et de 1'Eu-
phrate avec les entreprises guerrieres, 1'auteur continue: ,,Magni
Duces belli, olim Asiam aliasque orbis terrarum parteis ingressi
sunt, non ut eas servarent, sed perderent: Dux noster Cardi-
nalis alia mente eo venturus est; ut nempe totam illam Orientis
plagam luce fidei illustret, ut errorum fibras omneis elidat,
oves dispersas congreget, Jesu Christi Regnum ibi rursus resti-
tuat, stabiliatque".
C'est ainsi qu'au XVI siicle fut inaugur6e A Rome et A Paris
1'6tude de la langue arminienne exclusivement dans un but de
propaganda religieuse. Cette direction, imprim6e aux 6tudes ar-
m6niennes, subsista jusqu'h la fin de l'ancien regime en France. -
Pendant la revolution Langles, un des meilleurs orientalistes
de cette 6poque, present A l'Assembl6e Nationale en 1790 un
project A l'effet de ,.cr6er une cole sp6cialement consacree A l'en-
seignement des langues orientales vivantes dans l'int6ret du
commerce, de la politique et de la science". Ce project fut
mis A execution en consequence d'un decret de la Convention
en date du 30 mars 1795. Aux trois chairs, destinies des
1'origine A l'enseignement des langues: arabe, persane et tur-
que, fut ajout6e en 1798 une chaire de langue arm6nienne,
qui fut occup6e par un arm6nien du nom de Cirbied. AprBs
avoir suspend son course pendant quelque temps, Cirbied fut
nomm6 professeur titulaire par d6cret imperial du 27 f6vrier
1812. I1 remplit ces functions jusqu'en 1826, 6poque A laquelle
il se rendit i Tiflis. I1 eut pour successeur Levaillant de Flo-
rival, 1'eminent traducteur de 1'Histoire de Moise de Khorene,
qui occupa ce poste jusqu'en 1862, date de sa mort. Dulaurier
lui succ6da jusqu'en 1881, et actuellement la chaire d'arm6-
nien l1'6cole sp6ciale des langues orientales vivantes est digne-
ment repr6sent6e par Mr. A. Carriere, don't le talent et 1'6ru-








Aperqu de l''tude de la langue arm6nienne en Europe.


edition sont vivement appr6ci6s par le monde savant. Tous ces
repr6sentants officials des 6tudes arm6niennes en France, que je
viens d'6num6rer, ainsi que des savants tels que St.-Martin,
Langlois, Prud'homme, Lenormant et quelques autres, qui
s'adonnerent a ces 6tudes d'une mani6re privee, rendirent de
grands services a la science par leurs travaux sur la langue, la
litt6rature et l'histoire armeniennes. D'un autre c6te, en tra-
duisant en frangais et en imprimant les historians arm6niens,
entire autre grace a l'initiative 6clairee et au concours p6cuni-
aire de Nubar-Pacha, le ministry 6gyptien bien connu, arm6-
nien lui-m6me, ils donnarent une nouvelle impulsion A 1'6tude
de l'histoire de l'Orient en g6n6ral, et a celle de Byzance et
des croisades en particulier. Ajoutons que la Bibliothbque Na-
tionale possade une des plus riches collections de manuscrits
armeniens.
Comme nous venons de le voir, c'est principalement le gou-
vernement qui organisa en France les 6tudes armeniennes: par
l'institution d'une chaire d'armenien, ainsi que par la publication
de manuscrits arm6niens et de leurs traductions, primitivement
dans un but de propaganda religieuse, ensuite dans un but
principalement scientifique. En Allemagne, au contraire,
l'initiative officielle faisait d6faut et ce sont des savants isoles
qui se vou6rent a 1'6tude de l'arm6nien, pouss6s exclusivement
par l'amour de la science. Le premier d'entre eux fut J. Schrb-
der, l'auteur du ,,Thesaurus linguae armenicae antiquae et
hodiernae", paru en 1711. Pour pouvoir 6tudier la langue ar-
m6nienne sur place, Schrider dut entreprendre un long et p6-
rilleux voyage a travers la Russie. Dans le courant du si6cle
actuel la langue arm6nienne devint l'objet des recherches des
plus remarquables linguistes, tels que: Bopp, Windischmann,
Neumann, Petermann, Spiegel, Lagarde, Noldeke, Gutschmidt,
Hiibschmann, Fr. Muller, Bugge, don't les travaux 6claircirent
surtout des questions philologiques.
Sans nous arrAter aux travaux de la Congr6gation M6khi-
tariste a Vienne et a Venise, ni a ceux de savants qui sur-
girent a diff6rentes 6poques dans quelques autres pays d'Europe,
comme par example: les freres Whistoni en Angleterre, F. Ndve
en Belgique, Cappelletti en Italie et autres, passons au pays
ou les langues orientales en general, et l'armenien en particu-







G. d'Esoff.


lier, sont 6tudi6es avec autant d'ardeur que de succes, et of
cette etude est provoquee autant par des int6rets scientifiques,
que par les besoins de administration.
La Russie, p6n6tr6e de sa mission civilisatrice en Orient,
reconnut, au fur et A measure de l'extension de sa frontirre
asiatique, la n6cessit6 toujours croissante d'6tudier les langues
de l'Orient et cr6a au commencement de ce siecle (en 1817)
plusieurs foyers of devaient se concentrer ces etudes. Outre
des 6coles primaires et moyennes sur les confins de 1'Empire,
of est enseign6e aux indigenes leur langue maternelle, l'ensei-
gnement des langues orientales fut introduit au Lycee Richelieu
a Odessa, a 1'Universit6 de Kazan, et, en 1854, a celle de St.-
P6tersbourg, o- fut cr66e une faculty des langues orientales.
Outre cela, le Ministare des Affaires 6trangeres entretient
une section d'etude des langues orientales (1823). Enfin 1'In-
stitut des langues orientales Lazareff, fond6 et entretenu A
Moscou aux frais de la famille armenienne des Lazareff, connue
par sa bienfaisance et sa liberalite. L'enseignement de lalangue
arm6nienne a 6t6 non seulement introduit dans les 6tablisse-
ments scolaires de la parties de l'ancienne Arm6nie annexee A
la Russie, mais encore A Kazan, a Sympheropol et A Stavro-
pol. Get enseignement a pour but, ainsi que je l'ai expliqu6
plus haut, de satisfaire au besoin 6prouv6 par la population
armenienne de connaltre sa langue maternelle, et aussi de fournir
A administration locale des employes connaissant le language
de la population.
C'est en 1839 que fut fondue dans un but purement scien-
tifique la premiere chaire d'armenien A 1'Universit6 de Kazan.
I1 avait 6t6 question d'inviter le c61bre armeniste Petermann,
professeur a 1'Universit6 de Berlin, A occuper cette chaire,
mais ce project ne se realisa pas. Alors le gouvernement envoya
a St.-Petersbourg Mr. Nazarianz, jeune savant arm6nien ayant
fait ses etudes A 1'Universit6 de Dorpat, pour se preparer sous
la direction des academiciens Fraehn et Brosset au professorat.
I1 fut nomm6 professeur en 1842 et remplit ces functions jus-
qu'en 1848. A 1'Universit6 de St.-Petersbourg la chaire d'arme-
nien fut fondue en 1844 et fut occup6e durant les derniers 30
ans par le professeur Patkanoff, qu'une mort pr6maturee vient
d'enlever au milieu de son activity scientifique, en privant le








Apergn de 1'6tude de la langue arminienne en Europe.


monde savant des travaux qu'il 6tait encore en droit d'attendre
de lui. A i'Institut Lazareff la chaire d'armenien a 6t6 occupee
ces derniers temps par Mser et Emine, qui se distingunrent
comme savants et comme pedagogues.
Les services rendus A la science par les savants que je
viens de nommer, sont trop connus, pour que je m'etende sur
ce sujet. Je me bornerai a rappeler, qu'outre les recherches
independantes des savants russes un grand nombre de textes
d'historiens arm6niens, qui jusqu'ici restaient A 1'etat de manu-
scrits, ont 6t6 imprim6s en Russie dans le courant des trente
dernieres annees et sont devenus de cette fagon accessible a la
science europeenne.
Sous ce rapport le Si6ge Pontifical d'Etchmiadzine a rendu
A la science des services particulierement important. Par ordre
du St.-Patriarche Catholicos Kevork IV fut imprim6e A Etch-
miadzine toute une s6rie d'historiens armeniens du X au XVII
sickle d'apres des manuscrits, conserves A la bibliotheque de ce
couvent, qui est particulierement riche en monuments litt6raires
de ce genre.
Outre les savants mentionnes plus haut je crois de mon devoir
de citer M. Brosset, acad6micien ordinaire A 1'Academie Im-
periale des Sciences A St.-P6tersbourg, qui consacra une grande
parties de son activity scientifique plus que demi-seculaire aux
etudes armeniennes. Ses patients recherches r6pandirent la lu-
miere sur une foule de questions jusque-16 obscures, touchant
la langue, l'arch6ologie, l'histoire, la g6ographie et la chrono-
logie arm6niennes. Un des plus considerable de ses travaux
historiques a Wte la continuation de la ,,Collection d'historiens
armeniens", don't la publication avait W6t entreprise par Langlois.
La ,,Bibliographie Analytique des ouvrages de M. Brosset",
composee par son fils, M. L, Brosset, et formant A elle seule
un fort volume de 44 feuilles d'impression, t6moigne en mme
temps de 1'infatigable activity du savant et de la piete filiale
de son auteur.
Apres vous avoir donned cet aperqu des 6tudes arm6niennes
en Europe, je pourrais passer en revue les voyages accom-
plis par des europeens en Armenie, a commencer par Marco
Polo et jusqu'aux temps modernes. Un pareil aperqu vous don-
nerait une idee de 1'6tat politique et social du pays dans le
VIIIe CongrBs international des Orientalistes. Section aryenne. 6







82 G d'E s off Aper9p de l'etude de la langue arm6nienne en Europe.

courant des cinq derniers siecles, mais ceci 6largirait trop le
cadre que je me suis trace. Je pourrais done terminer ici ma
communication. Cependant, Messieurs, je vous demanderai en-
core quelques minutes d'attention, pour vous rappeler, que le
pays qui nous accord une si large hospitality, n'a pas tou-
jours 6t6 compl6tement stranger A 1'6tude de la langue arme-
nienne. Encore en 1723, dix ans avant 1'apparition A Londres
de l'histoire de Moise de Khorene, imprim6e avec une traduc-
tion latine par les freres Whistoni, part 6 Stockholm un ex-
trait de cet historian, 6galement en traduction latine. Le
traducteur, Henri Brenner, promettait dans sa preface d'entre-
prendre l'Bdition d'une traduction complete non seulement de
toute l'histoire de Moise de Khorene, mais aussi du trait de
g6ographie, attribu6 A cet 6crivain.
La haute protection, accord6e par 1'un des Monarques les
plus 6claires de 1'Europe aux sciences et la reunion du CongrBs
des Orientalistes a Stockholm par l'initiative de Sa Majest6,
est considered par nous comme un gage du d6veloppement future
des 6tudes orientales dans les pays Scandinaves.


















The Biography of B'aga.

By

HERBERT BAYNES.
















The Biography of B'aga.



Few, if any, of the sons of Aditi have had so interesting
and important a history as B'aga. Whatever be the view taken
of the kditjas, whether solar or meteorological, certain it is
that the TNT of the Rg-veda has developed not only into the
_ of the Avesta and into the Clan-God of the Cuneiform
Inscriptions, but has actually become the rpc~r- Oe~o 0vvoiz of
all the Slav nations.
Neither as to the exact number nor as to the relative posi-
tion of the Aditjas can we speak with precision; one thing,
however seems to be clearly ascertained, namely, that in the
Veda the place of B'aga is always one of subordination. Thus
we read (Rgv. II, 27. 1):

7-r frt M'FFt -:':-


;tr ftFT fT V T t ;T: I
FfrFrT ft 5^ rT t: (i v 1

Imd gira AditjMeYjA glTtasni, sanddrdgabjd guhud juiemi;
.Srno u Mitrd Arjama Bcag6 nakl, tuvigdt6 Varund Dackscd Amah.
Here we have six names, among which B'aga is by no means
chief. Of the seven Aditjas mentioned in Rgveda VI, 50. 1,
B'aga stands last, and though amongst the nine names given
in I, 89.3, namely: B'aga, Mitra, Aditi, Daks'a, Arjaman,
Varuga, S6ma, AsvinA and Sarasvati, the one in question comes








Herbert Baynes.


first, there is really no suggestion that he ever gave the key-
note to the high harmonics of the Rs'is.
All the more remarkable, therefore, is the fact that, in the
cuneiform inscriptions of Darius and Xerxes, the general term
for deity is Baga, whilst in the Avesta -j is used at least
twice as the equivalent of Ahura Masda himself. In the tenth
Ha of the Jasna, which is a song of praise to Haoma and
has to be recited during its preparation, we read (26-27):
0 em-"sg-.'o) N -
Aurvaftem tcwd ddmi-ddtem Bag'd tatasaad vwapdo.
The God who fashioned thee, the swift dispenser of wisdom,
was a supreme Artist!
Prof. Spiegel translates:
,,Dich, den grossen Spender der Weisheit, bildete ein kunst-
reicher Gott".
Except that we have -Yg)l for P --v the line that
follows is just the same, so that the only question we have
to ask is whether by Bag'6 Avdpdo is meant Ahura Masda. I vent-
ure to think there can be no doubt about it, for, in the 52nd
line of the same Ha we read:
,,Thereupon spake Sarat'ustra: Praise to Haoma, who was
created by Masda. Good is Haoma, the Masda-created; praise
to Haoma!"
Again, in the 19th Fargard of the VendidAd, which is com-
posed of pieces of very varying age and is, perhaps, the most
interesting of the whole book, we meet with the expressions
- ~~1~tj4 i ,,created by God" (73):
* y. *- m y3.4J -,. ,-,?yAP -Vq' -,4A,-TYc- >Y, s.Y

Aiad v6ku-mand-nidaitis sOrda-t warstanam raok'ackam jad he std-
ram bagco'-datanam aiwi-raok'ajdonti.
,,And the prayer of Man shall be under the mighty structure
of the bright heavens, by the light of the God-created stars!"
In the Minbk'ired we find in connexion with the Jasatas'
gifts of grace, the phrase BakCta and Bagco-6aketa -av-.) and








The Biography of B'aga.


...TY -1) ,,Given" and ,,God-given". The former is what has
been bestowed from the first, the latter whatever is given
beyond this.

To Darius Baga was evidently the God of the clan or the
tribe, for, we find him exclaiming (H. 13):
Mand Auramasdd upastdm baratuw lhadd vitibis Bagaibis. ,,May
Ahura Masda bring me help, together with the Gods of the
elan!" In another place (Behisthn, IV) he calls upon Ahura
Masda as his protector and then mentions ,,the other gods that
there are" anijd bagdka tjaij halti.

In an Inscription of Alvend we read:
Baga vassraka Auramasdd hja imdm bumim add, hja avam as-
mdnam add, ija martijam add, 4ja K ,Y.',,/ add martijahjd, 4ja
ddrajavaum hkc djaytcam aknnawu aivam pa.raadm Ikscdjatsijam aivam
parunadm framdtdram.
Great God, Ahura Masda, who made this earth, who made
that heaven, who made man, who created abundance for man,
who made king Darius one of the many kings, one of the
many rulers.

In the Tungusic Buga the name still survives and perhaps
it is not going too far to hold that, it was through this chan-
nel that the Slav peoples obtained and retained their thought
and predicate of God. Castren tells us that, besides the Sun,
the Moon, the Heaven and the Earth, the Tatars known as
Tungus worship a Supreme Being whom they call Buga. Whilst
worshipping the beauties and forces of Nature it is hardly to
be wondered at that', one of the Turanian tribes should have
adopted the ErAnian generic name for deity, especially when
we remember the etymology which, in this case, seems never
to have been lost sight of, as may be seen from the following
list of Cognates:

t/ ;Tf to dispense, to get and give.
Skt.: 4 T a portion, wealth, Son of Aditi; R5"FT having
good fortune, divine.
Sd.: y. to distribute; -"rj wealth, God.








Herbert Baynes.


O.P.: T-fT- God.
Pvi.: : God; t-i God-created; ? ,- God-given.
Pers.: God; oJi.jL Bagddd God-made.
Phryg.: By'a7oG (ZEu).
Russ.: BOFL God; 6oraThai rich; y-66riP poor; 6orATrTBo riches;
Bor-nHa Goddess; 6e3-60oie Godlessness.
Lith.: Bago-tas rich; na-bagas poor.
Grk.: cpay-eTv to eat; 0ary-d-; devourer; pay-o'v-es teeth.
Goth.: Ga-big-s rich.
Eng.: Big.
K c Welsh: faw-d fortune, luck.
SIrish: fagk-ail getting; fuigh-im I get; fuigh-eall profit.
Hence B'aga is God as the great Bestower, the Allgiver, the
bountiful Dispenser of Riches, and, as such, has become the
Slav theistic Archetype. Despite all differences of caste and cust-
om, of feeling and of taste, Bulgarians and Russians, Poles,
Croats and Wends are One in their Concept of Deity:
Old Slav: P z
Bulgarian: B r z
Russian: B 0 e1
Servian: B 0 1'
Slovenian: Bo g
K'ek'-Slovak: S 6 o
Polish: og
Wendish: o i)
Croatian: Bo g u
Bohemian: QB8 )
On the other hand, where there has been more direct contact
with Western tribes, we have the Aryan form Xor' i~oXdv:
Lettish: ) e e ID 6; Lithuanian: Z i e Wt ; Samogitian: Z i e n, a 8.
The history of Bcaga is interesting in many ways, and espe-
cially as an illustration of the law so clearly perceived and
so poetically described by Dante in the Paradise (26, 130):
Opera natural 6 ch'uom favella;
Ma, cosi o cosi, natural lascia
Poi fare a voi second che v' abbella.









The Biography of B'aga. 89

Pria ch'io scendessi all' infernale ambascia,
I s'appellava in terra il sommo Bene,
Onde vien la letizia che mi fascia;
Ebi si chiam6 poi: e ci6 conviene;
ChU l'uso de' mortali 6 come fronda
In ramo, che sen va, ed altra viene.


















Etwas iiber die ungarlndischen Zigeuner.

Von

P. IHUNFALVY.















Etwas iHber die ungarlindischen Zigeuner.


Es giebt in Europa kaum ein Land, das in ethnographi-
scher Hinsicht merkwiirdiger ware, als Ungarn in weiterer Be-
deutung, d. h. Siebenbiirgen oder Transsilvanien mit inbegrif-
fen. Alle Einwohner desselben, wie sehr sie auch der Nationa-
litat nach verschieden sind, geh6ren zu den weitverbreiteten
Ariern, mit Ausnahme jedoch des einen Stammes der Ungern
oder Magyaren, von dem das Land seit tausend Jahren den
Namen tragt, weil er die politische Hegemonie fiihrt. Die
Existenz der Ungern oder Magyaren in der Mitte der arischen
V6lkerschaften ist schon an und fiir sich eine historische Merk-
wiirdigkeit, mit der die Anthropologen nicht recht in's Reine
kommen konnen. Man mochte sie nicht gerne fiir Arier halten,
da man ihnen den Beinamen der Hunnen und Mongolen an-
hangt, die doch gewiss nicht Arier waren. Betrachtet man aber
ihre physische Beschaffenheit, so kann man den mongolischen
Typus an ihnen nicht auffinden. Wollte man jedoch die ge-
schichtliche und psychologische Entwickelung, welche dieser
Stamm seit tausend Jahren aufzeigt, in Betracht ziehen, und
namentlich bemerken, dass er sich der abendlindischen Kirche
angeschlossen und in derselben die mittelalterlich-lateinische
Periode durchlebt hat, und dass er im XVI. Jahrhundert die
Reformation derart aufgenommen, wie Deutschland und Skan-
dinavien, so dass auch die gewaltigste Gegenreformation die-
selbe bei Weitem nicht in dem Maasse verdrdngen konnte, wie
es in Baiern und Osterreich gelungen ist: so miisste man
den magyarischen Stamm weit eher zu den Ariern zahlen, als
die orientalischen Slaven, welche die mittelalterlich-lateinische
Schule nicht durchlebt haben und auch der Reformation ganz
fremd geblieben sind.








P. Hunfalvy.


Doch mein Vorsatz ist nicht, iiber die genannte historische
Merkwiirdigkeit zu sprechen, sondern es soil vielmehr ein vor-
ziiglich arischer Volksstamm Ungarn-Siebenbfirgen's, namlich die
Zigeuner, der Gegenstand meines kurzen Vortrags sein. Wohl
finden sich iiberall Zigeuner, in alien europaischen Lindern:
aber nirgends haben sie jene Bedeutung erlangt, deren sich die
ungrischen Zigeuner erfreuen; und wenn einst, mit dem Aus-
sterben der Zigeuner-Sprache, dieses zerstreute Nationchen aus
der Reihe der europaischen Nationen verschwunden sein wird,
und die zukiinftige Palmo-Ethnographie sich derselben erinnern
sollte, so miisste sie die aufUngarn's Territorium hinterlassenen
Spuren desselben aufsuchen. Und da wiirde gewiss das ,,Romano
cibakero siklaribe", d. i. die Grammatik der Zigeuner-Sprache,
bemerkt werden, welche Seine Kaiserl. K6nigliche Hoheit, Erz-
herzog Joseph, Obercommandant der ungrischen Honv6d (Mi-
liz), 1888 in Budapest, unter den Ausgaben der ungrischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, hat erscheinen lassen.
Die Zigeuner, wenigstens die ungarlandischen, nennen sich
rom. Das Wort bedeutet ,,Mann", dann zunichst ,,Gatte", und
sein Femininum romi~'i bedeutet ,,Weib" und ,,Gattin". Dass
der Volksstamm sich nur simpliciter rom, d. h. ,,Mann", nennet,
weist auf ein sehr hohes Alter zuriick, da Naturvblker sich
iz' oX'v ,,Mann" zu nennen pflegen. Das Adjectivum von
rom lautet romano romisch, was zufilliger Weise ganz mit
dem schriftlichen Ausdruck des Walachen ,,romanu" fiberein-
stimmt, nur dass dieses ,,rumin" gesprochen wird. Das Wort
'ib bedeutet ,Zunge" und ,Sprache"; romano Fib bedeutet dem-
nach ,,Zigeuner-Sprache". Der Genetiv wird mittelst des Affixes
kero gebildet, das an den Accusativ tritt. Rom lautet im Accu-
sativ romes; folglich ist sein Genitiv romeskero = ,,des Zigeu-
ners", der zugleich eine adjectivische Bedeutung: ,,zigeunerisch"
hat. Das Wort ib hat im Accusativ l iba; mit dem genannten
Affix lautet es libakero = ,der Sprache" und ,,sprachlich". Si-
klawrav bedeutet ,,ich lehre"; von diesem ist das Substantivum
abstractum siklaribe oder siklariben ,,die Lehre". Der zigeuner-
sche Titel: Romano cibakero siklaribe, den der Erzherzog seiner
Grammatik gegeben hat, bedeutet wdrtlich: (der) zigeunerschen
Sprache Lehre = Lehre der Zigeuner-Sprache.
Da ich hier nur iiber die ungarischen Zigeuner sprechen will,







Etwas fiber die ungarlAndischen Zigeuner.


so beschrdnke ich mich auch auf die kleine ungarliindische Zi-
geuner-Literatur, ohne die in den europaischen Literaturen be-
kannten Werke eines Pott, eines Miklosich, eines Leland u. s. w.
zu erwahnen.
In Siebenbiirgen entstand 1796 eine Gesellschaft, welche die
asiatischen Origines der magyarischen Sprache mittelst Verglei-
chung der Sprachen auffinden wollte, und zu dem Behufe auch
die Grammatik der Zigeuner-Sprache zu erlangen wiinschte. Ein
katholischer Priester, namens Johann Szmodics, glaubte diese
Sprache genau genig zu kennen, um eine Grammatik der-
selben zu schreiben. Er wollte einen praktischen Beweis dafUir
durch eine Predigt im Zigeunerschen geben, und wiinschte sie
in der katholischen Kirche zu Sikl6s zu halten. Doch der da-
sige Pleban verbot ihm seine Kanzel. Szmodics predigte also
den versammelten Zigeunern auf freiem Felde. Die Zigeuner
horten zu, sie verstanden auch den Prediger: allein die ganze
Sache gefiel ihnen gar nicht. Sie fingen an zu murren. Was
sol1 aus uns werden, schrieen sie, wenn schon die Herren un-
sere Sprache lernen! Der eifrige Szmodies musste vor den er-
ziirnten Zigeunern die Flucht ergreifen. Er ward nachher
Pfarrer in Gelse, wo er 1840 starb. Von seiner Zigeuner-Gram-
matik weiss aber der erzherzogliche Verfasser nichts zu sagen.
Im Jahre 1852 hatte Johann Bornemisza bei einem Hausbau
Zigeuner beschiftigt, die aus mehreren Ortschaften des Pester
Comitats stammten. Indem er ihnen zuhorte, fing er an sich
fiir ihre Sprache zu interessiren; und als ein grammatikalisch
gebildeter Mann er war friiher Professor am evangelischen Ly-
ceum zu Schemnitz konnte er ihnen ihre Sprache gleichsam
abfragen, und auch einige Texte erlangen. Er schrieb seine Er-
fahrungen zusammen, und es erschien von ihm eine kleine, aber
sehr instructive Grammatik mit lexikalischem Wortschatz. Das
Werklein befindet sich in dem 1853-sten Jahrgang des ,Magyar
Nyelveszet" = ungarische Sprachwissenschaft, das ich redigirte.
Georg Ihnatko less 1871 in Losoncz eine Zigeuner-Gramma-
tik erscheinen, die aber nicht viel Originelles hat. Bedeuten-
der ist:
Heinrich Wlislocki's ,,Sprache der transilvanischen Zigeuner",
Grammatik u. Wdrterbuch, Leipzig, 1884. Dieser unermiidliche
Mann lebte eine Zeitlang unter den Zigeunern, um ihre Sprache,










Sitten u. s. w. genau zu studiren. Er und sein Studiengenosse,
Dr. Anton Hermann, kdnnen sich riihmen, die vollstandigste
Sammlung der Volkspoesie der Siebenbiirger Zigeuner zu besit-
zen, und zwar 600 Lieder, 30 Balladen und Romanzen, 20
Rathsel, 100 Mahrchen und Sagen. Die Sammlung wird von
der belletristischen Gesellschaft ,,Kisfaludy" in Budapest heraus-
gegeben werden.
Franz Sztojka gab 1886 in Kalocsa ein zigeunersches Wur-
zel-Wbrterbuch heraus. ,,Meines Wissens ist dies das erste
Werk, welches ein wirklicher Zigeuner in Druck gegeben hat",
schreibt Erzherzog Joseph. ,,Die Sprache dieses Buches gehdrt
zu dem Dialect der walachischen Zigeuner", fiigt er hinzu.
Rudolf v. Sowa gab eine Arbeit: ,,Die Mundart der slowa-
kischen Zigeuner", Gattingen, 1887, heraus, die ich nur des-
wegen hier anfiihre, well sie die Sprache der Zigeuner in
Trencs6n-Teplitz behandelt.
Nun muss ich einige Worte fiber das Entstehen der erzher-
zoglichen Grammatik erwihnen. Seine Kaiserliche-Kdnigliche Ho-
heit hatte seit ihrer Jugend, als Soldat, vielfaltige Gelegen-
heit Zigeuner-Rekruten aus den verschiedensten Gegenden anzu-
treffen. Und da er ein lebhaftes Interesse ffir ihre Sprache em-
pfand, so versiumte er es nie, sie als Sprachmeister in Anspruch
zu nehmen. Anfangs going es sehr schwer: denn der Zigeuner
ist misstrauisch, was er wohl von seinen Altern ererbt hat. Die
Geschichte der armen Zigeuner, selbst noch im vorletzten Jahr-
hundert, kann nur von Verfolgungen erzhhlen. Auch in unsern
Tagen werden sie im Allgemeinen vermieden, wenn nicht, wie
ein Wild, gehetzt. Auf die Frage des strengen Richters: Zu
welcher Confession der zu inquirirende Zigeuner gehire? ant-
wortete dieser: ,,Zur Elends-Confession!" 1). In dieser Antwort
ist die Geschichte der Zigeuner enthalten.
Wie gesagt, die Zigeuner zeigten anfangs grosses Misstrauen
gegen den ausforschenden Erzherzog. Aber sobald dieser sich zi-
geunerisch ausdriicken konnte, 5ffneten sich ihm die Herzen der

1) Im Ungrischen ist der Ausdruck viel treffender. ,Vallani, bedeutet bekennen,
und vallgs" ist sowohl das Bekennen als auch die Religion, das Bekenntniss. Nun
sagt man aber auch ,kirt vallani", d. h. Schaden leiden, und ,kirvallks. bedeutet
das Schadenleiden. Die Frage war: NMi a valljsodx und die Antwort: ,a k6r-
vallis".


P. IHunfalvy.




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