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Full Text



BRITISH INFORMATION SERVICES
AN AGENCY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT



BRITISH SPEECHES.

OF THE DAY -

ANTHONY EDEN, Secretary of State for Foreign Affair, &
February 28 and March 1, 1945. \
The Crimea Conference. /
A. V. ALEXANDER, First Lord of the Admiralty, March IN 45, '
The War at Sea. ..-'
SIR JAMES GRIGG, Secretary of State for War, March 13, 1945.
The War on Land.
SIR ARCHIBALD SINCLAIR, Secretary of State for Air, March 6, 1945.
The War in the Air.
SIR WILLIAM JOWITT, Minister of National Insurance, March 8, 1945.
Family Allowances.
H. U. WILLINK, Minister of Health, March 2, 1945.
Housing.
LORD WOOLTON, Minister of Reconstruction, March 10, 1945.
The Rising Generation.
LORD LEATHERS, Minister of War Transport, March 13, 1945.
The Merchant Navy.
SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS, Minister of Aircraft Production, March 20, 1945.
The White Paper on Civil Aviation.
OLIVER STANLEY, Secretary of State for the Colonies
The British Empire and the Future. 0 5
QUESTIONS IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. G 7 0 6o "
oTr.1945
Vol. III, No. 4 4- 5o. 5
NEW YORK 20. . . 30 ROCKEFELLER PLAZA . . Circle 6-5100
WASHINGTON 5, D.C. . 1336 NEW YORK AVENUE, N.W. . Executive 8525
CHICAGO I . . 360 NORTH MICHIGAN AVENUE . Andover 1733
SAN FRANCISCO 8 . .391 SUTTER STREET . . . Sutter 6634









RT. HON. ANTHONY EDEN
Secretary of State For Foreign Affairs
House of Commons, February 28, 1945
I am sure that not one of our critics will deny that we have a right, as a
Government, to come to the House and ask for their judgment on the work that
we did in the Crimea. Let me correct one thing that my hon. Friend (Mr. Raikes)
said, at the beginning of his speech. He referred to my right hon. Friend's
speech, and to the position of the Prime Minister in this matter. I must make it
absolutely clear to the House that at every stage of this anxious Polish business,
lasting as it has now done over almost the whole of the war period-and indeed
starting from long before that-at any rate, so long as this Government have handled
it-all the decisions have been taken by the War Cabinet; and the responsibility
is the responsibility of the War Cabinet. We have worked together in all we
have done, and my right hon. Friends in the War Cabinet wadt me to say that
we have worked, in the Crimea and other occasions, as a united War Cabinet,
and, be our treatment of this subject right or wrong, it is the treatment of a
united Government, who took all their decisions with a knowledge of the facts
put before them.
My hon. Friend also spoke of our relations with the Polish Government, and
asked, was it true that I have not had direct contacts with the Polish Prime Min-
ister or members of his Government? It is true that we have not had personal
contacts with them, but it is also true that I have frequently seen the Ambassador
who represents that Government. I have seen him, naturally, since I returned
from the Crimea. Perhaps I ought to add, as a matter of historical accuracy, that
I had arranged an interview with the Polish Prime Minister and his Foreign Sec-
retary just before we went to the Crimea, but an incident occurred, which will
be fresh in the mind of the House-that we had a sudden and unexpected Greek
Debate; and I, therefore, asked my Permanent Under-Secretary, Sir Alexander
Cadogan, to see them instead. I think the House will accept it that there has not
been any discourtesy on the part of His Majesty's Government. I cannot, how-
ever, pretend that we have the same cordial relations with the present Polish
Government as we had with the Government which preceded them, and which
included, as, unhappily, this Government do not, all the main Polish parties
represented in London.

The Riga Frontier
I want to deal with this question, taking two main issues-first, and the
more briefly of the two, the question of the frontiers; and, second, the question
of whether under the arrangement which we have devised in the Crimea there
can be and will be a free and independent Poland. A word about the frontier
itself. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Epsom (Sir A. Southby) and
others, including the Mover of the Amendment, who raised this issue, always
begin at the Treaty of Riga; but it is really completely unrealistic to begin
this discussion at the Treaty of Riga. I admit that it is true-there is no
question of it-that the Soviet Government ultimately accepted the Treaty of
Riga, but nobody with a knowledge of the history of those parts is going to con-
tend that Russia was content with that solution-or, indeed, that we were con-
tent with that solution. As the House knows, and as I have stated before, we
more than once urged the Polish Government at the time not to extend their
frontiers east beyond the Curzon Line, and for two years after the Treaty of
Riga withheld our recognition of that arrangement. In 1923, when the Con-
[ 233







British Speeches of the Day


ference of Ambassadors did eventually recognize the Treaty, that Conference
made it plain, on our initiative, that the responsibility for the Line rested with
the t~yo Governments concerned, and not with us.
More than that, the Conference made it clear that in their recognition of the
Riga frontier, two years after the Treaty had been signed, there was called for
-put it this way-the setting-up of an autonomous regime in Eastern Galicia
for ethnographical reasons. In point of fact, that autonomous regime was never
set up. What happened was that, after fighting between the Poles and Ukrainians,
the Polish armies were victorious and obtained control of the country. I hope
the House is not going to assume that, on account of that, what happened at
that time was accepted by the population as a whole. It was not. Although the
area was placed under the Minority Treaty, because of the disputes and the
anxieties about it, the provisions of that Minority Treaty were never fully carried
out, and disturbances, as the House will see if they looked up the records, were
unhappily frequent. What happened was this. It is not in any way surprising or
a criticism of anybody. As the Eastern Galicia area-which is the one, I think,
in most dispute-was an area of mixed population, with Poles in the minority,
the Poles sought to increase their own population in that area by bringing other
Poles in, with the result that that, in its turn, led to friction. Further, there was
the issue which, the House must bear in mind, underlies the whole of this frontier
problem: the religious issue between the Roman Catholic elements and the Or-
thodox Church. The religious difference in that area is far older than the national
issue, and it is religion which lies at the root of much of the feeling on this issue.
Polish Minority Problems
I have explained before, and I am not going over it again, the basis on which
the Curzon Line was delimited, but this at least can be accepted by everybody,
whatever else we dispute-that east of the Curzon Line there are no areas where
the Poles are in the majority except the two cities of Vilna and Lvov, which, in
their turn, are surrounded by large non-Polish areas. On that particular aspect of
the question there is no dispute between us at all. I, therefore, say that when the
Soviet Government say that they will accept the Curzon Line, with certain ad-
justments, minor adjustments, but all in favor of Poland-the importance of
which I must emphasize, for the Curzo'n Line, it is true, is not a frontier but
a line drawn on the map, and it is of importance to the Polish Government that,
all adjustments, and there must be many, shall favor them-I cannot stand at
this Box and say that I regard that as a gross injustice to Poland. It is the po-
sition which successive Governments in this country have consistently taken. I
would put this to my hon. Friends. Are they absolutely convinced that the struc-
ture of the Polish State is strengthened.by the inclusion of large, or considerable,
non-Polish elements in it? I wonder.
[Mr. A. Bevan (Ebbw Vale): On the West, too?)
The assumption in regard to the West is that the populations shall be re-
moved. That is the whole basis. In most cases, I can tell the hon. Gentleman,
they have gone already. But let me deal with this matter-I am sorry the hon.
Gentleman has put me off my stroke-about the minorities in the Polish State.
I should have said that there were two weaknesses in the Polish State, as it ex-
isted before the war. One was these very considerable minority elements, who
came frequently and made their complaints before the International Tribunal
at Geneva, and the other was the Corridor. I am amazed that in the speeches
which the Mover and Seconder of the Amendment made, neither of them-I
listened carefully made even the slightest reference to the significance to
Poland of the fact that this Corridor problem would cease to exist. If my hon.
Friend's concern is solely for Poland, surely they must take some account of that?






The Crimea Conference 235

The Polish Corridor
May I ask them this? Which Poland would be stronger-the Poland with
Vilna and with the Corridor as it was, or a Poland without Vilna and without
the Corridor? I have not the slightest doubt, nor, I believe, has any student
of international .affairs the slightest doubt, which Poland would be the stronger.
I am going to say a word or two about this Corridor business. I made one
reference to it before, but, if the House will allow me, I am going into it a
little deeper, because I had to handle this myself year after year at Geneva,
when the unfortunate British representative on the Council was Rapporteur
for Danzig. I promise the House that I never chose the job; I inherited it,
and it was the most thankless task that ever fell to the lot of man, because, at
every single meeting, we were faced with these issues, demands, charges and
counter-charges between Poles and Germans. I think the only other person who
had this experience to the same extent is the present Lord Chancellor. We were
never able to obtain a solution of real value, because no solution was possible
as long as the Corridor existed.
I remember one occasion-it will probably be fresh in the minds of many
hon. Members-when the German representative had behaved in a particularly
insulting manner to the Council. After he had withdrawn, I thought it my duty
to say to the Council, in private, of course, the Press having withdrawn, that,
in view of his behavior, we ought to know whether the Polish Government
would take action in the event of a German infraction by violence of the Free
City, for which we were responsible. I put that question, and the Polish answer
was "Yes." I mention that only to show that it would be a cardinal sin on our
part to perpetuate that state of affairs. I have been engaged in these last years
in this Polish-Russian dispute, and, for what my own judgment is worth, I have
come to the decision that there are two alternatives. Either you must deprive
Poland of all outlet to the sea, or East Prussia must cease to be German and the
Corridor must go. Of these two alternatives, I unhesitatingly commend the sec-
ond to the House; but do not let anybody say that that is not something of-im-
portance for the Poland of the future, and do not let people merely say "You
are taking half Poland away" without putting into the balance what this means.
I turn to another aspect. It is not only the question of what the elimination
of the Corridor means. The House must also put into the balance the position
of Oppeln Silesia, which we are all agreed should go to Poland, and which is a
territory of great value industrially. Poland tried hard to gqt it after the last
peace settlement, but her claim was rejected. That must be put into the balance,
too. I believe that, when a settlement is finally reached-and here let me say
again that what we have expressed is our view of what a settlement should be
with our Ally, a settlement which we would wish to discuss with the new Polish
Government when it is, created-I believe it may still be found-and I say this
with respect to some of my hon. Friends-that the new Poland when so con-
stituted, will be as strong as, or stronger than, the Poland that existed in 1939.
'That depends, of course, on how the agreement is carried out.

The Polish Governments
Therefore, I turn to that, and to the setting up of the new Government. I
was asked by my noble Friend the Member for Lanark (Lord Dunglass) yester-
day, and I have been asked today by both the mover and the seconder of the Amend-
ments why it was that, when we approached this problem in the Crimea, we did
not make an end of the Lublin Government, as it were, recognizei" the Lublin
Government and "derecognize" the Government here, and start entirely afresh.
Of course, that is an attractive suggestion, and it was in fact, the point from which






236 British Speeches of the Day

we started our examination of the matter, but this is the difficulty with which
we were faced. The Russians said to us, and it is inescapable, that they must have
some authority on their lines of communication through Poland. Whether we
like or dislike the Lublin Committee-and personally I say I dislike it-for the
moment it is the authority which is functioning there in fulfilling the require-
ments of the Russian military authorities. What they said to us was "We do not
know how long it will take to form a new Polish Government; it may take weeks,
it may take months." I do not know, either; it takes quite a long time to form a
British Government. Nobody can say. During that time there could not be
a vacuum in Poland, and so it is that we agreed, eventually, that pending the
creation of the new Government-and I beg the House to note that the phrase
"new Government" occurs twice in the Declaration-the Soviet Government will
continue to recognize the Lublin Government and we and the United States will
continue to recognize the Government'here. I hope I have been able to remove
the doubts expressed by my hon. Friends today.
The right hon. Member for Wakefield (Mr. Greenwood) yesterday complained
that we had taken our decision, or come to our agreement behind the back, I
think his phrase was, of the Polish Government. As I understand his argument,
it was that we ought to have summoned the Polish Government to our Councils
in Yalta when we reached a certain point in our discussions and talked matters
over with them. Of course, we thought of it. Let me therefore ask the right
hon. Gentlemen which Polish Government were we to summon? Were we to
summon the Lublin Government, for both we and the United States Government
hold that that Government is not fully representative of the Polish people? Or
were we to summon the Government here in London, which the Soviet Govern-
ment hold is not representative of the Polish people? Or were we to summon
both Governments? Apart from certain physical difficulties, this last arrange-
ment would not have been satisfactory. Moreover, in my belief, probably those
Polish statesmen who have most following in Poland-and all this is a matter
of one's own conjecture-are Poles in Poland and Poles in London, who are
members neither of the Lublin Government nor of the London Government.
What did we do? We could not bring them all to Yalta; if we had done, no
doubt we should still be there. It was impossible to do that, and so we decided
to appoint this Commission to carry through the task for us.

A Policy of Despair
My right hon. Friend said something about this Commission of the Soviet
Foreign Secretary and two Ambassadors, and one of the speakers seenied to in-
dicate that he thought that there was a weakness in our position; but let me
assure the House that our Ambassador will act under instructions of His Ma-
jesty's Government and will not deviate from those instructions. The hon. and
gallant Member for Berwick and Haddington (Captain McEwen), said that our
Ambassador had said that the Lublin Government should be recognized. I do not
know when he said that. He never said anything of that kind to me, to my right
hon. Friend the Prime Minister, or to any one of our colleagues, and, certainly,
he knows well enough what is the attitude of His Majesty's Government in that
respect.
Let me now try to answer some of the questions that have been put. My hon.
and gallant Friend the Member for Berwick and Haddington, and indeed, the
hon. Gentleman who has just spoken, really put what was the only alternative
course. They said that better than what we have done, would have been to have
left it alone. I cannot accept that view. That really is an absolute policy of despair.
What would that have meant? It would have meant that the Lublin Government







The Crimea Conference 237

would have continued to operate with the support of the Soviet Government.
We do not know what the conditions are there at the present time, and I am
not by any means sure all the information that hon. Friends get about the state
of opinion in Poland is accurate. I am not even sure that the politicians who have
been five years out of the country know exactly what their country feels. There
have been revolutions in thought as well as in spirit in Poland in these last years.
There was an account the other day- one has to be very careful from which news-
papers one quotes-in the Manchester Guardian, whose foreign correspondents I have
always found very reliable so far, which gave an account of some American offi-
cers who came out from Poland. They said they saw the first Russian forces drive
on, the Poles, delirious with delight, cheering both the Russians and their West-
ern Allies. I do not know whether it is true or whether it is not. I should think
that very likely it was so. Maybe it was only so at the beginning and it may be so
now, but one cannot tell, as one cannot be sure. But I beg of hon. Members not
to accept every report that comes and is suddenly thrust upon us in the House
of Commons by our friends.

Recognition Only for a Free Government
I would like to answer two questions asked by my noble Friend yesterday about
our desires in connection with this Polish situation. He asked for two specific
answers to his questions. First, Is it our desire that Poland should be really and
truly free? Yes, certainly, most certainly it is. In examining that Government,
if and when it is brought together, it will be for us and our Allies to decide
whether that Government is really and truly, as far as we can judge, representa-
tive of the Polish people.. Our recognition must depend upon that.
We would not recognize a Government which we did not think representa-
tive. The addition of one or two Ministers would not meet our views. It must be,
or as far as it can be made, representative of the Polish parties as they are known,
and include representative national Polish figures. That is what we mean. There
is only one consideration-I do not think we could call it more than that-that
we would ask of the new Polish Government; that is, that they would enter into
a treaty of friendship and alliance with Russia. I do not think that anybody would
think that unreasonable because at the same time that Government would have
treaties of friendship and alliance with us and the French Government.
The second question was, Do we favor the establishment of machinery for.
Allied supervision of elections? That was a question which was also discussed.
The Greek Government have asked for such supervision and we have invited,
or shall invite when the time comes, our Russian and American Allies to join
in it. It may be, if and when this new Polish Government is formed, they will
also ask for international supervision. I hope so. If they do then we shall cer-
tainly be prepared to join in it. We could not agree to any inter-Allied super-
vision to which we were not parties, in view of our treaty relations with Poland.
I think the House will agree that the final decision on that cannot be taken until
the moment comes, if and when this new Polish Government is formed, because
that new Government must have a say as to their supervision .and, if they desire
it, as to its nature and the conditions. But I will make plair our own position, as
it is made plain to our Allies, that,. if there should be such supervision, we shall
be glad to take part in it ourselves. There is one more question which my noble
Friend asked. He said that, in the arrangement for Yugoslavia, we included a
provision that the acts of the Yugoslav Committee should be ratified by the new
Parliament, and he asked why we did not include a similar provision in the
Polish Agreement. But to be honest with my hon Friend, we did not think of
it. We did not think we had got to a stage far enough for that to be operative







238 British Speeches of the Day

but I see no reason whatever why that proposal should not be made. In view of
the fact that it was at once accepted by our Allies in relation, to Yugoslavia, I
have no reason to think that it will not be accepted in relation to Poland, and
I think it is a good thing that that proposal should be put forward. It would be
an additional safeguard.
Information Hoped For
Let me turn to the question of information from inside'Poland. We should
certainly like people from this country to have an opportunity of seeing for them-
selves conditions, inside Poland. There have been newspaper correspondents, but
apart from them, we would like other opportunities, and I have every reason to
believe that our Russian Allies would certainly not object to it. Indeed I am in-
clined to,think from something I have had today that they would probably wel-
come it, but I would rather not go further at the moment than to say that we
are in correspondence with our Russian Allies about making arrangements so
that people from this country can go to Poland to see what is going on. We shall
do all we can to bring these arrangements to early fruition. I feel that nothing
would give more reassurance to this House than a sense that there would be an
opportunity to see what was going on in Poland.
I come on to the other questions. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member
for Berwick and Haddington said, "Why when you were signing the Anglo-
Soviet Treaty did not you consider this Polish matter and did not you put spe-
cial provisions into your agreement about it?" There was a similar question
asked in another form by my hon. and gallant Friend'the Member for Epsom
(Sir A. Southby). The answer is that at the time the Anglo-Soviet Treaty was
made fortunately Soviet Russia and the Polish Government here were in rela-
tions. It was one of the few comparatively calm and encouraging periods of
Soviet-Polish relations, and they were in relation very largely as the outcome of
the efforts of His Majesty's Government to bring about the agreement of 1941.
Of course, the Soviet Government are aware of our engagement toward Poland
on which I propose to say, a word. I must repeat and make plain-I am not sure
that it is plain to some hon. Members-exactly the position about recognition.
I hold the House out no pledge. No one can be certain how it is going to work
out but we hope that the discussions in Moscow will be attended by representa-
tive Poles from inside Poland and from outside Poland and that as a result
of those conversations a thoroughly representative Polish Government will come
into being. If it does and if it is in the words of the communique "properly
constituted" then we and our Allies will recognize that government as the pro-
visional government of Poland-provisional uptil the elections take place. If
it does not come into being, then we remain as we are today, we and Me United
States recognizing the Government in London and the Soviet Government recog-
nizing I presume the Government in Lublin. That, may I add, would not be a
very happy state of affairs either for 'Poland or for unity between our Allies.
Now may I say a word or two about the Amendment which we are now dis-
cussing? The Amendment suggests that the recommendations which the three
great Powers have made for the solution of the Polish problem are contrary to
the treaty. That is not so. We have at no time guaranteed Poland's pre-war
frontier. Nor, let me add, can I accept that to agree to recommend the life
which was worked out at the time as giving is near as might be an ethnographi-
cal boundary is to run directly counter to the terms of the Atlantic Charter. As
to the last part of my hon. Friend's Amendment, I must say that I am frankly
puzzled as to how that can be regarded as a criticism of the policy which we
are now advocating. If my hon. Friends will read the wording, it seems to me
to be a precise description of what we are seeking to do in Poland. We are seek-







The Crimea Conference


ing to ensure to Poland the full right to choose her own Government free from
the influence of any other Power, or any other Powers let me add. So that in
that respect I do not understand where we are open to criticism. As I have said,
whether we shall succeed or not I cannot pronounce upon now, but I have not
the least doubt, and I hope the House has not the least doubt, that it is not only
our right but our duty to make this attempt.

The Secret Protocol
I come to a criticism made by my hon. Friend the Member for Penryn and
Falmouth (Mr. Petherick) who maintained that in the course which we have
jointly agreed, we have in some way violated the Anglo-Polish Agreement of
1939, and he referred to a secret Protocol in this connection. I can assure my
hon. Friend that his fears are entirely unfounded. There is nothing in the Anglo-
Polish Treaty, or in any other document, which guarantees the frontiers of Poland.
The Government of 1939 gave the House, of course, full information about the
Treaty but, quite rightly, they went further than this and made clear the
effect of the secret Protocol from which my hon. Friend quoted. I must read
to the House the reply given by my right hon. Friend the present Minister of
Education who was then Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
[Mr. Bellenger (Bassetlaw) : Has the Protocol been published ?
No, Sir.
[Mr. Bellenger: Will the right hon. Gentleman do that?]
I will now have to consider that. Naturally I had it in mind as my hon. Friend
has raised the question, I do not make any complaint about that. I am now going
to read the answer which was given to Parliament at the time. I was not a Mem-
ber of the Government myself. This is what he said in reply to a Parliamentary
Question on the 19th October, 1939, asking whether the references to aggres-
Ssion by a European Power in the Anglo-Polish Agreement were intended to cover
the case of aggression by Powers other than Germany including Russia, and my
right hon. Friend replied:
"No, Sir. During the negotiations which led up to the signature of the
agreement, it was understood between the Polish Government and His Ma-
jesty's Government that the agreement should only cover the case of aggres-
sion by Germany, and the Polish Government confirm that this is so."-
(Official Report, 19th October, 1939, Vol. 352, c. 1082.)
That is the exact position of the Agreement. There was no question what-
ever of any engagement having been made about the Eastern frontiers at that
time or at any other time.
[Mr. Petherick: May I interrupt the right hon. Gentleman? He is referring
only to the main Treaty of mutual assistance. I asked about a Protocol of which
I read out an extract and it was perfectly plain. I will do it again if he likes.
Clause 3 of the secret Protocol says:
"The undertakings mentioned in Article 6 of the agreement, should they
be entered into by one of the contracting parties with a third State"-
shall we say Russia or some other State?
"would of necessity be so framed that their execution should at no time
prejudice either the sovereignty or territorial inviolability of the other con-
tracting parties."]
I do not know that my hon. Friend has got the complete document. In fact
I do not know what he has got. I must frankly say, if he has got the complete







240 British Speeches of the Day

document, he will see that that refers to an earlier Article, and the earlier Article
makes it quite plain--An Hon. Member: What are these?] My hon. Friend did
not tell me he was going to read out from a secret document but, naturally, as
he did so, I have looked it up, and I have seen exactly what the position is. I
can assure my hon. Friend, and my right hon. Friend the Minister of Education
will confirm it, that the answer I have just given was precisely intended to cover
that secret Protocol. I can assure him there is no catch about, the matter at all
and that what that Clause refers to, if he will look back, is to Article 3 of the
Agreement which refers to certain undertakings that might in the future be made-
[Mr. Petherick: I am extremely sorry but Clause 3 says "undertakings men-
tioned in Article 6." Nothing could be more specific.]
I beg the hon. Gentleman's pardon but I have taken the trouble to look up
this matter since he raised it. I was not even a member of the Government
then, but I consulted those who were and I think my right hon. Friend will bear
me out that they spared no pains to tell the House exactly what the position was,
and it would have been wrong if the Government had not done so. What they
made absolutely plain was that these measures only applied to aggression by
Germany, and it does not in the least surprise me, if I may say so. I am now
going to look into these documents and lay them on the Table. I do not ask my
hon. Friend how he obtained this secret Protocol. ...
Let me now come back to some of the points which have been raised, be-
cause I want to carry the House with me in the remaining arguments I have
to make. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Epsom asked what were
the reasons why we failed to conclude a treaty with Russia in 1939. Here, again,
I am dealing with matters which I did not handle, but I think the correct answer
is something like this: Russia said at that time that if she was to conclude a
treaty, she must have the right to move her troops across Poland, or across the
Baltic States, in the event of war with Germany. The Polish Government at
that time were consulted on this point, and would not agree to the Russian de-
mand. Although I do not pretend to be a historian, I think that that was, ap-
proximately, the main cause of the breakdown of those negotiations. ...

A Step Forward
Now I come to the main issue. Some of my hon. Friends have said, with
warmth, that the decisions we arrived at at Yalta have become a matter of world
anxiety. I really cannot accept that that is true. So far as I know, the deepest
anxiety of all was caused to Goebbels. If the House will read some of the stuff
put out by Goebbels, after the Yalta Agreement, they would see in that the
measure of the success of that Agreement. But not only that. If the House would
look at reviews of the American Press and, still more so, of the Swedish Press-
Sweden has had a long traditional friendship with Poland-and of the Turkish
Press, they would find in them a general and wide endorsement of what we set
out to achieve at Yalta. It really is a wild exaggeration to say that the work
we did there was a cause of anxiety. I cannot tell how these matters will work
out in their later stages. I know how infinitely difficult the problems will be. It
may be that we shall not succeed, but I think some of my hon. Friends would
have been wiser had they reserved judgment until a later stage. There is no such
thing as a perfect solution of this problem, but surely it is a step forward that
the three great Powers have agreed upon a method of handling it.
Since the Polish-Soviet Agreement of 1941 was unhappily broken by an in-
cident which is fresh in the minds of the House, I have been faced with two main
anxieties in dealing with the problem. First, what would be the effect of failing
to restore relations of Poland with Russia and, second, what would be the effect







The Crimea Conference 241

on the three great countries joined together in the prosecution of the war? Those
are the problems we have to confront. If we are to restore Poland as a true,
independent State she will need the help of each one of the three great Powers
to restore her devastated frontier. She cannot do that unless there is agreement
between them. Some of my hon. Friends have said that a policy of continuing
to recognize the Government here while the Lublin Government is recognized
by Russia is of no assistance to Poland, although it may give us a great moral
position. I am surprised at my hon. Friends using that argument. My hon.
Friend the Member for South-East Essex (Mr. Raikes), who has just spoken,
chided me once, I remember, for being an idealist. I am not so sure that he
would do that today, because he himself once said:
"As has been so often proved, those who are prepared for the sake of
ideals to disregard the realistic facts of the present situation may indeed,
as has been the case in the past, cause more unnecessary suffering than
perhaps any other people.". ...
Let me put the issue broadly. I share the feeling which my right hon. Friend
expressed yesterday. It is difficult at times not to be oppressed by the weight
of problems which lie upon Europe. They are infinitely greater than they were
after the last war. There have been six years of war on an unparalleled scale;
there has been the devastation of air bombardment, which there was not last
time, and the dislocation caused by the movement of millions of workers to
slavery in Germany. If any life is to be restored to Europe, if it is to be saved
from anarchy and chaos, it can only be done by the three Powers working to-
gether. The right hon. Gentleman opposite spoke yesterday of the difficulties
of maintaining unity in peace. Of course, he is right, but after what we have
endured there is no duty more incumbent upon statesmanship than to try and
strengthen that unity, and to try to find together in good faith a full solution
of the problems which confront us all.

Importance of Three-Power Unity
In conclusion, I would like to say a word or two to some of my hon. Friends.
As I listened to their speeches I felt the sincerity of the feeling which underlay
them. Some of them expressed the view that my right hon. Friend the Prime
Minister and I did not stand up with sufficient authority for the point of view
of His Majesty's Government. I repudiate that, and I would ask my hon Friends
to question themselves a little, if they would. The foreign policy of this coun-
try has been based for centuries on the determination that no one country should
dominate Europe. We believe in Europe, we are a part of Europe, and I my-
self am convinced that no one country is ever going to dominate Europe. It is
too big for any one nation to succeed in doing that. It is because of that instinct
of our own that we have a special position in Europe, and that a special measure
of confidence is extended to us. It is for that reason that there were the wars
with Philip II of Spain, with Louis XIV, with Wilhelm II, and now with Hitler
and the Third Reich.
As I listened to some of the speeches I could not help feeling that some of
my hon. Friends, in talking about Poland, had not only Poland in mind, but the
fear that Russia, flushed with the magnificent triumphs of her Armies, was also
dreaming dreams of European domination. This, of course, is the constant theme
of German propaganda. It is poured out day by day and night after night and
comes to us in all sorts of unexpected forms and guises. It was their theme be-
fore the war. It was then the Bolshevik bogy, and how well Hitler used it. How
often visitors to Nuremburg were told by the Germans they met, of the fear
of Russia. I have had plenty of it chucked at me at interviews with Hitler my-







British Speeches of the Day


self. Can anyone doubt "that that theme, before the war, was an element in mak-
ing it difficult for us to establish an understanding with Soviet Russia? Can any-
one doubt that, if we had had in 1939, the unity between Russia, this country and
the United States that we cemented at Yalta, there would not have been the
present war? I go further. Can anyone doubt that, so long as we hold that unity,
there will not be another war? We do not say that we can establish conditions
in which there will never be war again, but I believe if we can hold this unity
we can establish peace for 25 years or 50 years or-who can say? But unless we
can hold it there will be no peace for anything like that period of time.

We Have To Be on Guard
Finally may I say this word, again to my hon. Friends? Make no mistake.
The moment this fighting ceases, Germany will be out on the old theme of propa-
ganda again. She will again try to play us off against Russia, and Russia against
America and ourselves. She will play on all their pity, which she knows so
well how to do. The whole orchestra of German self-pity will work up again
to fortissimo. Let us be very careful that we do not fall victims to that.
What is my conclusion? I say that, while we must be watchful, active and
vigorous and do all in our power to secure the real freedom and independence
of our Polish Allies-while that is our right and our duty, do not let us at
the same time fall victims too easily to suspicion of another Ally. I think we
have to be on our guard. I assure the House that the Government will do all
that lies in their power to see that the objectives the Prima Minister and I de-
scribed are carried out. We are in the midst of this business. We are not through
with it. We have many difficult stages to fulfill. Neither my right hon. Friend
nor I can give any undertaking what our measure of success may be, but unless
hon. Members feel that we should not try-and I cannot believe that they do-
I would ask them to give us the encouragement to go forward. I would ask
them to give it with a really strong and definite voice, otherwise we are going to
confuse the mind of the world and the minds of our Polish friends for, after
all, this cannot be solved at all unless the elements which represent Poland can
be brought together. I would ask the House to consider again and give us full
support for the work we are doing and, in the light of the assurances that I have
given to the House, to say that in what we have done we have their confidence,
and in what we are going to do we shall have their confidence, provided we fulfill
the engagements that we have given. I in turn will tell them that we will report
ourselves faithfully to this House.
[House of Commons Debates]



RT. HON. ANTHONY EDEN
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
House of Commons, March 1, 1945

I would begin by giving the House some information about the work we hope
to do at San Francisco, or, rather, about the preliminary stage in that work. As
a result of exchanges between His Majesty's Government here and His Majesty's
Governments in the Dominions, it has been agreed that there shall be a pre-
liminary meeting here between representatives of the British Commonwealth, in
London, in advance of the San Francisco Conference. I know that not only His
Majesty's Government but every section "f the House will warmly welcome that







The Crimea Conference


decision. My hon. Friend the Junior Burgess for Oxford University (Sir A.
Salter) emphasized how valuable and how desirable it was that we should have
these exchanges with our friends from the Dominions. Of course we are all in
entire agreement with him and it is a very happy fact that we can now be sure
of consultation and discussion between us before we all go to this meeting. I have
a very vivid recollection of the value of the contributions made by the Dominions
Prime Ministers on foreign policy at their last meeting in London. It was for
me as Foreign Secretary a most exhilarating experience to hear the views of these
men-who are intimately informed at every stage of the knowledge that we
possess-and to get their reactions and their advice. I also agree cordially with
the description which Mr. Curtin, the Prime Minister of the Australian Common-
wealth, gave about the conversations that we are going to have in London which
he very aptly called a "family discussion."

The Economic Issue
The right hon. Gentlemen the Members for Wakefield (Mr. Greenwood)
and East Edinburgh (Mr. Pethick-Lawrence) have referred to economic matters
and asked whether we were neglecting them and concentrating too much on politi-
cal affairs. The bumbarton Oaks proposals in fact contain an important section-
I think Section 9-which deals with economic matters, and advocates the setting
up of an economic and social council. This section will be considered at the San
Francisco Conference. I should like to make one comment on what an hon. Mem-
ber said just now. I agree entirely with him as to the importance of the economic
issue, but I should not myself accept the doctrine that it was the economic prob-
lems of Germany that brought about Hitler. That they contributed, that they
gave him the occasion, I would agree, but I fear we must not delude ourselves
that Hitler represents something which is not there. He represents something which
is latent in the German character, or, shall we say, active. The hon. Member for
Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) may not agree that it is there but I must say that
but for the defenses which have been so gallantly carried out in this island, he
might easily have had personal experience of it. It is a nice, easy, simple solu-
tion. The hon. Member believes it; I hope he will never have to put it physically
to the test. He thinks that when all the capitalists have gone, the German will
be a docile animal. If ever that is tested I hope he will not be too near the
experiment. The right hon. Gentleman also said yesterday that we should not
ask for millions of pounds in reparations but for reparations in kind. I agree
and that is exactly what we are doing. No doubt mankind learns slowly, but we
hope that it does learn and from the lesson of the last war we have learnt that
reparations in kind are what we should seek. We should like, for instance, a
little timber for the reconstruction of our houses. Russia will certainly provide
some but I do not see why Germany should not too ..
I have been asked whether we have made any plans at all for the control or
guidance of the Press and Radio in Germany after the surrender during the period
of occupation. The answer is "Yes, we certainly have." The plans are ready, and
will be put into operation in due course-I hope not very long ahead.
Now may I say a word about Austria. On November 1, 1943, at Moscow
we agreed on a joint declaration with the Soviet Government and the United
States Gdvernment that Austria, the first victim of Nazi aggression, should be
liberated from the German yoke. The position of Austria, though she waged
war as an integral part of Germany, is none the less rather a special one. It is
not conceivable in our judgment that she can be placed on an equal footing with
liberated territory or Allied territory, or any arrangement of that kind. On the
other hand, it has been repeatedly made clear that in the final settlement account
must be taken of Austria's own contribution, if any, to the overthrow of the Nazi







British Speeches of the Day


regime. So perhaps I might take this opportunity to remind the Austrian people
that time is running short. It remains the wish of His Majesty's Government that
a free and independent Austria should be re-established, and I should also say
that, as far as we are concerned-and for the moment we are not the only per-
sons concerned in the matter-we shall certainly wish to foster conditions in
Austria in which, after the elimination of all vestiges of Nazism, democratic in-
stitutions may be restored and Austrian national life rebuilt in accordance with
the wishes of the Austrian people.

France and Syria
Next may I make a brief reference to our nearest Ally geographically, than
whom none is closer in our thoughts-that is France. I should like to say how
much we welcomed the visit we had from the French Foreign Secretary the other
day, and how glad my colleagues and I were of the chance to talk matters over
with him. We did so on the completely intimate terms which have characterized
the relations of our two countries for so long. I think we were able to clarify
certain points for our French friends and we are sure the results were worth while.
We look forward to a steady development of our relations with France and His
Majesty's Government will-labor with conviction at this most sympathetic and
agreeable of all tasks.
My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Carlisle (Sir E. Spears) raised
certain points about the Syrian situation. He was right when he said the French
troops had intervened to restore order when it was being disturbed by the fol-
lowers of a certain local chieftain who had taken matters out of the hands of the
gendarmerie. As the French have territorial command under the arrangements
there, they were entitled, as I understand it, to do this. In fact, therefore, through
their intervention in this case, we think that loss of life was probably prevented.
At any rate, the matter has now been settled by an agreement that both the French
troops and the gendarmerie are to be withdrawn from the area, and as the result
of the suggestion of ours, if there are any further difficulties, the matter will be
referred to an Anglo-Franco-Syrian Commission of Inquiry. I wish that some of
our problems had for the moment so hopeful a complexion. ...
My hon. and gallant Friend also suggested that something in the nature of a
Middle East office should be set up in London. That suggestion has been made
before. The difficulty is that our interest in these territories varies. Sometimes it
is administrative, sometimes purely diplomatic, and so forth, and that makes such
a scheme impracticable.
Then I have been asked about the invitations to San Francisco; on what basis
they were made, and why we asked people to declare war. The position is simply
this. Invitations were issued to Allied and Associated Powers. In some cases
Associated Powers had refrained from a declaration of war at our own request,
and that being so, we felt it only fair to those nations to give them the oppor-
tunity to declare war, and to become, thereby, members of the United Nations
and foundation members of the cub if they so desired.

Yugoslav Elections
Let me refer to two other matters which have been raised in the Debate.
I want to say a word about Yugoslavia and also a word about Poland. My hon.
Friend the Senior Burgess for Cambridge University (Mr. Pickthoin) said about
Yugoslavia that free elections should be held, and held quickly. Of course, I
agree about free elections being held, but I am not. so sure about their being
held quickly. The whole country is not yet liberated. Everybody knows what the
difficulties are about holding elections here, even under our conditions and if








The Crimea Conference


we are to have really fair elections, I think it may be that they had better not
be held too quickly. I was also asked about newspaper correspondents. I answered
a question about that a few days ago. The position is that there is no barrier at
all to the entry of newspaper correspondents; that there are twb in Yugoslavia,
that visas have been granted for two more, and that a declaration has been made
by the Yugoslav Government that they would like more. So far as we are con-
cerned, we would welcome that; for the more information is obtained from those
countries which have been liberated recently the better. If hon. Members are
short of information, I assure them that is not because the Government do not
want to give it. On the contrary, we would like to see as many correspondents as
possible in these countries to give fair and dispassionate accounts of what is
going on. ...
My hon. Friend also asked whether it is true that in large areas only Com-
munist officials were in control and only Communists were allowed in. I can
absolutely assure him as regards people being allowed in that there is no such
limitation. Nobody could describe .Dr. Subasic as a Communist, whatever else he
may be. The majority of the present members of the Yugoslav Government are
not Communists. There are, in fact, only five Communists out of the total of 22
members in the Government. I might add that I understand that some of those
here, who have long been connected with Yugoslav politics, may shortly be re-
turning to Yugoslavia, and in due course they may play a political part again.
One never knows what anybody's political fortune may be. As regards the free-
dom of the people to express their opinions, I received this morning the best
testimony one could wish in a telegram from our representative at Belgrade, giv-
ing an account of the tremendous welcome given to Field-Marshal Alexander when
he arrived to meet Marshal Tito. It is evident that the visit, as anybody who
knows Field-Marshal Alexander would be sure it would be, was a very great
success indeed, and that he has charmed the people of Belgrade as effectively as
he has defeated his enemies in the field. I was asked, again, whether we would see
that the elections are fair. That is our object in all these countries, and the House
can be assured that we shall do everything in our power in that sense.

Lublin Government Not Recognized
The hon. Gentleman the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Mack)
asked a question which I should like to answer because it helps once again to
clarify a point about which there seems to be some doubt. He asked whether
facilities are now to be given to the representatives of the Lublin Government to
have contact with Polish seamen here, just as the representatives of the London
Government have contact with them. The answer is "No." We have in no sense
recognized the Lublin Committee, and, may I add, we have no intention of recog-
nizing the Lublin Committee. We do not regard it as representative of Poland
at all. When my right hon. Friend and I met the representatives of this Com-
mittee in Moscow, I must say that they did not make a favorable impression
upon us. There is no question, and the House need not be anxious that there is
any question, of our affording recognition to them-not at all. I hoped that I
had made that clear yesterday, but from some of the comments ip the Debate,
I am not sure that I did. It does not surprise me to hear for instance, as I was
told in this Debate, that the Lublin Radio is pouring out streams of contentious
stuff. I have no doubt what the Committee wants. Their purpose is to maintain
the position they already hold; but that is not what we want, nor is it what the
Yalta Conference decided upon. The Foreign Secretary of Soviet Russia and the
Ambassadors are now beginning discussions in Moscow, and we shall see whether
a broadly representative Polish Government can be created. If it can be created,
and if we are satisfied that it is representative, then and only then will we and







246 British Speeches of the Day

the United States Government recognize it. If it cannot be created, we shall stay
as we are. If it can be, then that is a satisfactory solution. I hope that on this
point there is now no further misunderstanding.
We have recognized this Government in London, which has gone through
many changes. We will continue to recognize it until a new Government is cre-
ated-if it is created-as a result of the conversations in Moscow, and provided
it can be regarded as broadly representative of the Polish people. I received a
message a short while ago, to which I understand 'the hon. Member for South
Croydon (Sir H. Williams) referred, of the reported arrest of the wife of the
present Polish Prime Minister in London and a certain number of people working
with her in the Red Cross. [Interruption.] She is reported to have been arrested
in Poland. I have had no report about that except a message just before I came
to the House, from the Polish Ambassador in London. Of course, we shall take
that matter up, not with the Lublin Committee, which we do not recognize, but
with the Soviet Government, at the same time informing our American friends
of the message we have received. I will then, in due course, when we have made
our inquiries, report to the House the outcome of those inquiries, and of those
representations.

No Alternative
My hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge University and others who have
been a little critical again today-and I must reply to them-really have not told
us what alternative course we ought to pursue. 'What they have said is, "We do
not think you ought to have got into this position." Let me assure the House
that we did not want to get into this position. It was because we did not wish
to arrive at this position that, a long time ago, my right hon. Friend and I began
our efforts-the moment when Polish-Russian relations were broken off-to try
to restore them. I repeat what the Prime Minister said, that if little more than
a year ago the Polish Government had felt able to come to a decision about the
frontier position in the East, I am quite certain it would have been possible for
us to make arrangements with our Allies whereby that Government would now
be in Warsaw with Mr. Mikolajczyk as its Prime Minister. It is just because we
feared this present situation was going to arise that we made those efforts. Faced
with that situation, neither my hon. Friend, nor anyone else in this Debate, has
told us of any course we could pursue, except to sit still and take no action at all.
I think it was the hon. Member for Cambridge University who referred to some
reference I made to Goebbels in the House yesterday. All I said-I do not think
there was very much harm in it, and it seems to be literally true-was:
"Some of my. hon. Friends have said with warmth, that the decision we
arrived at at Yalta has become a matter of world anxiety. I really cannot
accept that that is true. So far as I know the deepest anxiety of all was
caused to Goebbels. If the House will read some of the stuff put out by
Goebbels, after the Yalta Agreement, they will see in that the measure of
the success of that Agreement."--(Official Report, 28th February, 1945:
Vol. 408, c. 1512.)
I was not passing any reflection on any hon. Member of this House. I was only
expressing, I hope, not unnatural satisfaction that Goebbels found himself anxious.

House's Approval Asked
Finally, I want to deal with the question which has been brought into this
Debate as to whether or not the Government were right or wise to ask the House
to express its opinion on the work we have done in the Crimea. This raises,







The Crimea Conference 247

I fully understand, a very important issue, and we did not lightly take our decision.
We gave a three days' Debate, so that all Members of the House, as far as pos-
sible, should have a chance to express their views. But after that, after there has
been this wide range of opinion, I think it is not only reasonable, but absolutely
essential, that the Government should 'ask the House for an expression of its
opinion. Surely, that is how our Parliamentary institutions are carried on. I beg
my hon. Friends to believe that it is not a question of trying to test anybody's
loyalty. After a work of this kind-whether they agree with it all or not, every-
one will agree it is a work of great magnitude and of immense significance for
the future-the Government endorse the work our own Prime Minister did, surely
it is ,not only right, but necessary, that we should ask the House to express its
views ? If we did not do so, let the House think for a moment what the conse-
quences would be. Each foreign country would assess the opinion of this House
in a different way. Everybody who knows the House can judge, or thinks he can
judge, though he may not always do this rightly, how the trends of opinion are
moving; but foreigners cannot judge that, foreign governments cannot judge that.
They will read the speeches, and it is very natural that in almost any of these
Debates it is the critics who are most anxious to speak. That is as it should be.
If you are well content there is not much point in getting up and purring once or
twice. If you do not feel that way, it is a more agreeable exercise to get up and
scratch once or twice. That is always the effect Debates have. If we do not ask
the House to take a decision, I do not know how foreign opinion would assess
the view of the House on the work we have done.
What are we asking? We are not asking for a detailed approval of every
line and comma of this document, though much trouble was taken over those
lines and commas. What we ask for is, in the terms of the Motion, for approval
of our work and for authority to go on with it. It is an endorsement which we
Must have. My hon. Friend said, "What will happen if you fail in this Polish
business, despite having got the support of the House?" That would be a very
serious state of affairs; I do not deny it at all. All I am asking the House to say
is we must try, not only in respect of Poland, but of all the other big issues, to
go forward.
May I conclude with these words? My right hon. Friend on whom the heaviest
burden fell, strove, and I think with success, to bring out of the Crimea a con-
tribution to the future. Let the House remember for a moment the state of our
relations as they appeared before the Crimea Conference, and let them look at
them now. Let them look at the disappointment our unity has been to the enemy,
and surely they must approve in general of what we have done, which is all we
ask of them. If they will give us that message, we will go forward, and do our
best to be worthy of their trust.
Question put:
"That this House approves the declaration of joint policy agreed to by
the three great Powers at the Crimea Conference and, in particular, wel-
comes their determination to maintain unity of action not only in achiev-
ing the final defeat of the common enemy but, thereafter, in peace as in
war.
The House divided: Ayes, 413; Noes, 0.
[House of Commons Debates]






British Speeches of the Day


RT. HON. A. V. ALEXANDER
First Lord of the Admiralty
House of Commons, March 7, 1945

It is my privilege once again to give the House some account of the services
which the Navy has rendered to the country, and to the cause of the United Na-
tions, during the past year. A year ago I spoke of three events which stood out
like peaks on the road to victory. This year, all other events have been over-
shadowed by the operation which brought Allied Forces once more to the coast
of France, and started for them the last campaign in Europe, which will end only
when Germany is defeated. This operation was described by the late Admiral
Ramsay in an Order of the Day, as the greatest amphibious operation in history.
That description is the simple truth. The object of an assault operation of this
kind, is to secure a lodgment on hostile shores, from which offensive operations
can be developed. The naval problem is to break the strong crust of the coast
defenses by assault, to land the fighting army formations, promptly to reinforce
those formations, and to continue to do so, without pause, for five or six weeks
at the highest possible rate.

The D-Day Fleet
The naval forces required for the assault landing consisted of four main
classes: minesweepers, to clear the way for all the ships and the craft which would
follow; landing craft and ships of all kinds to carry the soldiers and the guns,
tanks, the transport and the other equipment with which they would fight; bom-
barding ships, whose task, with the Air Force, would be to destroy the enemy's
opposition to the landing, and enable the Army to gain the lodgment which it
requires before it can begin to deploy its own weapons; and finally, escort and
anti-submarine forces. The minesweepers, the bombarding ships, and escort ves-
sels already existed, of course, in the Fleet, though they were required in excep-
tionally large numbers for this gigantic operation. The landing ships and craft
did not exist. They have all had to be developed and provided during the war
from our own resources and from those of our Allies.
The process was started as soon as the armies of the United Nations were
driven from the Continent, many months before it became fashionable to chalk
up on the walls demands for a "Second Front." In the days of the Battle of
Britain, however, and for many a month thereafter, our resources had to be de-
voted mainly to the defensive battle for existence. The urgent need for more and
more escort vessels for the defeat of the U-boat, on which all else depended;
the need for fighter and bombing aircraft; the need for re-equipping an Army
denuded of its weapons-all these had to take priority over the production of
the vessels, which one day would carry the fight back to the enemy. Neverthe-
less, even in the days of the Battle of Britain, a start was made on the special
craft and ships which were to make landings in North Africa and Italy and ul-
timately the landing in France.
This vast additional program of construction and conversion could not be
undertaken without interference with existing naval programs, to repairs and
refitting, and to merchant shipbuilding. That interference had to be accepted.
Even so, the great numbers of craft required could not be provided by existing
shipbuilding resources. There were not sufficient men- in the industry, and the
war against the U-boat was making heavy demands. The Admiralty, therefore,
turned to firms of structural engineers for tank landing craft, and to joinery and







The War at Sea 249

woodworking firms for the smaller landing craft. These firms and their workers
up and down the country, far removed from the sea, and without knowledge
of shipbuilding, have nevertheless, since built hundreds of the craft used on the
beaches of Normandy. In the first quarter of 1942, four times as many major
landing craft were built as in the first quarter of 1941; in the first quarter of
1943, ten times as many, and in the first quarter of 1944, sixteen times as many.
The larger landing ships, however, could not be provided by this typically
British method of adaptation and enterprise. The first two tank landing ships
were merchant ships, converted first by Greenwell's, of Sunderland, and Vickers,
at Walker-on-Tyne. The first new construction tank landing ships were built
by Harland and Wolff at Belfast. But, with all the other demands on the indus-
try, it was clear that the full program was beyond the resources of the United
Kingdom at the time. Once again the great resources of the United States came
to our aid under the Lend-Lease arrangements, both for the larger ships and for
very many landing craft. Our pioneer experience was placed at their disposal
and I would like the House to know that the design of many types of United
States built landing ships and craft came from Britain.
In this way, the great new Fleet, to include ultimately thousands of ships and
craft, was created. While the Fleet with which we are familiar-the battleships,
the carriers, the cruisers, the destroyers, the escort vessels, the minesweepers, the
submarines and the coastal forces-was still being built and maintained, and was
carrying out its traditional and unceasing task of keeping the seas open to our-
selves and our Allies, and, of course, denying them to our enemies, this strange
new Fleet, containing ships of all sizes and the oddest shapes, each designed and
developed for its special purpose, was brought into being. It included ships and
craft for landing tanks and infantry, for giving close support fire, for landing
guns and transport, for making smoke and even floating kitchens and craft fitted
with extending fire escape ladders to put men up cliffs. In all, 4,066 landing
ships and craft of over 60 different types took part in the operation.

Coastal Installations
The creation of a new Fleet was, however, but one part of the Navy's share
in the preparation of the assault. The coasts from which the armada would set
forth, and which were to maintain the ships supplying the Army when it gained
the far shore, had to be so prepared and equipped as to ensure not only that our
military power should be firmly established, but should be reinforced thereafter
more rapidly than the forces of the enemy. Reinforcement across that unstable
and treacherous element, the sea, is much more hazardous and complicated than
reinforcement by land. The task was formidable. The ship repairing resources
of our country are continuously and heavily engaged in wartime, but special
preparations had to be made on a large scale to deal with the shipping casualties
to be expected in an undertaking of this kind. An appeal to specialist shipyard
workers in the North, to volunteer for repair work in the South, met with a ready
and a generous response. Men engaged in building new ships and small craft in
the South, were drawn on to help with repairs, and the labor force was still further
augmented by transfers from local industries of skilled men who, although they
had no experience of work on board ship, rapidly adapted themselves to the new
conditions. The repair facilities for warships and merchant ships alike employed
in the operations, were pooled and administered by a central organization.
Shore works costing several millions of pounds, had to be provided before the
assault could be launched. These included massive concrete "hards" for embarka-
tion at various points on the coast, with dolphins for mooring the landing craft
whilst loading and fueling, and watering installations for supplying the craft;







250 British Speeches of the Day

suspense stations in the back areas and assault stations nearer the embarkation
points, to accommodate the personnel of the naval forces before the operation;
maintenance bases and repair yards, with slipways for the repair and maintenance
of landing craft; bases and areas for training and rehearsal; operational head-
quarters and miscellaneous requirements, such as covered storage for landing craft,
dredging, and emergency dumps. An extensive organization was set up for the
repair of damage to the shore installations during the assault period, manned by
Royal Marine engineers and civilian workmen. The whole of this great program,
requiring months and months of planning and labor, was completed by D-Day.

Artificial Ports
Another massive enterprise, with which several Departments and agencies were
associated, was the creation of the two artificial harbors, upon which the success
of the whole operation depended. Adequate ports on the enemy shore were
essential, to enable the Army to be reinforced sufficiently rapidly to make head
against the enemy. Assault against an established enemy port, however, was cer-
tain to meet the most powerful opposition, which would probably delay the gaining
of a lodgment sufficiently long, to enable the enemy to bring up reinforcements,
which would drive our forces back to the sea. An assault over open beaches, much
less strongly defended, offered by far the best hope of getting a large force ashore
quickly. But this was only half the problem. Once ashore, the Army had to
be reinforced more rapidly than the enemy. To rely on the quick capture of
an established port was to run great risk of disaster. The only answer was an
assault over open beaches, accompanied by the creation of ports for rapid un-
loading and reinforcement.
The conception, like all great conceptions once made, seemed simple. Its
fulfillment was an immense task. It required the preparation and sinking of 60
old ships, which provided breakwaters for both the British and American Forces
by the fourth day of the assault. In addition to these shelters for shallow draft
vessels, two full-scale ports, the "Mulberries," as we now call them, were con-
structed from 6,000-ton concrete caissons towed across the Channel. The British
port alone used four and a quarter miles of these caissons, weighing approximately
550,000 tons. On the twelfth day of the assault, 1,600 tons were discharged at
this port, and by the thirty-fourth day an average of 6,000 tons a day was
discharged at that port. One hundred and thirty-two tugs, including British,
American, French and Dutch, were employed in towing the units of this harbor
from sheltered anchorages in the United Kingdom to the Normandy coast. Nearly
1,000 tows were made for this purpose in June and July. Tugs were mobilized
from far and wide to accomplish this mighty task, made the more daunting by the
rough and unseasonable weather in the Channel. The moorings in the British
area alone included 242 buoys, requiring the handling of 3,265 tons of mooring
gear.

Other Preparations
Another important part of the preparations was the provision of large coastal
areas for combined amphibious assault training. These areas were taken over at
the end of 1943. All the inhabitants, with their property and livestock, had to be
removed, in order that training could be carried out under completely realistic
conditions. This was vital to the success of the operation. The requisitioning of
these areas inevitably caused great inconvenience to the inhabitants, but all possible
steps were taken to prevent unnecessary hardship. It may be some satisfaction to
those who suffered discomfort and hardship to know that their sacrifices were not
in vain.






The War at Sea


I have told the House something of the material preparations for the assault
of liberation. There is so much more that I could tell, but I must not stay too
long over a subject which will be fully described in the histories. I must, how-
ever, mention the highly successful operations which were carried out by Coastal
Command of the R.A.F. and anti-submarine vessels against enemy U-boats be-
fore and after D-Day. These operations so smashed the U-boats that very few
penetrated to the convoy routes. Sea mining by the Navy and Bomber Command
is continuous, but for some months before the assault the mining program was
planned to give direct assistance to the operation, and achieved considerable suc-
cess. I must also mention the hazardous and lonely reconnaissances which were
made in the very area of the assault to check the depths of water and to examine
the nature of the beaches. These highly adventurous missions were carried out
with great courage, skill and success right in the face of the enemy for many
weeks before the operation and were largely responsible for the smoothness of
its execution. The proportion of the total number of landing ships and craft
actually available for operations on D-Day was substantially higher than even the
high figure assumed in the plan, and reflected very great credit on the maintenance
and repair organizations and the men who had volunteered to help.
Apart from the material and operational preparations there was, of course, an
immense amount of complicated and detailed thinking and planning to be done
over many months, both at the headquarters of the Allied Naval Commander-in-
Chief, Admiral Ramsay, and at the Admiralty. An operation of this complexity
and magnitude could not possibly have succeeded without long hours of study,
conference, and co-operation between all the elements ot the great administrative
machine which directs the modern Navy.

Fixing the Date
With this inadequate survey, however, I must leave the stage of preparation of
the operation and come to the assault itself. No single topic was more anxiously
debated in the planning of the operation than the date and hour at which it should
take place. The appropriate choice depended on conditions of tide, conditions of
light, the possibility of postponement for bad weather and other considerations,
all of which were most carefully weighed. The date finally chosen was June 5th,
with the 6th and 7th as possible alternatives. It was realized that the decision
which the Supreme Commander would have to make actually to launch the opera-
tion, would be one of the most difficult and far-reaching of the whole war. Not
only was good weather necessary for the assaults, but also for the period immedi-
ately following them, to ensure a good start for the build-up. The decision was
made harder by the fact that one Force had to sail 36 hours before arriving at the
point of assault, and we know what changes of weather can take place in so long
a period.
No one, however, expected the decision to be as difficult as it actually was.
Even those of us who were in London may remember the weekend before D-Day,
as we watched the low scudding clouds and heard the squalls of wind, as a time
of almost unbearable anxiety. For those on whom lay the responsibility for the
decision it must have been agonizing indeed. The first meeting to discuss the
weather forecast for D-Day was held on June 1st. The outlook was not very
good, and it deteriorated during the next three days. On the evening of June 3rd,
however, the Supreme Commander decided to allow the Forces to move, despite
the unfavorable outlook, in order to gain the many advantages of launching the
operation on the first possible day. At 4:15 on the following morning, however,
it was dear that conditions the next day would not be acceptable, and a postpone-
ment of 24 hours was ordered.







252 British Speeches of the Day

By this time, the whole of one force and a portion of another were at sea, and
all these ships and craft had to reverse their course, and return to harbor with some
difficulty against a head sea. To make quite certain of their return, aircraft and
destroyers were sent after them at full speed. On the evening of the same day,
the forecast stated that weather conditions were very unsettled, and quiet periods
were likely to be of short duration. There was a chance of suitable conditions on
June 6th, but it was quite impossible to forecast the weather to be expected on
June 8th. On the morning of June 5th, the forecast stated that developments
overnight showed slight improvement in the general situation, which appeared at
that moment more favorable. On the strength of this forecast, the irrevocable
decision to make the assault in the early hours of June 6th was taken.
The decision was a terribly hard one. Events leave no doubt that it was right.
Had the opportunity been missed, the operation could not have taken place for
another fortnight and by then the weather was even worse. In its combination of
high winds and cloud June, 1944, was the worst June of the present century.
Nevertheless, it seems likely that the wildness of the weather may have led the
enemy to believe that we should not launch the assault, and it may therefore have
contributed to his apparent unreadiness, and hence to the astonishing success of
the assault. We have every reason to be thankful to the Supreme Commander and
his advisers for their courageous decision to launch the operation when they did.
When the assault forces again sailed on June 5th, the weather was still unfavor-
able for landing craft, and the waves were five to six feet high in mid-Channel.
These conditions made the passage difficult, and certainly caused considerable dis-
comfort to the troops embarked in the landing craft. Nevertheless the assault
forces all drove on, and almost without exception arrived off their beaches to time.
The performance of the leading groups of one of the United States Forces was
particularly praiseworthy. Some of them had been unable to enter the harbor
after the postponement, and by "H" hour, their Commanding Officers had been
on their bridges continuously for about 70 hours.

"Without a Hitch"
Admiral Ramsay said in his despatch that during the passage of the assault
forces across the Channel there was an air of unreality, curiously similar to that
of the day before the assault on Sicily. The achievement of tactical surprise in the
operation against Normandy had always seemed extremely unlikely. But as our
Forces approached the French coast, without a murmur from the enemy, it was
slowly realized that once again almost complete tactical surprise had been achieved.
This can be attributed to a number of causes, amongst them the great air su-
periority attained by our air forces, which drastically reduced the enemy's air
reconnaissance; the bad weather, which caused the enemy to withdraw his E-boat
patrols to Cherbourg; and the very high standard of security which had been
maintained, although niany hundreds of people necessarily knew the details of
the plan.
To the minesweepers fell the proud and dangerous honor of leading the assault
forces to the beaches. The sweeping of ten approach channels was the largest
single minesweeping operation ever undertaken in war. Three hundred and nine
British, 16 Canadian, and 22 United States minesweepers took part in these
operations. It was only possible to provide all the minesweepers required by
drawing upon some which had had little opportunity of practice, though it was
realized that to carry the minesweeping operations through successfully would
demand a high degree of skill from all. The problem was aggravated by the fact
that strong Channel tides ran east and west, and happened to change direction
during the actual passage of the assault convoys. All flotillas were compelled to
change sweeps during passage, to avoid sweeping with an unfavorable tide. Be-






The War at Sea


cause the minesweeping flotillas had to lead the convoys, the accurate navigation
of every convoy fell on the senior minesweeper officers. Moreover, the numerous
assault convoys all had to arrive simultaneously at a given point, although their
speeds of advance must vary. The whole of this phase of the operation went
without hitch-a great achievement. It was only the beginning of the task of the
minesweepers, which then had to widen all the approach channels and to sweep
areas off the beaches for the reception of the vast numbers of ships needed to keep
the Army supplied. This was in the face of the heaviest concentrated minelaying
attack ever carried out by the enemy, and sustained against.us for over two months.
For the minesweepers, the operation was the greatest single achievement of a
never-ending labor in this war in which they have now swept over 15,000 mines
in the swept channels and the port approaches since the beginning of the war.
If every one had taken a ship we should not now have any ships. The mine-
sweeping forces have, indeed, throughout performed their duties with an efficiency
and gallantry deserving high praise, roughly summed up by the naval officer as
having been "correct conduct."
The next forces to go into action were the bombardment ships. These com-
prised several battleships, including the old and trusted warriors Warspite and
Ramillies, 22 cruisers, and many destroyers and gun support craft. These forces
took part in the drenching of the beach defenses immediately before the assault.
Their fire was accurate and heavy, and the defense was neutralized and demoral-
ized, except on one beach, where for special reasons the opposition was much
stiffer than elsewhere. As one of the bombarding forces arrived in position at
5.15 a.m., four enemy v-boats and some armed trawlers from Le Havre made a
half-hearted attack, and sank one Norwegian destroyer by torpedo. Our Forces
sank an enemy trawler, and damaged another, and their attack was not renewed.
The fire from enemy batteries was generally not over severe. At first it was directed
against the bombarding ships only, and was largely ineffective. This no doubt re-
flected the success of the bombing carried out before D-Day, and the heavy air bom-
bardment in the early hours of D-Day.
Then came the moment for which the whole world had waited: the moment
when Allied Forces again set foot on the soil of France. Our stricken Allies on
the Continent had waited with never dying hope; our enemies with dread; our-
selves with an impatience which might have provoked leaders less resolute and
wise, to rash and premature enterprise. But now the hour was ripe. Now did
our Forces
"stand like greyhounds in the slips."
Now the flood would roll on until a whole continent was cleansed. The land-
ings went closely to plan, though in one sector the rough sea impeded our Forces,
and enemy opposition was particularly severe. The support destroyers and gun
support craft, however, stood close inshore during the fiercest fighting on this
beach, and gave support to the American troops, whose gallantry and determina-
tion won unanimous tribute from the naval forces who observed them.

Tactical Surprise Achieved
The outstanding fact of the day was that, despite the unfavorable weather,
the naval operations were carried out in every important respect, as planned. Tacti-
cal surprise, which had not been expected, was achieved. Losses of ships and land-
ing craft of all types were much lower than had been expected, though damage to
tank landing craft and smaller craft, aggravated by the rough weather, was higher
than had been estimated. Before the operation, we had to count on heavy and
bitter casualties as part of the price of gaining a foothold on the Continent. The
smallness of the actual casualties is something for which we can never be suffi-







254 British Speeches of the Day

ciently thankful. Of course, to the relatives of those who were lost, the loss is
none the less grievous. To them I beg to offer sympathy. Their grief is the heavi-
est part of the burden of rescuing the world from the monstrous evil. I only
hope that the greatness of the cause may comfort them in their sorrow.
No air attacks were made on our shipping, or on our landing beaches during that
day. This was striking witness to the air superiority attained before D-Day. By
the end of D-Day there was immediate anxiety on one score only; whether the
weather would improve sufficiently quickly to enable the build-up to start as
planned. The main tasks of the Navy after D-Day, were to bring the Army and
its supplies across the Channel, and to support the Army in its progress inland
by fire from naval guns. The military supplies and personnel were carried in a
great number of naval landing ships and craft, in some 250 British and American
ocean-going merchant ships and troop transports and in about 500 British and
Allied coasting vessels. This mass of shipping had to be loaded at widely sepa-
rated ports and bases, sailed to join convoys to the far shore, to be discharged
and then to return in convoy for reloading, at a rate far greater than any similar
movement by sea previously attempted. During the first three days of the opera-
tion, 38 convoys, comprising 743 ships and major landing craft, were sent across
the Channel for the build-up. This, of course, excludes the assault forces. A con-
voy system of such complexity and speed, could only be maintained by the un-
tiring efforts and devotion to duty, of the naval and military shore stations, and,
of course, of the crews of all the warships and merchant vessels employed.
I do not claim that everything went precisely "according to plan." The weather
alone prevented that. On June 19th a great gale blew up and at once stopped
all unloading to the beaches. The sea did not finally go down until June 23rd,
and, meanwhile, we had suffered severe delay in unloading and damage to a
great number of craft. The Army were naturally urgent in their desire for the
maximum rate of reinforcement and supplies of all kinds, but it may be said
that the position of the Expeditionary Force was never in doubt after the third
day of the assault. On July 1st the Chief Administrative Officer to the Supreme
Commander was able to report that
"the Commanders in the field had complete freedom of action so far as the
administrative arrangements were concerned."
I think therefore that it can be claimed that, in spite of all difficulties, the
Navy had met the Army's requirements of reinforcement and maintenance. Naval
bombardment of enemy targets was maintained until our Forces had passed be-
yond the range of the Naval guns. By common consent, including the enemy's, this
fire was of great weight, accuracy and effectiveness. A total of 56,769 rounds of
ammunition of a calibre of 4.7 and over was expended in bombardment in the
course of the operation, including nearly 3,000 rounds of battleships' heavy am-
munition. The great value of this form of bombardment is that it can be main-
tained against a given target as long as required. The naval fire undoubtedly
helped the Army greatly, in gaining sufficient ground to assemble its forces and'
material, for the attack which was finally to flood across France and Belgium.

The Royal Marines
The Royal Marines found full scope for their unique qualities in an amphibi-
ous operation of this kind. They discharged a variety of tasks in a manner be-
fitting the highest traditions of the Corps. In the Fleet, they manned a quarter
of the main armament of battleships and cruisers. They manned two-thirds of
the assault landing craft which landed the first waves of infantry on the beaches.
They manned all the minor landing craft in the build-up squadrons. They pro-
vided the gunnery officers and guns' crews for support landing craft, gun landing







The War at Sea


craft and flak landing craft, which gave close support to the assault and helped
to defend shipping in Seine Bay. Five Royal Marine Commandos were employed
in the assault. Amongst other tasks, these assaulted and captured Port-en-Bessin
between the initial bridgeheads of the British and American Forces. This par-
ticular Commando lost one-third of its assault craft by mines in the landing.
Many personnel, however, swam ashore and re-equipped themselves with enemy
weapons, which they captured while fighting their way ten miles across country
towards the port, which they then took by assault on the second day. At a later
stage of the operations the Royal Marines as the House will remember, carried out
a most gallant and successful attack against Walcheren Island, for the clearance
of the Scheldt, which I have previously described.
With sixteen convoys, and about the same number of landing craft groups at
sea in the Channel at any one time, open to attack by mines, E-boats, aircraft
and U-boats, with an enemy on both flanks using light naval forces and shore
guns, the days did not pass without incident. Every day a number of actions would
be fought, and our ships would suffer casualties and damage. But no matter how
the enemy tried to sink our ships, he was fought; generally with success. In spite
of all, the build-up went on quickly. By the tenth day, half a million men and
77,000 vehicles had been landed. The one millionth man was landed by July
6th; by the end of July over 1,600,000 men, 340,000 vehicles and 1,700,000 tons
of stores had been landed. The volume of stores handled on the beaches of Nor-
mandy in June and July was more than one-third of the total imports of dry
cargo into the whole of the United Kingdom during the same period. These
astonishing results could not have been achieved, of course, without great exer-
tions and good organization by the Home Commands, with Portsmouth in the
central position. Admiral Ramsay paid a notable tribute to their co-operation
and smooth working.
There are many other features of this great operation which I could describe
to the House if there were time. For example, the great labors of the salvage
organization, and the work of the members of the Royal Observer Corps who
were specially appointed to merchant ships to assist in aircraft recognition. All
these matters will find their place in the histories, and become an imperishable
part of our country's story.

Our Allies' Part
Although the operation itself was carried out so smoothly, and although suc-
cess has attended our arms since that time, for the people of the occupied coun-
tries the joy of liberation has been tempered by the sacrifices which they have
been called upon to make. The driving of the foe from their territory has not
meant the end of privation, of shortages of food and of other necessities. These
sacrifices have been necessary in order to free their countries, and they have
been accepted as such. One of the great difficulties has been the shortage of ship-
ping, and it is a big problem to find enough ships to supply our Forces in Europe
and other parts of the globe, and to take supplies to stricken Europe. The repair
yards of our country, too, have had an enormous extra strain put upon them by
the concentration of shipping which has had to be made in United Kingdom
ports over the last year. Great efforts will be called for to make every possible
ton of merchant shipping available for'the many tasks that confront us, and I
ask the help of both employers and workers in the yards.
I have made few specific references to the work of the Americans, the Can-
adians and our other Allies in this operation. This is not, of course, because I
do not recognize the tremendous part which they bore in the enterprise, but be-
cause the enterprise was essentially one of the United Nations, and not of any


255'







256 British Speeches of -the Day

nation in particular. It would not, I think, be the wish of that great and gener-
ous man, General Eisenhower, and it is certainly not my wish, that we should
attempt to estimate the exact share of each of the Allies in this crusade for the
liberation of Europe and mankind from the German plague. Let it suffice that
all bore their part bravely and worked together as one company.

Admiral Ramsay
Before I turn from this part of my account, I should like to ask the House
to remember with me for a few moments the distinguished Admiral whose loss
we mourned a few weeks ago-Admiral Sir Bertram Ramsay-who, under Gen-
eral Eisenhower, commanded all the naval forces taking part in this historic
mission. The record of Admiral Ramsay in this war is truly remarkable. Re-
called from retirement at the outbreak, he found himself in 1940 in command
of the naval base at Dover. Thus it fell to him to be the chief organizer of the
withdrawal from the Continent of our army, and the remnant of its equipment.
It had seemed impossible that we could rescue these men from their desperate
plight after the fall of France. By a supreme effort 335,490 officers and men of
the Allied Armies were brought back to England, under fire and in the face of
great difficulties, in about a thousand of His Majesty's ships and other craft be-
tween May 27th and June 4th. Admiral Ramsay's courage, drive, and skill as
an organizer enabled us on that occasion to retrieve sufficient from the wreck to
begin to build again, and to carry on in faith at a time when the world believed
that we were defeated.
After planning the invasion of North Africa in 1942, Admiral Ramsay was
appointed Naval Commander of the Eastern Task Force, to plan and conduct,
under Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Cunningham, the British naval port of the
operations against Sicily. He planned wisely and carefully, he executed skil-'
fully, and the operation was a conspicuous success. It was supremely fitting that
the man who brought the Army away from the Continent at a bitter time, should
have the task of organizing the naval assault which was to place our soldiers once
more in contact with the enemy in France, re-equipped, and superbly confident.
The withdrawal from Dunkirk was made in every kind of craft, with every kind
of crew, hastily brought together from all the rivers and ports of the island. The
return to the Continent was made in a fine new fleet of craft, each specially built
for its purpose, manned by crews who had undergone prolonged and rigorous
training. The whole enterprise was planned to the last detail, so that not even
bad weather could seriously divert it. If Dunkirk was a miracle of improvisation,
the naval assault on Normandy was a masterpiece of organization, and Admiral
Ramsay was the architect of both. Deeply though we must deplore his loss, we
cannot but rejoice that he lived to see the full cycle, from the desperate days of
Dunkirk to the triumphant return to France.

The War Against U-Boats
A year ago I described to the House the decisive turn which had taken place
in the war against the U-boats. The mastery which was then achieved has been
maintained. At the beginning of 1944, the main U-boat effort was in the North
Atlantic. Here the U-boats were so harassed by surface forces and by shore-
based and carrier-borne aircraft, that they achieved very little, and suffered heavy
losses. In the Spring the U-boats began to withdraw from the North Atlantic
convoy routes, probably to re-train and re-equip after their defeat, and to prepare
against the threat of our landings on the Continent. During these operations they
suffered a severe defeat at the hands of the Allied Navies and Coastal Command.
With the loss or neutralization of the Biscay ports, the U-boats were withdrawn
to operate from the Norwegian bases; and they are, as a result, considerably further







The War at Sea 257

from their old hunting-ground in mid-Atlantic. The enemy has, however, managed
to maintain small numbers of U-boats in widely separated areas with the object of
dispersing our anti-submarine forces. The U-boats have operated off the Canadian
coast, West Africa, Gibraltar, Iceland and in the Indian Ocean. From Norway
they have made their biggest concerted effort against the North Russian convoys,
with results inconsiderable to them in proportion to the forces they employed.
In spite of appalling weather during these convoys, heavy casualties have been in-
flicted on the enemy.
The Prime Minister and the President of the United States announced last
August that more than 500 German U-boats had already been sunk. The number
continues to increase satisfactorily. We have also destroyed a number of enemy
midget submarines. Despite these continued and encouraging successes, however,
it must certainly not be assumed that the war against the U-boat is over. The
enemy is employing new equipment, and new types of U-boat may be used at any
time. With this new equipment we may be sure they will develop new tactics. In
recent months, after a long period of comparative quiet, U-boats have appeared
in the coastal waters around the United Kingdom. So far, their successes have
been small, but we believe that the enemy has been making great efforts to renew
the U-boat war on a big scale. It is highly significant that after the trouncing
which the U-boats suffered in 1943, the enemy should consider it worth while to
continue to devote so large a part of his resources to this form of warfare. It
shows that he still considers it to be his best hope of averting defeat against a
nation which lives by sea-borne supplies. This is a highly important fact which
will, I trust, never be forgotten by future First Lords, future Boards of Admiralty,
or future Governments, or by the people of the country.

The Home Fleet
The Home Fleet, now under the command of Admiral Sir Henry Moore, had
no opportunity during the past year to compare with the sinking of the Scharnhorst
ip 1943. The Tirpitz was finally disposed of by Bomber Command, after being
immobilized for long periods, by midget submarines, by the Fleet Air, Arm, and
the R.A.F. Nevertheless, the Fleet has by no means lacked occupation of the
most arduous and hazardous kind. It has carried out a further regular series of
convoys to North Russia, in which a remarkable high proportion of the merchant
ships have been brought safely to port with their precious cargoes. Merchant
ships, warships and aircraft have, however, been lost in these operations, at a
cost to the enemy of both U-boats and aircraft. The Navy is ready to pay this
price and to face appalling weather in order to bring aid to our Russian Allies in
the offensives which have amazed the world. A total of over 4,000,000 tons of
supplies has been delivered in convoy to the U.S.S.R., through the North Russian
ports, of which over 2,000,000 tons have arrived since the beginning of 1944.
Apart from the protection of North Russian convoys, some 30 operations
were carried out by ships of the Home Fleet during 1944. These included attacks
on the Tirpitz by carrier-borne aircraft, before she was finally destroyed, mine-
laying operations on the coast of Norway, and attacks on enemy shipping by both
naval aircraft and surface forces. For example, the Tirpitz was successfully
bombed on April 3rd by Barracudas from His Majesty's ships Victorious and
Furious, and put out of action for several months. On November 12th an enemy
convoy off the Norwegian coast was destroyed by a force of cruisers and destroyers.
The submarines, British and Allied, have carried out patrols and operations in
many parts of the world. They have robbed the enemy of merchant ships, large
and small, and U-boats and other warships. They have mined enemy water;
they have bombarded shore targets. In a different role they have rescued friendly






British Speeches of the Day


airmen. In the Far East they are doing work that only a submarine can do. Their
areas are well outside the range of our shore-based aircraft and surface ships can-
not operate in the inland waters into which submarines constantly penetrate.
There is no service which calls for more technical skill, cooler heads and steadier
nerve than these lonely exploits. The light coastal forces, that dashing company
in which nine out of ten officers and men were civilians before the war, have had
another successful year, in world-wide activities, sinking, destroying, capturing
and damaging supply ships, escort vessels of all kinds, destroyers, E-boats and
other enemy vessels. The proportion of continuous service ratings in coastal forces
is being increased in order to preserve wartime experience for peace.

Mediterranean Activities
The Mediterranean, which for some four years was the scene of some of the
grimmest and most desperate naval warfare in history, has had a quieter year.
From spring to early summer, no major operations took place in this theatre, and
the Navy was principally occupied in supporting the advance of the Armies in
Itab, and carrying out minor harrying operations in the Adriatic and the Tyrr-
henian Sea. Minor vessels assisted partisans operating on the Dalmatian coast
and islands. Six weeks after the assault on Normandy, however, United States
and French troops launched an attack in the South of France supported by naval
forces of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Greece and Poland,
including battleships, escort carriers, cruisers and many smaller vessels. I might
mention that the Prime Minister saw the operation from the bridge of a destroyer.
There was little enemy naval opposition, and that was speedily extinguished.
With the complete success of this operation, major naval activity in the Medi-
terranean came to an end. To no one can this consummation have been more
welcome than to the present First Sea Lord, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew
Cunningham, who had led our woefully inadequate forces through the dark days
in that theatre with incomparable courage and tenacity. I must, however, mention
the operations in the Aegean in September by our escort carriers with cruisers and
destroyers in which the enemy's sea-borne communications with Crete were almost
cut, and a number of his transport and other ships sunk. In October the Fifteenth
Cruiser Squadron, with destroyers and minesweepers led the re-entry into Greece,
carrying troops, jeeps and stores to the Piraeus. Afterwards the Navy played a
notable part in carrying relief to the liberated population.

The Eastern Fleet
Meanwhile we have been building up the British share of the growing might
against Japan. The Eastern war is fought across enormous ocean spaces, and brings
problems of maintenance, supply, repair, and welfare of a kind quite different from
those, for example, of the assault on Normandy. Provision for these problems
cannot be made by hasty improvisation, and cannot be left until the German war
is over, if the Navy is to play its full and worthy part alongside the United States
Forces, in the speedy'overthrow of the Japanese Empire. Thus, all the time these
great event have been taking place close at home, we have been steadily massing
Forces, for the Far East, with the great Fleet Train of supply, accommodation,
repair and amenity ships which they will require to sustain them.
Early in 1944 it was possible to send considerable reinforcements to the
Eastern Fleet. Up to that time this Fleet had succeeded in keeping open the vital
lines of communication in a vast ocean, although it had at times been very weak,
in spite of occasional reinforcements lent from other Fleets. The Fleet now in-
cluded amongst other vessels the battleships the Queen Elizabeth and the Valiant,







The War at Sea 259

the battle cruiser Renown, and that fine French battleship the Richelieu. United
States and British aircraft carriers, several British cruisers, Her Netherlands'
Majesty's ship Tromp and British, American and Dutch destroyers were also in-
cluded.
With these Forces, Admiral Sir James Somerville launched an offensive against
ports, aerodromes and vital oil refineries. On April 19th, an air attack was made
against Sabang and North Sumatra, in which two destroyer escort vessels were
set on fire, two merchant ships heavily damaged, 23 aircraft destroyed, and port
facilities damaged and dislocated. On May 17th, the Japanese naval base at Sura-
baya was attacked, and the enemy suffered loss or damage to 10 ships, two float-
ing docks and 21 aircraft, and the destruction of an oil refinery. In this oper-
ation-which will illustrate the difficulties of the area-our Forces steamed as
far as from Southampton to New York and back. A strike against Port Blair,
the bombardment of Surabaya, and the bombing of aerodromes in the vicinity,
and a strike on the Indaroeng cement works, and Emmahaven in Sumatra, all fol-
lowed in quick succession.
In August, 1944, Sir Bruce Fraser succeeded Sir James Somerville as the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Eastern Fleet, and in November became Commander-in-
Chief British Pacific Fleet, flying his flag in H.M.S. Howe. He will doubtless have
renewed opportunities in this capacity to display the leadership and foresight
which enabled the Home FleAt under his command to destroy the Scharnhorst.
At the same time Admiral Sir Arthur Power assumed command of the East Indies
Fleet. In the Indian Ocean, the Navy has supported the successful operations of
the Fourteenth Army in Burma, and 'as maintained a series of harassing attacks,
including an air strike on the railway repair center at Sigli in Sumatra, and bom-
bardment and air attack against targets in the Nicobar Islands on a number of
occasions. In December, the harbor, railway yards, and oil installations at Bela-
wan Deli were bombed by carrier-borne naval aircraft, and in January an oil re-
finery in the same area was successfully attacked. On January 22nd and 29th, the
vital oil refinery at Palembang was attacked with great success. The Fleet by
then also included the battleship King George V and the aircraft carriers
Indomitable, Indefatigable, Illustrious and Victorious. These operations are but the
beginning of the tasks of the British Pacific Fleet and the East Indies Fleet, which
will continue to be reinforced and supplied, so that they may play an ever-growing
part in the defeat of Japan.

The Navy's Air Power
The Navy's air power has continued to grow, and to make the most of its
opportunities. In the first few months of 1944, carrier strength was considerably
increased, and new types of aircraft, both British and American, came into service
and enabled the Fleet to destroy and harry enemy supply ships off the Norwegian
coast. Operating from escort carriers they had signal success in sinking U-boats
and downing aircraft attacking the convoys to Russia, and the smallness of the
losses in these convoys was largely due to their efforts. In all the major assault
operations, naval aircraft have provided fighter protection and have given sup-
port to the Armies. A naval fighter wing assisted the Royal Air Force in the
Normandy landings, and spotted for the bombarding ships. Most valuable ex-
perience was gained in co-operation with the Americans, in providing air cover
for the landings in the South of France, and supporting the Army. This experi-
ence will stand us in good stead in our united operations against Japan. We hope
and expect that, in the Far Eastern war, the Naval Air Arm will have greater
opportunities and greater successes than ever before.







British Speeches of the Day


The Dominion Navies
The Dominion Navies have grown in numbers and strength, and co-operation
between the Naval Forces of the Empire has never been closer. A notable example
is the mutual assistance of the Royal Navy and the Royal Canadian Navy. Dur-
ing the past two years, we have placed at the disposal of the enormously expanded
Royal Canadian Navy, a number of warships, and large numbers of corvettes,
minesweepers and frigates have been built in Canada and transferred to the Royal
Navy. Canada has concentrated her warship production resources on ships of
the escort vessel type, and the addition of cruisers and Fleet destroyers from United
Kingdom construction, has enabled the R.C.N. to attain a balanced force of modern
ships. The following ships have been transferred to them:
1 new construction 6-inch cruiser,
1 modern 6-inch cruiser of the "Fiji" class,
2 new construction Fleet destroyers, and
6 escort destroyers.
Units of the Royal Canadian Navy and the Royal New Zealand Navy are
operating in the British Pacific Fleet, under the command of Admiral Sir.Bruce
Fraser.
A large force of His Majesty's Australian ships, including cruisers and many
other vessels, is operating in South West Pacific waters. The South African naval
forces have been able to pay off numerous coastal craft. The experienced seamen
so provided are manning three frigates to be employed on ocean escort work.
South African naval personnel are to be found in many parts of the world, serv-
ing alongside the Royal Navy. The Royal Indian Navy has contributed several
ocean-going escorts to the East Indies Fleet, in addition to its normal work on
the Indian coast. It also took a prominent and successful part in the capture of
Akyab and in operations on the Arakan coast.
I have confined myself in my account to the House today almost entirely to the
operations which the Royal Navy has carried out in all parts of the world in
the past year, and I have left myself no time to speak of the administrative prob-
lems which underlie every operation that is undertaken, and whose solution is the
first necessity for their success. During the past year, we have seen a great part
of the results of the planning and toil of the years before, and I thought therefore
that the House would be glad to hear in some detail, about the operations which
have been our goal, and which are now encompassing the enemy's downfall. The
administrative problems which I have mentioned include the provision, the train-
ing, the health, the welfare and the equipment of the officers, men and women,
upon whose courage and efficiency all else depends. The development and pro-
duction of ships and weapons, constantly changing, in the never ending battle of
the scientists and technicians; the problems of transport and supply; of labor
and administration. All these demand unceasing attention. I trust that the account
I have given today is sufficient demonstration that these problems have, in the
main, been successfully solved in past operations. Similar problems are engaging
the closest attention of the Board of Admiralty, to ensure the success of future
operations for the defeat of Japan. The) morale and welfare of our men in the
Pacific and Indian Oceans take the highest place in our administrative planning.
A large share of the task of defeating Japan will fall upon the Aen of the Royal
and Merchant Navies. They must not be forgotten when war in Europe ends.
They, and their dependents, will deserve the full support of their countrymen.
We are doing, and shall continue to do, all we can for their welfare.







The War at Sea


Why the Navy is Reticent
It is sometimes suggested that the Admiralty is deliberately and unneces-
sarily reticent, in telling the world about the deeds of the Navy. I assure the
House that this is not so. The Board of Admiralty is certainly not deficient in
parental pride. We are at least as anxious to proclaim the deeds and successes of
the officers and men of the Royal Navy, as the world is to hear of them. But the
announcement'and description of naval operations is subject to limitations which
do not always apply to the sister Services. Operations frequently take place far
away in the ocean spaces. Wireless silence cannot be broken to send an account
of them home. It may be several days before the Forces return to base and can
tell their story, and by then some more immediate event may make a greater claim
on the attention of the public. When an escort vessel sinks a U-boat it is rarely
possible for a photograph to show the loss. The U-boat is rapidly swallowed in
the deep. The Navy cannot show by arrows on a map a front advancing against
the enemy. Its only front is the boundaries of the oceans themselves. A great
part of its service to the nation is unspectacular, the endless sweeping of mines,
the dogged patrol, ever alert against the U-boat, the ceaseless watch of the escort
vessel against aircraft.
I do not think, however, that this paucity of photographs showing the de-
struction wrought by the Navy on the enemy, or lack of maps to show its progress
against the U-boat, will cause the House or the people of this country really to
forget or underrate its services. The stirring successes of our Armies on the
Continent, the tremendous havoc spread by our Air Forces, the very food by which
we live, all serve to remind us, daily and hourly, that without the Navy to ensure
the safe arrival of supplies in this country we could undertake no offensive against
the enemy. We could not even live. I, therefore, ask the House today, not only
for money for the naval services, but for a renewal of that confidence, pride and
affection for naval officers and men which is, surely, their due, which they have
received so generously in the past, and on which they rely to sustain and strengthen
them in the remaining stages of the long and toilsome road to peace.
May I be allowed a personal word? I have just submitted for the fifth time iri
the course of the war the report of the work of the Navy. It may be that political
exigencies in the course of the next year may mean that I shall no longer stand
at this Box as First Lord in this type of Government. What the future has in store
no one can tell, but I should not like to complete the task of reporting to the
House today without saying, first, how enormously grateful I am to Members in
all parties, for five years of very great and sympathetic consideration. We could
not have done as well at the Admiralty if you had not given us a great deal of
"veer and haul." May I say, too, how much I am indebted to the civil and naval
staffs at the Admiralty. I should feel that it would be a great remissness on my
part if at this stage I did not make a special point of the grand way in which they
have backed up the Government and the Forces at sea, in the air and on the land.
May I also record my personal faith? I have never been more convinced in
my life of the continuing need of this country for the maintenance of its Navy.
We have had five years experience of war, which has shown exactly how the Navy
has had once more to fight a long defensive battle at sea, sufficiently long to regain
the confidence of the world in us, sufficiently long to get the sea routes clear,
sufficiently long to gather Allies and to mount up our land Forces, and finally
to throw them on the Continent against the land monster which had encroached
upon it. That was the story, in Napoleon's day of Samuel Hood and Nelson.
This has been the story, in Hitler's case of Cunningham, Tovey, Fraser and Ramsay.
I hope we shall never forget them.
rHouse of Commons Debates]







British Speeches of the Day


RT. HON. SIR JAMES GRIGG
Secretary of State for War
House of Commons, March 13, 1945

The British Army has traveled a long way during the last three years, and
that in more senses than one. It has traveled from the Nile Valley by way of
Tripoli, Tunis, Sicily, Rome and Florence to the Valley of the Po. It has traveled
from Rangoon back to the hills of Assam, and forward again into the heart of
Burma and to Mandalay. Above all, it has traveled from the training grounds
of our own country, via the Normandy beaches, through France and Belgium
into Holland and finally into Germany. But even more striking than the voy-
aging in space has been its spiritual voyage as an Army. At the beginning of
1942, it is true that the fear of invasion was no longer serious, but the process
of retaining and re-equipping the Army for its resumption of an offensive role
and a re-entry into Europe had not got very far. Indeed, recovery from the hu-
miliations of 1940 had been gravely impeded by discouragements in Africa and
defeats-some of which had all the magnitude of disasters-in Asia. On the
other hand, after standing for a year alone against the Nazi storm, we had been
joined in the middle and the end of 1941 respectively by the enormous poten-
tial might of Russia and the U.S.A. The Nazis had, of course, been reinforced
by the Japanese but in the long run the resources of the three Allies were cer-
tain to outweigh those of the Axis even so reinforced. Russia and the U.S.A.,
however, were nothing like as well prepared as the Axis- Powers and we had
to expect that there would be a period of grave peril before this potential might
could actually be brought to bear. And so in fact, it was. The Summer of 1942
saw Russia driven back to the Caucasus and Japan supreme between the northern
shores of Australia and the new discovered North-Eastern frontier of India.

The Ordinary British Soldier
At the beginning of 1945 we and our Allies can look back to a considerable
period of practically unbroken success on land. Our own Army has perfected
itself by a long process of rigorous training; it has been equipped as no British
Army has ever been' equipped before, it is fully conscious of and confident in
its own strength, and it is assured of final victory both in the West and in the
East. This remarkable transformation is due to many factors-the skill of those
who planned the major strategy, the ability and, in some cases, I would say the
genius, of the higher commanders who executed it, the energy and resource of
those who invented and prepared at home-including the vast numbers of work-
ing men and women in the factories-but, more than any of these, the change
is due to the qualities and resolution of the soldiers themselves. On the testi-
mony of the commanders in Italy, in North-West Europe and in Burma, we
have a magnificent Army, and I am sure that they would agree that this is pri-
marily due tq the inherent character of the ordinary British soldier,.and to the
added courage and unselfishness he acquires whenever faced by a supreme task.
These qualities will help us to a full realization of the victory which now promises,
and they will also go far to preserve and strengthen the influence of this coun-
try in the days of reconstruction after the victory-days which, to begin with at
any rate, will be far less plentifully endued with milk and honey than some easy
optimists have supposed. But, in spite of this miraculous betterment in our for-
tunes I think it would be unwise to act as if all was over bar the shouting. . .
In recent months we have had more than one false dawn, and I am sufficient
of a pagan not to want to provoke Nemesis. I do not propose, therefore, to be-






* The War on Land


guile the House with accounts in detail of what we intend to do after the war
with Germany is over. It is clear that there will be a substantial measure of re-
lease from the Forces, and it is "clear that there will have to be a very complicated,
and difficult process of redeployment against Japan. It is clear that these two
processes will have to be accompanied by a further call-up from civil life, in-
cluding a substantial number of those who have hitherto been in reserved occu-.
pations. And it is clear that some conflict will arise between the accommodation
needs of our returning soldiers, including prisoners of war, and the inevitable and
natural pressure for the release of requisitioned houses, schools and other build-
ings. Announcements of policy affecting these have been made from time to time,
and some of them have been debated in this House. But beyond saying that, I
do not think we are leaving anything to chance in these matters-and apart from
what my hon. and learned Friend the Financial Secretary may have to say when
we come to discuss the Amendment-I would prefer to postpone the actual un-
folding of the tale until the date of the end of the war with Germany can be
seen with some certitude. Still less would I wish to adumbrate plans and projects
for the time when Japan, too, has been defeated. A great deal of study is being
given to the post-war Army but obviously some of the main elements of the prob-
lem are still wrapped in impenetrable mystery. If, then, I am denied what is
half of the peacetime purpose of an Estimates speech, namely, to put forward
plans for the future, I am thrown back entirely on the past. But here, events have
been too vast to be compressed into one short hour, and the only thing I can
do therefore, is to pick out one or two subjects for reasonably full treatment and
to hope to pick up any other subjects in which hon. Members may be interested
in the ensuing Debate.

"Overlord"
There can be no doubt that the event of the year, so far as the British Army
is concerned, is the re-entry into Europe from the West. Let me make it dear
beyond all misunderstanding that I am dealing primarily with the British Army
and that the epoch-making events in Eastern and Central Europe, or in the Cen-
tral Pacific, are, therefore, excluded from my present view. Let me also say with
the greatest emphasis that I do not seek to underestimate the importance of the
campaigns in Italy and in Burma. Here, too, great deeds have been done, great
results have been achieved and great contributions have been made, in the last
year, to the defeat of Germany in the West, and Japan in the East. In particular,
it should be understood that the Burma campaign has brought about the biggest
single deployment of the Japanese land forces so far. But the re-entry into
North-West Europe has had, and will have, a more direct and proximate effect
on the defeat of Gernany and, moreover, it has not hitherto been mentioned in
our annual reviews. I will, therefore, begin by giving a considerable account of
the preparations for this vital campaign and of its fortunes up to date.
The preparations for the operation known as "Overlord" go back a long way.
They began to gather real momentum from the time that the first arrangements
were made for the reception and accommodation of American Forces in this
country. So far as the British Forces were concerned, the preparations fell into
three categories. First, there was the actual planning of the operation, secondly
we had to find and train the men for it, and thirdly we had to supply them with
all the equipment and material necessary to carry it out. Of the operational plan-
ning naturally I can even now say little, but success can speak for itself.
Few campaigns can ever have gone more according to plan than that of June,
July and August, 1944. I remember being present, a month or six weeks before
D-Day, at a conference where the land, sea and air commanders expounded their






264 British Speeches of the Day

plans and gave out their provisional orders. Admiral Ramsay and Air Chief
Marshal Leigh-Mallory were the sea and air commanders. Anything more im-
pressive than the story they had to tell that day it would be hard to imagine, and
all of us I am sure would wish to associate ourselves with the tribute paid to these
two great men by the third of the triumvirate, Field Marshal-then General-
Montgomery. I knew what to expect from Admiral Ramsay, for I had seen him
in Cairo a few days before the Sicilian expedition was to sail. On that occasion
he depressed me extremely by pointing out all the things that could go wrong.
He did the same at this private view for "Overlord" but, in fact, on neither oc-
casion did anything substantial go wrong and the Admiral was incomparably
better than his word. Sir Trafford Leigh-Mallory spoke of what he hoped the
Air Forces would do in preventing reinforcement of the crucial areas, and he,
too, was better than his word. And now for General Montgomery. At the end
of his exposition he put on the wall a large map showing where he expected
the Anglo-Canadian-American Forces to be at D+90. Somewhere about D+80
I was visiting the General at his field headquarters. The work of destroying the
Germans trapped in the Falaise pocket was nearly finished. The Americans were
up to the Seine at Mantes. The dispositions of the Allied Forces were, in fact,
almost exactly as they had appeared on the map I saw at the pre-view, but the
position of the Germans was quite different. They had stood and fought on the
wrong side of the Seine. A great part of them had been destroyed in conse-
quence, and the way was open for a rapid advance beyond the Seine to the very
German border. I do not think that any further compliment is necessary to
those who planned this classic enterprise.

Army's Manpower Problems
A year ago, I described to the House the main elements in our problem of
making the best of our limited allotment of manpower. In particular, I explained
how we had always labored under the difficulty of having no substantial re-
serves and how, in consequence, we were unable to meet the constantly chang-
ing needs of the strategic situation without having either to disband units or
to convert them for new roles. The absence of reserves acquired a special im-
portance during the last stages of the "Qverlord" preparations. Normally, it is
not good policy to put a formation into the field unless there is a clear prospect
of being able to provide enough reinforcements to keep it up to strength for as
long as the operations are likely to last. But the campaign which was to start
in the summer of 1944 held the chance of complete and final victory and there
was, accordingly, everything to be said for making our initial effort as great
as possible. We therefore decided to throw everything we could into the battle,
and we did this knowing full well that, if for any reason victory were delayed,
we should either have to reduce the scale of our effort or to call for very special
measures to maintain it. Thus, in the months preceding June 6th, we occupied
ourselves in building up the 21st Army Group to the required shape and the
maximum size. This was the final stage in the transformation of the Army from
defense to attack-a task which, first and last, involved the creation or conver-
sion of no less than 2,000 units. We had for long been engaged in the process
of combing out fit men from administrative posts and reducing the number and
establishment of non-operational units. This process had to be intensified. More-
over, a drastic overhaul of our commitments for home defense was undertaken,
in the course of which the allotments to Anti-Aircraft Command were heavily
reduced and a great number of its units either disbanded or converted to new
purposes. And all had to be done'in the knowledge that new forms of attack
from the air were in preparation and would almost certainly be launched upon
us before our invasion began.







The War on Land 265

It will be clear that the recruitment and training of reinforcements sufficient
to replace the expected casualties in 21 Army Group was a constant anxiety.
Even with all our combing and conversion, even with all that the Minister of
Labour was able to do in the way of new intakes, despite even the fact that a
number of men were transferred to the Army from the Navy and Air Force-
men who had already done a good deal of their basic training and who were
of very high quality-despite all this, we did not see how we could simultane-
ously keep the Group going as well as provide for our needs in the Mediter-
ranean and in the Far East. Certainly there was no possibility of finding replace-
ments enough to enable us to reduce appreciably the Army tour of overseas serv-
ice which as the House knows well is so much longer than that of the other
Services.

"Python"
Perhaps I could digress for a moment here to say a few sentences about what
has come to be known as "Python." Some newspapers and, I am afraid, some
hon. Members have-no doubt unwittingly-given the impression that nothing
but the obstinacy of the Secretary of State for War stands in the way of a re-
duction of the tour of overseas service to three years. If this were true the
"Python" problem could easily be solved. But it is not in the least true. I have
shown how we decided to go all out for accelerating the defeat of Germany. I
have described some of the shifts and turns we have adopted to this end. Some
months ago I explained in this House that to reduce the overseas tour to three
years would have the consequence of reducing by 125,000 the number of British
soldiers deployed at any one time against the enemy. Clearly then until Ger-
many is defeated any such reduction is out of the question. When Germany has
been defeated that will be quite another matter. A great many of those with
the longest service will be released, but there will still be the war against Japan.
And I am bound to say that I think that our re-deployment plans for this sec-
ond stage of the war should be based on reducing the maximum tour of un-
relieved overseas service to three years. In the meantime and until Germany is
beaten, I see no hope of this, though, as I have made it clear over and over
again, we shall spare no effort to make gradual reductions in the present exces-
sive figures. But to return to my story. In the Mediterranean our Armies man-
aged fairly well by copying the processes of combing and converting which we
had been carrying out at home. In India and Burma I am afraid that for a time
the British units had to be kept short of their full establishments. One factor
told in our favor however. The "Overlord" casualties in the actual assault period
were less than we had feared and we were able later in the year to send more
replacements to the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean and so reduce the
overseas tour substantially in the latter and slightly in the former.
I know that there exists an idea that we still have too many men behind the
fighting line. The people who express this are quite often those who insist-
and in my view rightly insist-on a very high standard of maintenance and wel-
fare services for the fighting soldier. But all these services add to the length of
the administrative tail. A much more important factor, however, is the wide
distribution in space of our operational theatres. External lines have certain op-
erational advantages but they also impose very heavy burdens. We have had in-
variably to transport our troops across the sea, to build up bases on open beaches,
to repair and re-equip damaged or destroyed ports, to construct roads and bridges.
Here I may say that 75 railway and 723 road bridges, apart from an unknown
number of improvised bridges, had been built by 21 Army Group up to the
end of last year. Above all, we have had to supply our Armies along ever-length-







British Speeches of the Day


ening lines of communication through countries devastated by war, and of which
the transport systems have either never existed or been hopelessly shattered. In-
cidentally, for good and sufficient reasons, the Army in the field does the bulk of
the supply work for the R.A.F. It carries its bombs, stores and petrol, feeds its
men, constructs its airfields and accommodation and provides most of its hospi-
tals and communications.
Before I come to the equipment side of the "Overlord" preparations, I would
like to say a word about the accommodation of the U.S. troops in this country.
They began to arrive in March, 1942, and before D-Day came we were housing
more than a million of them. They were quartered for the most part in South-
Western England and upwards of 100,000 of them were billeted on the British
public. This great influx of American troops was something entirely new to our
people, and it says much for the character and good sense of both our nations that
the adjustments necessary on both sides were so successfully made that this par-
ticular invasion, far from impairing good relations, has led to a closer sympathy
and understanding. I should especially like to thank those of our people who
accepted with such public spirit displacement from their homes in order that
battle training areas might be available for the U.S. Forces. Altogether we pro-
vided our American friends with hutted camps for 800,000 and hospitals con-
taining nearly 100,000 beds. We also furnished 18,000,000 square feet of covered
storage, more than one-third of it being new construction. The House will not
need to be reminded that during this period of preparation we mounted and
sustained offensives in North Africa and that, after the destruction of the enemy
there, we invaded Sicily in July of 1943 and Italy two months later.

New Devices
These operations provided many lessons for the new venture, and many new
devices were specially produced for it. And, of course, a great many old devices
were developed'and perfected. The Ministry of Supply and the War Office worked
day and night to produce not only the large quantities of equipment that were
required, but also in order that this equipment should be of the very highest
quality. It is quite impossible to catalogue it, but I must mention the Bailey
Bridge; the Flail tanks; the engineer assault tanks; the flame-throwing tanks,
which Field Marshal Montgomery picks out as a particular success; self-propelled
anti-tank guns and the special forms of anti-tank ammunition. Of the entirely
new devices, the most notable, perhaps, was the prefabricated harbor-the "Mul-
berry"- models and photographs of which have been on exhibition in London
and are now about to be shown in the provinces. Who could have imagined that
we should be able to transport to the shores of France in the space of 14 days
harbors each containing 70,000 tons of steel and 250,000 tons of reinforced con-
crete? Although I am prepared to claim for the War Office the main responsi-
bility for seeing this job through, it was altogether an admirable example of
co-operation between the Fighting Services, civilian Government Departments,
contractors and workmen. I could quote many other examples of ingenuity and
foresight. For instance, a set of spare lock gates for the Caen canal were con-
structed and made ready to be floated over complete in case the Germans de-
stroyed the existing gates. And again, spare parts and assemblies for the re-
pair of vehicles damaged in the early days were packed in special cases such that
the required part could be found in the dark and without delay. In addition
there was always the sheer physical problem of providing the normal needs of
a large force thrown suddenly across the sea on to a hostile shore.
Two million 24-hour rations, specially packed in waterproof covers, were is-
sued in the period immediately after landing, together with 3,000,000 self-heat-







The War on Land


ing tins of soup and cocoa. Three and a half million cases of compo rations,
60,000,000 gallons of tinned petrol and 16,000 tons of coal packed in 500,000
special rot-proof bags were got ready for early shipment. Twenty thousand feet
of railway bridging and 25,000 tons of steel trestling were prepared to recon-
struct our supply lines as we advanced. The movement of all these stores and
the reception of more and more U.S. troops with their equipment and supplies
naturally caused a great expansion of our Movements Organization. Moreover,
both British and American divisions returned from the Mediterranean to take
their place in the Liberating Army. The strain upon the railways was immense.
During 1944 they ran for us 30,000 special trains and handled more than
3,000,000 wagons. At the same time their burdens were increased by the with-
drawal for the purposes of the invasion of 600,000 tons of coastal shipping whose
normal freight had now to be handled by road or rail. Under this almost unen-
durable pressure the railways did magnificently and every member of the public
who, during this period, decided that his journey was not really necessary, helped
to send a soldier on one that was.
As D-Day approached the troops moved to their concentration areas. Every
unit was brought up to strength in men and equipment. In the 60 days before
June 6th, 12,000 armored fighting vehicles, 60,000 lorries and 2,000,000 spare
parts were issued by Ordnance Depots. In the last 14 days alone they issued
150,000 miles of telephone cable and 11,000,000 yards of minefield tracing tape.
Incidentally, I may say, that a considerable part of this vital work of the Ord-
nance Depots was done by the A.T.S. Then began the movement to marshalling
areas. The marshalling camps, which had been constructed near to all the ports
of embarkation, were designed for two main purposes. First, they enabled the
Movements staffs to sort out each unit into appropriate craft loads, and second,
they served as hotels where troops arriving and departing at all hours of the day
and night could be fed, bathed, accommodated and supplied with all their last
minute needs. It was in these camps, too, that the final stages of the waterproof-
ing of vehicles were carried out. In all 150,000 vehicles were waterproofed, and
despite the fact that many of them went ashore through five feet of water in
heavy seas, less than two in every thousand were drowned off the beaches. Here
also the assault troops were given their final briefing and received their first
issue of French money. Some days before D-Day the camps were sealed and cut
off from all the normal contacts with the world outside.
By D-8 the loading of stores into coasters had been completed and the berths
were clear for the loading of the assault vessels. All during this week the road
convoys moved down the last few miles from marshalling areas to ports and
the craft were loaded in the order planned long beforehand to ensure that what was
first needed on the other side would be first off. Thousands of the public saw
this great movement to the ports and no doubt guessed its purpose. After a delay
of 24 hours due to weather, the Supreme Commander, General Eisenhower, di-
rected that the assault should begin on June 6th. The great machine was set in
motion. All that careful planning could provide had now been done, and the
issue lay in the skill, the strength and, above all, in the courage of the individual
fighting man-more particularly of the infantryman.
U. S. and U. K. Forces At First Equal
The House is well aware of the course of the campaign that followed, and
yet I think it would be advantageous if we reminded ourselves of its main out-
lines. Let me again make clear that my purpose is to show the part played by
the British Army. I shall do no more, therefore, than acknowledge once for all
the essential contributions of the Navy and the R.A.F. in promoting and support-
ing the campaign. I shall also point out once for all that, although, to start with,







268 British Speeches of the Day

the British Empire and U.S. land forces involved were roughly equal, it was not
very long before the latter exceeded our own forces and at the present time are
probably more than twice those of the Empire operating in this theatre. Gen-
eral Eisenhower vested the command of all the ground forces engaged, of what-
ever nationality, in General Montgomery. This was to continue until the num-
ber of U.S. troops engaged warranted their separate control by a U.S. Army
Group Commander. The assault began, therefore, under General Montgomery's
direction in the early hours of June 6th. The landings were made between the
base of the Cotentin, or Cherbourg peninsula, and Caen. On the right were two
divisions of the First U.S. Army and on the left three divisions of General
Dempsey's Second British Army-the 3rd and 50th British and the 3rd Canadian.
Still earlier that day, two U.S. Airborne divisions had landed in the Cotentin
peninsula and the 6th British Airborne Division had seized the bridges over the
River Orne and the high ground to the east of it. Enemy opposition was more
severe in the U.S. sector but was on the whole less than expected and by June
10th-which was D-4--the Allied Armies had won a continuous front along
a narrow strip of the Normandy coast. Incidentally I may say that by this time
Generals Dempsey and Montgomery had already set 'up their advanced head-
quarters ashore.
During this critical phase, when we had no ports our chief concern was to
win what the Americans call the logistic battle or as they also say "to get there
fustest with the mostest." The enemy's build-up was reduced because he could not
make up his mind what was coming next and also because of the success of the
R.A.F. policy of interdiction. Our own build-up was successful because of our
months and years of careful preparation. The specially devised Build Up Control
Organization functioned admirably and there was always in reserve a great sys-
tem of air supply. In the first fourteen days 390,000 men, 70,000 vehicles and
230,000 tons of stores were landed for the British and Canadian Forces alone
and the figures for the U.S. Forces were of the same order. The gales which
raged round about June 18th delayed the build-up and damaged the two Mul-
berries, one of them so badly that it was abandoned; but though it delayed it
never interrupted and in the end the logistic battle was won.

Caen and St. Lo
During the month of June the Americans over-ran the Cotentin peninsula
and captured Cherbourg on the 27th. Meanwhile the British and Canadians,
though making some local gains, were primarily concerned with holding the hinge
position north-west of Caen and containing the greater part of the enemy's avail-
able armor. To them had been assigned the unspectacular task of forming the
anvil upon which the German forces were to be held and pounded. Towards the
end of July the newly formed 3rd American Army broke through from St. Lo
southward and reached the neck of the Brest Peninsula. Here it divided. One
corps moved west and cleared the Peninsula except for its three main ports, and
the remainder of the Army moved quickly eastwards towards Le Mans and
Alencon. A determined German counter-attack tried to divide the First and Third
U.S. Armies. After some initial success, it was held and as soon as its failure was
established General Montgomery directed part of the American Third Army to
turn north from Alencon towards Argentan while the First American Army, the
Second British Army and the newly formed First Canadian Army-which in-
cidentally has never so far contained less than one British Corps-moved steadily
south-east. Argentan was captured on August 13th, the Canadians took Falaise
on the 17th, and to all intents and purposes the German 7th Army was hoplessly
trapped.







The War on Land


The time had now come for the U.S. troops to pass from General Mont-
gomery's command, and he issued his last directive as Commander of all the
Allied land forces on August 20th. This directive over and over again emphasized
the importance of speed. The U.S. 12th Army Group was to assemble its right
wing west and south-west of Paris. The Group was, moreover, so to dispose
itself that it retained the ability to operate north-east towards Brussels and Aachen
while a portion operated simultaneously towards the Saar. Alternatively, the whole
Army Group might be required to move to the north-east on the right flank
of 21 Army Group. When the remaining enemy in Normandy had been de-
stroyed the 2nd British Army was to move with all speed to the Seine and cross
it. It was then to advance to the Somme and cross it between Amiens and the
sea. I expect that the House will have heard of the concluding words of the
directive:-
"All Scotland will be grateful if the Commander, Canadian Army, can
arrange that the Highland Division should capture St. Valery. I have no
doubt that the Second Canadian Division will deal very suitably with. Dieppe."
Now let us see how this order was carried out. By August 27, the Falaise
pocket had been completely eliminated. Meanwhile the 3rd U.S. Army had se-
cured a bridgehead across the Seine and the British and Canadian Armies moved
up to join it. Both were across the river by August 3dth, by which time the re-
sistance forces in Paris had worked to such good effect that, with the aid of the
Americans and, most happily, of the Second French Armoured Division, Paris
was freed. It was now our turn to move fast, and British and Canadian Forces,
headed by the Guards and the 11th Armoured Divisions, advanced swiftly through
the Pas de Calais and through Belgium to Brussels, Antwerp and the borders of
Holland. In the south of France the American and French Forces which had been
withdrawn from the Italian front for this operation landed on the French Riviera
on August 15th, and advancing north along the Rhone Valley, completed the
disruption of the remaining enemy forces south of the Loire.

The Arnhem Attempt
When accordingly, on September 1st, General Eisenhower resumed direct
command of the entire Allied land forces in the theatre, the Germans were in
full flight. The Anglo-American victory had been so complete that it was per-
missible to hope that the enemy could be prevented from steadying up until at
least the Allies were well into the Reich. On the other hand he was hanging on
to the Channel ports and our communications stretched back to Arromanches and
Cherbourg so that every mile of our advance added to the already immense strain
upon them. The question was in short, if somewhat colloquially, whether we
could bounce the Germans out of the Siegfried line-at any rate in some of the
vital sectors-without waiting to secure and build up more forward supply bases.
General Montgomery was given a certain preference in the allotment of main-
tenance resources and two U.S. airborne divisions were placed under his com-
mand. In the middle of September he attempted to capture the crossings of the
Maas and the Rhine at Nijmegen and Arnhem respectively. Success in this en-
terprise would have enabled him to outflank the Siegfried line from the North
and to begin to envelop the vastly important industrial area of the Ruhr. Unfor-
tunately, however, the operation did not succeed. It failed only narrowly and
after a great display of gallantry by the airborne troops, both American and British.
It secured a bridgehead across the Maas which became of considerable importance
later on. The really spectacular objects, however, were not achieved, and General
Montgomery had to turn to building up his lines of communication in an ortho-
dox way.







270 British Speeches of the Day

The Channel Ports
Meanwhile U.S. Forces had made progress in two important directions-
south of the Ardennes towards the Saar and in the direction of Aachen they
had actually breached the Siegfried line. This process of building up communi-
cations involved first of all the liberation of Le Havre, Boulogne and Calais, by
the Canadian Army, but much more than that, the clearance of the Scheldt Es-
tuary in order to make use of the incomparable facilities of the port of Antwerp,
which had been captured undamaged as a result of the lightning move of the
armor of the 2nd British Army from the Seine. The clearance of the Scheldt was
a very dangerous and arduous operation and in it British and Canadian soldiers,
Royal Marines, the Navy, and the Air Force worked wholeheartedly together.
As a result all Holland up to the Maas was free by November 7th and on the
28th the first full convoy berthed in Antwerp.
Early in November the 3rd U.S. Army had opened an offensive south of Metz
and a few days later the French Army attacked south of Belfort. A few days
later,again the 1st and 9th U.S. Armies attacked from Aachen towards Cologne
and Bonn while the 7th U.S. Army attacked towards Strasbourg. During the
next month considerable progress was made in the southern attacks, but in the
north, opposite the Ruhr, German resistance was extremely stubborn and no sig-
nificant advance could belecorded.
Then, on December 16th, came von Runstedt's electrifying assault in the Ar-
dennes, where the line was very thinly held. This must still be vividly in the
recollection of all of us, and it is sufficient to say that for a few days the German
armor made alarming but not vital penetrations, that until the end of the eighth
day they continued to make progress, but that from then onwards the movement
was reversed, and the rebound of our American Allies was such that the Germans
were not able to arrest it even on their start lines.

The Field Marshal's Opinion
The House will remember that I spoke just now of our Nijmegen bridge-
head over the Maas and of the American breach of the Siegfried line towards
Aachen. The whole northern sector of our line including the American 9th
Army as well as the British, Canadian and Polish Forces, was now placed under
Field Marshal Montgomery's command. The plan to be put into force involved
the Canadian Army-strengthened with additional divisions until about two-thirds
of it consisted of troops from the United Kingdom--clearing the country be-
tween the Maas and the Rhine southwards while the U.S. 9th Army was to at-
tack from the direction of Aachen, with its thrust line towards the Rhine at
Dusseldorf. The date fixed for the former was February 8th, and it duly went
off on that date. The House might like to hear Field Marshal Montgomery's
opinion of the troops of the British Empire engaged in this operation:
"When the present offensive began on 8th February in the Reichswald
Forest area the British armies were in a very highly efficient state. The ranks
were full; equipment was at full scale; the sick rate was only 1 per 1,000
per day evacuated to hospital; the troops were in tremendous form and in
great spirits. All ranks were imbued with that infectious optimism and offen-
sive eagerness which comes from physical well being, and from a firm be-
lief in a just and righteous cause; the completion of the task being well in
hand. It was a great inspiration to see such fine soldiers ready and anxious
for battle; our nation having been at war for over five years."







The War on Land


I wonder how many people realize how much of the credit for this was due
to the hard and unremitting work of General Paget in earlier days. I know that
the Field Marshal does.
The American attack was originally designed for February 10th, but owing
to the blowing of the Roer dams it could not in fact start till the 23rd. In the
meantime the Germans had moved many of their crack troops northward and
General Crerar's progress through woods and floods, though steady, could not
be dramatic. When the American attack went in against the lightened opposi-
tion there was very soon a spectacular transformation. Except for a bridgehead
covering Wesel the west bank of the Rhine was quickly cleared from Dusseldorf
northwards. Great numbers of prisoners were taken and many Germans were
killed, though no doubt considerable numbers succeeded in escaping over the river.
Further south the American First Army conformed its movements to those of
the. 9th Army. They are now in Cologne and Bonn, while further south they
captured intact the bridge over the Rhine at Remagen and have succeeded in
establishing a sizeable bridgehead on the other side. The American 3rd Army
also thrust rapidly eastward towards the Rhine and southward towards the Moselle.
The position now is that the Allied Armies have closed up to the Rhine from
Coblenz to north of Emmerich, that they have crossed it at one point and that
the north bank of the Moselle is rapidly being cleared of the enemy. And with
our Forces preparing for the task of crossing the Rhine in force I leave this which
is the main part of my story.
I hope hon. Members will not think I have spent too long on it, but nobody
can doubt that a campaign which takes us in eight months from the wrong side
of the Channel to the Rhine and beyond, which rescues practically all of France
and Belgium and some of Holland is well worth re-describing, especially when
one reflects on the number of Germans it has put finally out of action. I cannot
say, of course, how many of the enemy have been killed or so seriously wounded
that they will never fight again; certainly many hundreds of thousands. I do
know, however, that the prisoners alone number more than 1.000,000, of which
roughly two-thirds fell to the American Armies.

Tanks
Let me, as an appendage to this story, say a little about tanks. Our tanks
have been criticized in some quarters because they are not the biggest and
heaviest on earth in every single particular. Personally, I believe it quite a
wrong policy to try to re-create the mastodon, but let me go a little more
into detail. First as regards guns. The Royal Tiger, alone of the enemy's tanks,
mounts a gun, a "hotted-up" 88 mm. firing a 221/2 lb.-shot with a muzzle velocity
of 3,340 feet per second, which has a penetrative performance superior to that
of our 17-pounder firing conventional shot. The standard 88 mm. gun, mounted
in the ordinary Tiger, and the 75 mm. mounted in the Panther, are both inferior
weapons; but the 17-pounder, firing the latest type of ammunition, surpasses the
performance of any German gun yet encountered or, so far as I know, in con-
templation. Moreover, we have in action at least five tanks mounting a 17-
pounder for every Royal Tiger the Germans have on the Western Front. . .
Then, as to armor, it is true that the frontal thickness of the Tigers, and in-
deed of the Panther, makes them all three formidable defensive weapons, but
we are not any longer fighting a defensive war. For quite a long time now we
have been on the offensive, and surely, for the offensive, speed, mobility, reliabil-
ity and manoeuvrability are of much greater importance. All of these the Tigers
and Panthers have sacrificed, and anyhow their defensive battle is not being
very successful. . .







272 British Speeches of the Day

Perhaps the opinion of the soldiers, whom I am always being adjured to con-
sult, is entitled to more weight than any arguments from me. I will therefore
give the House the latest and most authoritative military opinion, namely that
of Field Marshal Montgomery himself, naturally after consultation with his sub-
ordinate commanders. He thinks that British armor has come through the cam-
paign in Western Europe with flying colors, and has proved itself superior in
battle to German armor. He holds that if Rundstedt had been equipped with
British armor, when he attacked in the Ardennes on December 16th, he would
have reached the Meuse in 36 hours, which would have placed the Allies in a
very awkward situation. And further, that if 21 Army Group had been equipped
with German armor it could not have crossed the Seine on August 28th, and
reached Brussels on September 3rd and Antwerp on September 4th, thus cutting
off the whole Pas de Calais area in eight days, which the Field Marshal holds
to be a very remarkable achievement with far-reaching results. The credit for
all this he attributes to the War Office [laughter]-wait a minute and concludes
that the British Armies were, in June, 1944, splendidly equipped for the job
that had to be done. I do not entirely agree with this last sentence. The men
using the equipment had most to do with it, and the Ministry of Supply and
the workmen in the factories were in it too. But, anyhow, I assure the House,
and the hon. Member who kindly interjected just now, that the testimonial was
entirely unsolicited. I should just like to add that our two main types, the Church-
ill and the Cromwell, are already grandfathers, and that we are developing even
newer and better types of tank and anti-tank ammunition. These great military
feats are the prelude to final victory in the European theater, a victory which, as
I said at the beginning of my speech, will be followed by a considerable redistri-
bution of the available manpower, carrying with it the release of large numbers
of serving soldiers.
My hon. and learned Friend, in replying to the Amendment, will deal with
the processes of release and the intentions of the Government towards those men
fortunate enough to be in the releasable groups. I want to say a little-a very
little-about the role of those who are to be retained. I have heard it said that
we, in the United Kingdom, will be entitled to sit back, after finishing with
Germany, and take a less active part in the war against Japan. The argument is
that we have been in this affair longer than anybody else, for five and a half
years continuously, and that for a part of that time we were without any kind
of external support whatever. A moment's reflection, however, will persuade
the most doubtful that there are the most compelling reasons of honor and in-
terest why we should continue our efforts. Indeed, it is of the whole essence of
our war objects that we should. Loyalty to our American Allies and to our kith
and kin in the great Dominions, of itself, requires us to go on to the end. The
recovery of our possessions and material interests in the Far East is also a factor
which no sensible man can disregard; but when all that has been said, we are
fighting this war for the establishment and maintenance of a principle. The
elimination of the greater plague-spot in Europe cannot assure even the estab-
lishment of that principle, let alone its maintenance for all time. So long as
there remains a semi-barbarous nation imbued with the desire of world domina-
tion by force, a nation blinded to the higher developments of human society by
adherence to an outdated feudal system; so long, in short, as the present Japan
exists, we have no hope of securing the main object for which our fellow coun-
trymen have fallen on the field of battle. Is is not patent, therefore, that the
decision of His Majesty's Government to pledge themselves and their resources
to the Far Eastern campaign, when Germany is finished, is not only right but
inescapable?







The War on Land


Relief for Civil Population
It is perhaps appropriate that in a speech which is so largely an account of
operations in North-West Europe I should tell the House something of the mili-
tary part in feeding the civil population in the liberated countries. This is a sub-
ject about which the House has shown very great anxiety, and indeed arrange-
ments have been made to debate it shortly. I do not want to anticipate this De-
bate, but I should like to make clear to the House, as a preliminary to it, ex-
actly what are the military responsibilities in this matter. The military authori-
ties come into this business for two reasons. First, because the Commander-in-
Chief must assure himself that his operations will not be hampered by disease
and unrest among the civil population caused by lack of food and medical sup-
plies. Secondly, because, if the imports necessary to prevent disease and unrest
are to come into the country in the early phases of operations, they must come
as part of the military flow of supplies or they will not get in at all. Shipping and
port clearance must obviously in these early phases be entirely under military control.
It is easy to see, therefore, why it was decided to allot to the military the respon-
sibility in the earlier stages for importing foodstuffs for the civil population.
certain consequences flow from that decision. In the first place, it cannot
be a question of what we should like to give our Allies but of the utmost that
can be procured and shipped in competition with military requirements not only
in the theatre but all over the world, and let us remember that procurement has
to be started months before the supplies can get to the people concerned, on esti-
mates which must be highly speculative. Next, the indigenous government
must co-operate from the start by arranging for detailed distribution, by pre-
venting profiteering and black markets, and by fostering local production in order
that the imports may go as far as possible. Of course, in the forward zones the
military authorities must do more in the way of helping the local authorities
than they do in the rear zones, such as the zone of the interior in France, or the
areas in Italy already handed back to the Italian Government. Thirdly, the mili-
tary do not and cannot undertake a long-term policy. To set the wheels of in-
dustry going, to import machinery and raw materials to restart the national econ-
omy-these are matters for the liberated government, with, of course, consul-
tation and help from the various Allied or inter-Allied authorities concerned.

Provision of Supplies
Needless to say, even within the limits of undoubted military responsibility,
planning and action are not solely British. Our troops in North-West Europe
are serving under an American Supreme Commander, and the plans to supply
his needs in this respect have been worked out on a joint basis between Washington
and London. Canada, too, has been closely associated in the actual provision of
the supplies. Under the combined plans, over 300,000 tons of food for the relief
of France, Belgium and Holland have been provided since the beginning of op-
erations in Western Europe, and deliveries are now averaging, at various ports
in France and Belgium, some 7,000 tons a day. Nor is this the whole story. In
Greece, up to the middle of February, the military authorities had provided be-
tween 150,000 and 200,000 tons of food, and in Italy, up to December 31,
about 1,000,000 tons. These supplies, as I have stated above, have been a joint
United States, United kingdom and Canadian responsibility. So far as the United
Kingdom is concerned, substantial contributions have been made from the stocks
of the Ministry of Food.
The provision of supplies is not in itself enough to enable the people to be
fed. Other factors may prevent full use being made of what is available both







274 British Speeches of the Day

from local sources and from military imports. In France, for example, the short-
age and dislocation of internal transport have prevented uniform distribution.
That shortage is, I hope, being overcome. In Belgium it was bound to take time
for the Government to get going the administrative machinery of distribution and
control. The new Government is tackling this problem with great vigor. In Hol-
land, I am afraid that when the parts now occupied by the Germans are freed, there
will be grave problems, not only of internal communications, flooding and mines,
but also of shortage of local products to help out the imported supplies. Of the
early difficulties in Greece and those in Italy I need not remind the House. Aid
to the civil population went forward while the troops were engaged in actual
fighting and wheat ships had to compete with munition ships for space in ports
and at the quays. But despite all the difficulties, the Armies have delivered in France,
in Belgium, in Holland, Greece and Italy supplies on a not unworthy scale, and
have helped the Governments to tide over the period till they are able to take
over the responsibility for their own supplies.

Co-operation with UNRRA
But though we have got so far without disaster, I do not conceal from the
House my fear that in the coming months the demands for foodstuffs for the
liberated countries may become almost overpowering. The news from Holland
still in the German hands, shows that the population are in desperate straits,
and as I have just said, when liberation comes, there is likely to be little help
from local resources. Then, when we get into Germany, there will be displaced
persons, not by their thousands but their millions, who will look to the Armies
for food. The combined resources of the Allies may be strained to the utmost
to prevent hunger and indeed starvation, especially if our victory comes before
the new harvest is gathered. So far as the Armies are concerned, they will do
their best, but I should fail in my duty if I did not stress the magnitude of the
task which we have undertaken.
Of course it is only right that we-the military-should shed our responsi-
bilities in this matter as soon as the military situation permits, and we are anxious
to see the Governments concerned not only take over the obligation for the pro-
curement of the basic supplies, which we are now providing, but also push on
with their civil import programs, which will enable them to re-start their indus-
tries and to re-establish their economic life. Those are matters which fall outside
my province. But they are matters which I know are being pressed forward to
the limits of the practicable.
The House may perhaps wonder why I have not so far mentioned UNRRA.
That is not due to any lack of appreciation of an organization, which, I hope,
will bring to post-war Europe material and moral help and support. It is because,
broadly speaking, UNRRA's help-the help of an independent international body
-comes after the main.military work is done, and then only at the invitation of
the indigenous Governments. That statement, however, requires some qualifica-
tion. During the military period UNRRA may act-by mutual agreement-under
the direction of the military authorities to carry out tasks which would, other-
wise, fall on the military. Thus in Greece UNRRA teams assisted in the distri-
bution of the food which the military brought in, and arrangements are being
made gradually to hand over to UNRRA not only the responsibility for distri-
bution, but that for the whole relief scheme in Greece. In one other most im-
portant sphere we are arranging with UNRRA to work- under the military au-
thorities with a view to their taking over full responsibility in due course. In
the plans for dealing with displaced persons in Germany the military authorities







The War on Land


have invited and are receiving UNRRA's co-operation. It is hoped that UNRRA
teams-recruited from representatives of various United Nations-will go in
under the military authorities to organize the reception, care and eventual repatria.
tion of these displaced persons, and ultimately to take over from the military
authorities the entire responsibility in this connection.

Burma and Italy
Now I have come to the end of the time which, in these days, it is reasonable
for a Minister to occupy. I am very conscious of what I have left unsaid. Far
too little has been said of the work of our American and Russian Allies in thea-
tres where the British Army is unrepresented. Far too little has been said of
troops from other parts of the Empire. I have also said too little of the work
of the other Services. I explained, however, at the beginning, that my purpose
was to speak of the British Army, particularly since it has displaced the Navy as
the silent Service. But even within the British Army I have passed over, perhaps
too perfunctorily, the deeds of our men in the Mediterranean and in Burma. Last
year our troops in Burma were a little disposed to think that they were as far
away from us in thought as they were in space. It was never true, and even if
it had been, their brilliant victories of the past year would have brought them for-
cibly back to our minds and hearts. The crushing defeat of the last all-out as-
sault on India, the rapid subsequent reconquest of large parts of Burma and the
Arakan, and above all the ascendancy which has been established over the big-
gest Japanese Army which has so far been in action, these are stirring and glori-
ous achievements worthy to rank with any in our history. General Giffard can,
indeed, be proud of the Army-Indian, British and African-which he handed
over to General Leese. And General Leese is making noble use of it.
Then the Army in Italy. There has been a certain disappointment on their
part that they have not been allowed to finish off more completely the liberation
of Italy. It is an undeniable fact that shortly after the conquest of Sicily, almost
before the campaign of Italy had got under way, a number of divisions, both
British and American, were withdrawn in order to strengthen the forces for
"Overlord." Despite this, the Allied Army of Italy under Field Marshal Alex-
ander was able to liberate Rome and Tuscany after one of the most brilliant cam-
paigns of all time. But almost immediately more divisions, this time American and
French were taken away to carry out the assault on the southern coast of France.
Small wonder then that the final conquest of Italy has been delayed. The won-
der is that so much has been done. I cannot, today, set out in length what this
in fact is, but I should like to tell the House one thing-that our forces in Italy
are even now containing enemy formations whose strength numerically we reckon
to be upwards of one-third of the German forces in Europe other than those en-
gaged against the Russians. Even in their less spectacular period, therefore, they
have been making no mean contribution to the common cause.
I cannot close without calling attention to the loss which the British Army
and the Allies have suffered in the last year by the death of Field Marshal Sir
John Dill. I am afraid that he concealed for a very long time the gravity of his
illness in order not to interrupt his work in Washington. I am sure that the House
would like me to express our sympathy with those he has left behind. Arid I
think it would be fitting that we should do the like to the relatives of all those who
have been killed in battle. The achievements of the Army have been very great.
They have not been attained without heavy cost, and it is right that we should
remember this, and remember those who have borne so large a part of the cost.







276 British Speeches of the Day

Let me quote from a prayer we said in Westminster Abbey in memory of
Field Marshal Dill:
"O Thou, Who are heroic love, keep alive in our hearts that adventur-
ous spirit which makes men scorn the way of safety so that Thy will may
be done. For only so shall we be worthy of those courageous souls who,
in every age, have ventured all in obedience to Thy call, and for whom the
trumpets have sounded on the other side."
[House of Commons Debates]



RT. HON. SIR 'ARCHIBALD SINCLAIR
Secretary of State for Air
House of Commons, March 6, 1945

The story of the air war in the past year is, largely, the story of the Royal Air
Force and the United States Army Air Force, working in the closest partnership
and harmony for the destruction of the common enemy. Their tasks are comple-
mentary, their fortunes are intertwined. Together they have achieved mastery of
the air over Germany and the battle area. The extent of their mastery is illustrated
by the reduction in the casualties incurred by squadrons of Bomber Command. In
1942 the bomber squadrons lost 4.1 per cent of the aircraft dispatched; in 1943
they lost 3.7 per cent; in 1944 the figure fell to 1.7 per cent; and for the first two
months of 1945 it has been as low 1.1 per cent, although an increasing number of
operations have been carried out by day.

The Dominion Training Plan
The power of the Allied Air Forces-which, of course, include many squadrons
from the Dominions and our European Allies-has increased, is increasing, and.
will continue to increase until Germany is beaten. In mere numbers it is true that
the Royal Air Force has reached the peak of its expansion; but its power does not
depend only on numbers, but on the prowess of its aircrews, commanders and
staffs, and on its technical and scientific equipment, which is becoming ever more
formidable with each month that passes. Therefore, without diminishing the total
current impact of the Royal Air Force on the enemy, we are in process of reduc-
ing the aircrew training organization to the level required to maintain the smaller
air force which will be operating after the defeat of Germany. This reduction in
training will take place,mostly in the Dominions. As the House will recall, I
explained the details of this reduction last November. Much of the air training has,
of course, been given in this country, but in the early months of the war agreements
were made under which Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and South-
ern Rhodesia undertook to provide a great deal of the training of the aircrews
required, not only for their own Air Forces, but also for the R.A.F. and not
only their own young men but young men from this country as well. They also
provided the airfields, the buildings, and most of the instructors and ground staff.
That was a big task, especially when we remember how small were the Dominion
Air Forces at the outbreak of war.
Soon, however, it became necessary to make further demands on the Dominions.
In 1940 we were shut out of the Continent and threatened by invasion, and
much of the training which had hitherto been carried out in this country had to be
transferred overseas. These additional tasks were readily undertaken, triumph-






The War in the Air


antly completed and, as need arose, ungrudgingly extended. Many of the Do-
minion aircrew trained in these schools, have been formed into Canadian, Aus-
tralian, New Zealand, South African and Southern Rhodesian squadrons, and many
more have gone into Royal Air Force squadrons. Not far short of 200,000 young
men, many of them from this country, have received their flying training in the
Dominions. All have played a distinguished part in operations against the enemy.
It was on the sure foundation of this great Dominion training plan that the
huge structure of the Royal Air Force was built. It was in the fullest sense a war-
winning plan. Strategically, the British Commonwealth and Empire was taking
advantage of space and distance to train its aircrews unmolested by the enemy.
The United Kingdom and each of the Dominions which took part in it has good
reason to be proud of its share in the success which it has achieved. Most of
all our gratitude is due to the Canadian Government and to the Royal Canadian
Air Force, on whose shoulders the main burden rested, and whose energy, deter-
mination, generosity and inexhaustible resources were equal to every one of the
great and constantly increasing demands which were made upon them.

Personnel Transferred to Army
The air superiority which has enabled us to call a halt to the numerical expan-
sion of the Royal Air Force has not been obtained without hard fighting and
heavy casualties. Between April 1 and September 30, 1944, Bomber Command
alone suffered more than 10,000 casualties killed, missing and wounded. Recon-
naissance and ground strafing of troops and vehicles in the battle area or in other
areas heavily defended by flak is also dangerous work. On the other hand, well-
planned bombing and hard fighting in the air have so reduced the strength of the
German Air Force that our casualty rate has fallen far below what it was prudent to
anticipate two years ago, when we were planning for the flow of aircrew into the
squadrons today. At this juncture the needs of the Army for men are greater
than ours, and, just as earlier in the war, men were transferred from the Army and
the Navy to the R.A.F. when our needs were the greatest, so now it has been
decided that several thousands of men should be transferred to the Army from
the Royal Navy and the Royal Air Force.
Naturally the Royal Air Force and all of us who have the privilege of being
associated with it in this war, regret the loss of the services of these men. I
sympathize deeply with their feelings at being compelled to leave the Service of
their choice. I am explaining to the men the reasons which make these transfers
necessary and, while no explanations can be expected altogether to remove their
disappointment, I know they will understand that the requirements of the war
must transcend any individual preference.
We regret likewise the disbanding of Balloon Command and I know that the
House will join with me in paying tribute to the protection, indispensable until
recently, which the men and women of Balloon Command have provided for
London and other great centers of population. Particularly, the House will rec-
ognize the patriotism of those who fitted themselves for these important duties by
sacrificing their leisure in the days of peace. Those living in the South of England
will remember the swift development of balloons to meet the V.1 attacks. We
say "Thank you" to the officers and men of this fine Command. Their work will
be carried on to the extent still necessary by similar elements in Fighter Com-
mand and Overseas Command.
We shall not make the mistake of supposing that Germany is defeated before
the "Cease Fire" sounds, but, in the meantime, it is necessary to look beyond
the immediate requirements of the war and to take some preliminary thought for
the re-establishment of the permanent Royal Air Force. Since the outbreak of






278 British Speeches of the Day

war, officers and men have joined the Service as members of the Royal Air Force
Volunteer Reserve. Regular officers and airmen are at present only a small minor-
ity, and we shall want to take into the Regular Air Force many of the wartime
entrants who have so well served their country. I cannot, of course, estimate how
many will be required, until the Government has been able to decide on the size
of the peacetime Royal Air Force. Till then the total number of officers holding
permanent commissions cannot exceed the number in the Service immediately
before the war. A start has been made by inviting officers to volunteer for perma-
nent commissions, and lists of those selected will begin to appear at intervals in
the near future. So also, early in 1944, airmen were given the opportunity of
entering on regular engagements, of extending existing engagements, and of re-
engaging for pension.

The Far East and Mediterranean
We are also preparing for another task which will confront the Royal Air Force
when the German war is over-to transfer squadrons and supporting units to the
Far East to finish off the war against Japan. We are very conscious of the need
for improving the welfare and amenities of men and women serving in that
theatre, and the Air Ministry is working closely with the other Departments con-
cerned to secure those ends, of which the Prime Minister recently gave the House
a full account. I have appointed a special committee in the Air Ministry to push
these things on and to help in overcoming any special difficulties. One measure
which is the particular concern of the Royal Air Force is that we have been able
recently to increase the provision of air transport for the carriage of mails to
troops in that theatre. This has made it possible to abolish the rationing of home-
ward air letters and to carry by air, at surface rates, all letters up to one ounce
in weight both to and from the Forces in India and in the South East Asia Com-
mand. The pattern of the air offensive in Europe has been reflected in the distant
swamps and jungles of Burma. The same hammer blows from the closely in-
tegrated British and American Air Forces have destroyed the enemy's dumps, air-
fields, bridges and all forms of land and water transport. Denied supplies and
reinforcements, the Japanese have fallen a prey to our advancing troops. This in
turn has led to the clearance of the Burma Road with the great strategic consequence
of increasing the flow of supplies to China. The Tactical Air Force element with
its Beaufighter, Spitfire and Thunderbolt fighter squadrons, its Hurribomber and
tank-busting squadrons, and its Mosquito bomber squadrons have worked closely
fused with the Army; while the Heavy Bombers, the photographic reconnaissance
units and the Coastal Squadrons have all made their brilliant and indispensable
contributions to the Allied victories in that theatre. Air supremacy has enabled us
both to starve the enemy's troops and to nourish and sustain our own. As many
as three divisions have been, at one time, maintained solely by air transport. Thus
air power is opening the gate, through which the Allied Armies will pour to the
liberation of the Eastern territories.
The creation and development of Transport Command has destroyed the para-
dox that the Royal Air Force was, tactically, the most, but strategically the least
mobile of the three Services. There in India and Burma, it has full scope not
only in maintaining communications along its trunk and feeder services with this
country and with other overseas theatres, but in air-borne, air-transporting and
supply operations. Last night the capture of Meiktila, 75 miles south of Mandalay
wtih its eight airfields, was announced by the B.B.C. The great part of the troops
that took it were carried there and all are being nourished there by aircraft of
Transport Command.
In the Far East the British and American Air Forces serve under a British Air
Commander-in-Chief, Sir Keith Park. In the Mediterranean theatre they serve






The War. in the Air


under an American Officer, General Eaker, with a British officer, Sir John Slessor,
as his Deputy. The Mediterranean is a theatre which provides a striking example
of the versatility and flexibility of air power. The famous Coastal Air Force
,has many roles. Before the decline of German sea power in the Mediterranean,
this group fought the German submarines and the torpedo and bomber aircraft
which attacked our convoys. That work would hardly keep them busy now, but
they still attack German shipping in the Adriatic, and in the Gulf of Genoa; they
still carry out reconnaissance over the sea, and they still give fighter protection to
our convoys, bases and lines of communication by day and by night.
The Allied Tactical Air Forces, of which the famous Desert Air Force forms
part, work closely with the Army. The 15th United States Strategic Air Force and
British bomber squadrons working with them carry the bomber offensive into
Southern Germany from Italian airfields. There are plenty of German fighter squad-
rons, and several factories, which produce jet aircraft in Southern Germany. The
Alps present a formidable barrier-ice and snow in winter and an even greater
danger in summer from heavy electrical storms; but the targets are important, and
these squadrons are making a big contribution from Italy to the success of the
Bomber offensive. Another formation in Italy with a brilliant record of achieve-
ment is the Balkan Air Force, working closely with both the Army and the Navy,
fighting the Germans and their satellites in the Adriatic and the Balkans, and sup-
porting Marshal Tito's partisans.

Blitz and Robot Bomb
When I introduced these Estimates last year, the German Air Force was at-
tempting, on a small scale, to renew the blitz on London. The unfailing skill of
our night fighter crews, of our ground controllers and of the gunners and search-
light crews of Anti-Aircraft Command, inflicted on them sufficient losses to deter
them from mere harassing attacks, which were producing, no military results. The
German blitz has petered out under the crushing blows of the Allied bomber
offensive. Small numbers of fast aircraft, carrying a few bombs, may get through
from time to time, but not without paying their toll to Fighter Command; as
they did when they lost at least six, and more probably eight, aircraft out of
seventy fighter raiders on Saturday night.
So the Germans resorted last summer to the flying bomb. The weight of the
attack fell off when the sweeping advances of Field-Marshal Montgomery's
armies resulted in the occupation of the principal launching sites. Launchings
continued, however, on a small scale from aircraft during the winter, until the cam-
paign was temporarily abandoned about six weeks ago. Now the Germans have
started using them again. As far as we can see, the new ones are much the same
in performance as the old ones but they have a rather longer range. In the mean-
time, we are also under fire by V.2. The Government are deeply conscious of the
strain to which these attacks are subjecting many thousands of our fellow country-
men. The loss of life and homes, the injuries and the human suffering and misery
which they inflict are grievous. They fall upon a courageous people which has
suffered and endured much in more than five years of war.
No practical means of abating these attacks has been neglected by the Royal
Air Force, but the launching site of a V.2 is a small concrete structure, it is small
and hard to identify. Any space of ground-hard or artificially hardened-23
feet by 23 feet, will serve as a launching site for the rocket. It may be in streets
or woods, or on an open road. We may know that certain areas near or in a
particular town or village in Holland are being used for launching. To send
some squadrons of Bomber Command to obliterate that town or village would
destroy the lives and homes of hundreds, or even thousands of our Dutch allies,







280 British Speeches of the Day

who are already suffering terribly; but the men who operate the rockets, would
emerge from their deep shelters when the bombardment was over, and either carry
on their nefarious work elsewhere, or else perhaps dear a space, and continue to
operate from the same devastated town. By attacks on storage sites, on supply
routes, motor transport parks and lines of communication, we are reducing the
scale of attack far below what the Germans hoped to achieve; but in the case of
the rocket, as in the case of the flying bomb, the only way to silence this form
of long-range artillery is the physical occupation of the sites from which these
weapons are fired and our primary object, therefore, is-in dose co-operation
with the Army-to hasten the paralysis and destruction of the German armies on
our front and, consequently the liberation of Holland from the German invader.
To this supreme object-the destruction of the armed might of Germany-all
three Services in dosest partnership are bending their efforts. In successive speeches
introducing these Estimates, I have described how the partnership of the three
Services was being developed. The fruits of these efforts have been gathered in
the campaigns at sea against the German U-boats and German shipping, and on
land in the battle by which the German armies are being driven remorselessly back
from the West, from the East and from the South, with crippling losses in men
Sand material.

Pre-Invasion Activities
D-Day for the British and American armies of liberation was June 6th last
year, but for the Royal Air Force the campaign had started long before. The
weight of our invasion of Northern Europe would have been much reduced if the
U-boats had been sinking even a fraction of the number of Allied ships which they
were sinking in every month of the year 1943. Gradually, however, the squadrons
of Coastal Command--very long range Liberators, Wellingtons with their search-
lights, Fortress, Sunderland and Catalina Squadrons, Beaufighters with their
rockets and Mosquitos carrying a six-pounder-working in dosest co-operation
with the escort groups of the Royal Navy, had obtained an increasing mastery
of the German submarines. Bomber Command, too, had contributed largely to
this result by bombing the U-boats in their assembly yards and in their pens, and
by their arduous, difficult and extremely successful mining operations.
The Germans had boasted that, thanks to the U-boat, no Allied soldier would
set foot on the continent of Europe. Coastal Command and the Royal Navy
answered this boast with deeds. Together, they swept the seas, and kept open
those channel lanes on which depended the security of our convoys and the nour-
ishment of our armies. In the opening stages of this great battle the burden of the
fighting lay principally on Coastal Command. In the three weeks before D-Day
Admiral Doenitz was endeavoring to move up his reserves of U-boats from their
bases in Norway to the threatened area of the Channel Coast. From Norway,
these U-boats began to slink out on their long trek through Northern and
Atlantic waters to the Channel. The Commander-in-Chief, Coastal Command
-Sir Sholto Douglas-had anticipated every move they made. Knowing what
they had to expect, the German Command had given their crews a concentrated
course of training against air attack. In particular, they were equipped with a
new 37 mm. anti-aircraft gun. Their foresight was wise but unavailing, for these
reinforcements were attacked and mauled by aircraft of Coastal Command. In the
continuous daylight of the Northern summer, the battle was joined off the coasts
of Norway, the Shetlands and the Faroes, and even in the Arctic, where the U-boats
sought to escape the range of our aircraft. Many were sunk and damaged.
This was the opening bout. The main campaign, fought in the English Chan-
nel and its Western approaches, began on D-Day. Previous to that date, single







The War in the Air


U-boats had penetrated into coastal waters with the aid of Schnorkels. When the
invasion came, the Biscay U-boat fleet made their way to the Western approaches
of the Channel on the surface. They were instantly engaged by Coastal Com-
mand, and U-boat prisoners have frankly admitted that entering the Channel was
a nightmare. During the first four critical days from D-Day, the Command made
38 sightings, which resulted in several destructive attacks. In every case the
U-boats fought back desperately with flak, but our indomitable aircrews-heroic
men like Flight Lieutenant Hornell, of the Royal Canadian Air Force, who lost
his life, and Flying Officer Cruickshank, whose gallant exploits earned for them
the Victoria Cross-flew in low through the flak and bombed with deadly accuracy.
These successes of Coastal Command, won in unison with the Royal Navy,
were decisive; a blow was inflicted on the enemy from which he never recovered.
It was fatal to his prospects of holding what he chose to call the Fortress of
Europe. Nor were the enemy's hopes of countering the invasion confined to U-
boats. He hoped for great things from his motor gun boats and motor torpedo
boats which were to harry the main lines of our shipping. We know from our
prisoners of war that hardly a motor gun boat or motor torpedo boat put to sea
without being spotted and attacked from the air. Coastal Command is also carry-
ing on a sustained and deadly campaign against the enemy's shipping which has
been carrying supplies to his U-boat bases in Northern waters or evacuating his
troops from Norway. The target presented by enemy shipping is incomparably
smaller than that presented by our own shipping to the enemy; but, week by week,
Coastal Command is sinking German ships off the coasts of Norway, Denmark
and Holland.

The Bomber Command
The work of Bomber Command under Sir Arthur Harris and of the United
States Strategic Air Forces under General Spaatz, in preparation for the launching
of our armies, had been continuous over a period of years. All through 1943 and
1944, the great battles of the Ruhr, of Hamburg and Berlin, were steadily under-
mining the war power of Germany. We had become aware that the Germans were
making a tremendous effort to build up the biggest fighter force that the world had
ever seen. They were preparing to accept the defensive role and, sacrificing their
bomber force, they were concentrating on building up an impregnable fighter de-
fense. Thus the Germans were being forced to cover up against our bomber
blows. The bomber offensive was proving to be the most effective defense of our
homes and factories against a blitz on the great scale. Had they been left undis-
turbed, they would have increased their fighter production from 1,000 a month,
at which it stood in the middle of 1943, to 2,500 or 3,000 a month by the end
of last year.
The British and American bomber forces, therefore, in the winter of 1943
and spring of last year turned their main effort against the German fighter fac-
tories and ancillary production. The German fighters struggled desperately to save
their factories. Bomber Command's casualties were high, but they pressed their
attacks with determination and with devastating effect. The Americans fought
brilliantly, destroying hundreds of German fighters in air fighting and bombing
with deadly accuracy.
The House may remember that, in introducing these Estimates on February
29th last year, I said that it might well be that historians of the future would look
back upon the period between the February and the March moons, in which these
attacks were being delivered in great force by British and American squadrons
from Italy and from this country, as one of the decisive stages of the whole war;
and I am interested to see that General Arnold, Commanding General of the







282 British Speeches of the Day

United States Army Air Force, in his annual report to Congress, which was pub-
lished last week, says:
"The week of February 20-26, 1944, may well be classed by future his-
torians as marking a decisive battle in history-one as decisive and of
greater world importance than Gettysburg."
That great series of attacks against the German aircraft production laid the
foundation of the air mastery which the Allies enjoyed on D-Day and now enjoy
over Germany and the battlefields of Europe.
In the late spring, the destruction of German communications behind the in-
tended invasion front took first place among our bombing objectives. Bomber
Command, the 2nd Tactical Air Force and the U.S.A.A.F. all played their parts in
this campaign. It was not a task upon which the Allied Air Forces entered light-
heartedly, for it involved the destruction of railway facilities, some of which were
in thickly populated areas of France. It was therefore bound to entail distressing
loss of life among French civilians in spite of every precaution which we could take
-and we neglected none. Marshalling yards and railway repair facilities were
destroyed on a great scale. Twenty-four road and railway bridges over the Seine
were selected for bombing; by D-Day all 24 had been either demolished or severely
damaged. The result of this campaign was to destroy one of the main assump-
tions on which the enemy's plan of defense was based. He had naturally as-
sumed that he could reinforce his defensive front by road and rail more quickly
than we could reinforce by sea. As things turned out, the weather favored this
calculation and for three critical days it was impossible to land troops or supplies
over the beaches. Nevertheless, so thoroughly had the Allied Air Forces done
their work, and so complete was the mastery of the British and American Tactical
Air Forces over the French roads and railways by day, that the Allied armies were
able to reinforce much more quickly than the Germans.
German troops were rushed into the battle piecemeal on bicycles. Two divi-
sions which were brought from the eastern front took only five days to cross
Europe to the French frontier, and then took 14 days to travel from the frontier to
the battle. Another German division, hastening to the battle from northeast
France, detrained at Rouen and subsequently took 14 days to reach the battle area
on foot. Famous Panzer divisions were short of tanks and in some cases were
using old French ones. The strategic plan of the Germans for countering the
invasion broke against the searching weapons of air attack.

"First Win Your Air Battle"
The Royal Air Force also successfully delivered two of the largest airborne
formations ever taken into battle. In the first of these operations, British and
American airborne forces formed the spearhead of the Normandy landing. The
second operation succeeded later in forcing the Maas and the Waal, and one of
the Transport Command groups which took part in these operations has also
successfully evacuated by air from the Continent over 55,000 casualties since D-Day.
The brilliant work of the 2nd Tactical Air Force, their mastery of the air over
the battlefield and their throttling grip on German communications have surpassed
all reasonable expectation. The slaughter of the German Panzer Divisions in the
Falaise Gap by the rocket and bomber Typhoons of the Tactical Air Force was
a brilliant exploit. Under the command of Sir Trafford Leigh-Mallory-whose
loss is such a heavy blow to the Royal Air Force and to the country-and of Air
Marshal Sir Arthur Coningham, the closeness of the partnership between the
Tactical Air Force and the Army, under Field Marshal Montgomery, was assured.
Together they have operated in the spirit of Field Marshal Montgomery's dedara-







The War in the Air


tion that the first and great principle of war is that you must first win your air
battle before you fight your land and sea battle: and, as he added, we never had to
bother about the enemy in the air because we won the air battle first . .
Two activities of Bomber Command call, I think the House will agree, for
special attention on this occasion and the hon. Member for East Stirling (Mr.
Woodburn) will be interested in view of what he said in last year's Debate. The
first is the sinking of the Tirpitz, the greatest of the German battleships and per-
haps, in her time, the toughest ship afloat. The House will not forget that she
had already suffered rough usage at the hands of the midget submarines of the
Royal Navy and the aircraft of the Fleet Air Arm. She was sunk by two squad-
rons of Bomber Command under Wing Commander Tait. They flew 1,200 miles
to bomb from some 15,000 feet and scored three direct hits and two near misses.
The House is fully sensible of the immense debt which we owe to our gallant
Allies-to their courage and skill in battle, to their wisdom in counsel and plan-
ning, and to their co-operation in scientific research-but I think hon. Members
will also be gratified- to reflect that this brilliant feat of arms was accomplished
by British crews aiming, with a British bombsight of extraordinary complexity,
ingenuity and accuracy a 12,000 lb.-bomb of British design and manufacture
from a British Lancaster-the only aircraft in the world today which could carry
that bomb.

R.A.F. Aid to Patriot Armies
The other activity of Bomber Command to which I referred-mainly but not
solely of Bomber Command, for other commands overseas and to some extent at
home have shared it-is one of which little public mention has yet been made.
When the peoples of Europe awoke from the nightmare of 1940, they found
themselves powerless against the mechanized might of Nazi Germany. To the
Royal Air Force fell the task of supplying arms to the resurgent peoples of Europe.
A plan to arm the patriots of Europe was drawn up between the Services. A small
force of aircraft was allotted to the task. First, Whitleys carried out these missions.
Then they were replaced by larger aircraft-by Halifaxes, Stirlings and Liberators
-and in greater numbers.
The task was exacting. Every crew was a pathfinder. They were searching,
not for towns or marshalling yards, but for fields and points in the open country
-often miles from roads or other landmarks. This entailed extremely low
flying, with the aircraft-especially if it was a light night-an easy mark for even
the lightest flak. In difficult country the navigation risks were almost as formidable
as the risks from the enemy. Frequently pilots had to land their aircraft in occu-
pied territory to bring out leading members of the Underground Movement.
For example, it became necessary last Spring to bring out of South East Poland
some staff officers of the Polish Underground Forces. Two days before the oper-
ation was due to take place, the suspicion of the Germans in the district was
aroused. The local peasants and farmers, all members of the Underground or-
ganization, were mobilized. Their rifles, pistols, and hand grenades were taken
out of the hiding-places where they were kept between the battles which the
Polish secret army had been fighting for four years and were put into action. For
48 hours the brave Poles fought. They lost 42 men killed and many wounded,
but they kept the landing ground-a field of stubble-clear. A Dakota aircraft,
flown by a British crew with a Polish navigator flew in, landed safely, and five
minutes later took off with its important passengers.
The Women's Auxiliary Air Force has been to the fore in these activities.
Several young W.A.A.F. officers were dropped by parachute at night. In one
case, after parachuting into France to act as a courier, a W.A.A.F. officer took


283 '







British Speeches of the Day


charge of a large Maquis group after the capture of her commanding officer, re-
organized it and, displaying remarkable qualities of tact, leadership and courage,
contributed greatly to the success of many supply dropping operations and to the
destruction of enemy forces. In another case a W.A.A.F. W/T operator landed
and trained three French operators. This brave young woman's parachute stuck
and opened only just in time. So she fell heavily and declares that she owes
her life to bundles of paper francs which she was carrying wrapped round her
like a cushion.
Thus fostered, the Resistance Movements of Europe grew. From Norway to
Greece and from Brittany to Poland small armies sprang up, and as the days of 1944
grew longer as many as 170 aircraft a night ranged the length and breadth of
France, guided, in some isolated places, by immense bonfires and, at other times
and other places, by other methods. Patriot forces in the Balkans and in Cen-
tral Europe were supplied from bases in the Mediterranean. Aircraft operating
from this country dropped more than 160,000 parachute containers of arms and
explosives, and 3,700 packages of specialized equipment. At least 15,000 tons of
supplies were dropped from Great Britain alone. Many splendid and experienced
air crews have been lost in these enterprises. Thousands of European patriots
have been savagely slain in reprisals by the Germans, but their devotion and the
courage of Allied air crews have not been in vain. The achievements of the F.F.I.
and other citizen armies of Europe testify to the success and effectiveness of their
enterprises.

The Strategic Offensive
The strategic bomber offensive, however, remains the principal role of the
British and American Bomber Commands. The arm of Bomber Command reaches
across Europe from time to time and bombs targets in direct support of the re-
doubtable Red Armies in their advance from the East. More generally, however,
the effect of the British and American strategic bomber offensive is felt on every
front-in theWest, East and South. The 5th and 6th Panzer armies when they
started on their great offensive in the Ardennes in December, were only at half-
strength in tanks, and the shortage of tanks and other equipment and, most of
all, of oil, is hampering and enfeebling the power of Germany in every element
and on every front.
It was a big decision of policy when the Prime Minister and the War Cabinet
determined, in 1941, to launch this tremendous offensive. Vast resources had to
be devoted to it. The factories and machine tools did not exist for the con-
struction of the necessary number of bombers. Land had to be bought, founda-
tions laid, factories planned and built, and labor recruited and trained, before
the expansion could get into its stride. Our experience in bombing up to that time
had brought home to us the extreme difficulty of the task which we were setting
our crews. We knew that only a small proportion of our own bombs were hitting
the right target, and that the same was true of the German air force in the blitz.
With extraordinary courage and determination, our bomber crews were pioneer-
ing and blazing the trail for those who are now carrying on their work.
We saw and appraised our difficulties, errors and deficiencies, and we calcu-
lated-applying, so far as it was possible to do so, the scientific method to our
calculations-that we could and would enable Bomber Command to hit Germany,
not three or four or ten times harder, but 50 times harder than in 1941. We esti-
mated that we could increase Bomber Command's bomb-lift ten times, and that
we have more than done. In addition we allowed for improved training, for
scientific aids to navigation, for more powerful bombs and explosives, for better
fuses and bomb-sights, all of which were at different stages of design and develop-


* 284







The War in the Air


ment, and we made a liberal discount for the improvements which we expected the
Germans could make-as indeed they did-in their air defenses. To the improve-
ments which I have mentioned as being in our minds at that time, we subse-
quently added others-fot example, the new methods of identifying, marking and
illuminating targets by the Pathfinder Force. I am not going to make an asser-
tion that I cannot prove-that we have succeeded in hitting Germany 50 times
as hard as we did in 1941-but I feel confident that the scientific, impartial and
objective investigation which will take place into the results of the bomber offensive,
will prove that we have achieved our aim.
Dr. Goebbels Admits
For four years, the Allied Air Force was the only force from the West carry-
ing the war to Germany. From Dunkirk to D-Day, they harried and pounded Ger-
man war industry and transport. Had not the Luftwaffe been out-fought in the
air, hammered on its airfields and smashed in its factories, there could have been
no invasion of Normandy last year. Every port in Southern England before D-Day
was packed with shipping for the invasion-a bomb-aimer's paradise-ships in-
comparably bigger and more numerous than the targets which Hitler's invasion
preparations offered to our little bomber force in 1940. Yet not a bomb fell.
From the days of the first thousand-bomber attacks in the summer of 1942, the
scale of attack has been mounting hugely. During the fifth year of the war-from
September, 1943, to August, 1944-Bomber Command dropped a greater weight
of bombs on Germany than in the four previous years put together. Even the
fifth year's total has been greatly surpassed in the six months which have elapsed
of the sixth year of war.
The combined offensive against German oil production began last April. By
September, owing to the destruction wrought by Allied bombers and the capture
of the Roumanian oil fields by our Russian Allies, this production had been cut to
about a quarter of the April figure. But oil targets are small, strongly defended
and hard to hit. By November, after a period of bad weather, which prevented
visual bombing, the Germans had succeeded, by incessant and desperate repair
work, in raising it appreciably, but repeated attacks by the bombers, aided by the
capture of the Polish refineries and the synthetic oil plants in Silesia by the Rus-
sians, have struck the figure down-again to the September level. The attack con-
tinues. We start in March, with the weather improving, where we were in Sep-
tember, with the weather deteriorating.
The effect of this lack of oil supplies is being felt in many ways. Many com-
bat units of the German Army are not allowed to use oil except during actual
operations. Movements of reserves and replacements are being held up. The
movement of German surface shipping is severely restricted. German aircrews are
not so good as they were because they cannot spare the petrol for training. The
destruction of the synthetic oil plants at Zeitz, Politz, Brux and Leuna by Bomber
Command will rank among the great feats of British Arms in this war. Already,
the Allied Air Forces have reduced German oil production to such an extent that
his available reserves are approaching exhaustion.
Allied air bombing is on such a colossal scale that Dr. Goebbels has had to
admit that "it can now hardly be borne." In the week ending February 12th, 16,000
tons of bombs were dropped by the Allied Air Forces. This rose to 23,000 tons
the next week, to 41,000 the week after that, and, in the following week, 32,000
tons with some returns outstanding. This swelling crescendo of destruction is
engulfing oil plants, tank factories and the communications of the German Armies
on every front, as, from West, East and South, the Allied Armies surge forward
into Germany.
[House of Commons Debates]







British Speeches of the Day


RT. HON. SIR WILLIAM JOWITT
Minister of National Insurance
House of Commons, March 8, 1945
[Extracts]

This is the second of the Measures foreshadowed in the recent White Paper,
on Social Insurance. The first, which is now on'the Statute Book, was the machin-
ery Bill setting up the new Ministry and giving power to transfer to it certain
functions by Order in Council. This is very different. This is a Bill which pro-
vides that help shall be given from the Exchequer for over 2,500,000 families
who have more than one -child. In the broadest and briefest introductory outline,
the scheme is that there shall be provided a sum of 5s. for every child except
the first in any family; that it shall apply to children so long as they are below
the school-leaving age, with certain extensions to which I will refer presently;
it applies to children living in this country, one of whose parents, at any rate,
lives in this country, too; it is not payable to the authorities administering insti-
tutions; it is payable to parents; and there is to be no duplication with allow-
ances under existing insurance schemes, and regulations may provide that there
shall be no duplication with Service or other children's allowances. Lastly-
and on this point a difference of opinion arises-the 5s. is, according to the Bill,
to belong to the father but may be encashed either by the father or the mother. In
my observations I want to say something on each of these topics. . .
Our primary object in introducing this Bill is to ease the financial burden
which, at the present time, oppresses parents with large families, and so pro-
mote the health and well-being of their children. Secondly, we hope that by
this Bill we shall do something to remove those handicaps which, by reason of
poverty, sometimes make a birth a cause for regret rather than a cause for re-
joicing, as it ought to be. It may be said, "If you are confronted with serious
population problems why do you not raise the rates to such an extent as to en-
courage people to have more children?" My answer is that this is not intended
to be an answer to the complex problem which is now engaging the attention
of the Royal Commission over which my noble Friend the Lord Chancellor is
presiding. It is obvious that we cannot pronounce on any of these topics unless
and until we have had the Report of that Commission.
I feel myself that if we are aiming at that family allowances can, at their
very best, be merely a small and partial aid to that end. After all, under any
wage system as I conceive it, whether in a Capitalist or Socialist society, the
remuneration which the worker gets must depend upon the services which he
renders. It cannot depend upon the size of his family. The rate for the job
must be the same, whether the man is a bachelor, or has one child, or has a large
family. The needs of a father of a large family if he is to keep his children in
a decent state and in health must obviously be very different from the needs of
a man without children. What a blessing a Bill like this would have been to the
Rev. Mr. Quiverful who was, as the House will remember, Rector of Pudding-
dale, in the Barchester novels, and who had a family of fourteen children and
found it impossible, as he described it, on his small income to give them, with
decency, the common necessities of life. And there was another reverend gentle-
man-the Vicar of Wakefield, who had six children and who was
"ever of opinion that the honest man who married and brought up a large
family, did more service than he who continued single, and only talked of
population."







Family Allowances 287

That is a robust and vigorous sentiment which we have come to identify with
Wakefield. I want to explain that our object in this Bill is not to take over the
responsibility of parents or, indeed, to filch from parents in the smallest degree
the responsibility which must remain theirs. We want to help them to discharge
that obligation as they would desire. I beg the House not to consider this Bill
in isolation but in its complete setting, with ante-natal services, maternity serv-
ices, child welfare, school meals and National Health services. Still, after we
have made every allowance for those schemes, not only as they are today but
as we want to see them developed, there remains a gap, and that gap can be filled
only by cash payments, to be made without a contribution and without a means
test, by the Exchequer, in order that children of all sections of the community
may have that equal opportunity which we all desire.

Allowances in Kind
The hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge), in the Re-
port which he made upon social services, went into this matter and recommended
that there should be paid an average of 8s. in cash, or in kind, for every child
in the family, except the first. The 8s. was arrived at by taking 9s. as the pro-
visional post-war cost of maintaining a child and deducting Is. as being an esti-
mate of the value of the existing services . .
The Report also states in the plainest terms- and this is often forgotten-
that if provision in kind were to be extended beyond the present scale then the
cash allowances should be reduced. In case of the reference being needed, it
will be found in Paragraph 425. It is satisfactory to us to realize that great minds
think alike or, at any rate, along the same lines. We have, therefore, decided to
give a cash allowance of 5s., and also to give a great increase of meals and milk,
which are to be free for all children in grant-aided schools. The cost of that is
very considerable. When the scheme for meals and milk is fully developed it
will cost 60,000,000 per annum, which exceeds the estimated cost of these family
allowances, which is 57,000,000. So, I want to point out that cutting down the
proposed 8s. to 5s. is not done on the ground of saving. If we take 5s. and these
added allowances in kind the actual cost is substantially more than the 8s. which
was proposed. ...
It is quite true that some time must elapse before the services can become
complete. I have not the Scottish statistics with me, but as regards England and
Wales milk is available, at the present time, in 27,000 out of 28,000 schools, and
there are 14,000 canteens which are now serving 19,000 out of 28,000 schools.
My right hon. Friend the Minister of Education is naturally very keen to com-
plete this scheme as soon as he can. He is in the very fortunate position of hav-
ing the "All clear" from my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
while my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour has given him a high priority
so far as labor is concerned. He has those two assets. We all know how keen
my right hon. Friend is on this scheme, and although I am not going to promise
a date, nor conceal from the House that in present circumstances it must take
some time, there is no reason to suppose that the time will be unduly long. I
know it is said, about school meals, that the cost of them, to a considerable ex-
tent, goes in overheads, and that these overheads are to some extent wasted be-
cause there are fires in the schools and fires in the homes. It is also said that
there are difficulties regarding the holidays, weekends and so on; but on the
whole the advantages of this scheme, in my view, far outweigh the disadvantages.
I would like to point out that these allowances will be available to all child-
ren, including the eldest. I believe that the physical and educational advantages
which come to children from having their meals at school are very great indeed,







288 British Speeches of the Day

and also that the lessening of a mother's work is very important, although, of
course, it depends upon whether parents avail themselves of this opportunity or
not. I dislike intensely the snobbish distinction between those who get their milk
free and those who pay for it. Under this system there is less chance of diver-
sion from the children to other and less worthy purposes. Finally-and this is
not an unimportant consideration-allowances in kind are not subject to Income
Tax. This scheme of family allowances, therefore, should not be considered as
being simply 5s. as against 8s. It is 5s. with the vastly extended services in kind
as opposed to the proposed 8s.

Dominion and Foreign Experience
Schemes of this character are well known abroad. Even before the last war
there were certain sectional and partial schemes in operation. I think I am right
in saying that New Zealand was the first country to have a nation-wide scheme
of this kind. In 1926 New Zealand introduced a scheme whereby they paid 2s.
a week after the first two children so long as the family income was under a
specified amount. It may be an omen for the future here that family allowances
Acts in New Zealand have been rather like Workmen's Compensation Acts in
this country-they have succeeded each other with considerable rapidity. Since
1926 there have been seven Acts in New Zealand, and at the present time there
10s. is being paid for each child so long as the family income, apart from allow-
ances, does not exceed 5 10s. a week. If the income rises beyond that figure the
family allowance is proportionally abated. Australia, in 1941, passed a scheme
providing 5s. a week for each child in the family except the first; and Eire, in
1944, a scheme providing 2s. 6d. a week for each child after the first two. Canada
passed an Act in 1944, to come into operation in 1945, under which each child
is to receive from 5 to 8 dollars a month according to the age of the child, but
there is a deduction after the fourth child. . .
In regard to Europe, going from Spain to Russia, and Finland to Italy, we
find schemes varying in all sorts of ways, some paying in cash allowances, some in
kind and some both. Some pay with the exception of the first and second children,
and in one case only after the fourth. Some are plainly to encourage large fam-
ilies. In Russia, when they get to the third child, they get a grant of 400 roubles,
but when they come to the eleventh child they get 5,000 roubles. In Spain, if
they have two children they get 40 pesetas a month. When they get to 12 it rises
to 1,080.
I pass now to some of the main provisions of the Bill. I am afraid it is rather
complicated, but, with its wide sweep and intimate concern to so many families,
that is inevitable. Families are not all very simple. The majority, no doubt, marry,
have children and live happily ever afterwards, but I have to consider the case
of widows and widowers, those separated, those divorced, those deserted, those
who remarry, sometimes more than once, and those who bring up other people's
children. In all these complicated circumstances we must do our best to make
sure that the allowance goes to the right person. The age of the children under
the scheme is the school-leaving age, whatever that may be from time to time,
or, if the children remain at school after the school-leaving age or are apprentices,
the allowances go on till July 31st following the 16th birthday.

What the Family Is
We have to define the family, if only because we are omitting the first child.
We have taken as our test the test of blood. The parents' claim prevails over
the daim of anyone else so long as the child is living with them, or if it is not
living with them, if they are contributing at least 5s. a week towards its upkeep.







Family Allowances


If the child is neither living with its parents nor are they contributing 5s. a week
we have to consider who is the maintainer. There may be several people who
contribute towards the cost of the child, but there can be only one maintainer and,
broadly speaking, the maintainer is he who contributes the most. There will be
exceptional cases. Parents permanently separated may have children-we ignore
those temporarily separated-and disputes may arise as to the family in which
the children are to be incorporated. If the parents cannot agree, the Minister
has to decide.
Illegitimate children are included. They normally go, of course, with the
mother. The father has no parental rights. If the child is living with the mother
or the mother is paying 5s. towards the keep of the child, the child falls into
the mother's family. But if the mother is not living with the child nor con-
tributing 5s. we again have to look for the maintainer. Amongst the various
maintainers may be the father, but he has no parental rights. . The allow-
ance is not to be paid to the authorities of institutions where children are cared
for. It is payable to families with children. It is payable in respect of those
homes where the responsibility of parenthood may be proving a burden. Of course,
if the child is in a home or a hospital, no matter how long it may be there, we
continue to pay the parent, because we think it is just in those cases that it is
most important that the parental tie should be preserved. Where a child is taken
away from the legal custody of the parents and is put into the care of a local au-
thority or an approved school, we do not pay to the parents in respect of the
child.... I do not see any earthly reason why we should. The parents, on hypo-
thesis, have neglected the child, which is taken away from them and brought up
at someone else's cost. But if the child is in a home or a hospital we continue
to pay the parent. ..

Father or Mother?
Now I come to a matter of some controversy, the question of father or mother.
I have no doubt at all that we must decide this one way or the other. It is no
good leaving the matter obscure and ambiguous. Think of the task of a bench
of magistrates who, without any guidance from us, have to decide as between
two perfectly respectable parents whether the father or the mother is to have
the money. Moreover, we cannot have claims from two parties. We may make
it father or mother, but we must make it one of them. I think there is no in-
superable difficulty to making it either. I admit that opinions may differ about
the answer to the question and I will not pretend that those who had to consider
it instantly came, all with one voice, to the conclusion that the answer we have
selected is the right one. I think I can best help the House by stating quite im-
partially some of the reasons which seem to bear on both sides.
The conclusion that we have come to in the Bill is that the money should
belong to the father but that either parent should be able to encash it. That has
this merit, that it enables the normal family to decide for themselves what they
want to do, and it really will not matter very much in a happy family what is
done. After all, the father is generally the breadwinner. He brings the money
in and hands it over, or some of it, to the mother. Whether he hands it all over
or only some of it depends, I suppose, on the father, and a bit on the mother,
too, but the point is that he can, if he likes, only hand over a part and, even if
we pay the family allowances to the wife, the husband can, if he is so minded,
deduct from the amount that he normally hands over the amount of the allow-
ance, so in that sense the husband has the last word. I can imagine another sense
in which the wife will get the last word. Then we must remember that under
the Workmen's Compensation Acts the husband gets the money for the first child
and the other children. He gets the money under the Unemployment Insurance







British Speeches of the Day


Acts, and under the new scheme, when he is sick or unemployed, he will get the
money for the first child. He pays the tax, because the wife's income and the
husband's have to be aggregated. It may be that in some working class homes,
if we decide to pay the mother, and the father afterwards gets a bill for tax on
the money paid to the mother, he may not like it very much, but that, of course,
is bound to be. Then the husband is the spouse who is primarily liable for the
maintenance of the child. It is true that under the Poor Law the wife is liable if
she has a separate estate. Whereas the husband is absolutely liable, the wife is
only conditionally liable. These considerations perhaps tend rather in favor of
the father.
On the other hand, let us look at some of the mother's points. She could fairly
point to the present arrangement with regard to maternity benefit. Although
payable by reason of the husband's contributions it is the mother's benefit and
it is stated in express terms to be the mother's benefit. Look at Section 60 of
the National Health Insurance Act, 1936, which follows the Act of 1913, and it
will be seen that she alone can give a good discharge for the money. The hus-
band can only give a discharge if he is authorized by her, and the Act expressly
provides that, if he receives the money, he is bound to hand it over to her. There
is another consideration. I have no doubt that, speaking of the ordinary run of
families, the mother knows better how to spend the money or what the money
should be spent on than the father.

Parliament to Decide
There is one other point. In arguments on this matter, there used to be a fear
expressed that if you pay family allowances they might be taken into considera-
tion in fixing wage rates. The risk of that is obviously less if you pay the
mother than if you pay the father. Then, of course, there are some people in this
House who are anxious for payment to the mother because they think it will in-
crease and improve the status of motherhood. It seems to me obvious that, of
all the crafts, mothercraft is the noblest by far, the most important, and, I should
think, by far the most exacting. I should think that amongst sensible people
these facts are well recognized. If people are so stupid as not to realize the status
of motherhood and all that it means to this country, I very much doubt if they
will recognize it because you pay an extra five shillings. But I know that this
view is strongly felt. I saw a letter the other day in the paper from the hon.
Lady the Member for the English Universities (Miss Rathbone), who has done
so much to bring about this reform. She said that, as we had drafted our Bill, it
looked as though it gave color to the view that we were regarding the wife as
being a mere appendage of the husband. I have never met any sensible person-
I have never met any sensible husband, at any rate, who regards his wife as a
mere appendage. . I have known cases where the wife was a mere appendage
of the husband. Equally, I have known cases where the husband was a mere
appendage of the wife. Speaking for myself, I am not a feminist. I am not a
masculinist, if there is such a word. I am an equalitarian. These arguments about
status and the rest impress me much less than some of the other arguments. . .
Let us look at the precedents outside this country. New Zealand pays to the
-mother. Australia pays to the mother. I have never heard of any legal snags or
difficulties arising, and, so far as I know, statesmen in those countries do not
want to alter the system. Eire pays the father. The Dominion of Canada leaves
each of the provinces to decide this matter for themselves. So far as foreign
countries are concerned, there are precedents either way. Russia pays the mother.
I would suggest that we are really in no way bound by precedents. We must
make up our own minds on whatever lines we think best suits our own domestic
arrangements.






Family Allowances


Strong views are held on this matter in all parties-I think unnecessarily strong
views. The Government have decided that the right course in the circumstances
is to leave this matter to a free vote of the House. Before the House votes on the
question at the proper time, which, I suppose, will be on the Committee stage,
it is desirable that it should have the benefit of the advice of the Attorney-General
lest there are some legal pitfalls and difficulties of which I am not aware. I would
only. like, if the House decides in favor of the payment to the mother, to be per-
fectly'clear on three points. First, the House must realize that, so far as Income
Tax is exigible on the amount, it will be payable by the father. . .
The second point is this. It must not be thought that by paying the mother we
relieve the father from the obvious duty, morally. and by law, to maintain his
children. We are not letting the father get away with the idea that, as the mother
is getting the money, he is quit of his responsibilities. He, of course, remains
liable for the maintenance of his children. Third, when I come on the question of
duplication, which I promised .to speak about, there must be no dodging the
issue by saying that this is not a duplication because one payment is made to the
-husband and another to the wife. Obviously, for that purpose we must treat
them as one. Subject to these three points-and I gather that the hon. Lady
*will concede them at once-we shall propose to leave this matter, when we get to
the Committee stage, to a free vote. There may be a slight difficulty for me be-
cause, if the decision is carried in favor of the mother, it may require rather sub-
stantiia m 4 r ag of the Bill, but we can get over that if'
there is a short interval after thed b h in o er I me to table the
necessary Amendments. '..
I can see great administrative difficulties if you are not going to pay the father
in respect of the first child. Whichever is decided, whether it is decided to pay
the father or the mother in the normal case, there will be exceptional cases. You
may have a case where the mother is not a fit person to be entrusted with the
money and the father is a respectable person who should be entrusted with it;
and vice versa. All women are not angels and all men are not devils; and the
Same is true the other way. We must have some arrangements for diversion in
exceptional cases. What machinery shall we have for that? In Australia, it is
done by the Minister departmentally. I do not feel very strongly about this, but
I should prefer not to hive that duty. The making of a decision to take the
money from the normal recipient is a decision of character. You take away the
money because the person is not fit to be entrusted with -it, and if you make a
decision of that sort the person ought to have the chance to go before the justices
and be seen in the flesh. If it is done by the Minister departmentally, he does not
see the people himself and has simply to approve what an official has done .. .

Prevention of Duplication
Now I come to non-duplication. The general principle is stated plainly enough
in the White Paper that there will be no duplication with allowances payable
under other schemes. There is no difficulty in the application of ,this principle
to allowances paid in respect of children under the Workmen's Compensation Acts,
Unemployment Insurance Acts, and to widows under the Contributory Pensions
Act, or for children who receive an orphan's pension under that Act. In the first
three cases, the allowances are less than or are no more than the allowances which
will be payable under the Bill. It is therefore provided that they shall not be
payable for all children for whom an allowance has been awarded under the
Bill. As-regards the last type of case, the orphans receive a pension of 7s. 6d.
a week. This amount is to be increased to 12s. It is, obviously, more convenient







292 British Speeches of the Day

that this payment should be made in one sum from one source at one time, and
not partly as family allowance and partly otherwise. For this reason, they are
excluded from the Bill, and will come wholly under the main Insurance Bill.
When we come to the Armed Forces and war pensioners, whether Service or
civilian, and to the police and the fire service, the position as regards allowances
becomes very complex. Some allowances are greater and others are less than those
payable under the Bill. The passage into law of the Bill will make it necessary to
review the position in detail. The necessary review will be made and completed
before the Bill is brought into force. In the meantime, the Bill has been so drawn
as not to prejudice the result of the review, which may arrive at its conclusions
on the basis that family allowances under the Bill are to be payable, or may arrive
at its conclusions on the basis that family allowances under the Bill are not to be
payable. The Regulation-making power of the Minister will be exercised in accord-
ance with those conclusions. Now, a word about residence and nationality. ...
I was going to say something about residence and nationality. The Bill does
not include children living outside this country. As to the parents, if the father is
a British subject born in Great Britain and he or the mother lives here, the allow-
ance is payable to them. If there is only one parent and that parent fulfills those
qualifications, then the allowance is again payable automatically. Where the parent,
though British, was not born in this country, or a much stronger case, the parent
is a foreigner, we propose to leave it to the Regulatin- to, .deidek- T ret'--with'be
such an infinite variet~yg f.o6ndi~on?'here.hat-we think it is better to take power
t6" diti 'Wi~t'ie matter by Regulation rather than endeavor to cope with it in
the Bill itself. Equally, by Regulation we must deal with the question as to what
happens when the parents go abroad leaving the children here, and what is to
happen during the temporary absence of parents or child. . .
Suppose a refugee comes to this country with a large number of children; is it
right or fair that he should immediately start to draw money for every child except
the first, out of the British Treasury? I am not saying "Yes" or "No" but that
this is a matter which we shall have to look at closely and decide what is right.
The variety of circumstances is too great to endeavor to put everything into the
Bill. The House must give me latitude. I shall have to learn by experience, and I
have no doubt that I shall have to amend the Regulations and so get things right.
I do not like to be entrusted with a large Regulation-making power, but I hope
that the House will entrust me with that power in this matter. . .
There are two outstanding matters, and the first is in regard to claims for
allowances. The principle of the Bill is that the claim should be made to the
Minister, who shall allow or disallow, and then there is an appeal to referees in
the event of a decision of disallowance. The referees have the power to state a
case for the opinion of the court. Therefore on a difficult point of law you can
go to the courts and get the matter decided. That is broadly speaking the system
of the Contributory Pensions Act, which I think has worked fairly well. ..
A word about reciprocal arrangements. The Bill provides for reciprocal ar-
rangements with other parts of the Commonwealth and Empire. Rather a good
illustration is that of Northern Ireland, who have indicated to us that they intend
to put forward a Bill very much on the lines of our Bill here. If that is done, we
shall be able to make an easy reciprocal arrangement with Northern Ireland, mak-
ing it a matter.of indifference whether a birth is registered here or there, or where
the children are. I hope that we shall be able to bring about reciprocal arrange-
ments with other places.
Now for a word about the appointed day. Hon. Members will see that Clause
27 provides that the Bill is to come into force on the appointed day and that







Housing 293

different days may be appointed for different purposes. I am sure to be asked,
"When will the appointed day be?" All we have said at the moment is that it
will be after the war. It is true that on the face of the Bill it is for the Minister
to say, but obviously in a matter of this importance the question will have to en-
gage the attention of the War Cabinet. I am not prepared today to say anything
more than that or to attempt to define what is meant by "the war."
[House of Commons Debates]




RT. HON. H. U. WILLING
Minister of Health
National Housing and Town Planning Council, London,
March 2, 1945

The ten-year task that lies ahead of us will be the greatest undertaking in
the history of housing. We are moving forward confidently to an era of improv-
ing standards of housing. The Housing Manual which was issued by the Gov-
ernment last year showed that the intention is that those standards shall im-
prove. We are going to have houses that are more roomy, more beautiful, and
more appropriately designed to the needs of the families who live in them: houses
that are more varied in size to meet those various needs. We look forward to the
growing art and science of town and country planning to increase the sense of
community which has not as yet been fully developed and, indeed, it may well
be said, has been losing ground compared with the old days. We look forward
to a better distribution of industry and housing-placing the homes of the peo-
ple in better relation to their work; we have major problems ahead such as stand-
ards of density and the decongestion of our cities.

A Million Houses Needed
How can all of us best help in this great housing crisis? In the field of housing
we have frequently talked of the two-year period after the defeat of Germany.
We are now almost in the position, I hope, when we can regard that two-year
period as from now, and say we are facing our immediate task during the
forthcoming weeks and months. I believe in seriously facing the facts. It is es-
sential in a matter of this importance that projects should not be based on false
premises. It must not be overlooked that there will have been an almost com-
plete interruption of house-building for six years when we start again. No one
seriously challenges the statement that if every family is to have a separate home
-and every family should-we need a million more than we have. That figure
is arrived at by this calculation: that compared with 1939 we shall have in 1945,
850,000 more family units wanting separate homes. We have also had 200,000
houses totally destroyed by the enemy. There are on a modest computation at
least 100,000 slum houses. Against that total of 1,150,000 houses we can only
set 150,000 houses built or completed since the outbreak of war.
As long ago as June of last year, before the flying bomb and other attacks
there were heavy arrears of unrepaired war damage. These were not distributed
evenly over the country, a fact which creates difficulty. Since then, the flying
bomb attacks in Greater London and Southeastern England have increased im-
mensely that burden of war damage. Taking the damage up to September alone,
and leaving on one side very slight damage and on the other damage so severe






294 British Speeches of the Day

that it could not be tackled in the winter months, there were 719,000 houses to
be repaired to those damaged up to that date. Since that date, much new damage
has been caused to houses in Southeastern England.
We are, as the Prime Minister stated a few days ago, at the peak period both
of the war against Germany and the war against Japan. Nothing that we do
must prolong either branch of this war one day longer than we can help.

The Labor Force
As against a building industry one million strong in 1939, we have an in-
dustry today of 337,000 men. Beyond doubt a large proportion of that immensely
reduced building force must now, and for some time ahead, be used, if it is to
be most effectively used, to increase the number of habitable houses damaged by
bombs. Our objective for these two- years must be the greatest possible increase
in the number of tolerable homes in the shortest possible time without compro-
mising our permanent standards or prejudicing a return to them at the earliest
moment. We must cause the minimum prejudice to good planning and to the
best use of land in all respects. There are three tasks on which the Government
and everyone interested in housing should concentrate, so that the most skillful
use is made of this greatly reduced building force. The first, steps to increase that
force at the earliest possible date; secondly, every possible preparation that can
be made without employing building labor; and thirdly, seeking every device to
make use of labor other than our small supply of building craftsmen.
We hope that at the end of 12 months after the war against Germany the
building industry will have risen to 800,000 men, as the result of demobiliza-
tion, by special release of men needed for this most urgent of reconstruction work,
and by the training of apprentices. But though that will be a very great achieve-
ment, let us mark that it means this: that the average number of operatives over
those 12 months will be in the region of 500,000, only half the pre-war building
industry, and at a time when the industry is shaping itself anew after wartime
dislocation.
Let us also bear in mind that in 1939 about 300,000 men were engaged on
ordinary repairs and maintenance. We all know what arrears of maintenance and
repairs have accumulated today. What is the Government's intention and target?
In spite of these new blows, we have never shifted since our target was first an-
nounced. It is that in those first two years we should see to it that 300,000 houses
of permanent good type and character should be built or in course of building.
What matters to those who will be returning home is the number of houses built.

Sharing Houses
We place the utmost importance on bringing into operation as soon as possi-
ble private enterprise building. We realize fully the immense contribution that
private enterprise made between the wars; the economic effect on prices of the
introduction of private enterprise; and that private enterprise owns sites, in many
cases developed. There will be very many coming back from the war who will want
to own their own house. Another factor will be the conversion of existing houses,
an operation that may well form an important part of schemes in our large cities.
I have appointed a special Sub-Committee to look into this question.
Then there is the reconditioning of rural cottages. Only this week I promised
in the House that legislation would be introduced this session to amend the law
and make further reconditioning possible.
Regarding local authority housing there has never been a time-there never
will be a time-when we shall more urgently need houses that can be allocated
according to need. Temporary houses will not take the large family. I believe







Housing 295

local authorities will do well to consider one idea-it is an idea and not a design
-which was mentioned in the Housing Manual and which has become known
as the "Duplex Idea." It is supported by an eminent Sub-Committee, of the
Central Housing Advisory Committee of which Mr. Silkin, M.P. for Peckham,
was Chairman. Associated with him were a distinguished body of experts, among
them Sir Harold Bellman and Mr. Keay, the City Architect of Liverpool. It
may well be that whatever we do there will have to be sharing of houses. Local
authorities may think it right-it will be for them to decide-to accept this plan
of a temporary division of what will be in essence a permanent house of good
standard. The Minister of Works and I are considering further suggestions of
how this idea can be adopted which will be issued to local authorities.

Preparation of Sites
As regards preparations for permanent houses, 24,500 acres have been ac-
quired by local authorities, available for 240,000 houses; layout plans have been
prepared for 90,000 houses, of which 78,000 have been approved by my Depart-
ment. Apart from sites already developed, contracts have been placed for roads
and sewers covering 45,000 houses.
So far as actual building is concerned, we have only been able to make a
start so small as hardly to deserve the name. It has been confined to a few
bomb-destroyed houses only, where labor happens to be available and where the
cost is under 1,500. I cannot say more at this double peak of the war than
that the Government hope to eliable the resumption of permanent house-building
on a limited scale during 1945.
I must stress, however, that the preliminary preparations are uneven, taking
the country as a whole. I would like to impress on all concerned that it is essen-
tial that every local authority should have sites ready and house plans made and
approved for a reasonable installment of their first year's program. Only in this
way will they be ready to go to tender and get ahead when we can give the word.
It is more than likely, if we are to make the fullest usq of available labor so as
to get the maximum number of houses- built, that we shall have to accept a very
severe restriction of other forms of work needing that labor.
The principle behind the temporary house program is the need of producing
homes with all possible speed, coupled with the maximum use of labor not nor-
mally used on housing. The aim is to achieve that with as little prejudice as
possible to the building of permanent houses. If the temporary houses are going
,to produce tens of thousands of homes in advance of the date on which homes
can otherwise be provided, we must not disregard that advantage or allow it to be
outweighed by such considerations as the fact that they are uneconomic, that they
create for every local authority a serious planning problem, and that they are the
sort of houses which this Council or the Government would never sanction in
normal times.
But this should be made clear. Whatever you may have seen in the Press,
it is the Government's firm intention to deliver to local authorities temporary
houses up to the number that have been allocated-something over 100,000 in
England and Wales-and as quickly as possible. The rate of delivery has been
increased by the 30,000, for the promise of which we are so grateful to our
American ally.

H. Q. Priority
Sites for all these houses that have been allocated must be handed over ready
for the Ministry of Works to deal with the foundations during this year and not






British Speeches of the Day


at the end of this year. They must be handed over in a steady and increasing
flow if the homes that are offered are to be available to the people. If this opera-
tion is to be properly planned, the Ministry of Works will want the sites for
their work, two months before the houses are delivered. If the sites have first
to be developed that means six months' work. I believe that there are still be-
tween 70,000 and 80,000 sites not yet developed. Broadly speaking, for deliveries
up to August we shall have to depend on sites that are already developed. I
have asked local authorities to give special attention to the acquisition of sites for
these temporary houses. Suitable sites are those in built-up areas that have not
been built on, slum clearance sites, bombed sites, sites originally intended for
permanent housing either by the local authority or private enterprise, and, what
are ideal sites, those which in due time might become open spaces but are threatened
with permanent development.
So far, sites for 60,000 temporary houses have been submitted to my Depart-
ment and 46,000 have been approved, but only about 4,000 are at a stage in
which they could be handed over to the Ministry of Works to do their part of
the job. This is a duty of the first urgency, for the fulfillment of which I know
I can rely on local authorities. I am asking them to get every undeveloped site
to the stage of tender not later than April, so that they may be ready to take
advantage of the summer weather. The urgency with which the Government
regard this work is shown by the fact that it is being given what is known as
H.Q. priority-the same priority that is given for the most important operational
work.
It is clear that if by the application of new methods a program, wholly con-
sisting of permanent houses, would be so brought forward as to make it unnec-
essary to extend the temporary house program beyond a year, this would be
universally welcomed. The Minister of Works is throwing his great energy into
this part of the undertaking in dose collaboration with myself. At his request I
have invited the Local Authority Associations to appoint a technical committee
which will be at the disposal of Mr. Sandys so that he may have the benefit of
local authority experience. He has reached the stage where he will very shortly
be carrying out some forms of experimental work and doing this in a number
of cases in close association with local authorities.
[Oficial Release]



LORD WOOLTON
Minister of Reconstruction
Warwickshire Federation of Women's Institutes, Birmingham,
March 10, 1945

My purpose in attending your Conference today is a simple one. There is one
aspect of our public life during these last five years of war which I think has had
a determining effect on the success of our efforts: it is that the people of this
country have had defined for them their particular job whether in the fighting
services or on the home front. They have been given the reasons for Government
action; and those actions, sometimes of a most unpalatable nature, have been ac-
cepted because they have been explained.
This is the democratic method of Government: it has called forth not only
services that have been willingly conscripted or directed to particular tasks, but it






The Rising Generation 297

has enabled Government to enlist an immense body of voluntary workers who
have accepted and adopted Government objectives, and have supplemented the
official machinery.
Your organization can look back on your war service with great pride. I
thought it proper that I, who have particular reason for gratitude to you, should
come to this Conference today, and, speaking on behalf of His Majesty's Gov-
ernment as well as on my own, thank you for the distinguished and disinterested
service that you have so faithfully rendered.

Rural Reconstruction
I was disturbed to observe that your officers decided some time ago that I
should speak on "Rural Reconstruction" and, furthermore, in order that there
should be no doubt left in my mind as to your desires and intentions, you have
placed a Resolution on the paper, expressing a good democratic point of view. As
I read the Resolution it says that if somebody in the family has to be incon-
venienced by the placing of houses in relation to other necessities of social life,
then it had better be father! I should support that Resolution!
I d9 not doubt that there are many problems of Reconstruction of particular
application to rural areas, and not the least of them, to my mind, is the proper
development of rural areas as a center of life. I am not content with the negative
attitude that we should prevent the towns growing bigger and encroaching on the
countryside: what we should aim at is to encourage the development of rural
areas so that people who live in them have a fuller life with a wider choice of
employment and great opportunities for a full life and therefore want to con-
tinue to live in them.
It was as one of the means to this end that the Government asked the authority
of Parliament for powers for the Minister of Health to ensure that there should
be an adequate water supply in all homes in the country. I called it "a tap in every
home": it seems to me a very elementary standard for a civilized country, and we
deserve no credit as a nation for having been so slow about it in the past. I have
no doubt that these powers will be granted by Parliament.
So we have made a beginning on Rural Reconstruction: when the labor returns
from the war we can begin to get on with the job.
There are other things I want to see happen. I want rural housing to be at
least as good and to have at least the same amenities as town housing. I want
to see electricity, at prices that people can afford to pay, in every home and on
every farm in the country. I want to see a great development of those rural in-
dustries that can follow from extensive afforestation and I want to see agriculture
keeping, in the days of peace, the place in national esteem that it has won in war,
with the agricultural worker recognized as a skilled craftsman and paid a wage,
in peacetime, that will enable him to pay the rent of a decent house.
There is one other thing that I would like to say about rural development
which it is proper to say to an audience containing so many people who are mem-
bers of local, authorities: it is this. Let us have a care for the beauty of the Eng-
lish village when we embark on rural development. The English countryside is
indeed one of great beauty, but when I look at the modernized village streets and
at many of the houses built in the prosperous days of the last 50 years, I am bound
to recognize some of the aesthetic limits of what was called progress. And much
as I dislike extension of control I say that people should not be allowed to build
houses or other buildings of materials or of designs that jar against the landscape;
and shopkeepers of integrity can rely upon the quality of their goods to attract
their customers and have no need for blatant exteriors to proclaim their individu-






British Speeches of the Day


ality: I hope we shall preserve the beauty of our villages and let development be
accompanied by the creation of further things of beauty.
These ideas of rural development are not idle dreams: they are not beyond
our capacity, neither are they beyond our need. They are the things that will give
us food, homes and work for our countryside. Moreover, they are the factors that
will help to repair the ravages that war has made on the physical stock of the
nation.

Health and Nutrition
No problem of Reconstruction can outweigh in importance the problem of
rearing a physically-fit and educated race. This is a side of Reconstruction about
which I want to speak to an audience of women, and which was the second reason
that led me to accept your invitation. I believe that in this aspect of our social
life we can take pride of place among all the nations of the world, but since we
are a democracy, and public opinion determines these issues, I am anxious to secure
public support, the support of your organization and of the large number of
people whom you can influence, so that by the positive and final act of legisla-
tion our society advances in this matter in step with our growth of knowledge and
our awakened social conscience.
Surely we have learned a great deal during this war about the positive ways in
which we can improve the nation's health. I remember, as do many of you, the
physical deterioration that was common among the children of this country during
and after the last war. You doubtless remember too the terrible conditions that
stirred our imagination and our sympathy at the end of the last war when we
learned of the conditions of the children in Austria.
S When I became Minister of Food I resolved that, whatever else might hap-
pen, we should not, during the war, allow the children of this country to suffer
in health because of insufficient or improper feeding. The advancement of science
had given to us much more knowledge than was available 25 years ago; I con-
cluded that if we failed to use that knowledge we should be "sinning against the
light." So we framed a nutritional policy for the preservation of the health of
children and nursing mothers. It was a bold venture; it departed from prece-
dents; it ran many risks of being abused, and I freely admit that we did not fence
it round with all the safeguards that might have been necessary against such
abuses. . We took these risks but we got it into operation within six weeks.
In the face of our knowledge that milk was going to be in short supply, we
gave priority for a pint of milk a day, at 2d. per pint, or, if necessary, free, for
all expectant and nursing mothers, and for children under five. We took the
most active steps to persuade local authorities to see that all the children in the
schools received at least one-third of a pint of milk each day regardless of whether
they could pay for it. We sought and obtained the help of the teachers in the task
of distributing it. At present the school milk scheme covers 4,250,000 out of
5,500,000 children.
In all this work for feeding children the teachers of this country have done
magnificent voluntary service during the war and have earned our gratitude and
our praise.
The success of the National Milk Scheme has put the demand for milk in this
country on to a permanent footing. Consumption in England and Wales has in-
creased from 767 million gallons in 1938, to 1,052 million gallons in 1943. In
Northern Ireland, where milk has not been rationed, consumption has risen from
14 million gallons to 32 million gallons. I believe that no money has been spent
during this war to better purpose than this.







The Rising Generation 299

Results Already Visible
The Prime Minister, in one of his broadcasts, and using his characteristically
graphic phraseology, said that "there is no finer investment for any community
than putting milk into babies." I hope the country will remember that, and when
the emergency regulations, under which this policy has been authorized, expire,
I beg that both the policy and the practice, with whatever adaptations may be
necessary, will become an accepted part of our national health system. This need
will remain when the war is over.
At the same time that we arranged for children to have milk, we encouraged
local authorities to strengthen the maternity and child welfare services, so many
of which have been dependent upon the voluntary efforts of your members. We
arranged for the distribution of vitamin products, orange juice, cod-liver oil,
vitamin and calcium tablets for mothers and babies. Striking evidence of the
success of these schemes is provided by the vital statistics for the war years. In
1943, the last complete year for which figures are available, the birthrate in Eng-
land and Wales was the highest since 1928. In spite of this increase in births,
the stillbirths and pre-natal and maternal mortality were the lowest on record.
These figures were even better in the first three quarters of 1944.
Mortality for children between the ages of one and five years fell from 4.59
per 1,000'living in 1938, to 3.34 in 1943. Deaths between five and ten years
of age fell from 1.87 per 1,000 living in 1938 to 1.40 in 1943.
The maternal mortality rate per 1,000 total births fell from 3.10 in 1939 to
2.30 in 1943. These are the results of our wartime efforts to protect the health
and to nurture the rising generation. They must not end with the war.
As we pass from war to peace, we shall all be hoping to pass from control
to freedom. We look forward to being able to buy what we want and to eat what
we like. I subscribe most heartily to that view. I ask, however, that as we move
towards freedom we shall not discard the good things that we have learnt in
the war. Don't let us throw the baby out with the bath water. We have become
more educated regarding the use of food during these last five years; we have
become receptive to new ideas and new knowledge. It is proper that the State
should educate public opinion-point the way that knowledge has enlightened-
and provide the opportunities for the individual to benefit by it.
Amidst all the problems of Reconstruction my own mind perpetually turns to
those that affect the rising generation. The young need protection and it is proper
that for them the State should take deliberate steps to give them opportunity.
Firstly, I crave for them the chance of health. Justice demands it; the nation
requires it.
As Minister of Food I tried by experiment and by example to lay the founda-
tion for future policy to this end. I pray that it may endure.

Family Allowances in Kind and Cash
Even midst the stress of war, my right hon. Friend the Minister of Educa-
tion has produced an Education Act which is a beneficial revolution. I think it
is a great Act, and there is one aspect in particular on which he and I worked to-
gether which I wish to commend to your particular notice. It is the part that deals
with the feeding of children in schools. You must make that effective. Legisla-
tion is not enough. Feeding is not enough: it must be good feeding: the food
must be properly chosen in the light of knowledge of what a growing child needs
for the building of a developing body. When the food has been well chosen it
must be well cooked. This is a task that calls for the highest degree of scientific
catering: it must not be left to chance.







300 British Speeches of the Day

I believe that we can use this section of the Education Act to bring home to
the people the immense' improvement in their health and happiness that can come
from the knowledgeable use of their food. And it is the business of Education
Authorities to see that this chance is not missed. I beg you not to be afraid of de-
veloping school feeding. There is much good social discipline to be learnt at the
common table and school feeding will be as great an educational benefit as it will
be a material one.
We have taken another step of great social significance. We have introduced
the system of family allowances in order to make sure that the people who are
willing to have large families are not economically unduly penalized by doing so.
The nation wants large families: but we do not want families to be half starved
because they are large. Family allowances are going to cost a large sum of money:
57,000,000 a year. For a people burdened as we are with taxation this is a bold
adventure for future gain. If, as a result of it, the nation rears a larger population,
and one less prone to the wastage of disease, one more vigorous in physical
capacity, it will prove profitable expenditure.

Where Responsibility Rests
I have spoken this afternoon of some of the Reconstruction plans to which we
in the Government have put our hand, but let us make no mistake about this: the
responsibility for the actual working of all social reforms rests on each one of us
as individuals. These great and vast schemes of social reform are not going to be
paid for by some indefinite organization called the Treasury: the Treasury is a
tax collector. These plans will have to be paid for-by you and me. And we shall
be able to pay for them only out of the wealth that we produce by hard work.
If the housewife wants her house to look nicer she has to work to make it
nicer: if the people of this country want a Better Britain, we shall have to work
to make it better: and "work" doesn't mean making propaganda speeches about
the new world, it means a sheer hard daily endeavor that produces more goods
and services from the raw materials, the land and the manpower of the country.
We must earn the benefits if we are to continue to enjoy them.
First, then, we must earn the national wealth to pay for these social blessings.
This is no new doctrine: the majority of the people of this country are very will-
ing to work hard and very willing to share other peoples' burdens that come from
unmerited misfortune.
But these Reconstruction plans must not only be good plans: they must be
well and economically carried out. This is going to throw increased burdens on
our administrative services on public servants and on men and women occupying
public offices. It is from organizations such as yours, experienced in the work of
public welfare, that these voluntary workers for the public service should come.
The world of the future is going to be no bed of roses for any of us and the
demands it will make on the individual, be he producer, administrator or public
spirited citizen, will be very great.
But I have no doubt myself that the individuals with whom the greatest re-
sponsibility of all will lie are the mothers and fathers-those who help and work
to make a home.
Consider the case of family allowances. The State will make financial pro-
vision but action will lie with the parents. They are left free to spend the money
from family allowances well or ill. The community is trusting them-not com-
pelling-to spend it well and in the best interest of the children. Housewives have
shown in wartime how well they deserve this trust: if they had not exercised a
wise and even-handed stewardship in their daily housekeeping, the Government







The Merchant Navy 301

schemes of rationing and priority could never have succeeded in nourishing the
growth of healthy children and sustaining the vigor of the workers in farm and
factory.
In the new scheme of family allowances the State is building on well tried
foundations: it is fortifying parental responsibility. Let us never forget that
children are the children of parents not of the State, and the home is the center
of their lives and the source of their strength and the foundation of their char-
acters. It was at home that we first learnt to work: at home that we first learnt to
work together and for one another. These are the lessons that we must go on
learning and applying in the wider fields of life.

The Tools and the Worker
However large the scale of our planning may be-for full employment, for
housing and health, for schools and colleges-let us never forget that these are
but the tools for the job of Reconstruction. All our hopes for the future depend
upon how we use them: upon the quality of our work and life as individual mem-
* bers of the community-in short, on what sort of people we are.
The work and life of Britain in the future will depend upon the character of
its people. Let us give character a chance of growth in strong bodies, fortified by
the best that we can offer in education and in opportunity.
These last five years we have seen what the British character at its best can
compass: those unforgettable achievements of daring and faith that our young
men-and our young women, too-have wrought in time of war against tre-
mendous odds. Their character and courage have made possible our present hope
for a better Britain and a better world. It is on the character of them and of their
children-a generation that will rise from the ashes of the most devastating of all
wars-that the fulfillment of our hope depends. We must give those children
their chance. Let us embark on the bold venture of faith that they will take it-
and in doing so add yet further glory to the tradition of their fathers and the good
name of the British race.
[Official Release]



LORD LEATHERS
Minister of War Transport
House of Lords, March 13, 1945

My Lords, it is now nearly six months since an earlier Motion by my noble
Friend Lord Winster enabled me to give a review of our plans concerning the
future of the Merchant Navy and our general shipping policy when we turn over
from war to peace. You will not, I am sure, expect me to have anything very
new to add in respect of developments since last October. I say, however, in
spite of the observations of my noble Friend that there has been steady progress
along certain lines and certain new factors have emerged or become more important.

Reasons for Shipping Shortage
Perhaps noble Lords will forgive me if I start with a brief outline of our
present shipping position. We are at the moment fighting two w'rs full out.
Both these wars have reached or approached their peak period in respect of ship-
ping demands at the same time. That is really the explanation of the shortage







British Speeches of the Day


. of shipping being more pronounced at this time than when I indicated it might
show some easement. Although there is now more shipping afloat and in service
than in any previous period in the world's history, the result is a very severe shortage
of shipping in relation to our needs. The vigorous and successful offensives being
conducted in the Pacific and in Burma, together with plans for the acceleration
and intensification of campaigns in those parts of the world, are proceeding simul-
taneously with what we all believe to be the final crescendo of the campaign in
the West. Over and above all these tremendous demands, we have the normal
maintenance of supplies to the United Nations, and the specially severe needs of
the territories recently liberated. These are demands which we cannot in justice
or in humanity deny, and we are making the most strenuous efforts to meet them
with the minimum interference to the conduct of the offensives.
I would here like to say that we are very worried about what may be the
position in Holland as further liberation takes place. That is a matter which
has been very carefully studied for a long time. When the time comes we shall
have to use all kinds of means in order to supplement what may be called the
more normal ways of getting supplies delivered to those places, but I can assure
your Lordships that plans have been in preparation for a long time and will be
ready to take effect in the best possible way when the time comes. We shall have
to resort to special means, and those special means I cannot make known to your
Lordships at the moment. The problem of marrying together all these demands
both military and civil, is by itself very great, and when coupled with an over-all
shortage of shipping the complexities become immense. Military demands often
change at short notice and, owing to their predominant character, such changes
cause severe repercussions on the balance of shipping in different parts of the world.
The availability of cargo at places of loading and the ability of the ports to
receive and clear such cargoes at the other end, particularly those ports which have
suffered damage in course of liberation, are other matters which greatly affect
the use of shipping and have contributed, of course, to make the situation more
difficult. All these factors must be taken into account in our planning if the
future course of military operations and the maintenance of essential civil needs
of the United Nations are not to be prejudiced. On the other hand, noble Lords
will appreciate that when the end of the war against Germany comes there will
be, at least for a short period, an easement in our over-all shipping position, and
we must be prepared for this also if opportunities for carrying increased civil
cargoes are not to be missed.
There has, I think, been some misapprehension about the shipment of supplies
to the liberated countries. The fact that these countries have ships of their own,
some of which are being used elsewhere, does not mean these ships could carry
extra supplies to their own countries. The lines of communications of mighty
armies lie through these territories and port capacity and inland clearance capacity
are woefully short. I am happy, however, to report that the situation is now
improving in all these respects.

Shipping Control After European War
Last October I was glad to be able to inform your Lordships about the agree-
ment of the major shipping Allies to set up a United Maritime Executive Board
to continue the control of merchant shipping in the common interest during the
period between the collapse of Germany and the expiration of six months from
the end of the Japanese war. Planning and consultation have been going ahead
since then. The first meeting of the Executive Board was held in Washington
last December when useful agreement was reached on a number of questions.
Only last week I was delighted to entertain in London Admiral Land, the head







The Merchant Navy 303

of the United States War Shipping Administration, and other Allied representa-
tives on the occasion of the second meeting of the Board. At this meeting again
valuable progress was achieved and agreements have been reached which will
greatly facilitate smooth operation of the revised control when it comes into force
on the collapse of Germany. I am happy to add that, since I last spoke to you
the Governments of the Commonwealth of Australia, of India and of France
have adhered to the Agreement on Principles and it is expected that other Govern-
ments will shortly adhere.
As I told this House six months ago, this Agreement has two main purposes:
first, to see that the shipping needed for the purposes of the United Nations is
supplied as efficiently and fairly as possible; and, second, to see that no shipping
interest obtains an unfair start over another by premature return to normal com-
mercial trading, while its rivals are still engaged in the prosecution of the war
and its immediate aftermath. I regard-and I am sure noble Lords will agree
with me-this united maritime authority as a most valuable piece of international
machinery. Furthermore, the fact that so many countries have agreed to work
together for a common purpose during this trying transition period is most en-
couraging for the post-war prospects of international co-operation with mutual
benefit to all. As I informed the House last year, it has long been cear to His
Majesty's Government that control of shipbuilding would have to remain, at least
until the end of hostilities. In order to guide the shipbuilding program and the
shipbuilding industry in accordance with national needs, my right hon. Friend
the First Lord of the Admiralty and I have set up a Shipbuilding Committee.
This Committee, of which the Chairman is Sir Cyril Hurcomb, has already done
much useful work and will, I am sure, prove a useful piece of administrative
machinery throughout the whole transition period.

Post-War Plans
The effect of the change in emphasis away from the 10,000-ton standard
bulk carrier has not yet been felt in deliveries from United Kingdbm yards and
will not be felt for some months to come. The general tendency is now to build
a greater variety of types, such as cargo-liners and smaller vessels capable of using
the smaller ports of Europe and the Far East. The noble Lord inquired particu-
larly about passenger liners. Negotiations are now proceeding between a number
ot owners and builders ror passenger vessels of the larger types, and orders have
now been placed for a number of the smaller, shorter-range passenger ships. The
Shipbuilding Committee is also considering the post-war opportunities and pros-
pects of the shipbuilding industry. Their findings will in due course be reported
to my right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty and myself, and will
no doubt form the basis of our consideration jointly with the Minister of Recon-
struction as to how the needs of this industry will best be fitted into the general
post-war economic structure of the country.
Noble Lords have shown a considerable interest in the question whether
insurance payments in respect of ships lost during the war are'sufficient, together
with accrued depreciation allowances over the life of the ships lost, to cover the
cost of replacing this tonnage with new ships. I have made a considerable study
of this point since I last addressed this House on shipping questions. It is not
denied in any quarter that shipbuilding costs have risen very considerably over
the last five or six years-though not by any means to the extent of 200 per cent
referred to by my noble Friend; but it may be anticipated that some fall in costs
will be achieved on the cessation of war conditions. On this assumption the result
of a broad over-all review seems to show that by and large the shipping companies
will have sufficient money to replace the losses, provided that, in addition to the







304 British Speeches of the Day

insurance payments, due provision for depreciation had been set aside year by
year during the life of the ships. I do not say that there is no case of a ship-
owning firm which is not in a position to replace its losses; It may even be
that the owners of certain particular classes of ships are relatively worse off than
other classes. I understand, however, that the industry is preparing comprehensive
figures on this subject and I shall certainly be very ready to study them immediately
they are available. It is not a case of industry waiting for the Government but
of the Government waiting for industry.

Post-War Problems
I hope noble Lords have not come here this afternoon in the hope of hearing
from me a definite plan for the reconstitution and re-establishment of our ship-
ping industry in the post-war period. From what I have already said about the
extreme difficulties of the present shipping situation noble Lords will realize that
there has not been much time available to me or to my advisers to grapple with
this problem in as much detail as we would wish. We are still fighting, and ship-
ping is strained to the utmost. I regret that we have not been able to proceed
further with our post-war plans, but I make no apology for the fact that the
prosecution of the war has made first call upon our efforts. Even if we had had
the opportunity there are as yet so many unknown factors in the equations that
it would be futile to produce a hard-and-fast plan at this stage. We can only
.make dear what our needs will be and what shape we would wish to see world
shipping assume after the war.
The outlines of the problem and the desiderata of His Majesty's Government
remain the same as they were six months ago. The problem briefly is this. The
British shipping industry has lost heavily in men and ships. It has had to
abandon its foreign customers and to concentrate on war. Simultaneously the
tremendous building 'achievements of Canada and the United States have placed
an enormous tonnage of new ships in the water. Thus British shipping will have
to renew its contacts with its former customers and to repair its deficiencies,
particularly in specialized ships so that it may be able to meet whatever competi-
tion it may have to face. The problem of the surplus tonnage, while it affects
all maritime nations, is primarily an American problem. We have no official
information of what the American Government's intentions are, there have been
many indications, from official and unofficial sources, of the sort of policy which
the United States Government are likely to adopt. In the first place it seems
probable that they will sell to private shipowners a large number of their Govern-
ment owned ships. In respect of the faster and more specialized ships such sales
may be mainly; or even wholly, to United States nationals. In respect of that
standard war horse, the Liberty ship, the sales are likely to be made abroad. It
would, I think, be improper for me to speculate further on this subject until the
United States Government have made some official pronouncement as to their policy.
I have referred to the world demand for shipping as being probably much
less than the shipping likely to be available in two or three years' time. I should
like to qualify this. It is plain that if the nations agree, together to exchange
goods with each other in free and friendly competition, if they are determined
to raise the standard of living of the vast populations of the world, then the
demand for shipping in'the future would well exceed the pre-war volume of
shipping. It therefore behooves everybody to do their utmost to further the es-
tablishment of economic conditions between the nations that shall enable trade
to flourish and the standard of living to rise throughout the world. If this
happens, there need be no more doubt as to the future of our shipping industry.
There would be plenty of cargo to carry and we can rely on British efficiency
at sea to secure for us our proper share of the carrying trade. ,If, however, we







The Merchant Navy 305

are to return to a world of subsidies and discrimination, then the future is far
less rosy. In such circumstances we should be bound to take special measures
to protect our own interests. As I told your Lordships' House on an earlier occa-
sion, we shall seek to secure international agreement on a code of fair play for
shipping competition. If we are successful the dangers of foreign subsidies, open
and concealed, should be overcome or at least substantially mitigated. The time
is, however, not ripe to initiate international negotiations on this subject.
This war has shown once again, and more clearly than ever, how dependent
this island and, indeed, the Empire are upon seaborne communications. Just as
our lives depend on our ships in wartime, so does our livelihood in peacetime.
The net decrease in our foreign investments and the net increase in our foreign
indebtedness have been far greater than those oi any other country of the Allied
Coalition. We shall be poorer after the war unless we can so increase the pro-
ductivity of our industry as to more than counterbalance the losses we have suffered.
We shall have to work hard and maintain our unity of purpose in the peaceful
struggle for living standards. Shipping will have a big part to play in this task,
and I am sure that no one would suggest that we should play any smaller part
on the seas than we played in 1939. Indeed this is particularly a matter which
concerns shipping. I would remind noble Lords that before the first German war
we had a much larger share of the world's.carrying trade than in 1939, when we
had about 18,000,000 tbns of British shipping This decline was largely due to
aggressive policies of subsidy adopted by the Axis nations. Six months ago, I
said that our post-war Merchant Navy must be at least as large as before the war
and so much larger as British enterprise and efficiency can make it. I see no
reason to amend or qualify that statement in any way today.
The noble Lord, Lord Winster, suggested that a dilemma existed in that the
needs of this country for shipping are greater in war than in peace, and that,
consequently, we should not be able to employ in peacetime the minimum tonnage
needed for our defense. This is not necessarily so; it depends on the naval situa-
tion. I very much hope that we shall never again have to face a war with the
desperate shortage of escort vessels which confronted us in the early years of the
present war.
Developments in Technique and Welfare
The last five years have brought remarkable technical developments in life-
saving appliances and in the general technique of safety of life at sea. My
Department is at present reviewing the pre-war requirements of the Merchant
Shipping Acts and the various rules and regulations issued thereunder, to see
where revision is desirable and practicable. This review will cover all mat-
ters concerned with the safety of merchant ships, both in their construction
and in their equipment, as well as in the arrangements for the accommodation for
the crew. On the important subject of lifeboats and life-saving appliances, con-
siderable progress has already been made in discussions with all sections of the
industry in formulating requirements for post-war application. Other requirements
in respect of hulls, machinery and equipment will similarly be dealt with. Our
object is to see revised regulations adopted not only for British ships but applied
internationally. For this purpose we look forward to the amendment of the Inter-
national Safety Convention of 1929 by means of a Conference to be held as soon
as the situation permits. In all this work we are taking full account of wartime
developments and I might mention particularly the use of radiolocation as a navi-
gational aid. In the same way we are reviewing the requirements for crew
accommodation so that we may continue the considerable advances achieved during
the war and consider the possibility of further improvement in new ships. The
National Maritime Board have set up a strong Committee on the subject which







306 British Speeches of the Day

represents all sections of the industry, and I shall, of course, give their recom-
mendations my most careful and sympathetic consideration.
Noble Lords will no doubt be aware that the governing body of the Inter-
national Labor Office proposes to issue invitations for a preparatory technical con-
ference with a view to formulating international minimum standards on a number
of subjects including accommodation on board ships. There has not hitherto been
any international standard of crews' quarters, and differences in the customs and
needs of different races employed at sea are bound to make the subject one of
extreme difficulty. In the meantime the work which we are doing to revise British
requirements forms an essential preliminary to any international consideration of
the matter and we shall, of course, constantly bear this latter aspect in mind. I
would mention that the Conference is to deal with the wages question. They
have yet to proceed to that subject, but very great care will be taken to ensure
that all who are concerned and interested will be consulted.
[Lord Strabolgi: May I be allowed to interrupt the noble Lord for one
moment? Is it accepted as a matter of principle that, if possible, an international
minimum wage will be adopted? Are the Government trying to ensure that
that is done?]
I cannot answer that, but I would point out that there are many considerations
which invest this matter with the greatest difficulty. I notice that my noble Friend
Lord Strabolgi referred to a minimum wage that would apply alike to Europeans
and to other races. To have such a minimum wage as that is, I think, quite im-
possible. The numbers of men required to man a ship in the case of men of
different nationality vary so considerably. If a minimum wage were enforced
it would mean that the cost of manning ships with men of one class would go up
out of all relation to the cost of manning them with others. The employment
of Indians, for example, would be likely to cease altogether. The wages question
must be related to the effort that each of the classes of people, relatively, are
able to make.

The First and Foremost Objective
Last October, I indicated that the plans for continuity for employment of our
seamen had to be reviewed in the light of the Government's general social security
proposals. Since then I have had full discussion with all sections of the industry
and the industry are now engaged in considering how best their own scheme could
be fitted in the general proposals. I was interested to see that at the Joint
Maritime Conference held in London last January this same subject was discussed,
and that it is to be further explored by a subcommittee of the International Labor
Organization on which representatives of the Governments as well as of the owners
and seamen will sit.
I am sure that all, these detailed and in some cases technical discussions will
be of great value to our seafaring population. The work is necessary and im-
portant, but I need hardly remind this House that no schemes for the conditions
of work and services at sea will be of any value unless the ships themselves are
employed. Our first and foremost objective must be to see that the men of the
Merchant Navy, who have rendered such magnificent service during the war, are
able to continue to serve in peacetime in the calling of their choice. This con-
sideration underlines and reinforces what I have said earlier of the need for a
strong and prosperous Merchant Navy. We need such a fleet in wartime because
our lives depend upon it; we need it in peacetime if we are to maintain our standard
of living, and lastly we owe it to the officers and men to see that their livelihood
is not destroyed.






The White Paper on Civil Aviation 307

I should like to add a word in reply to the noble Lord, Lord Thurlow, who
referred particularly to the Graham White Report. That Report is under very
dose study. I should like to pay tribute myself to the excellent work which has
been done for a century by these voluntary organizations. Although they did
not have membership of the Committee they did have ample opportunity to put
their views before the Committee. I am sure that it will be necessary, in studying
the Report, to have in mind all the way through what the situation is to be for
those voluntary organizations.
[House of Lords Debates]



RT. HON. SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS
Minister of Aircraft Production
House of Commons, March 20, 1945

I understand that it will be for the convenience of the House if I make some
statement on behalf of the Government, with Ngard to the White Paper on British
air transport, Command Paper 6605,* which has been presented by my noble
Friend the Minister for Civil Aviation. I think that nothing could be more
gratifying to those who have long interested themselves in civil aviation than the
very wide appreciation of the importance of this vital national interest which is
now being shown not only ifn both Houses of Parliament, but also generally
throughout the country. It certainly is most pleasing to my noble Friend the
Minister for Civil Aviation, that so much attention has been devoted to the
subject-matter of his White Paper.

International and Commonwealth Discussions
Through no fault of anyone's, except perhaps the Nazis', circumstances have
been such that it has not been possible during the last few years for the Govern-
ment either to plan or to carry out any scheme for British civil aviation. At
first, there was the complete pre-occupation of the winning of the war, which
prevented any large degree of forethought to be devoted to either civil aviation,
or any other ot those many matters which are now beginning to occupy our minds
in regard to post-war conditions in this country and in the world. Then, when
it became possible to give some little attention to this subject-matter, it was neces-
sary to try to clarify the international and the Commonwealth situation, before
we could undertake to lay down how best we could organize our own domestic
services so that they would fit in with those external conditions within which they
would have to operate in the future.
The House is, of course, familiar with the results of the Chicago Conference
and of those Commonwealth talks which both preceded and followed that inter-
national conference. Unfortunately, we were unable to convince all the nations
that were present at the Chicago Conference of the soundness of the plan that we
put forward, a plan for the orderly development of international air transport.
We failed to obtain the multilateral agreement we were seeking, but that failure
has not altered our conviction that the principles of orderly development which
we then put forward are right, and, as I said on an earlier occasion, we are pro-
posing in those bilateral agreements, which we shall now have to negotiate and
enter into with other countries, to follow, as far as possible, the same line of
*A cabled summary (ID 591) of this White Paper is available gratis from British
Information Services, New York.






British Speeches of the Day


orderly development internationally as we had suggested in.the multilateral agree-
ment. So far as the Commonwealth is concerned, we had reached agreement as
to the manner in which all the principal services throughout the Commonwealth
shall be mutually arranged. After the Chicago and Montreal Conferences we
were, therefore, for the first time in a position to deal with the subject-matter of
the organization of our own national civil aviation in the light of a known set
of external circumstances, and I am sure the House will desire to commend the
speed with which my noble Friend the Minister for Civil Aviation has discharged
his obligation to put forward to the House as soon as possible a well-worked-out
plan for the future of our own civil aviation.

General Principles
The White Paper sets out the scheme which the Government put forward as
being the best and the most appropriate in the existing circumstances of today.
It is not primarily based upon a political compromise between conflicting theo-
retical conceptions, but it is rather put forward on the consideration of how to
get the immediate best out of all those factors which can be brought together to con-
tribute to the building up of a strong and, we hope, effective British air transport
system in the future. Nevertheless, the scheme does result in a political com-
promise, combining as it does a wide degree of Government control with a measure
of independence for private enterprise.
The White Paper sets out at the beginning the general principles applicable
to British air transport and the requisites for an air transport organization. I
would like to say a few words about those two matters, because I believe that
these general principles and requisites can be agreed upon by all of us, and that
that, at least will give us an agreed basis upon which to formulate an organiza-
tional plan. The most general of the principles is that air transport is a service
in which the community as a whole has a direct interest to attain the full and the
fair development of air services to meet all the community's requirements, while,
at the same time, eliminating wasteful or subsidized competition. In other words,
we desire to develop and encourage initiative not in an unordered chaos of compe-
tition but within an orderly plan. To quote the words which occur on page 2
of the White Paper:
"The test which has been applied in evolving the plan is: Where can the
best contribution to British Air Transport be obtained, and how can it most
effectively be used to build up an organization which will fulfill our public,
commercial and social needs?"
That seems to me to be a test which nobody could oppose. Another principle
which is of the greatest importance is that Civil Aviation must be regarded essen-
tially as a transport service. It suffered, I think, in the past in this country be-
cause the aviation side has been so over-stressed compared with the transport side,
so that the technique of transport has been sacrificed to the technique of aviation.
Indeed, I think it was this urgent need to develop and stress the transport side
which led so many hon. Members to press for the setting up of a separate Ministry
for Civil Aviation.
Another general principle upon which we insist is that no permitted service
should be allowed merely to skim off the cream of traffic, leaving the unremunera-
tive routes either uncatered for or else to be run at a loss by the help of a subsidy
by the Government. The bad must be taken with the good. To quote again
from the White Paper:
"The criterion as to whether a particular route should be flown is not
merely, is it commercially profitable?"






The White Paper on Civil Aviation 309

That would, I think, be referred to by my hon. Friends opposite as service for
use and not, for profit. That principle, which has long been applied in a number
of different services in this country, such' as the provision of transport by rail or
the supply of gas, water or electricity, has always entailed as a counterpart to our
insistence upon the giving of those services, whether profitable or unprofitable
in any particular case, the granting of a monopoly of supply within the selected
territory. That has not been based upon any theoretical considerations but upon
the very practical necessities of the situation. . .

Requisites for Proposed Organization
Taking those particular principles and also looking at the inherent nature
of the services that we want to create we can, I think, lay down some requisites
for the air transport organization. First, it must be composed of units, one or
more, which are large enough to operate economically but not so large as to be
unmanageable. This size factor is constantly coming up in every line of human
activity today. I meet it very often in industry. One of the most difficult prob-
lems to decide is the best size for any unit. Quite certainly, they can as easily be
too large as they can be too small, and there is a very definite limit, which is not
always observed, to the economic size of any organization. With such a service
as that we are discussing, operating over a very wide territorial area in most cases,
it is quite certain that any attempt to cover the whole British air transport system
with a single unitary organization would be a failure, because the essential require-
ment of dose and personal supervision of the services could not be carried out.
That does not, in the least, affect the question of whether those units are all,
or some of them, nationalized or not nationalized. That is purely a problem of
the size of the operational unit. There must, therefore, in the view of the Gov-
ernment, be some division of the territory, and so, more than one operating unit,
to cover those services that we want to put into operation at once--or as soon
as we can possibly do so in view of the war circumstances.
There is nothing of a static nature in the plan suggested. Indeed, it is con-
templated that new routes will be required beyond those originally laid down,
and that these will not necessarily be given to any of the existing corporations.
These appropriately sized units must, each of them, contain the various elements
and types of experience that are best fitted to their own particular job, and they
should also, in our view, be linked up, where possible and convenient, with other
forms of transport, so as to obtain the very great benefits of through or alterna-
tive routing of traffic. They must also have placed upon them the obligation of
maintaining the original services upon which their exclusive powers are based and
also of operating any new services that they may be required to undertake within
the area that they are serving. And the price which they pay for their grant of
exdusive rights will be their obligation to provide and to continue providing all
the services required, whether in any individual case those services may be profitable
or unprofitable.
Another important requisite is, that the separate units should share certain
essential services; such, for instance, as the training of crews and the maintenance
and repair of aircraft and engines. They must also-which is important-provide
uniformly satisfactory conditions of service for their pilots and crews both during
their operational career and after, superannuation. It is of vital importance to
the future of British civil aviation that we should maintain the highest possible
standards of training and of operational efficiency of our transport pilots and
crews. Upon them, and the high degree of skill and attention devoted to mainte-
nance and repair, will depend the safety and the reputation of British transport
services, and so their popularity and their remunerativeness. Another requisite is






310 British Speeches of the Day

that the sphere of operation of each unit should be so delimited as to give the
most economical use of the aircraft at their disposal. That is to say, services
likely to require the same types of aircraft should, as far as otherwise can be
arranged, be grouped together within one corporation. I will deal later with
the actual question of the provision of aircraft, but at the moment I would like
to emphasize the fact that it is the intention of the Government, and I am sure,
too, of this House, and I may add of the country, that British transport services
should be conducted in British manufactured aircraft.
With those requisites in view, the White Paper passes on to lay down the
type of organization which will meet the requisites and also fit in with the general
principles that I have already outlined. I have made it dear, I hope, that, in the
view of the Government, a single corporation could not economically and effi-
ciently carry out the entire task that lies before British civil aviation. To suggest
that such a thing was possible would be to underestimate greatly the possibilities
of the future of British aviation. There is too, I believe, a further benefit in
having several instruments, as this multiplicity provides an opportunity for testing
out differing transport techniques and aircraft and thus avoids the danger of a
too rigid uniformity of idea, which may well detract from the value of a single
chosen instrument. We have, therefore, elected for three chosen instrurdnts to
begin with, each one constituted in the way that seems most likely to mobilize
the maximum range of experience and knowledge for the carrying out of its
particular job. As the tasks vary greatly, so the constitution of the three corpora-
tions which have been chosen will also vary.

B.O.A.C.
First, may I take Commonwealth, Trans-Atlantic and Far Eastern routes for
which the British Overseas Airways Corporation are to have the sole responsibility.
The foundation of this group of services are the Commonwealth Services. Here,
as experience has shown us in the past, it is more than likely that the extensive
and expensive routes, which must be maintained for the purpose of the administra-
tive convenience and for the safety of the Commonwealth, will require, anyway
for some time to come, some degree of subsidy. That makes the B.O.A.C. the
obvious agency, quite apart from the long and wide experience that that corpora-
tion has had in developing these particular routes. Since the Trans-Atlantic route,
to Canada is an essential link in any system of Commonwealth routes, it is an
economic necessity that the similar services across the Atlantic to the U.S.A., using
similar or identical aircraft, should come within the same group. The Far Eastern
services will in fact be extensions of the Commonwealth services beyond India,
and will, therefore, naturally fall to be dealt with by the same organization.
There will be no question of sharing in this group, which will be wholly run by
the B.O.A.C. .
It may, however, be convenient to run sections of those routes through sub-
sidiary companies in which other interests, such as shipping lines, may take a
minority share interest, which will give them no control at all. The control will,
in every case, remain with the B.O.A.C., and so the responsibility for maintaining
the required services.

The European and England Corporatiop
The second group is the one which has probably aroused the greatest public
interest, that is, the European and internal services of the United Kingdom. This,
I may add by way of parenthesis, does not include charter services pure and
simple in which it is not at present proposed to give any exclusive powers, nor
will it cover any routes except those to be scheduled in the enabling legislation.







The White Paper on Civil Aviation 311

These will be all the present important routes upon which services are immediately
required, and will, therefore, for the present cover the whole of the internal and
European services that are needed. At a later date extension to other routes will
no doubt become necessary and then, as I have said, it will be open to other
applicants, if any come forward, to have their claims considered for those other
routes. But we must remember in that regard that Air Transport is not now the
highly exciting novelty and improvisation that it was in the earlier days; it has
now become an accepted and solid part of our general transport services.
The first point to be noted is the combination of internal and Eurdpean
services in a single group. This grouping arises from the fact that we live on
a small but densely populated island, whose people like travel and whose
businesses demand it. As a result, a great deal of the internal air travel in Eng-
land will be more an extension of travel to and from the Conthent rather than
genuine internal traffic. People will want to go to Paris, Brussels or Berlin from
all parts of England, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, and they may or
may not want to break their journey on the way there or back in London. The
type of aircraft and the distances covered will be much the same for both internal
and Continental services, so that there is the strongest case against attempting
any artificial division between services that must be essentially inter-related.
Then comes the question of the constitution of the corporation which is to
run this group of services. Here we have a wide area of essential experience to
bring in, as well as the factor of the correlation of the air services with alterna-
tive means of travel. There is a very great convenience to passengers if they can
use a ticket by air, rail or sea according as the weather conditions or their own
immediate convenience may dictate. The British railways, with long experience
of internal and Continental travel, with all their agency arrangements all over
Europe, and the short sea shipping lines which have equally served European
traffic, have obvious contributions to make in transport technique ....
I was just pointing out that there was a contribution which the railways could
make in the matter of transport technique. So, of course, can B.O.A.C. make a
contribution in flying technique, and the travel agencies in the very important
technique of collecting and servicing passengers. There is, then, one other ele-
ment and that is the comparatively few pre-war operators who ran regular traffic
routes. They, as the House knows, have been invited to come in and to contribute
their experience and knowledge, either as participant subscribers to the corpora-
tion .. or else by way of subsidiary companies jointly run with the Corporation,
like those subsidiary companies which I mentioned in relation to the other group.
I understand that a number of those operators have signified their wish to take
advantage of the offer, and negotiations as regards that matter are proceeding.

Joint Control
None of these elements I have mentioned will have a majority shareholding,
so that the control will be a joint one and will not reside in the railways, the
B.O.A.C., the travel agencies, the shipping companies or the other outstanding
operators. It has been suggested quite widely that these other forms of transport
-that is, rail and shipping-may not be anxious to develop air transport and
that they should not, therefore, be associated with an Air Transport Corporation.
I think that argument might perhaps have been valid before the war, when the
wide extension of air services was still in doubt, but now that there is no ques-
tion in anyone's mind at all that people will travel by air, all these interests, I
think, realize that they can only meet air competition by air transport. Ever
since Parliament, which is the responsible body, gave the railway companies the
right to run air services, the railways have done a great deal to develop air routes,







312 British Speeches of the Day

and I am quite confident that there is no danger of their trying to use their posi-
tion in the Air Transport Corporation to suppress air travel. However, to guard
against the possibility of, such a thing, the Minister will have the power to ap-
prove, or not to approve, any nominations for the directorate of the Air Transport
Corporation, so as to ensure an energetic and airminded team of directors.
It must also be borne in mind that the very considerable capital required by
this corporation is to be subscribed by the various interests concerned, that there
is to be no subsidy at all, and that the subscribing interests will be prohibited
from selling their shares. Moreover, it must be remembered that the Corpora-
tion will- be compelled by law to maintain the scheduled services, and any .other
services placed upon it by the Government. Under those conditions it really does
seem to me perfectly certain that the directors will be compelled to do their utmost
to make the services a success-shipping as well-because their money will be
invested. . .
This Corporation-the European and England one-may also, with the con-
sent of the Minister, operate through subsidiary companies if that is thought ad-
visable or necessary. It may be found wise in routes shared with other countries
to run those routes through a joint mixed subsidiary company, or it may be that
some pre-existing route could most conveniently be carried on by a subsidiary
company in which the former operator had a minority holding. The B.O.A.C.,
as I have said, will have a very considerable, though not a majority, holding in
this Corporation. That is necessary not only to give the liaison with the B.O.A.C.
and to obtain the benefit of their experience, but also it is thought right, as the
European routes are likely to be the more remunerative, anyway in the initial
stages. The considerable share of the B.O.A.C. in those remunerative routes may
enable some of the losses incurred on the expensive and less remunerative Com-
monwealth.routes to be offset. Those profits will, if they materialize, reduce pro
tanto any call upon the Exchequer, for assistance to the B.O.A.C. . .
It is contemplated that if we come to an agreement with Holland as to an ex-
change of services between London and Amsterdam, it may be convenient, to
get the pooling that is required, to run that by a joint company, half of which
presumably would be owned by the Dutch and half by the English. The English
company that would own the half would be the European and England Corpora-
tion, and that would merely be a convenient way of getting a pooling of fares,
and everything else, so I think probably in some cases it would be a wise arrange-
ment, in others it might not be considered to be so wise.

The South American Group
The third and last group is the South American group, to which my hon.
Friend the Member for Seaham (Mr. Shinwell) referred a moment ago. That
will be assigned to a new Corporation, in which the majority holding will be
by the British Latin American Airlines Ltd., a combination of all the main ship-
ping companies interested in South American traffic. The B.O.A.C. will have a
minority interest-a smaller minority interest than in the case of the European
group-again in order to make B.O.A.C. technique and experience available to
the new Corporation, and to give the liaison between the various services. Here
again, the capital will be wholly subscribed by the shareholders and there will
be no subsidies payable. Otherwise, similar provisions will apply as to the other
Corporation for internal and European services, to which I have already referred.
That gives the picture of the three new chosen instruments designed, as I
have said, to make available the greatest amount of experience and technique in
all the different aspects of air transport, some of it drawn from private enter-






The White Paper on Civil Aviation 313

prise, some of it from the wholly controlled Government Corporation, the
B.O.A.C. In addition to the ordinary control by shareholding, there will be cer-
tain special provisions, to some of which I have already referred. The approval
of the Minister will be required for the appointment of all the directors of the
two new Corporations-because he already appoints all the directors of the
B.O.A.C.-and also his approval will be required for the directors of any sub-
sidiary company which may be formed to conduct any special air route, whether
under B.O.A.C. or under the other two Corporations. The sale of the shares, as I
have mentioned, by any subscribing interest will be prohibited, so that these people,
once they get in, cannot get out again by selling their shares.
Co-ordination of the activities of the three Corporations in certain common
services will be insisted upon and that will, I think, lead to a greater measure
of economy.
Finally, the Minister's approval will be required for the memorandum and
articles of association of the two new main Corporations and of any subsidiary
that is formed to play any part in the scheme. Outside these special controls,
however, which are imposed to achieve their limited purpose, the managements
will be completely free to run their undertakings as they consider best; whether
as regards the aircraft they use, the transport technique which they adopt, or their
methods of organization-it will be up to them to employ their own ideas and
to take their own responsibility for the success or failure of their methods. There
will be ample room for and, I hope, an ample supply of enterprise.
I should perhaps at this stage say just a word about goodwill. It is not pro-
posed in setting up these Corporations and allotting them areas of exclusive serv-
ice to impose upon them any payment for existing goodwill. The reason for this
is that as all existing operators have the opportunity to come into the scheme,
the payment to then, by themselves, for their own goodwill, would merely be a
matter of accountancy, and would also, of course, effect an inflation of capital of
the new Corporations. Such an inflation of their capital is considered to be most
undesirable.
I have mentioned already the need for co-operation between the three Cor-
porations and any subsidiary companies that may be formed, and I have stated
that this will be arranged as part of the scheme in training of pilots and crews,
in maintenance, overhaul'and repairs of aircraft and engines. In this the three
Corporations and their subsidiaries will, by agreement, join in a common scheme.
In the case of,the'three main Corporations, and any subsidiaries, there will be a
condition that the terms of service offered shall be those of a model employer.
Such a scheme is in operation with the B.O.A.C. and has been agreed with the
employees' union. Similarly a scheme will be worked out for these other Cor-
porations.

When Subsidies Are Payable
There are three other points about which I am afraid I must detain the House
by saying a word. The first concerns subsidies. I have explained the general
situation and that, so far as the scheduled routes are concerned, neither the in-
ternal services nor the European services, nor the South American services, will
attract any subsidy or assistance whatever from the Government. ..
There is only one exception and that is, if subsequent to the scheduling of
the routes, a demand is made on any of the Corporations to run a new service
which clearly cannot be remunerative, it will be necessary to provide some tem-
porary assistance in respect of that service only, but there will be no general sub-
sidy. . The proposal which is before the House is that no subsidies should be






314 British Speeches of the Day

paid except in the case of the B.O.A.C. where it is recognized that owing to the
extent and expense of the Commonwealth routes, some subsidies may be required.
Legislation has already been passed, enabling such subsidies to be paid.
There is a second point. Despite ample safeguards against the new Corpora-
tion failing to push forward with their job, the Government have put forward,
as a tentative suggestion in the White Paper, that the users of air transport might
be provided with some means of safeguarding their rights. For this purpose it
is suggested that power might be given to some impartial tribunal to consider com-
plaints upon such matters as the absence of reasonable facilities, or the reason-
ableness of rates and charges and so forth. ...
That tribunal, if it were adopted, would secure that any matter which escapes
the eye of the Minister can still be brought forward with a good hope of redress.
Of course the House must bear in mind that the ultimate responsibility in these
matters will rest with the Minister, and that it is to be under the hand of the
House of Commons itself. I think that answers the question of the hon. Member.

Development of British. Aircraft
Finally I come to what is to me a most important part of the whole matter,
the provision of adequate and suitable British aircraft for these British transport
services. There is not the slightest -doubt in my mind that, if we are ever
to do any good in the field of civil aviation, or in our aircraft industries, we
must fly British. Unfortunately, as the House knows the war has very seriously
interfered with the development of British transport aircraft. Indeed that de-
velopment was completely stopped for some years. Although the Government
and the manufacturers, naturally, have been most anxious to get on with this job
for at least two years now, we have had to restrain ourselves, so that we should
not interfere, by one jot or tittle, with the effective strength of the Royal Air
Force, or the Fleet Air Arm. I can assure the House that it has required a very
conscious effort of self-restraint, certainly on the part of myself and of some of
my colleagues, to insist upon this absolute priority of war demands. It is only
now when there is a clear indication of the likelihood of the intensity of the
European side of the war declining before too long, that we have been able, to
a very small extent, to let up on the complete prohibition we formerly had to im-
pose upon all work for transport aircraft. . .
The trouble, of course, is that our most acute shortage has been on the de-
sign and development side. Skilled 'technicians and workers" of all kinds have
been short so that we have not been able to go ahead with the preparatory work
and as the House knows, it generally takes a period of years to pass from the
beginning of the preparatory stage to the actual start of production. In the pres-
ent state of affairs, while the war continues, it is essential if any work at all is
to be done upon transport aircraft that my Department should control the allo-
cation of that work. We shall take our orders, of course, from the Minister for
Civil Aviation just as we do from the Secretary of, State for Air, or the First Lord
of the Admiralty for military and naval aircraft, but this does not in the least
preclude direct contact in the future between manufacturers and users. We believe
that it is very sound and proper that we should all consult together, and I think
all those who are concerned will agree that this combination of pooled experience
will be of the greatest value of civil aviation. ..
I was speaking of the method of allocation of work and the necessity for
consultation between users and manufacturers and the Departments concerned,
and in that general consultation, I think that the civil aviation lines will get the
fullest benefit of the experience that the military and naval types of planes dur-
ing the war have contributed and also the great volume of research that has been







The White Paper on Civil Aviation


carried on for that purpose. We have been able to arrange for a small number
of transport aircraft to be developed but not so many, nor yet so rapidly as we
might have wished. All I can say about it is that it is the most this country can
do while it still has to carry on the immense burden of war which lies upon it.
There is certainly, in my view, no need whatever for depression or hopelessness
about the aircraft situation. We have the brains and the skill to do as well as
any other country in the world ahd to produce as good or better machines. The
country that has produced the Lancaster, the Halifax, the Mosquito, the Spitfire,
and the Tempest, only to name a few of the planes, can certainly "make the grade"
in civil aviation as soon as it gets the chance. Apart from the temporary emer-
gency aircraft that I have referred to, such as the. Lancastrian,, we have a num-
ber of others starting to be developed and a few reaching the stage when we can
hope for production before too long.

Types of Planes
I would like to give the House a few tentative dates, not I hope over optimis-
tic, and with the idea that the war against Germany will not last for too long a
period of time. There is the York, which is already well known and well tried
in operations and an excellent machine. The Tudor I should start on production
early this summer, to be followed by the quite different Tudor II in the late
autumn. . .
The new V.C. 1 which will be a two-engined 20-seater should start in pro-
duction very early next year. During this year, too, there should be two pro-
totypes coming out of the smaller types of transport planes, an 8- and a 14-
seater, to be followed as soon as possible by production. When I say production
is due to start at a certain time, the House will realize that we start very slowly,
perhaps one or two monthly, and then work up fairly rapidly to the peak of pro-
duction in a matter of six to nine months later. . .
It is no good basing a policy upon international external airways if, in fact,
other countries will not join it. We have to take circumstances as they are. We
put forward the views at the right time and they were rejected. We have now
to deal with the situation as we find it, and unfortunately, as some people think,
it has not developed into the international scheme we would have liked. It was
not arrived at by way of a political compromise; it was a practical working out
of the necessities of the situation, given the present facts, both external and in-
ternal, as to public and private enterprise that is working in this area of trans-
port with which we are concerned. Not unnaturally, owing to the fact that there
is a mixture of public and private enterprise existing in that area, we come down
by a combination of those interests to a mixed scheme which may be looked at
as neither complete nationalization on the one hand, nor uncontrolled private
competition on the other. But whichever view we may take, politically, of this
problem, one thing is absolutely certain-we must waste no time in getting on
with some form of organization of our aircraft industry. We certainly cannot
afford to be held up by any political deadlock. That would be absolutely fatal to
the future of British civil aviation.
The solution that the Government put forward is, I believe, a practical one,
and it is not one that will necessarily prejudice an ultimate solution in the direc-
tion of either extreme, if either extreme should prove to be, after the next Gen-
eral Election, what the country wants. Therefore, I hope the House will approve
the proposals of the Government in the White Paper, and give us instructions
to get on with the job as rapidly as we can by translating into legislation the







316 British Speeches of the Day

various provisions in the White Paper that will need legislative sanction. In that
way I am convinced the House will be doing its best to encourage and expedite
the development of the strongest possible organization of British air transport,
and will be giving our industry, our transport organization and our pilots the
opportunity for which they ask, that is, to be able to prove that in civil aviation
we can do as good and as outstanding a job as we have done in military and
naval aviation during the course of this war.
[House of Commons Debates]




RT. HON. OLIVER STANLEY
Secretary of State for tite Colonies
To the American Outpost, London, March 19, 1945

I am very grateful for the honor you have done me in inviting me to address
you today. We in this country owe a great debt to the American Outpost. At a
time when conditions were far different to what they are today, when the hopes
of our victory, or indeed the prospects of our survival were slender, you demon-
strated your friendship for our country while preserving a single-minded love of
your own. I feel, therefore, today that I am talking to friends and tried friends
who have been with us in bad times as well as good, and it is above all to friends
that I like to talk about the British Colonial Empire. It is not because, as friends,
I expect you to accept without question anything that we do or that I say, but it
is because, as friends, I know you will approach the subject objectively and with a
desire to believe and not in a hostile spirit and in fear of being convinced.

Few Old Colonies
During the years I have been at the Colonial Office not the least of my anxieties
has been the effect of Colonial policy on Anglo-American relations, and in the
course of those two years I have been brought up against certain misconceptions,
which are, strongly intrenched and wholly mischievous in effect. I want to start,
therefore, by dealing with these major misunderstandings and contrasting what are
the facts with the illusions that seem to be so widely held.
One misconception is that we have been in these Colonial territories for many
years, even centuries, and considering the time that we have been there we have
done very little. That is less than a half-truth. There are, of course, Colonies which
do date back for many years, but the chief Colonial expansion in the area of which
we now call the Colonial Empire took place in the latter half of the nineteenth
century. In great stretches of Africa we are dealing with people who were com-
pletely isolated for centuries from the development of the Western world, and
whose first acquaintance with European thought and methods has been within the
lifetime of people now living.
To have attempted within that short space of time a cataclysmic change from
a traditional society centuries old to the complete adoption of Western ways and
thought would have been as impracticable as it would have been disastrous. But
because in that space of time we have neither achieved nor attempted this com-
plete revolution, it is wrong to think that immense changes have not taken place.
Complete internal security has been substituted for the age-long history of tribal
warfare and slave trading. The rule of law has taken the place of the autocratic







The British Empire and the Future 317

whim of the local chief. Western ideas of health, education, social services have
already been introduced and are constantly being expanded.

Varying Degrees of Self-Government
Another firmly held belief is that these territories are ruled by an autocratic
Governor, supported solely by military power, and without any responsibility to
local opinion or local desires. Nothing, of course, could be further from the
truth. The degree to which the inhabitants of the territory are associated with or
responsible for their own Government varies, of course, from territory to terri-
tory. It varies with the history, the environment, the education and the capacity of
the inhabitants. It ranges from almost complete internal self-government in Cey-
lon and the wide control of domestic policy granted to Jamaica under its new
constitution based on adult suffrage, to various forms of Legislative Councils in
which the proportion of locally born members varies and in which the forms
of election and selection are different. It is true that in every case the ultimate
power rests in the hands of His Majesty's Government and through them the
Parliament in Great Britain. In major matters either the reserved powers of the
Governor or a majority of officials in a Legislative Council still preserve the power
to enforce their views, but .the occasions on which such powers are used are very
few and are confined to matters of fundamental importance. For the greater
part of the time and over the greater field of administration, local opinion and
local representation play a decisive part in the formulation of policy. Nor is
this position a static one. Without great publicity, without much flourish of
trumpets, there is throughout the Colonial Empire a continuous process of develop-
ment. In the short space of time that I have been at the Colonial Office, exclu-
sively years of war, there is hardly a territory in which some move has not been
made on the road the ultimate goal of which is self-government.

No Economic Exploitation
The last and most cherished belief is that the British Colonial territories are
regions of great wealth, but a wealth so exploited in various ways by Great Britain
that the inhabitants remain poor while their rulers gow rich. In the first place,
I am afraid that the Colonial Empire is by no means an area of fabulous wealth.
In fact, far from being blessed with a superabundance of mineral resources, it is
for its area and population, so far at any rate as at present known, deficient in
those sources of wealth and far inferior, for instance, to the United States. Fur-
ther it would be quite untrue to say that of whatever wealth the Colonial terri-
tories are capable the lion's share is taken by one means or another by this coun-
try at the expense of the native inhabitants. Let us look at the various ways in
which this is supposed to be done.
First of all, there is the common but wholly fallacious idea that the Colonial
Revenue contributes to the United Kingdom Exchequer. In fact, no contribution
whatsoever is made by Colonial territories to the United Kingdom Exchequer
or goes to the relief of the United Kingdom tax payer. The boot is very much
on the other foot, as the British tax payer is increasingly being asked to bear
additional burdens for the benefit of the Colonial territories.
The second charge is that by means of a system of Imperial preference we
keep Colonial trade exclusively in our own hands and for our own benefit. No
better answer to a charge of this kind is needed than two sample figures. In 1938
the Colonies imported 24 per cent from this country and 76 per cent from the
rest of the world, and in the same year they exported 35 per cent to this country
and 65 per cent to the rest of the world. Whatever may be said for or against







British Speeches of the Day


Imperial preference, it certainly cannot be claimed that it has slammed the door
of Colonial trade with the world as a whole.
Salaries and Profit
Another idea is that this country draws immense sums from the Colonies in
the form of salaries and pensions paid to our people serving in the Colonial
Service. There is a popular belief that the legendary younger sons in Great
Britain, deprived of some of their earlier opportunities by the abolition of rotten
boroughs and the restriction on the sale of livings, are now kept in a state of
luxurious ease by the revenues of the Colonial territories. As one of these legend-
ary figures myself, it is with some regret that I have to dispel this illusion. There
are something like a quarter of a million people in the Colonial Service of all
types and grades, ranging from Governors to village headmen. Of these quarter
of a million, six or seven thousand are recruited from this country and of that
six or seven thousand about two-thirds are technicians, people with technical,
professional, or scientific qualifications such as doctors or engineers, veterinary
officers and agriculturists. These, of course, have all to pass tests just as rigorous
as any which would be applied for similar professions in this country and even
the small minority in the Administrative Service are only selected after high
educational standards have been reached and after meticulous investigation. It
can be said without hesitation that every penny which is drawn by this small
number of people from the Colonies in which they work is more than repaid
by the skill and the service which they give to the inhabitants of the Colony.
In any case the whole trend of our policy in modern time has been to train in-
habitants of the Colonies themselves to fill posts of greater and greater responsi-
bility.
Finally, the last charge is that immense profits have been drawn from the
Colonies by the private capitalists of this country. That there have been instances
of big profits made is undeniable, but they are always remembered and quoted,
while an equal number of big losses are forgotten or ignored. The best answer,
I think, to this charge is a calculation recently made by Lord Hailey who came
to the conclusion that if all the money invested in the Colonial Empire in the
last fifty years had instead been invested in Government securities, the return
to the investor would have,been just about the same. Another and equally effec-
tive answer is to point to the fact that it is just those territories where private
enterprise has been most successful and has made the greatest profits that the
highest standard of social and economic prosperity has been reached by the local
inhabitants. In Malaya, for instance, where admittedly a great proportion of the
private enterprise was successful, the territory had its full share of this pros-
perity and this was reflected in a standard of social services higher than in any
other Colonial territory, and, indeed than in many independent countries.

Our Political Aim
But let me turn now from the necessary but rather negative task of correcting
misconceptions to the far more profitable and far more pleasant task of sketch-
ing the future. We have the responsibility for 60 million people in the Colonial
Empire. How is that responsibility to be discharged? There are some people
on both sides of the Atlantic who are continually pressing for universal charters
and for general schedules. Neither I am afraid is possible. The diversity among
the various territories of the Colonial Empire, the difference in their present de-
velopment and in their possibilities is so great that no common denominator can
be found for the problem as a whole. All I can do is to state in general terms
our aims and, in more detail, the ways in which under varying circumstances and
in varying conditions we are proceeding to carry them out.







The British Empire and the Future


Politically our aim for the Colonial Empire can be briefly stated. It is that
of the maximum practical self-government within the Empire at the earliest prac-
ticable time. I remember that before my first speech two months ago to an Ameri-
can audience, I was warned by earnest students of British publicity that the words
self-government were suspect in America and that only the word independence
would ring the bell. Well, I could not help it then and I cannot help it now.
Anyone in my position has got to deal not only with generous emotions but with
hard realities, realities which may be very hard indeed to the people concerned
if mistakes are made. It is self-government and not independence which I be-
lieve is to the real advantage of the Colonial territories, is in accordance with
the wishes of the inhabitants themselves, and is in the best interest of the world
as a whole. Let us just look at those three points.
Little Desire for Independence
First, with regard to the advantage of the territories. I feel there are many
who fail to realize the composition and complexity of the Colonial Empire and
the differences among its numerous territories. One or two of the Colonies may
be big but the majority of the 40 are comparatively small, and many of them are
very small. Few of these territories are contiguous and most of them are widely
separated. It may be that in some regions, despite the many practical obstacles,
some of the separate Colonies may in the future come together and so form areas
sufficient in size and resources to enable us to contemplate ultimately for them the
attainment of Dominion status with all that status implies. Even in these areas
that possibility lies a long way ahead, but in others no such possibility exists,
either now or in the future. St. Helena, the Falkland Isles, Seychelles, Aden-
territories of that type, with no possibility of federation or amalgamation, no
possibility' by such means of increasing their size or their resources-how can we
ever contemplate them being in a position where independence is a reality or if
a reality could be an advantage? Nor do I believe that the goal of independence
is in accordance with the wishes of the vast mass of inhabitants. Everywhere
you find in varying forms and with varying intensity a desire for more control of
their own affairs, a desire for a greater degree of self-government, a hope for
the eventual attainment of complete self-government. But even among the most
advanced political elements in the various territories, J find little or no desire to
break the British connection. We have just had an election in Jamaica, an elec-
tion conducted on adult suffrage (with no poll tax). This election resulted in
the return by a large majority of the Jamaica Labour Party and it is interesting
to note that the maintenance of the British connection was one of the chief planks
in its platform.
Finally, I do not believe that any splinterization of the British Colonial Em-
pire would be in the interests of the world. Would it really be an advantage to
create another 40 independent states, all small? Would the new machinery for
world security, which is to be devised at San Francisco next month, be made any
the stronger by the substitution of these 40 states for a cohesive Empire able to
act as a strategic whole? Would the economies of the new world be made any
easier fby 40 more separate divisions, 40 more political obstacles; would it free
the flow of world trade?
And so it is advisedly that His Majesty's Government in their policy, and I
in my speech today, use the term self-government in the British Empire and not
that of independence. But in our desire for self-government we are sincere and,
when we say that, we of all nations have the right to be taken at our word.
We, after all, can point to the example of the great self-governing Dominions.
We can say with justice that we are the only Imperial power in history which has
willingly -divested itself of its domination and substituted free co-operation for






British Speeches of the Day


dictated control. But if our words alone are not to be accepted, then surely we
are entitled to pray our actions in aid, to point to what we have already done
in the development of free institutions in the various Colonial territories, a process
of which so little is known but which is so constantly developing and will con-
tinue to develop.

Difficulties in Our Way
That there are difficulties, great difficulties in our way no one can deny. We must
recognize them not as an excuse for inaction but as a spur to effort. Development of
political machinery cannot be independent of social considerations. We cannot
ignore the problem created in territories where a small minority is educated and
a large majority may still be illiterate, and where transference of power from
Great Britain may result not in the realization of a wide democracy but in the
advancement of a small oligarchy-far less disinterested than the British Ad-
ministration. Nor can we ignore the difficulty created in various territories by
the multiple communities which go to make the total population-communities
so separated by tradition, by history, by religion, and by language. Education,
the raising of social standards and of social concepts, will no doubt do much in
the future to reduce the differences, but they cannot today be ignored. Still the
process goes on and goes on with increasing rapidity towards the declared goal.
We shall not necessarily find the solution in our own model of Westminster or
even in your model of Washington. We have to build on indigenous materials,
to develop according to natural traditions, and not every road to true democracy
must necessarily pass through Washington or Westminster.

The Economic Side
So much for the political side. I feel it is the mistake of our critics and per-
haps a mistake of our own, that too much is always said about the political side
and not enough of the social and economic. The three cannot be separated,
there can be no true self-government without an improved economic standard and
a proper social development. It is in these economic and social fields that we
stand today, on the verge of the most interesting and dramatic developments.
We have for many years regarded ourselves as trustees for the inhabitants of the
Colonies. As I pointed out at the beginning of my address, we have done our
best to conserve and develop the resources of the Colonies for the benefit of their
inhabitants. But trusteeship is on the whole a negative and not a positive theory.
It entails upon the trustee the scrupulous management of the estate for which he
is responsible, but it does not involve him in putting his hand into his own
pocket for the benefit of his cestui qui trust. Today we have developed and added
to this theory of trusteeship. We regard ourselves today not only as trustees but
as partners, as having not only a negative duty but a positive one as well, for it
is only with our active help, and can never be only by our careful stewardship,
that the full human and economic resources of the Colonial territories can be
developed.

The Colonial Development and Welfare Act
In 1940, in the darkest days of the war, we gave expression to this new out-
look by the passage of the Colonial Development and Welfare Act which pro-
vided over a period of ten years for 51/2 million a year to be spent in develop-
ment, welfare and research. Today, when final victory seems within our grasp,
the House of Commons has passed, and the House of Lords is now being asked
to consider, a new Bill which will provide the sum of 120 million over the next
ten years for those purposes. I am asking from every Colony a ten-year plan







The British Empire and the Future 321

which, taking into account their own resources as well as the help which will be
forthcoming from this fund, will provide for the maximum development during
that period. Shortages of material and, above all, shortage of trained personnel
hold us back for the moment, but when those shortages pass with the ending of
the war, I foresee a stage of Colonial development unequaled in the past. Here
again I am not ignoring the difficulties. The voting and expenditure of large
sums of money may always seem an easy way out but they do not by themselves
always solve the problem. We are neither able, nor willing, to regard this ex-
penditure as a dole which will be available in perpetuity to raise the standards
above the level which the efforts and resources of the Colonies could themselves
maintain. The object of this expenditure is to provide that initial impetus which
will enable the Colonies to improve their social standards and increase their eco-
riomic resources, so that in the long run they can support their own social standard
out of their own economic resources. It is necessary, therefore, in any planning
to maintain the relationship between the two, for it would be disastrous to start
in any Colony a standard of social services which it would be impossible for its
economic resources, however developed, ever to maintain. If that position were
reached then it would be goodbye to self-government, for you cannot combine
a real self-government with a position of permanent financial dependency on
someone else. It is not an easy problem; it needs careful planning. We have to
resist emotional demands or easy comparisons with the standards of essentially
richer countries. It is a problem which, despite the generosity and humanity of
your Administration, you Americans have not yet solved in Puerto Rico. I saw
a recent calculation which seemed to show that between 20 and 25 per cent of
the income of the average individual Puerto Rican was derived from U.S.A. as-
sistance, whether direct in the form of a subsidy or indirect in the form of special
economic advantages. And this is a proportion, which in past years, has not been
decreasing but increasing. May not this lead to grave dilemma? If you with-
draw that assistance the whole economy may quickly collapse. But how, while
you maintain it, can Puerto Rico have real self-government, for no people can
depend indefinitely on the labors and sacrifices of others.

Proposed Regional Commissions
So far I have dealt entirely with the relationships of ourselves to our Colonial
territories. I want in conclusion to deal quite shortly with our relationships with
the world as a whole. The administration of the Colonial territories is a responsi-
bility which has devolved upon us; oddly enough contrary to the popular belief
it has far more often devolved on us by treaty and agreement than it has by the
right of conquest. But today we have that responsibility and it is a responsibility
that we cannot share with others. We believe that any such division of authority
is not only impracticable but wholly against the wishes of the Colonial peoples
themselves. But if we alone shall discharge this responsibility, we will welcome
in its discharge both the co-operation and the criticism of others.
We realize that in our Colonial development we can learn much from what
others do, that Colonial territories cannot be treated in isolation and that we can
gain much by co-operation with others with similar problems and similar responsi-
bilities. It is for that reason that we have put forward the suggestion for Regional
Commissions, which in any particular region will enable not only the Powers
having Colonial responsibilities but other Powers with major strategic or eco-
nomic interests-Powers therefore, that have a practical responsibility as well as a
practical knowledge-to co-operate together for the general benefit of the region.
As we welcome co-operation so too we welcome criticism. We have nothing to
hide. Before the war the fullest reports of our Colonial administration were
available annually to everyone: as soon as possible after the war we shall resume







British Speeches of the Day


that practice. We know that from helpful criticism we have much to gain, but if
criticism is to be helpful let it be based upon knowledge and not illusions, and
let its object be to help and not to destroy. You in the United States and ourselves
here are not only Allies, but we are friends. We have got to be friends. The
whole future of the world depends upon our being friends. May we, therefore,
ask that you in America, when you criticize us as you have a perfect right to do,
'should criticize us as friends do and you will find that we shall respond as friends
should. And finally may I ask you, and through you the great circles in America
with whom you are in touch, to believe me when I say with all sincerity that the
Colonial policy of His Majestys Government today is not dictated by the lust
of possession or the desire to dominate, but by a real wish to help along
the road to a better and fuller life the 60 million people who have trusted us in
the past and who are fighting for us today.
[Official Release]



QUESTION TIME IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
The first hour of every sitting day in the House of Commons is devoted to
answering questions which Members of Parliament put to Ministers. A selection
from some of the questions asked during March, 1945, is included below, together
with the Ministers' answers, with the intention of illustrating the scope and purpose
of this part of Parliamentary business.

WHALE MEAT
Commander Locker-Lampson (Conservative) asked the Minister of
Food whether he will take steps to make full use of the available supply of whale
meat, which is at present going to waste.
Colonel Llewellin: Whale meat has a strong fishy smell, and there is
therefore considerable difficulty in getting people to take it. If my hon. Friend
knows of any way of getting over these difficulties, perhaps he would be good
enough to let me know.
Commander Locker-Lampson: Is my right hon. and gallant Friend
aware that whale flesh is just like good meat, and that we had quite a lot of it
in South Africa?
Mr. Cocks (Labour): Will the Minister remember that ''the whale that
wanders round the Poles is not a table fish"?
[March 7, 1945]

INDIAN DIVISIONS (AMERICAN GENERAL'S TRIBUTE)
Earl Winterton (Conservative) asked the Secretary of State for India
whether he has considered the recent tribute paid by General Mark Clark to the
Indian Forces under his command; and what steps he is taking to ensure that this
tribute shall receive full publicity.
Mr. Avery: Yes, Sir. I have noted with great pleasure this tribute, which
I am circulating with the Oficial Report, from the distinguished American Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies in Italy to the Indian Divisions serving
under his command. The tribute was published here, and will have been received
with gratification in India.







Questions in the House of Commons 323

Earl Winterton: May I ask my right hon. Friend whether publication has
been given to this tribute, and particularly if there has been any publicity in the
U.S.A.?
Mr. Avery: I am sorry to say that General Mark Clark's statement seems to
have passed unnoticed in the American Press.
Mr. Woodburn (Labour): Is the Minister aware of the tribute paid by
the Scottish troops to these Indians, by calling them "MacGurkhas"?
Following is the statement:
With the 15th Army Group in Italy, February 27.
I have had the distinction of having under my command a trio of great
Indian Divisions, the 4th, 8th and 10th, whose fighting record in Italy is a
splendid one.
The achievements in combat of these Indian soldiers are noteworthy. They
have carried on successfully in the grim and bloody fighting against a tena-
cious enemy who has been aided by terrain particularly favorable for defense.
No obstacle has succeeded in delaying these Indian troops long or in lower-
ing their high morale or fighting spirit.
They are well led, these three divisions. Each of the division commanders,
at one time, commanded a battalion in an Indian infantry regiment in combat.
These division commanders came up the hard way. They are, respectively,
for the 4th, 8th and 10th Indian Divisions:
Major General A. W. W. Holworthy, M.C.
Major General Dudley Russell, C.B.E., D.S.O., M.C.
Major General Denys W. Reid, C.B.E., D.S.O., M.C.
Thousands of the Indian troops are now spending their second winter ih
Italy. Some of the Indian troops who came from service in the Middle East to
Italy have been in action for nearly four years.
Your "Jawan" and our "Yank," and "Tommy Atkins" and "Jock" and the
other soldiers of this international 15th Army Group, have established firm bonds
of friendship and respect born in common action against a tough enemy. The
bravery of Indian troops is attested by battle honors and decorations awarded.
The 4th, 8th and 10th Indian Divisions will ever be associated with fighting
at Cassino, the 'capture of Rome, the Acno Valley, the liberation of Florence, and
the breaking of the Gothic defensive line. Recently in the Serchio River Valley,
on the Fifth Army Front, a German counterattack was stopped and thrown back
by troops that included the bulk of the 8th Indian Division. I salute the brave
soldiers of these three great Indian Divisions.
[March 15, 1945]

GREECE (DETAINEES, AFRICA AND INDIA)
Mr. Sorensen (Labour) asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
how many Greeks are now detained by British authorities in Africa and India;
how many have been released and sent back to Greece; and whether he has any
information respecting the hunger strike of 3,000 prisoners in a concentration
camp near Athens.
Mr. Eden: The number of Greeks detained by the British authorities in
Africa amounts to about 12,000. Of these, 8,000 are the ELAS prisoners sent
there during the fighting. Arrangements are in hand to transfer all these men






British Speeches of the Day


to Greece and it is hoped that 1,500 will arrive in about a week's time. Investiga-
tions by Greek Government commissioners sent to Egypt for the purpose indicate
that not more than about 200 out of the total number will be charged with offenses
not covered by the amnesty. There are about 4,000 men still detained as a result
of the mutinies in the Greek armed forces last Spring. All these men will be
repatriated to Greece as and when transport becomes available. Meanwhile, any
who wish to do so are being re-employed in the Greek armed forces. Those who
do not accept re-employment and those who, from a strict military point of view,
are considered unreliable, must be kept together in camps since they cannot be
released in the Middle East. Their repatriation has inevitably been delayed and
they cannot expect to return before loyal units of the Greek units in the Middle
East. There are virtually no Greeks detained in India. Only two cases are
known to the Greek authorities.
As regards the last part of the Question, hunger strikes have taken place in
two camps under British control near Athens in which a total of 5,000 men
were detained. In both cases the strike ended after an address to the men by
the ELAS liaison officer attached to General Scobie's Headquarters. Of these
5,000 men, 150 are charged with crimes not covered by the amnesty. Of the
rest, all except 18 have now been released.
Mr. Sorensen: While expressing appreciation of the action of the right
hon. Gentleman, may I ask him whether he can say why these 3,000 went on
strike? What was the particular political or economic cause of it?
Mr. Eden: I cannot say, but I am glad to say that they came back almost
at once.
Mr. Dugdale (Labour): While realizing that it is exceedingly difficult to
transport these men back to Greece, is there any reason why they should not be
liberated and allowed to remain free in the countries in which they are now?
Mr. Eden: That raises complicated issues, for they have to be fed, ad-
ministered and taken care of, and it is better that they should go back as soon
as transport can be arranged.
[March 7, 1945]

WORLD SECURITY ORGANIZATION
Mr. Rhys Davies (Labour) asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware
of the apprehensions in this country that whilst the Dumbarton Oaks and the
Crimea Conferences envisaged action by the new General International Organiza-
tion to prevent aggression by any of the smaller Powers, it is not dear that
similar machinery can be invoked to prevent aggression by the great Powers; and
will he ensure that His Majesty's Government delegates to the San Francisco
Conference bear this in mind and see to it that great and small aggressive Powers
shall be treated alike.
Mr. Churchill: I have nothing to add to the statements made by the vari-
ous speakers on behalf of the Government on this subject.
Mr. Davies: Will the right hon. Gentleman clarify the point that the
Dumbarton Oaks proposals assume that, if a small. Power were guilty of aggres-
sion, it could be dealt with, but when a great Power is guilty of the same kind
of aggression there is no method of dealing with it at all?
Mr. Churchill: I am sorry that there should be a high degree of axio-
matic truth in the fact stated by the hon. Member. We must always remember






Questions in the House of Commons


that, in the world into which we are moving, our opinions will not be the only
ones which will have to be regarded.
Mr. Davies: Are we not entitled to ask, therefore, that our delegates at
the San Francisco Conference will bear this important point in mind when dis-
cussing the problems so as to ensure equality of treatment for great and small
Powers alike?
Mr. Churchill: We have made a perfectly voluntary agreement with the
other two great Powers gathered at Yalta, and it prescribes a differentiation be-
tween the greatest and the smallest Powers. We may deplore, if we choose, the
fact that there is a difference between great and small, between the strong and
the weak in the world, but there undoubtedly is such a difference, and it would
be foolish to upset good arrangements which are proceeding on a broad front
for the sake of trying to obtain immediately what is a hopeless ideal.
Sir Percy Harris (Liberal): Will there, not be free discussion at San
Francisco, and will not our delegates be authorized to listen to sweet reason and
argument ?
Mr. Churchill: I have not taken an intimate and direct part in the ar-
rangements for the procedure at San Francisco. That will fall to others. But
I should have thought it would be quite absurd if we were not to take note of
the quite definite opinions which have been expresed, and which were focused
in the decisions at Yalta.
[March 15, 1945]

CONGRESS LEADERS (DETENTION)
Mr. Sorensen (Labour) asked the Secretary of State for India whether
it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to detain the Congress leaders
until Japan is defeated, or indefinitely so long as they do not satisfy the require-
ments of the Government.
Mr. Amery: It is not intended to detain the Congress leaders indefinitely.
The Government of India will consider their release when they are satisfied that
it will not prejudice the maintenance of law and order and the safety of India
as a war base.
Mr. Sorensen: Does my right hon. Friend not consider that the time has
now arrived when this could not, in any sense, adversely affect the military situation ?
Mr. Amery: I understand that it is the opinion of the Government of
India, which must be decisive in this matter, that the time has not yet arrived
for general release. Individuals have been released progressively over a long
period.
[March 15, 1945]

INDIA (SAN FRANCISCO CONFERENCE, REPRESENTATION)
Sir George Schuster (Liberal National) asked the Secretary of State for
India whether, in view of the splendid contribution to the war effort made by
the Indian States, it is proposed to include representatives of such States among
the Indian delegation to the San Francisco Conference.
Mr. Amery: Yes. The Government of India has announced that India
will be represented by Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar and Sir Firoz Khan Noon, who
represent British India, and Sir V. T. Krishnamachari, who represents the States.






326 British Speeches of the Day

Mr. Gallacher (Communist): Would it not be a very desirable thing if
India as a whole were represented at San Francisco as an independent state?
Mr. Edgar Granville (Independent Liberal): Does the Minister's reply
mean that the Indain representatives will be invited to attend the preliminary
Commonwealth Conference which is to be held in London?
Mr. Amery: Yes, India will certainly be represented at that Conference.
[March 15, 1945]














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PARLIAMENTS OF THE EMPIRE
The Journal of the Parliaments of the Empire is a quarterly publica-
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British Commonwealth. It provides not only an account of the views of
representatives of various parties in the different Parliaments on inter-
national affairs and other important subjects, but also an account of
legislative enactments of general interest. It thus provides information,
in a condensed form, on legislation and the points of view of leading
men in various parts of the British Commonwealth upon many matters
which are of common interest to those in the United States of America
who are concerned with parliamentary and international affairs.
The Journal is obtainable in North America from the Oxford Uni-
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Wartime Planning for Physical Reconstruction.
50 Facts About Britain's War Effort.
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