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Title: British speeches of the day
Physical Description: 5 v. : ; 23 cm.
Language: English
Creator: British Information Services
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Place of Publication: New York
Publication Date: October 1944
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Subject: World War, 1939-1945 -- Periodicals   ( lcsh )
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Great Britain -- 1945-   ( lcsh )
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Dates or Sequential Designation: Began with Mar. 1943.
Dates or Sequential Designation: -v. 5, no. 5 (June 1947).
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General Note: Description based on: Vol. 4, no. 1 (Feb. 1946); title from cover.
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Full Text




BRITISH INFORMATION SERVICES
AN AGENCY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT



BRITISH EC H E S

OF T .Y

WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Mi n Aqust ,44.
A Message to the Italians.
SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS, Minister of Aircraft Production, August 18, 1944.
The Post-War Industrial Outlook.
SIR JAMES GRIGG, Secretary of State for War, September 6, 1944.
The Home Guard.

ANTHONY EDEN, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, August 24, 1944.
A Tribute to Fighting France.
HUGH DALTON, President of the Board of Trade, September 20, 1944.
The Cotton Industry Looks Ahead.
HERBERT MORRISON, Home Secretary and Minister of Home Security,
September 3, 1944.
A Change of Heart.

SIR ALEXANDER CADOGAN, Permanent Under-Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, September 29, 1944.
The Chinese Delegates at Dumbarton Oaks.
LEOPOLD AMERY, Secretary of State for India and Burma, September 26,
1944.
The Fighting Qualities of the Indian Army.

WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister, September 28, 1944.
The War and the International Situation.

Vol. II, No. 10 October 1944

NEW YORK 20 . .... .30 ROCKEFELLER PLAZA .... .Circle 6-5100
WASHINGTON, D. C. 5 . 1336 NEW YORK AVENUE, N.W. . Executive 8525
CHICAGO I . .. 360 NORTH MICHIGAN AVENUE. Andover 1733
..''. ^ ..- 260 CALIFORNIA STREET .... .Sutter 6634


Ne. tO









RT. HON. WINSTON CHURCHILL
Prime Minister
Rome, August 28, 1944

On leaving the shores of Italy after a profoundly interesting and instructive
visit I should like to send a few words of encouragement 'and hope to the Italian
people.
I am most deeply touched by the extraordinary kindness with which I was
welcomed in all the villages and small towns through which I have driven in.
traversing the entire front. There is no doubt that in the zone of the armies the
relations of the Italians with the British, American, and other Allies are of a most
friendly and co-operative character.
Of course, owing to the hard conditions of war and the disorganization
caused by the demolitions of the enemy and the shortage of shipping and transport,
much hardship may arise in particular places. I have given directions to the
British representatives in the' various international bodies concerned to do their
utmost, in harmony with their colleagues, to meet these difficulties, and I am sure
these efforts will be warmly supported by our Allies.
Italy suffered a long period of governmental tyranny under the, Fascist regime,
which terminated in the frightful disaster and most cruel suffering which has be-
fallen the Italian people. She would be very unwise to let herself again fall into
thedclutches of this Fascist totalitarian system in any guise in which it might
present itself.
Such systems of governmental tyranny breed in conditions of social dislocation,
economic hardship, and moral depression which follow in the wake of war and
defeat. It is in such a crisis in their history that peoples should be most on their
guard against unscrupulous parties seeking after power and most zealous in the
preservation of their liberties.
When a nation has allowed itself to fall into a tyrannical regime it cannot be
absolved from the faults due to the guilt of that regime, and naturally we cannot
forget the circumstances of Mussolini's attack on France and Great Britain when
we were at our weakest, and people thought that Great Britain would sink
forever-which, in fact, she has not* done.
But in the main, speaking for the British-although the other victorious Allies
would have a say in this-I believe that the British nation will be happy to see
the day when Italy, once again free and progressive, takes her place among all
the peace-loving nations.

Title Deeds of Freedom
It has been said that the price of freedom is eternal vigilance. The question
arises, "What is freedom?" There are one or two quite simple, practical tests
by which it can be known in the modern world in peace conditions, namely:
Is there the right to free expression of opinion and of opposition and criticism
of the Government of the day?
Have the people the right to turn out a Government of which they disapprove,
and are constitutional means provided by which they can make their will apparent?
Are their courts of justice free from violence by the Executive and free of all
threats of mob violence and all association with any particular political parties?
[1]






2 British Speeches of the Day

Will these courts administer open and well-established laws which are
associated in the human mind with the broad principles of decency and justice?
Will there be fair play for poor as well as for rich, for private persons as well
as Government officials?
Will the rights of the individual, subject to his duties to the State, be main-
tained and asserted and exalted?
Is the ordinary peasant or workman earning a living by daily toil and striving
to' bring up a family free from the fear that some grim police organization under
the control of a single party, like the Gestapo, started by the Nazi and Fascist
parties, will tap him on the shoulder and pack him off without fair or open trial
to bondage or ill-treatment?
These simple practical tests are some of the title deeds on which a new Italy
could be founded.

Hard Work
The first duty of all is to purge the soil of Italy from the foul German taint.
This can only be done by hard fighting. I rejoice that large new Italian Forces will
soon join the Allied armies.
Hard work, a strong resolve, high inspirations, and above all true unity will
all be needed if Italy is to nourish her people and resume her place among the
leading Powers of Europe. Political excitement and the clash of many parties will
not achieve those simple joys and rights which the mass of the people so desire.
Italy must recapture the ideals of freedom which inspired the Risorgimento.
May this thought rest with you through your trouble, and may your friends,
both in England and across the ocean, see their hopes rewarded.
[London Times]



RT. HON. SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS
Minister of Aircraft Production
Belfast, August 18,*1944

[EXTRACTS)
With the prospect of victory coming more nearly into view, we naturally turn
our minds to the conditions which we shall have to meet after the war is over
and to the steps that we shall have to take to cope with these conditions.
Let us first get it quite dear that the difficulties after this war are going to be
much greater than after the last war and that we shall either have to take more
drastic steps to deal with them than we did in 1919 and the early Twenties or else
we shall find ourselves in a far worse condition that we then were.
No doubt as always after a war there will be a period of a year or two when
everyone will be busily engaged in making good the deficits that have developed
during the war. Demand for every kind of personal and domestic goods will be
very heavy. Stocks will be nonexistent and the needs very great, while most
people will have the wherewithal in the form of savings to buy what they want or
what they can get hold of. This will lead to a grave danger of inflation which
will have to be dealt with firmly by the Government, if disaster is to be avoided.







The Post-War Industrial Outlook 3
\
There will certainly be a shortage of supplies of all kinds, though some will be
less short than others, and for this reason a measure of rationing will have to be
continued so that the goods available may be fairly distributed among those who
need them.
But this is only a transition phenomenon due to the accumulated shortages of
the war, and it will not be very long before stocks are once again built up and
supplies are adequate to meet the demand.
It is with the more fundamental difficulties that we shall have to concern
ourselves-difficulties that will stretch over a much longer period and that will
have a more profound effect upon our whole future standards of life and
well-being.

Lost Overseas Investments
During this war, and particularly in the early stages before the lease-lend
arrangements were made by the Americans, our financial position has been greatly
changed. Prior to the war we were receiving annually a large volume of foodstuffs
and raw materials by way of interest on capital exported from this country in the
past or as repayment of that capital. As against these goods received no exports
were necessary, though the imports were essential to the maintenance of our
standards of living.
In order to maintain our war effort, especially during that period when we
stood alone against Germany, we have sacrificed and willingly sacrificed a con-
siderable part of our overseas dollar investments. As a result we shall after the
war find ourselves without a large part of the imports which we were previously
earning by those foreign investments. We must therefore find some other way
by which we can make good the necessary imports to support our population and
our industries and the only way of doing that will be by increasing our exports-
except in so far as we can increase the amount of food and raw materials that
we produce in our own country or at least within the Sterling block of countries.
We can certainly do better than we did before the war in the production of
food, that has been very amply demonstrated during the war; but if we are to do
better it means that we must have a better agricultural policy and one upon which
the producers of food in our country can rely with certainty.. In some few raw
materials, too, we can perhaps improve matters in a small degree, but largely we
nust rely upon imports for these since most of them do not exist or cannot be
produced in our own country. Many of the metals, cotton, rubber, timber and
many other vital materials we must import.

The 50 Per Cent Margin
So that after doing all we can to boost up our home production of these ma-
terials and foodstuffs there will still be a large margin over which we must import
and against which after the war we must send out exports.
That means that we must not only get back all the export trade that we had
before the war, but that we must add to that something like another 50 per cent.
Unless we can do this and do it pretty quickly after the war is over, we shall be
quite unable to maintain the pre-war standards of our people, much less improve
them as we are anxious to do.
There is another aspect of this problem which has very great importance for
the future of the world internationally.
It has now become an almost universal assumption that in the years after the
war the major responsibility for guarding the peace of the world will fall upon







4 British Speeches of the Day

the United States of America, the Soviet Union and ourselves-and when I say
ourselves, I refer tothe British Commonwealth and Empire. I believe that such
an arrangement will be absolutely vital to world peace and that the great Powers
in association with all the others of the United Nations should undertake this task.
But if we are to take our part in this task with the effort and expense that it
will entail to do the job efficiently, we must be secure in our own' livelihood. If
we are to share in this important responsibility, we must have a firm and secure
basis for our own economy.
The economic stability of this country after the war is not merely our personal
and private concern, it is a world concern to all those peoples who desire peace.
No one can doubt the contribution that we are capable of making in such a direc-
tioh; we must not deprive ourselves of that capacity by the weakness of our
economic position.

Peacetime Objectives
I have said that this new situation will demand a greater volume of exports
if we are to maintain our previous standards of living, but we are all of us aware
that the people of this country are determined to better their standards. Nor can
there be any doubt that with drive and initiative we can provide these better
standards. There are two possible ways of dealing with this very natural and proper
demand by the people. The first is to redistribute the internal wealth of the
country so as to get a greater measure of equality in incomes, as we have done
with some success by taxation during the war, the second is to increase the over-all
productive wealth of the country so that there is more for everybody. We want to
apply both these methods for we shall need them both if we are to attain our
objectives. The wartime has shown us how much we can achieve when we have
a strong common purpose at which we are all aiming; properly organized and
assisted,, our industries have produced vast quantities of goods to ensure our
victory. That same organization and community of purpose must be used after
the war to win our peacetime objectives unless we are to admit that we care less
about the constructive purposes of peace than we do about the destructive purposes
of war.
What are those objectives? We can already see them being formulated in the
series of White Papers which have been produced and in many other subject
matters which are known to be under consideration. First of all, of course, we
have to get back to the 1938 standards before we can surpass them, and we
are at the present time a long way below those standards owing to war condi-
tions and enemy action.
A very large building program will be the first necessity to get back the
houses, factories, schools, churches, places of entertainment and other buildings
that have been destroyed by the enemy and to make good the deficiency of building
and repair during five years of war. That alone is a very great task and one that
must be urgently carried out. Indeed we have, as an expedient, to do a great
deal of temporary building in order to get any houses at all for our men to live
in when they come home from the fighting. This heavy burden in the post-war
years is part of the price that we must pay for being in the front line of the aerial
battles. Then, in addition, we must step up all kinds of civilian production,
changing over from wartime to peacetime manufacture.
But this, when it is done, will only leave us where we were in 1938, and that
certain, is not good enough to satisfy our fighting men or our workers who have
devoted themselves so wholeheartedly to victory.




.


The Post-War Industrial Outlook 5

The Government's social security plan which will shortly be published in a
further White Paper will mean a better standard for many people, as does the
Workmen's Compensation legislation which has been forecast. Family allowances
and an all-in medical service for the people are two further important improve-
ments in living standards.
The Education Act, which has now been passed, is the first great measure of
post-war progress to go on the Statute Book and entails a great deal of improve-
ment in the standards of education, just as the planning and housing proposals
envisage an improvement in living and amenity standards. But these forward steps
will, of course, necessitate a decent level of wages and salaries if people are to be
able to take full advantage of the improved facilities.
We have, in fact, already written up a very considerable bill for improved
standards of living over the 1938 level and there is no doubt that many other
items will be added to the debit side of the National account.

Need for Increased Export
So far as these are merely internal transfers between one section of the people
and another, they need not trouble us in respect of our national economy. But if
there is to be a general over-all average improvement in our standards of living
that will entail more imports of foods and raw materials and of some manu-
factured goods as well, and so will entail more exports.
You will observe, therefore, that we must increase our exports for at least
three reasons, and at the same time produce all that we can for our home market.
These reasons are:
(a) To maintain our pre-war standard of living;
(b) To give a firm basis for our international position as a pillar of peace in
the world;
(c) To help to provide those increases in standards of education, health,
housing, etc., for which we are already planning or have planned.
This greater volume of exports must, if we wish to maintain and increase our
own standards of living, be produced as an addition to our home consumption
and cannot be taken from it. Indeed, as I have said, we shall need to increase
our production for home consumption in all utilitarian goods though not in
luxuries. In other words, we must not only export more, but we must have a
greater total of production than we had before the war. There should be no diffi-
culty in getting this greater production provided we so manage our industry as to
maintain our wartime efficiency and avoid the gross waste of unemployment which
we suffered before the war. If we are to use the expression "never again" as we
did rather ineffectively after the last war, let us apply it this time to unemployment,
for when we get rid of unemployment we shall have gone a long way 'towards
getting rid of war.
Happily our need for more exports and our need for full employment both
pull in the same direction.
It may well be, in fact, it will almost certainly be, necessary in the first post-
war years to cut down deliberately and temporarily our own standards of con-
sumption, in order that we may the more rapidly rebuild our own country and
the export trade which is essential to our future survival as a great nation.
Especially in the very first stages of the transition when materials are still in short
supply and the change-over from war production is not yet complete, we must do
all we can to restart the export trade which we have had to abandon in the interest







British Speeches of the Day


of our war effort. People sometimes fail to realize how total that effort has been
and the degree to which we have cut off (almost completely) the export trade upon
which we lived before the war, and supplies for our own civilian population. To
regain our economic balance will entail devoting to exports some of the productive-
energy which we might otherwise use to make goods for home consumption. We
must make the deliberate choice, for the sake of the future stability of our country,
to postpone to some degree the recovery of our standards-particularly in all kinds
of luxury articles.
It is, of course, all very well to lay down these requirements, but some very
active steps will have to be taken if we are to achieve them. They will not ma-
terialize out of the air or come as a reward for wishful thinking. It is not the
sort of position we can face without plans and without organization. The D-Day
of peace requires quite as much planning and preparation as the D-Day of war.

Two Things to Remember
In my own view, these exacting demands which are thus made upon us require
a complete reconsideration of our industrial methods. There will be no room for
old-fashioned methods, ideas or machinery. I will not deal this evening with
the question of ownership of industry-though I have some views about that-
but rather the methods by which we run our industries. There are, however, two
observations which I should like to make in passing on the question of the own-
ership and control of industry.
First, do not let us get into our heads that there is no alternative between
complete nationalization and uncontrolled private enterprise. There are an almost
infinite number of stages between the two, many of which we are already partially
using.
Second, let us remember that in accordance with a very widespread desire
among the people the Government have, for the first time in history, undertaken
the duty and obligation of providing full employment for the people. The
assumption of that obligation must, of course, imply the granting to the Govern-
ment of the powers necessary for the carrying out of that duty.
The Government have in the White Paper which has been published indicated
the powers which they will require and the general line of the action which they
consider will be necessary. Views may differ widely as to whether these powers
are wide enough and as to whether the steps they have suggested will be adequate
to attain their objective of full employment. Time alone can show. But if those
powers are not large enough then either the Government will have to seek wider
power or else they will have to relinquish the duty. I hope and believe that the
British people will insist upon the Government retaining the obligation to ensure
full employment and will, if it proves necessary, give them the further powers
required.
Emphasis on Quality
Now let me revert to the methods by which we run our industries.
Exports inevitably mean competition in foreign markets with other countries
of all kinds, great and small, with varying standards and differing degrees of skill.
We have not the advantages possessed by some very large countries of huge home
markets giving ample scope for the most elaborate and heavily capitalized methods
of mass production. Our home markets must be comparatively small as we are a
small island with at relatively dense but numerically small population.
We must, therefore, in many matters, depend more upon quality and high
efficiency rather than upon quantity and elaborate mass-production methods. We







The Post-War Industrial Outlook


certainly are no longer the workshop of the world, but unless we maintain our
position as one of the workshops of the world our prospects will be very gloomy.
Quality and efficiency must therefore be the aim of our industries. By quality
I do not mean that everything we make must last forever. With the rapidly chang-
ing techniques, designs and fashions of modern production, the life of even the
most permanent of manufactured goods is now to be measured in years rather
than in decades. They become obsolete before they wear out, but during their
useful life they must retain their first-rate quality.
Quality depends on two things: firstly, inventiveness and research by which
there is a constant advance in quality and type; and secondly, the skill of technicians
and workers.
We certainly have the latter in ample supply in our country as can be seen
from the splendid quality of our war products, as good as any in the world.
Where we have been able to concentrate our scientific and technical resources
in the comparatively narrow field of war production, we have, too, excelled in
inventiveness and novelty, but we are not adequately supplied with the highly
skilled and trained scientific and technical personnel to do all that we ought to do
and must do to preserve our leading position in the many great manufacturing
industries.
This means that we need a larger supply of highly trained young men in
these fields and more opportunity for them to research, discover and invent. We
must see to it that our educational institutions are enlarged, financed and made
adequate to give us that flow of scientists and technicians without which we
cannot keep or win supremacy in the quality of our manufactured products.
A great deal more must be done, too, for research both fundamental and ap-
plied, at the universities, in research institutions and in industry. Farseeing re-
search and development today form the basis for all successful industrial effort.
Though we have an ample supply of skilled workers, yet we must not over-
look the fact that today the tendency is to recruit young workers into unskilled
mass production or semiskilled jobs and that the necessity for thorough-going
training through apprenticeship is sometimes lost sight of. Actually the need today
is to train apprentices to a higher standard of skill especially in the theoretical
field and the more progressive industrialists are realizing this fact. Many schemes
are now working whereby apprentices are given a thorough theoretical as well
as practical training, though there are still many backward factories where this is
neglected. The highly trained skill of our artisans is our most precious national
asset.
Three Factors That Make for Efficiency
Then we come to the second need, efficiency. This is a more complex matter,
but certainly the war has given us a great deal of experience in this field. To one
who like myself goes round hundreds of factories it is quite extraordinary to
see the degree to which efficiency varies in different productive units. It is quite
possible to find variations of 100 per cent between two factories doing the same
job and that variation is certainly not due to Government interference, except
where by advice and persuasion we have greatly increased efficiency.
Actually the various supply departments with the Ministries of Labor and
Production have done a tremendous lot to increase the efficiency of production
during the war. It would not be possible in the time available to go through all
the many factors which influence efficiency in production, but I would like to
mention three of them only.







British Speeches of the Day


First, I place the relationships between management and labor in the factory.
You cannot have an efficient shop unless it is a happy shop. Labor has become
more intelligent and better informed in the last two decades and the old methods
of patronage and autocracy of management are out of date and will not produce
efficiency. Partnership of effort is the right attitude and where there is good per-
sonnel management, a smoothly working Joint Production Committee and a well-
recognized Trade Union organization, you will always find efficiency. Joint Pro-
duction Committees are one of the most hopeful developments in our industrial
organization and will be of the greatest value in the difficulties of the post-war
period.
Second, of course, is the question of plant, layout and buildings.
One still comes across in our factories scores of machines which are hopelessly
out of date and which should have been scrapped years ago, just as one goes into
factories which are a disgrace from the point of view of ventilation: sanitation
and layout.
As a prominent industrialist recently wrote in a letter to myself, "a man who
is comfortable at his work gives of his best."
We must rebuild our factories and re-equip them if we are to compete in the
export field. In this direction the Government have done a great deal during the
war by building really fine new up-to-date factories with excellent ventilation,
lighting, canteens and conveniences, and millions upon millions have been spent
upon new machine tools, many of which will be suitable for peacetime
manufactures.
We are long past the period when any conditions-however cheap and
shoddy-were good enough for the workers. We must study their health and
comfort because they cannot be fully efficient unless pains and trouble are taken
about the conditions both material and psychological in which they work.
The third point concerns management itself. During the last quarter of a
century a great deal has been done to professionalize management. With the com-
plexity of modern production methods the different grades of management must
look upon their job as a professional job and one for which a high degree of
training is required, whether it be as works manager, production manager, per-
sonnel manager or any other similar post.
There is, I believe, a great need for some strong central institute of manage-
ment which can build up the necessary professional and educational standards for
the profession. The old haphazard idea that anyone with some technical knowledge
could be the boss has in the past led to more trouble and inefficiency in industry
than almost anything else.
In addition to these points which I have mentioned there are many others that
will require attention, such as those connected with finance and investment policies,
market investigations and so on.
But those I have mentioned are sufficient, I hope, to show that we shall not
be able to cope with the future, unless we are prepared to make great changes in
our methods of industrial organization, compared to the pre-war period.

[Official Release]







The Home Guard


RT. HON. SIR JAMES GRIGG
Secretary of State for War
Broadcast, September 6, 1944

I have an announcement to make to the Home Guard: His Majesty's Gov-
ernment have now decided that compulsory drills and training including assistance
to Civil Defense should be discontinued. Such operational duties as are still re-
quired of the Home Guard will be carried out on a voluntary basis. These
arrangements will take effect from Monday, 11th September, 1944. InstructioAs
are being issued accordingly. It has also been decided that the call-up and medical
examination of further entrants to the Home Guard shall be suspended.

An Incalculable Debt
I should like to make this announcement the occasion of a preliminary word
of thanks to the Home Guard for all that they have done through four-and-a-half
strenuous and anxious years. If the expression of my thanks falls short of what
is their due I ask for indulgence. I was in Cairo yesterday and in Naples this
morning. Consequently I only reached this country a few hours ago after flying
in an unarmed and unescorted aeroplane the whole way across France-from which
incidentally you will gather how complete is the eclipse of the once vaunted Luft-
waffe. Anyhow, I have not in the few hours since I arrived been fully able to
attune my words to the height of their argument.
The spectacular development of operations on the Continent which have
brought the Allies to the very gates of Germany means that the Government is
in a position to review its arrangements for warding off hostile attack. The Home
Guard has formed a large part of these arrangements and the Nation owes an
incalculable debt to the self-sacrifice and devotion of those men who have given,
willingly and cheerfully, so many hours of their leisure to service in the force.
Without their help the armies which are now liberating one country after another
from the Germans could not have been spared to leave this country and, though
the Home Guard have never been called upon to engage in active land operations
against the enemy-much to the disappointment of its members-their presence
in Great Britain has effectively ensured the safety of the base from which the
expeditionary force has been launched and is being maintained, and they have
made a very effective contribution to the defense of our homes against attacks by
aircraft and flying bombs.

The Need for Volunteers
His Majesty's Government have always assured the Home Guard that as soon
as their services are no longer required they will be told. That time has not yet
arrived but the Government feel, as I have already said, that there is no longer
any need to call upon them for compulsory drills and training and these will
consequently cease as from next Monday, 11th September.
There still remains some work to be done, but we know that we can rely upon
the loyalty and public spirit of the Home Guard to volunteer for such duties as
manning anti-aircraft batteries, and assisting Civil Defense in those areas which are
subject to flying-bomb attacks or have suffered as a result of these attacks.
The end-so far as Germany is concerned-cannot now be far off but it may
be that before that end arrives even voluntary duty in the Home Guard can be
discontinued. In any case you may be sure that the Home Guard will not be asked







British Speeches of the Day


to do a day's more duty than is necessary and they may be sure that they will be
told the moment the time has come. In the meantime the release from compulsory
drills and training will come as an easement for all members of the force, to whom
I take this opportunity of conveying the heartfelt thanks of the Government, the
Army and the Nation.
I conclude by making it cear that my few poor words are not intended as a
final acknowledgement of what the country owes to the Home Guard. Much more
will be required adequately to discharge that debt, but I trust that what I have
said will be taken as, at any rate, a very willing payment on account.
[Official Release]




RT. HON. ANTHONY EDEN
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
Broadcast, August 24, 1944

The liberation of Paris by the French Forces of the Interior and the uprising
of her own citizens is a glorious event for both our nations, and for our Allies
everywhere.
This event sets the seal on the great victory of Allied arms already won in
northwestern France. It is an inspiration for the further exertions which will be
needed to secure the final destruction of Germany's military power and of the Nazi
regime.
In the Battle of Normandy which had to be won before Paris could free her-
self, the soldiers of a great many of the United Nations have fought side by side
in true comradeship bound by common allegiance to the ideals of liberty, tolerance
and good faith.
British, Canadians, Americans, Frenchmen, Poles, Belgians and Dutch have
all shared in this victory. Today they are rejoicing at the liberation of the capital
which they regard as an incomparable expression of their civilization.
At this moment we British, who entered the war with you [the French] so that
we might fight together against the German spirit of conquest, pay tribute to the
undying spirit of France, which has kept alive resistance to the invader through
four long dark years. And we pay tribute, too, to General de Gaulle, who now
sees his tenacious faith in his country's greatness so gloriously vindicated, and
whose incessant efforts for the liberation of France are now fully rewarded.
Soon all France will be free and ready to resume again her rightful place
among the major powers of Europe and the world.
On behalf of His Majesty's Government I declare my unstinted admiration
for all who have served France, Europe and the world so well; for General de
Gaulle and his colleagues who raised and kept the flag of France flying in the
free world; for the French Forces of the Interior; for the National Councils of
Resistance of France and Paris; for all the citizens of France and of her capital
city.
Our common sacrifices and our deeds of valor have truly given to the Entente
Cordiale a new life; may this Entente endure forever.
[Official Release]







The Cotton Industry Looks Ahead


RT. HON. HUGH DALTON
President of the Board of Trade
Manchester, September 20, 1944
[EXTRACTS]

The Government will count on the cotton industry to play its part after the
war, both in meeting our essential domestic needs and in making its full contribu-
tion to the expansion of our exports which will be necessary if we are to feed and
employ our own people.
But it is vital that there should be in Lancashire a vigorous determination to
reorganize and modernize the industry. Otherwise in the conditions of the post-
war world there will be a grave danger of the industry continuing to slip down-
hill as it did in the period between the wars, with an ever shrinking volume of
output, exports and employment. This would be a disaster both to Lancashire and
to Britain.

The Industry's Tasks
The Government will urge the industry to take immediate steps: first, to bring
about such amalgamations, particularly in the spinning section, as are required
in order to secure efficient and financially strong units; second, to undertake
necessary re-equipment so that in respect of machinery, buildings and amenities,
the British cotton industry shall be second to none; third, to overhaul the merchant-
ing organization, particularly with a view to enabling producing sections to
achieve, as was not done in pre-war years, the great economies of continuous
runs and bulk production; fourth, to modernize and simplify the page structure
of the industry; and fifth, to extend doubleshift working, without which expense
of modern machinery in many cases would not be justified.
Unless the industry will face these questions in a bold and practical spirit,
there cannot be a satisfactory guarantee of stable prices, production or employment.

Dangers of Price Management
All sections of the industry, including both the employers and the trade
unions, have pressed upon the Government the need, as they conceive it, for
"price management," i.e., the enforcement with the sanction of the Government,
of statutory minimum prices.
The Government have given most careful consideration to this plea, so per-
sistently and so authoritatively put forward. There are great dangers in such
minimum price arrangements which may easily lead to the restriction rather than
expansion of output and to a perpetuation of inefficient and old-fashioned methods
at the expense of more efficient and up-to-date firms. Moreover, for some time to
come, the British cotton industry should be able to sell without difficulty and at
good prices all it can produce. In the home market the practical problem will be
to enforce not minimum but maximum prices so as to prevent inflation. In the
same way in overseas markets the need will not be for minimum prices but for a
certain discretion on the part of the exporters. Our prices must not be so high
as to lose in future years the goodwill of our overseas customers. It should be
realized, too, that the work of cotton control which has done such a fine job for
the industry and the country during the war, must continue for some considerable
time. During this period, the Cotton Industry (Reorganization) Act of 1939
cannot be brought into operation. Cotton control, through its standard prices,






12 British Speeches of the Day

achieves more simply and directly the price-fixing objects of this Act. Price,fixing
under the 1939 Act is subject to a salutory measure of public scrutiny and public
control. Otherwise, Parliament would never have passed it. In the Government's
view, the cotton industry is entitled to assume that unless Parliament otherwise de-
termines, this Act will come into operation as soon as cotton control disappears.
Almost certainly this will be in a new Parliament. This assurance having been
given by the Government regarding "price management," we expect the industry
to concentrate its energies forthwith upon putting its house in order. Action
much more far-reaching is required in the cotton industry than the mere putting
into effect of the 1939 Act. The industry, for its part, may wish for some modi-
fications of the provisions of the 1939 Act or for some other measure by the
Government in relation to the cotton industry. The present Government will be
prepared to consider any such requests if, and only if, the industry is able to
submit at the same time proposals and evidence of effective action already taken,
satisfactory to the Government on the points mentioned above.
[By Cable]




RT. HON. HERBERT MORRISON
Home Secretary and Minister of Home Security
Broadcast, September 3, 1944
On the eve of victory we look forward. On this fifth anniversary of our entry
into the war, let us also look back.
As we do so, we see some spectacular triumphs-the glory of the Battle of
Britain, the dramatic defiance of air bombardment by the people of our cities, the
lightning annihilation of Mussolini's Italian Empire, the overthrow of the Afrika
Korps at Alamein, the triumph of Tunisia. Yet many of the predominant con-
tributions made by the British nations to final victory have not been spectacular-
have indeed been mighty in effect just because they have not been spectacular.

The In-Fighting
I am not an expert in boxing, but I understand that it is the rain of close, hard,
continuous blows to the body which plays an even greater part in the downfall of
a heavyweight than the final swinging uppercut that brings the crowd to its feet.
For five years Britain has been doing the in-fighting.
For five years the Navy and Merchant Navy, those silent services of ours, have
worn down the strength and fighting power of Germany by the unrelaxing
intensity of their silent grip on the life-lines of the seas.
For five years the R.A.F. has hammered at the enemy's centers of life and
production.
For five years the people of the island and of the Commonwealth and Empire
overseas have worked their fingers to the bone-yes, and have bled, too, in their
streets and homes and factories-to build up our strength and to maintain in-
violate the world's great base of freedom, this island itself.
All these things have moved no flags upon the map. But without them the
flags could not have moved.






A Change of Heart


Now that the, time for spectacular victories has come, our role of standing
up dose and doing the in-fighting remains ours still. From D-Day onwards British
and Canadian troops have played the key part in the magnificent strategy whose
fruits are now ripening as we watch. As General Eisenhower has made clear, they
held, outfought and finally mastered the main strength of the German Armies
in France, the great bulk of their armor, the cream of their fighting force in all
Europe, and then got on with swift marches and more victories.
In so doing they contributed powerfully to the breakthrough of their Amer-
ican Allies and enabled them to -display those magnificent qualities of speed, re-
sourcefulness and mechanical genius which have taken them in one great curving
sweep from Avranches to Rheims and beyond. What has made the gains of terri-
tory possible is the containing and destruction of enemy troops and armor. Given
that, the rest could follow.

An American Judgment
At the same time, as though to underline doubly and trebly the meaning of
Britain's part in the war, the Germans launched their terror attack by flying bombs
on London and Southern England. They expected it, at the least, to disorganize
our strategy in France by forcing us to attack where they were strongest; at best,
they hoped it would drive Londoners and the English of the Southern Counties
towards greater readiness for a compromise peace. Some people never learn!
A generous American observer, a great newspaper, has declared that "in the
secord- battle of France the Germans have been beaten first of all by London
civilians." I am glad and grateful that it should have been in the United States'
that this was first publicly said. It is, I am sure, what history will say. It is a com-
fort and a satisfaction to have it said now. This record of five years fighting
cannot be understood-not even by us ourselves-except by remembering the spirit
in which we entered the war. It is especially important to do that now, amid the
dust and turmoil of the final struggle.
Britain's determination to challenge the cruel and aggressive force of. Nazi
Germany was no mere decision of statecraft; it arose from the determination of a
whole people. Britain waged war in 1939 as a popular crusade. We resisted the
foul menace of Hitlerism, not from necessity but from deliberate choice.
For a year and five days, from the fall of France to the invasion of Russia,
the nations of the British Commonwealth stood alone. That year was the darkest
period in the history of modern civilization. It was lit by one single light, the
flame of resolve in the hearts of the British peoples. Had that flame died down
or been quenched, there is not one single power in the world, however vast or
powerful, which can claim that it could with certainty have withstood the deluge
of barbarism. Moreover, the British people in their resistance were animated not
merely by a determination to preserve themselves from their enemies, but by the
knowledge that in so doing they were preserving the hope of freedom for all the
world. Let these things not be forgotten now.

The Spirit of 1940
For when we look forward beyond victory we cannot do better than animate
ourselves with a renewal of the spirit of that earlier time. We saw very clearly
in 1940 and 1941. We were brought sharply up against ultimate realities. Greed,
sectionalism and the lust of power were silenced among us. We had no programs,
but we had a vision of essentials. We had in our hearts the mood that creates
both victory in war and great programs for peace.







British Speeches of the Day


And now it is 1944. We have not fought this war for nothing. The British
people have never shown themselves the sort of fools who would do a faithful
week's work with all their strength and conscientiousness and then be indifferent
whether their pay envelope contained good currency or worthless counterfeit. They
are not going to be content with a counterfeit peace.
But they will have to make sure of what they want. Nothing comes of itself,
certainly not a good peace at the end of a hard-fought war. After the last great
war the nations entered upon the peace in a spirit of optimistic idealism. They
applauded the building of a great superstructure of international organization
whose white towers rose triumphantly towards the skies. They applauded so hard
that they forgot to make sure that the foundations were sound. In the end every-
thing came crashing down. This time we are much more wary. We proceed more
cautiously. We expect less. As a result we may do better.
The building of an international organization of nations which can secure all its
members from the threat of aggression and war is a tremendous aim. If we have
to live again in a disturbed and uncertain world, with the echoes of the quarrels of
great nations ringing in our ears and aggressors sharpening their weapons in dark
corners, we shall have neither wealth nor leisure nor peace of mind to spare to make
happy lives for ourselves here at home. The achievement of solid international
security is the primary aim of the peace. Let us by all means be cautious about it,
not aiming at the moon and hitting the haystack, not getting too far away from
the existing realities of national power and wealth. But, I would add, let us not
be so cautious or realistic that we forget what we are setting out to achieve. We
want an absolute ban upon lawless aggression, and we want it for all time. The
Fascist and Japanese aggression, those curses upon Europe and Ahe East, must be
prohibited for all time. History has amply proved that there is only one way to
achieve such an aim,.and that is by a just system of world relationships and forces
under international control sufficiently powerful to enforce it.

Will Must Back Force
In the historic past, when there were separate powers and interests within our
own country, each ready to use its strength in what it conceived to be the defense
of its ultimate interest, there was no peace. Peace came with the achievement
of one single central sovereign power, so far dominant over all the others that its
will prevailed. Internationally the same principle must be remembered. A police
force, whether it is armed with truncheons and tear gas or with bombers and tanks,
is only a police force if it is at the disposal of one unified public-spirited will.
The authority behind that will must be constituted out of the general will of a
S number of constituent powers. But it must be capable, when all the deliberation
is over, of speaking with a single voice and of swiftly enforcing its will for peace
and justice.
I do not know, nobody knows, how long it may be before we succeed in
achieving such an organization. We are trying at Dumbarton Oaks to reach agree-
ment on an important step forward along this road. I know that we cannot expect
to reach the end of the road in a day. But I know also that some abandonment of
the traditional idea of separate unqualified national sovereignties is a necessary
condition of the successful maintenance of permanent peace. It was one of the
fundamental maxims of Roman law, it is one of the basic ideas of all law, that no
man shall be a judge in his own cause. When we have reached the point of accept-
ing in all honesty and sincerity the maxim that no nation can be a judge in its own
cause, we shall have taken the essential step towards the outlawry of war.






The Chinese Delegates at Dumbarton Oaks


We have great and complex economic problems to solve in working out schemes
for money and trading relationships between the nations, for distributing the sup-
plies of the great basic commodities on which the world depends, and avoiding
the catastrophic booms and slumps of the past. But when all the brilliant schemes
have been worked out, there still remains one thing needful, the same thing of
which I have already spoken, a readiness on the part of individual nations to sub-
ordinate their own interest in some particular matter to the common interests of the
nations as a whole.
These things are easy to talk about; they are not so easy to achieve. They call
for a change of heart among the nations and that means in practice a change of
heart on the part of all the men and women within them-you, every one of you,
and me, and all those like us in this country and all countries. When we decide
to pay the same regard to the interests and needs of the other man or nation as we
do to our own, when we are ready to treat the other as we would wish to be
treated ourselves, and when other nations do the same, then and then only will all
nations be serving their own interests in the truest sense. Then and then only
will they be ready for the great political and economic changes which can secure
peace and plenty for the world. Then and not before, can the nations reap a
fitting reward for the struggle and endurance of these years of conflict and
sacrifice.
[Official Release]




SIR ALEXANDER CADOGAN
Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affbirs
At Dumbarton Oaks, September 29, 1944

In opening our discussions with our Chinese friends we are gratefully conscious
that there is already a very large measure of agreement between them and us. We
are all, I am sure, well aware of the importance and complexity of the problems
which we have set out to resolve, but we know that the Chinese delegation will
bring all their ability and all their goodwill to their solution. We look forward
with pleasure to consultation with representatives of the oldest civilization in the
world, which throughout many trials, as severe as any nation.has endured, has kept
intact the moral ideals which are the foundations of its unique culture and way
of life.
The Chinese delegation will, I am confident, make a large contribution to the
establishment of a world organization for the maintenance of peace and security.
China has shown herself ready to assume the responsibilities which her position
in history, her vast and industrious population, and the heroic conduct of her
armies in a seven-year struggle against a cruel and implacable enemy have placed
upon her. As a signatory of the Moscow Declaration she has declared her inten-
tion to join in setting up at the earliest practicable date a world organization in
which all peace-loving States can take part.

The Objectives
The papers that have been exchanged between us have shown not only that we
are agreed on the main objectives, but that there is a very large measure of agree-
ment even in detail on the methods by which these objectives shall be reached.






16 British Speeches of the Day.

We all desire to see set up an assembly of all peaceful States, with a smaller
council of great and small States, together with an efficient secretariat and an inter-
national court of justice. We are all anxious to give the new organization life
by basing it on the moral ideas on which our civilizations are founded. We all also
recognize that responsibility should be commensurate with power.
It is for us to find the methods by which power may be rightly applied in the
best interests of all nations. The horror and suffering that the world has endured
should give us the will and energy to overcome all the tremendous difficulties which
history shows have confronted those who apply themselves to such a task.
No people have suffered more than the Chinese. They, like the peoples of the
British Commonwealth, have known what it is to stand alone on the brink of
disaster. Now we are all conscious of the terrible danger that threatened not only
this nation or that, but the whole future of the world on which the happiness and
well-being of every man and woman depends. We hope therefore that the mem-
ory of the danger that we have escaped, as well as of the sufferings which we have
endured, will bring a unity to the world such as it has never before had.
If we can agree to work together to this end, we shall be able to devise in the
light of common experience institutions necessary to carry out our purpose. With-
out such common purpose and practice no institutions, however well devised, have
the necessary strength when the moment for action comes.
[New York Times]




RT. HON. LEOPOLD AMERY
Secretary of State for India and Burma
London, September 26, 1944
[Extracts]

I have just had the privilege of visiting on the Italian Front the three Indian
Divisions which have taken so outstanding a part in the liberation of Italy up to
date, but before saying something about these individual Divisions and their record
I should like to say something of a more general character about the Indian Army.
That army, at any rate so far as its Indian elements are concerned, is a purely
Voluntary army, by far the largest voluntary army serving in this war. It has
grown by the tenfold expansion of the nucleus of the old standing Indian Army,
a professional army like ours with a very glorious tradition of past service-a
tradition which goes back over a very long period.
The other day I had the privilege of inspecting Skinner's Horse, a regiment
with a record of some 200 years. In that sense the Indian Army, in its character
and tradition, very much resembled the old British Army, and indeed, like the
British Army, its expansion in time of war has largely been due to the fact that
everywhere there is a local pride and interest in its regiments, just as in the case of
our old county regiments there is a natural desire to be identified with their tra-
ditions and their record and to join them in a time of emergency. So in all the
countryside from which these great regiments have been drawn there is a local
interest and a local desire to take part in a common effort; behind that, of course,
there is the general sense of fighting for a good cause.






The Fighting Qualities of the Indian Army


Widespread Libels
You would not have secured something like two million volunteers among a
population that believed their Government to be oppressive and corrupt and the
cause for which it was fighting unworthy. Indeed, there is no difference in India'
in any section as to the general goodness of our cause. All the leading public
men in India, whatever their other criticisms of the present Government of India,
have always made it clear that they consider the common cause for which the Allies
are fighting a just one. In the case of the more simple-minded men who have
come forward to join the army, theyhave assumed that if the cause is obviously
a good one, then it is obviously worth fighting for.
Other elements of India have found it impossible to reconcile their general
belief in the goodness of the common cause with their immediate desire and their
immediate aspirations and ambitions to alter the domestic conditions of the Gov-
ernment of India; and in order somehow or other to fit into their picture of an
oppressed or sullen India unwilling to play her part in the common effort of the
war, the fact that these millions of volunteers have come forward, they have been
in the habit (led in this respect by Mr. Gandhi) of describing India's voluntary
army as a purely mercenary one.
Now, in India itself, that is discounted as the common form of political con-
troversy. What is very unfortunate is that this particular libel upon the Indian
Army and other libels upon its quality have recently received wide publicity in the
United States. . Let me first of all deal with the charge that the Indian Army
is a purely mercenary one.
Of course, the men get paid-as men of all armies are paid. If the
Indian Army is a mercenary one-the Indian Army of today which has grown by
voluntary expansion round the old permanent Army-then the British Army which
fought so heroically in the last war, in 1915 and 1916 before the first conscripts
ever came into the field, was also a mercenary army: and, indeed, that was how
Kaiser Wilhelm ventured to describe it. He learned its qualities to his own cost
later. Anyhow, that is a charge which I venture to say will be unhesitatingly
repudiated by the men of the Indian Army themselves and by all of us.
Then there is the charge alleged to have been made . about the poor
quality and morale of the Indian troops and their officers. These remarks, if made
at all, are alleged to have been made some eighteen months or more ago. Let me
remind you of the position. At that time all the best trained of India's troops
were fighting heroically in the Middle East and India's first effort was to keep
those troops going with equipment and trained drafts. Another part of India s
fighting forces had been virtually annihilated in the gallant retreat of the Ninth
and Eleventh Indian Divisions along the whole length of the Malay Peninsula,
unsupported frqm the air, outflanked by sea. Just as with us after Dunkirk, India
in 1942, after Malaya and Burma, was concerned with an entirely new military
effort: training new masses of troops, finding equipment for them, training officers.
And it was in that condition-when troops were still being trained-or with such
training as they had had (the better trained of them had been trained for desert
warfare) that they had to face the new and difficult experience of the Arakan
jungles.

Indians Bear Brunt in Burma
The lessons they learned there have stood them in good stead in the last year's
campaign, and I think none knows better today than General Stilwell himself
what his efforts and the whole campaign against the Japanese owe to the Indian
Army. In his own case, his very successful subsidiary operation in Northern







British Speeches of the Day


Burma against a strong Japanese division was enormously assisted by the Third
Division flown in behind the Japanese; and able thus to fend off all reinforce-
ments from Southern Burma to the Japanese against General Stilwell. Some day
the performances of that heroic 77th Brigade of the Third Division will find their
place among the, most brilliant performances in this war. More than that, while
General Stilwell was dealing with a comparatively minor Japanese force, perhaps
one-sixth of the Japanese forces in Burma, the whole main burden of the Japanese
invasion of India was sustained and converted into the worst defeat the Japanese
had yet encountered in this war, by the Brgish and Indian troops all along that
700 miles of frontier from Manipur down to Arakan. So I think we can leave
these attacks upon the Indian Army to the judgment of military history and
indeed to the judgment of all British, Dominion, American and not least Italian
and German troops who have met the Indian troops in the field, either as com-
rades in arms or as enemies.
Now let me say a word or two about the Indian Divisions which I had the
privilege of visiting in the last week or two, all on the fighting front,' all engaged
with conspicuous success during the operations of the last fortnight.

The Fourth Indian Division
Let me begin with that remarkable Division, the Fourth Indian Division, whose
record in this war is unequaled by any other Division that has fought in the war
except, perhaps, their old comrades the British Seventh Armored Division. May
I remind you that the Fourth Division, together with their British comrades, were
the first into the Italian lines at Sidi Barrani, our first victory in this war. It was
moved from there down to the Sudan, and together with the no less gallant Fifth
Indian Division advanced from the Sudan into Eritrea, surmounting the precipitous
heights of Keren in one of the toughest battles of the whole of this war. Shortly
after that one of its Brigades, the Fifth Brigade, saved the situation at Damascus.
Then, after a comparatively short period of rest, the Fourth Division was engaged
in the whole of the fluctuating fighting in North Africa during 1941, 1942 and
1943, which ended in the march from El Alamein to the final surrender of Von
Arnim, the German Commander-in-Chief, to the Fourth Indian Division in Tunis.
Again, after a short rest, that Division was put into the line in Italy in January of
this year and has been engaged in constant battle up the length of the Italian penin-
sula, over ridge after ridge, crossing river after river; and when I was there the other
day they had just, alongside their comrades of the Canadian force, overrun the
enormously strong first two ridges of the Gothic Line on the Adriatic sector. After
a very few days of rest, I saw them starting this great battle of Rimini in which
they, the British and the Canadians, helped, I might add, by a gallant Greek
Brigade on the actual coastal sector, have successfully forced in a week of very
tough fighting the German lines and are now fanning out into the open plain
with, I think, the hope of making the Germans move a good deal faster than they
have moved hitherto.

The Eighth and Tenth Indian Divisions
I then saw the Eighth Division which, after good work in the Middle East,
landed in Italy more than a year ago, and has been fighting its way steadily up the
whole length of the Italian peninsula up to this last week, when it has taken its
full share in that attack upon the precipitous German mountain positions north
of Florence. While I was at the front I saw the American Commander of the Fifth
Army, that fine leader General Mark Clark, and I think I am justified in quoting
what he said to me about that Eighth Division. He said, "I am glad to have the
Eighth Indian Division in the Fifth Army. It is a very fine combat division indeed.






The Fighting Qualities of the Indian Army


During the past four weeks it has forced its way across the river Arno on its own
and has pushed over fifteen miles into the hills toward the Gothic Line. By doing
so it has saved the American Divisions, which are now about to be put in, and has
enabled them to start their attack without having to do the preliminary fighting
and building of jeep tracks through the hills. I hope the Eighth Indian Division
will stay with me in the Fifth Army." It did stay, and it has played its most
effective part on the right flank of the American Divisions in breaking through
that tremendous mountain barrier which the Germans thought insurmountable.
So much for the Eighth Indian Division.
The other Indian Division, the Tenth, played a very important part earlier in
the war in saving Iraq for the Allied cause. It is the latest arrival of the Indian
Divisions in Italy, but ever since its coming some four or five months ago it has
been continually in the battle front and has been conspicuous even among Indian
Divisions-and their value in this respect is admitted by everyone-in mountain
fighting. Gurkha troops, not least of all, have shown their hereditary skill in
mountain warfare. That Division, too, has at this moment been playing an im-
portant part in the general advance on the Italian Front and helped to push back
the Germans on its own sector.
Their Comrades in Arms
So much for the individual record of these Divisions. What I should like to
add is that they have won universal admiration, not only for their courage in the
field, but also for their admirable discipline and their good behavior behind the
front. They are not only on the best of terms with all the other divisions, British,
Dominions and American, but also with the Italian population. They have taken,
I might add, being mostly small farmers themselves, the keenest interest in Italian
farming; they are continually to be found in the peasants' homes studying their
way of life, and incidentally picking up Italian-with the result that you will find
British and New Zealand and Canadian troops conversing with their Indian col-
leagues in Italian and such few words of Urdu as they may manage to pick up.
As I said, they have won the appreciation and admiration of all the troops who
have fought with them. That applies above all to their British comrades in the
Division themselves-for I ought to remind you that these Indian Divisions all
contain a British element; as a rule there is one British battalion in every Brigade,
and the majority of the artillery in the Divisions is British, while the rest of the
fighting troops, infantry, armored troops and technical services-engineers, supply
services-are Indian. There is the completest brotherhood, friendship, between all
elements, officers and men, in those Divisions, and indeed it struck me that an
Indian Division was in effect a mutual admiration society between its British and
Indian elements. I think it is at any rate of interest to people in this country to
know something about the British battalions and regiments which have taken a
part in this Italian fighting as elements in these Indian Divisions, and as their
names have not been mentioned before, I have authority to mention them now.
They 're the Royal Fusiliers, the Royal Sussex, the Manchester Regiment, the
Essex Regiment, the Durham Light Infantry, the Cameron Highlanders, the Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders, the Royal West Kent Regiment, and the King's Own
Royal Regiment. All these have been taking part as elements in the Indian Army
Divisions in this Italian fighting. What is true of the comradeship of men is also
true of the comradeship of officers. One thing that the experience of this war has
fully justified is the training of young Indian officers at Dehra Dun and the other
military colleges. These Indian officers have fully justified themselves by their
conduct in the field, by the decorations they have won and not least by the appre-
ciation of their British fellow officers. Some of them are already in command of
combatant units, and it is to them that the future of India will have to look for







British Speeches of the Day


the commanders of is armies in a time not so many years distant. Also I think
some of those who are not going to continue in a military career may bring to the
public life of India a wider knowledge of the world, an understanding of human
nature, that may make them very valuable elements in the future constitutional
development of their country.

On Other Fronts
I have dwelt on the record of the Indian Divisions in Italy and the past record
.of those particular Divisions, but of course the Indian Army as a whole has played
a much wider part. At the outset, when we stood alone in the world for over a
year, the Middle East could not have been saved and Lord Wavell's victories could
not have been accomplished but for the help of the Indian Divisions and of all
the supplies and munitions that India provided to the Middle East during that
period. Again, but for the Indian Army and the help it was able to send almost
instantaneously to Iraq in the critical moment, Iraq might have gone the wrong
way. German reinforcements had reached there, and if Iraq had gone it would
have been very difficult, if not impossible, to clear the Vichyites out of Syria, or to
undertake that occupation of Persia which was so essential to the relief of Russia
during the most critical portion of Russia's resistance to the German attack. It is
difficult indeed to imagine what the end of the war would have been if the whole
Middle East had gone at the same time that Japan was attacking India from the
other end. That contribution of the Indian Army to the common war effort is
well worth remembering when we get the whole picture of this war in its true
perspective, I have also said Something about the part India played in that most
difficult, and indeed tragic, retreat of our Forces through Malaya and Burma. It
was inevitable, when all our effort was strained here and in the Middle East to
keep things going, that we could not send the air support or the effective military
strength to hold that position; but, at any rate, what the Indian Army did during
those months gained invaluable time, and that time gained made possible that
further development of the Indian Army both in numbers and in equipment,
which has been responsible for that very striking success of the recent Burma cam-
paign and will, I believe, lead on as the next phase of the war develops, to even
greater successes until the second, and by no means the least dangerous and bar-
barous, of our enemies has been finally overcome.
[Official Release]


RT. HON. WINSTON CHURCHILL
Prime Minister l
House of Commons, September 28, 1944
Little more than seven weeks have passed since we rose for the summer vacation,
but this short period has completely changed the face of the war in Europe. When
we separated, the Anglo-American Armies were still penned in the narrow bridge-
head and strip of coast from the base of the Cherbourg Peninsula to the approaches
to Caen, which they had wrested from the enemy several weeks before. The Brest
Peninsula was untaken, the German Army in the West was still hopeful of pre-
venting us from striking out into the fields of France, the Battle of Normandy,
which had been raging bloodily from the date of the landing, had not reached
any decisive conclusion. What a transformation now meets our eyes! Not only
'Paris, but practically the whole of France, has been liberated as if by enchantment.
Belgium has been rescued, part of Holland is already free, and the foul enemy,






The War and the International Situation 21

who for four years inflicted his cruelties and oppression upon these countries, has
fled, losing perhaps 400,000 in killed and wounded and leaving in our hands
nearly half a million prisoners. Besides this, there may well be 200,000 cut off
in the coastal fortresses or in Holland whose destruction or capture may now be
deemed highly probable. The Allied Armies have reached and in some places
crossed the German frontier and the Siegfried Line.
All these operations have been conducted under the supreme command of
General Eisenhower, and were the fruit of the world-famous Battle of Normandy,
the greatest and most decisive single battle of the entire war. Never has the ex-
ploitation of victory been carried to a higher perfection. The chaos and destruc-
tion wrought by the Allied Air Forces behind the battle front have been indescrib-
able in narrative and a factor of the utmost potency in the actual struggle. They
have far surpassed, and reduce to petty dimensions all that our Army had to suffer
from the German Air Force in 1940. Nevertheless, when we reflect upon the
tremendous fire power of modern weapons and the opportunity which they give
for defensive and delaying action, we must feel astounded at the extraordinary
speed with which the Allied Armies have advanced. The vast and brilliant en-
circling movement of the American Armies will ever be a model of military art,
and an example of the propriety of running risks not only in the fighting-because
most of the armies are ready to do that-but even more on the Q. side, or, as
the Americans put it, the logistical side. It was with great pleasure that all of us
saw the British and Canadian Armies, who had so long fought against heavy
resistance by the enemy along the hinge of the Allied movement, show themselves
also capable of lightning advances which have certainly not been surpassed any-
where.

Not in Vain
Finally, by the largest airborne operation ever conceived or executed, a further
all-important forward bound in the north has been achieved. Here I must pay
a tribute, which the House will consider due, to the superb feat of arms performed
by our First Airborne Division. Full and deeply moving accounts have already
been given to the country and to the world of this glorious and fruitful operation,
which will take a lasting place in our military annals and will, in succeeding gen-
erations, inspire our youth with the highest ideals of duty and of daring. The
cost has been heavy; the casualties in a single division have been grievous; but for
those who mourn there is-at least the consolation that the sacrifice was not need-
lessly demanded nor given without results. The delay caused to tlAe enemy's ad-
vance upon Nijmegen enabled their British and American comrades in the other
two airborne divisions, and the British Second Army, to secure intact the vitally
important bridges and to form a strong bridgehead over the main stream of the
Rhine at Nijmegen. "Not in vain" may be the pride of those who have survived
and the epitaph of those who fell.
To return to the main theme, Brest, Havre, Dieppe, Boulogne and Antwerp
are already in our hands. All the Atlantic and Channel ports, from the Spanish
frontier to the Hook of Holland, will presently be in our possession, yielding fine
harbors and substantial masses of prisoners of war. All this has been accomplished
by the joint exertions of the British and American Armies, assisted by the vehe-
ment and widespread uprising and fighting efforts of the French Maquis. While
this great operation has been taking its course, an American and French landing
on the Riviera coast, actively assisted by a British airborne brigade, a British Air
Force and the Royal Navy, has lead with inconceivable rapidity to the capture of
Toulon and Marseilles, to the freeing of the great strip of the Riviera coast and
to the successful advance of General Patch's Army up the Rhone Valley. This






British Speeches of the Day


army, after taking over 80,000 prisoners, joined hands with General Eisenhower,
and has passed under his command. When I had the opportunity on 15th August
of watching-alas, from afar-the landing at San Tropez, it would ha e seemed
audacious to hope for such swift and important results. They have, however, under
the spell of the victories in the north, already been gained in superabundance and
in less than half the time prescribed and expected in the plans which were pre-
pared beforehand. So much for the fighting in France.

Nationalities in Italian Campaign
Simultaneously with that, very hard and successful fighting on a major scale
has also proceeded on the Italian Front. General Alexander, who commands the
armies in Italy with complete operational discretion, has under him the Fifth and
Eighth Armies. The Fifth Army, half American and half British, with whom are
serving the fine Brazilian Division, some of whose troops I had the opportunity
of seeing-a magnificent band of men-is commanded by the United States Gen-
eral Clark, an officer of the highest quality and bearing, with a proud record of
achievements behind him and his troops. The Eighth Army, under General Oliver
Leese, whose qualities are also of the highest order, comprises the Polish Corps
which fought so gallanty under General Anders, and a Greek Brigade which in
happier surroundings has already distinguished itself in the forefront of the battle.
There are also fighting on this Front a strong force of Italians, who are ardent to
free their country from the German grip and taint. This force will very soon be
more than double in strength. The Lieutenant of the Realm is often with these
troops.
The largest mass of all the troops on the Italian Front come, of course, from
the United Kingdom. Not far short of half the divisions on the whole Front are
from this island. Joined with them are New Zealand, Canadian, South African
and Indian Divisions, or perhaps I should say British-Indian Divisions, because,
as is sometimes forgotten, one-third of them are British. The British Army in Italy
includes also Palestinian units; and here I would mention the announcement, which
hon. Members may have read, and which I think will be appreciated and approved,
that the Government have decided to accede to the request of the Jewish Agency
for Palestine that a Jewish Brigade group should be formed to take part in active
operations. I know there are vast numbers of Jews serving with our Forces and
the American Forces throughout all the Armies, but it seems to me indeed appro-
priate that a special Jewish unit, a special unit of that race which has suffered
indescribable torments from the Nazis, should be represented as a distinct forma-
tion among the Forces gathered for their final overthrow, and I have no doubt
they will not only take part in the struggle but also in the occupation which will
follow.
A very hard task lies before the Army in Italy. It has already pierced at several
points the strong Gothic Line by which Kesselring has sought to defend the passage
of the Apennines. I had an opportunity of watching and following the advance
of the Eighth Army across the Metauro River, which began on 26th August. The
extraordinary defensive strength of the ground held by the enemy was obvious.
The mountain ridges rise one behind the other in a seemingly endless succession,
like the waves of the sea, and each had to be conquered or turned by superior
force and superior weapons. The process was bound to be lengthy and costly, but
it is being completed, has, in fact, been practically completed. At the same time,
General Clark's Fifth Army, advancing from the Florence area, has pierced deep
into the mountain ranges and, having broken the enemy's center, now stands on
the northern slopes of the Apennines at no great distance from Bologna, a place
of definite strategic importance. General Alexander has now definitely broken






The War and the International Situation


into the basin of the Po, but'here we exchange the barriers of mountain ridges
for the perpetual interruption of the ground by streams and canals. Nevertheless,
conditions henceforward will be more favorable for the destruction or rout of
Kesselring's Army, and this is the objective to which all British and Allied Forces
will be unceasingly bent. Further than that, it is not desirable to peer at the
present moment.

Facts and Figures
I am now going to give a few facts and figures about the operations in Europe.
These have been very carefully chosen to give as much information as possible to
the House and to the public, while not telling the enemy anything he does not
already know, or only telling lim too late for it to be of any service to him. The
speed with which the mighty British and American Armies in France were built
up is almost incredible. In the first 24 hours a quarter of a million men were
landed, in the. teeth of fortified and violent opposition. By the 20th day 1,000,000
men were ashore. There are now between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000 men in France.
Certainly the progress in the power of moving troops and landing troops has
vastly increased since the early days, when we had to plunge into the war with
no previous experience. But the actual number of soldiers was only part of the
problem of transportation. These armies were equipped with the most perfect
modern weapons and every imaginable contrivance of modern war, and an im-
mense artillery supported all their operations. Enormous masses of armor of the
highest quality and character gave them extraordinary offensive power and mobility.
Many hundreds of thousands of vehicles sustained their movements, many millions
of tons of stores have already been landed-the great bulk of everything over open
beaches or through the synthetic harbors which I described when last I spoke to
the House.
All this constitutes a feat of organization and efficiency which should excite
the wonder and deserve the admiration of all military students, as well as the
applause of the British and American nations and their Allies. I must pay my
tribute to the United States Army, not only in their valiant and ruthless battle-
worthy qualities, but also in the skill of their commanders and the excellence of
their supply arrangements. When one remembers that the United States four or
five years ago was a peace-loving Power, without any great body of troops or
munitions, and with only a very small regular Army to draw their commanders
from, the American achievement is truly amazing. After the intense training they
have received for nearly three years, or more than three years in some cases, their
divisions are now composed of regular professional soldiers whose military quality
is out of all comparison to hurriedly raised wartime levies. These soldiers, like
our own from Great Britain who have been even longer under arms, are capable
of being placed immediately on landing in the battle line, and have proved them-
selves more than a match for the so-called veteran troops of Germany who, though
fighting desperately, are showing themselves decidedly the worse for wear. When
I think of the measureless output of ships, munitions and supplies of all kinds
with which the United States has equipped herself and has sustained all the fight-
ing Allies in generous measure, and of the mighty war she is conducting, with
troops of our Australian and New Zealand Dominions, over the spaces of the
Pacific Ocean, this House may indeed salute our sister nation as being at the
highest pinnacle of her power and fame.

Honor for All
I am very glad to say that we also have been able to make a worthy contribu-
tion. Some time ago, a statement was made by a Senator to the effect that the






British Speeches of the Day


American public would be shocked to learn that they would have to provide 80
per cent of the Forces to invade the Continent. I then said that at the outset of the
invasion of France the British and American Forces would be practically equal,
but that thereafter the American build-up would give them steadily the lead. I am
glad to say that after 120 days of fighting we still bear, in the cross-Channel troops,
a proportion of two to three in personnel and of four to five-and-a-half in fighting
divisions in France. Casualties have followed very closely the proportions of the
numbers. In fact, these troops fight so level that the casualties almost exactly follow
the numbers engaged. We have, I regret to say, lost upwards of 90,000 men,
killed, wounded and missing, and the United States, including General Patch's
Army, over 145,000. Such is the price in blood paid by the English-speaking
democracies for the actual liberation of the soil of France.
When this view is extended to cover the entire European scene and the cam-
paigns both in France and Italy, it will be a source of satisfaction to the House
to know that after more than five years of war, we still maintain almost exactly
the same number of divisions, taking both theatres together, in full action against
the enemy as the United States have, by all the shipping resources which can be
employed, yet been able to send to Europe. Considering that the population of
the Empire-of British race-is only 70,000,000, and that we have sustained
many losses in the early years of the war, it certainly is a remarkable effort and one
which was most fully and cordially recognized by our American colleagues, the
Chiefs of Staff and others at the recent Conference at Quebec.
In thus trying to do justice to the British and American achievements, we must
never forget, as I reminded the House before we separated, the measureless serv-
ices which Russia has rendered to the common cause, through long years of suffer-
ing, by tearing out the life of the German military monster. The terms in which
Marshal Stalin recently, in conversation, has referred to our efforts in the West
have been of such a generous and admiring character that I feel, in my turn, bound
to point out that Russia is holding and beating far larger hostile forces than those
which face the Allies in the West, and has through long years, at enormous loss,
borne the brunt of the struggle on land. There is honor for all. It is a matter of
rejoicing that we, for our part and in our turn, have struck resounding blows, and
it is right that they should be recorded among the other feats of arms so loyally
performed throughout the Grand Alliance.

Burma: The True Picture
I must again refer to the subject of the campaign in Burma on which I touched
in my last statement to the House. I was somewhat concerned to observe from my
reading of the American Press, in which I indulged during my stay on the other
side, that widespread misconception exists in the public mind, so far as that is
reflected by the newspapers, about the scale of our effort in Burma and the results
to date of Admiral Mountbatten's campaign. Many important organs of United
States' opinion seem to give the impression that the British campaign in Burma of
1944 had been a failure, or at least a stalemate, that nothing much had been done,
and that the campaign was redeemed by the brilliant capture of Myitkyina-which
I may say is spelt "Myitkyina" but pronounced "Michynaw"-by General Stilwell
at the head of an American regiment of very high-class commando troops and with
the assistance of the Chinese. That is the picture, but I must, therefore, set matters
in their true light. It is well known that the United States has been increasingly
engaged in establishing an air route to China capable of carrying immense supplies,
and, by astounding efforts and at vast cost, they are now sending over the terrible
Himalayas, or the Hump as it is called in the Army, I will not say how many times
as much as the Burma Road has ever carried in its palmiest days, or will carry for






The War 'and the International Situation


several years to come; an incredible feat of transportation-over mountains 20,000
or 22,000 feet high in the air, over ground where an engine failure means certain
death to the pilot-has been performed by a main effort which the United States
made in their passionate desire to aid the resistance of China. Certainly no more
prodigious example of strength, science and organization in this class of work has
ever been seen or dreamed of.
Along the Eastern Frontier of India stands the 14th British Imperial Army
comprising the main war effort of India, including some of the most famous Indian
Divisions from the Middle East and a substantial proportion of United Kingdom
troops and Divisions, together with some excellent Divisions from Africa-native
Divisions from Africa, West Africa principally. This Army under Admiral Mount-
batten-amounting to between 250,000 and 300,000 men, apart from rearward
services which, in that theatre of extraordinary long and precarious communica-
tions, are very great-has by its aggressive operation guarded the base of the Ameri-
can air line to China and protected India against the horrors of a Japanese invasion.
Once again, India and her vast population have reposed serenely among the tumults
and hurricanes of the world behind the Imperial shield. The fact should sometimes
be noted that under British rule in the last 80 years incomparably fewer people
have perished by steel or firearms in India than in any similar area or community
on the globe.
As the population has increased by 50,000,000 in the last 10 years it is evident
that the famine, which was caused by military conditions last year affecting trans-
port, is by no means representative of the administration under which the broad
peninsula and'triangle of India has met an increase in population exceeding the
speed of any increase in any other country throughout the whole world. I think it
a very remarkable fact that India has received this shelter and has been this vast
harbor of peace, protected by the arms and policy of Great Britain, protected also
by the care and attention of this House. In this the brave fighting races of India
have at all times borne a most honorable and memorable part..

Largest Campaign Against Japan
I regret to say the fighting on the Burma Front throughout the year has been
most severe and continuous, and there were times when the issue in particular locali-
ties appeared to hang in doubt. However, the 10 Japanese Divisions which were
launched against us with the object of invading India and cutting the airline have
been repulsed and largely shattered as the result of a bloody and very costly cam-
paign which is still being continued in spite of the monsoon conditions. How
costly this campaign has been in disease may be judged from the fact that in the
first six months only of this present year the 14th British Imperial Army sustained
no fewer than 237,000 cases of sickness which had to be evacuated to the rear over
the long, difficult communications and tended in hospital. More than 90 per cent.
of these cases returned within six months, but the ceaseless drain upon the Army
and the much larger numbers required to maintain a fighting strength, in spite of
this drain, in the neighborhood of a quarter of a million may well be imagined.
When you have a loss and drain like that going on, much larger numbers are needed
to maintain your limited fighting strength. In addition, there were over 40,000
battle casualties in the first six months, that is to say, to the end.of June, and the
number has certainly increased by now.
I think these facts ought to be known; I think they ought to be given wide pub-
licity as I am sure they will now that I have stated them, because the campaign
of Admiral Mountbatten on the Burma Frontier constitutes-and this is a startling
fact-the largest and most important ground fighting that has yet taken place
against the armies of Japan. Far from being an insignificant or disappointing stale-






British Speeches of the Day


mate, it constitutes the greatest collision which has yet taken place on land with
Japan, and has resulted in the slaughter of between 50,000 and 60,000 Japanese
and the capture of several hundred prisoners. The Japanese Army has recoiled be-
fore our troops in deep depression, and heavily mauled. We have often, too, found
cirdes of their corpses in the jungle where each one had committed suicide in
succession, the officer, who had supervised the proceedings, blowing out his own
brains last of all. We did not ask them to come there, and it is entirely their own
choice that they find themselves in this difficult position.
We must expect, however, a renewal of the Japanese offensive as soon as the
monsoon is over, and every preparation is being made to meet it with the utmost
vigor. Nelson said, "If in doubt a captain cannot do wrong if he places his ship
alongside one of the enemy." The engagement of the Japanese on the largest pos-
sible scale on land-and certainly not less in the air-is part of the official wearing-
down process which marks the present phase of the war against Japan, and this
function our 14th Army has certainly discharged with the utmost fidelity and suc-
cess in spite of the inordinately heavy toll of disease. I trust that this toll will be
markedly reduced in future operations. We have discovered many preventive of
tropical disease, and, above all, against the onslaught of insects of all kinds, from
lice to mosquitoes and back again.
The excellent D.D.T. powder, which has been fully experimented with and
found to yield astonishing results, will henceforward be used on a great scale by
the British Forces in Burma and by American and Australian Forces in the Pacific
and, indeed, in all theatres, together with other remedies constantly improving, and
these will make their effect continually manifest. The Japanese, I may mention,
also suffer from jungle diseases and malaria which are an offset against the very
heavy losses which are suffered by our Indian and white and African troops. These
remedies will be a help to all the Allies; indeed, they have been a help. The eradi-
cation of lice in Naples by the strict hygienic measures taken may be held to have
averted a very grievous typhus epidemic in that city and neighborhood when we
occupied it. I can assure the House that the war against the Japanese and other
diseases of the jungle will be pressed forward with the utmost energy.
I must here note with keen regret that in spite of the lavish American help that
has been poured into China, that great country, worn by more than seven years of
war, has suffered from severe military reverses involving the loss of valuable air-
fields upon which the American squadrons of General Chennault were counting.
This, of course, is disappointing and vexatious. When we survey the present state
of the European and Asiatic wars as a whole, the House will, I am sure, whole-
heartedly acclaim the skill and enterprise of the generals and the tireless courage
and fighting qualities of the troops, and they may even feel disposed to view with-
out any special mark of disapprobation the management, combination and design
which it reveals on the part of the Allied staffs, and even on the part of the Gov-
ernments concerned.

Hitler's Blunders
But we must not forget that we owe a great debt to the blunders-the extra-
ordinary blunders-of the Germans. I always hate to compare Napoleon with
Hitler, as it seems an insult to the great Emperor and warrior to connect him in
any way with a squalid caucus boss and butcher. But there is one respect in which
I must draw a parallel. Both these men were temperamentally unable to give up the
tiniest scrap of any territory to which the high watermark of their hectic fortunes
had carried them. Thus, after Leipzig in 1813, Napoleon left all his garrisons on
the Rhine, 40,000 men in Hamburg. He refused to withdraw many other vitally
important elements of his armies, and he had to begin the campaign of 1814 with







The War and the International Situation


raw levies and a few seasoned troops brought in a hurry from Spain. Similarly,
Hitler has successfully scattered the German armies all over Europe, and by obstinat-
ing at every point from Stalingrad and Tunis down to the present moment, he has
stripped himself of the power to concentrate in main strength for the final struggle.
He has lost, or will lose when the tally is complete, nearly 1,000,000 men in
France and the Low Countries. Other large armies may*well be cut off in the
Baltic States, in Finland and in Norway. Less than a year ago, when the relative
weakness of Germany was already becoming apparent, he was orderiAg further
aggressive action in the Aegean and the reoccupation of the islands which the
Italians had surrendered, or wished to surrender. He has scattered and squandered
a very large army in the Balkan Peninsula, whose escape will be very difficult; 27
divisions, many of them battered, are fighting General Alexander in Northern Italy.
Many of these will not be able to recross the Alps to defend the German Father-
land. Such a vast frittering away and dispersal of forces has never been seen, and
is, of course, a prime cause of the impending ruin of Germany.
When Herr Hitler escaped his bomb on 20th July he described his survival as
providential; I think that from a purely military point of view we can all agree
with him, for certainly it would be most unfortunate if the Allies were to be de-
prived, in the closing phases of the struggle, of that form of warlike genius by
which Corporal Schickelgruber has so notably contributed to our victory. There
is a great deal more mopping up to be done in the Low Countries and in some of
the French Atlantic ports, and the harbors have to be cleared and developed on the
greatest scale possible before the winter gales. Problems of supply have to be re-
solved on the morrow of the prodigious British and American advances, and I
deprecate very much people being carried away into premature expectations of an
immediate cessation of the fighting. It is very hard not to be, when, each day, the
papers are filled-rightly filled-with the news of the captures of important places
and of advances of the armies; but there is still a great deal to be done in the
military sense.

Death Agony of Nazidom
Hitherto, as I have said, during the first four critical months in Europe, we
have managed to be an equal, or almost equal, partner with the United States,
but now, of course, the great flow of their well-trained divisions from across the
Atlantic will, step by step, carry them decisively into the leading position, and,
unless organized German resistance collapses in the near future, enormous addi-
tional United States Forces will be brought to bear in the final struggle. I shall
certainly not hazard a guess-it could be no more-as to when the end will come.
Many persons of the highest technical attainments, knowledge and responsibility
have good hopes that all will be over by the end of 1944. On the other hand, no
one, and certainly not I, can guarantee that several months of 1945 may not be
required.
There is also a possibility that after the organized resistance of the German
Army and State is completely broken, fierce warfare may be maintained in the for-
ests and mountains of Germany by numbers of desperate men, conscious of their
own guilt and impending doom. These, of course, would, at a certain stage, deserve
the treatment which the Germans have so ruthlessly meted out to guerilla move-
ments in other countries. It may be necessary for the Allies to declare at a certain
date that the actual warfare against the German State has come to an end and that
a period of mopping up of bandits and war criminals has begun. No one can
foresee exactly what form the death agony of Nazidom will take. For us, the
important decision will be to choose the moment when substantial forces can be
withdrawn from Europe to intensify the war against Japan. We certainly do not







British Speeches of the Day


consider that the declared date of the ending of the war against Germany must
necessarily be postponed until the last desperado has been tracked down in his
last lair.
There is no doubt that surpassing victories gained in common make a very
agreeable foundation for inter-Allied Conferences like that which has just finished.
It is really very much better and very much more pleasing to share victories than
it is to share disasters. We have shared both, and I can tell the House that the
former is'in every way a more exhilarating process. I took occasion to associate
Canadian, Australian and New Zealand representatives with our work. I have
also, with our Chiefs of the Staff, attended a meeting of the Dominion of Canada
Cabinet and have received both from Mr. Mackenzie King and Mr. Curtin the most
cordial expressions of satisfaction at the manner in which our affairs were con-
ducted and of agreement in the decisions taken. I have also been in very full
correspondence, as I often am, with Field-Marshal Smuts and also with Mr. Fraser.
Certainly when the President and I with our respective staffs met at Quebec, we
had behind us a record of successful war which justified feelings of solemn satis-
faction, and warmed the glow of our brotherhood in arms.
It is now two years almost to a day since Rommel's final offensive against
Cairo was repulsed by the newly appointed Generals Alexander and Montgomery,
a month before their decisive victory at Alamein, and since that time our affairs
all over the world, and the affairs of our mighty ally Russia, have proceeded with-
out a single reverse of any kind, except only 'the loss of Leros and Cos in the
Aegean, and even those will ultimately turn out to be a loss to Hitler rather than to
the Allies. Such a long and mounting tide of victory is unexampled in history.
The principal Governments of the Allies have every right to claim the confidence
of the United Nations in the hew efforts that will be required from all of us and
in the further designs which have been conceived and shaped and have still to be
unfolded in action. Complete agreement on every point was reached at Quebec by
the Combined Chiefs of Staff. The President and I have both pursued a policy
of making no changes other than those enforced by death, as in the lamented loss
of Admiral Pound, in the Chiefs of the Staff charged with the conduct of the war.

Our Perseverence in the Japanese Quarrel
In this country there have been none of those differences between the profes-
sional and the political elements such as were evident in a large measure in the
former war. We have worked together in perfect harmony. Our confidence in the
Chiefs of Staff-British confidence and the confidence of the War Cabinet-has
steadily grown. In consequence of the fact that there have been no changes, the
men who met together at Quebec knew each other well, were united in bonds of
comprehension and friendship, and had the whole picture and sequences of the
war ingrained in their minds and in their very being. When you have lived through
all these things you do not have to turn up musty files to remember what happened
on particular occasions. Men's minds are shaped from day to day by what they
live through; and the discussions on that level between these high officers is very,
very quick and swift.
Obviously, our discussions were concerned with the successful winding up of
the war in Europe by bringing about the unconditional surrender of Germany at
the earliest moment, and also with the new phase of the war against Japan which
will dominate all minds and command all resources from the .moment when the
German war is ended. On behalf of His Majesty's Government, nearly two years
ago, I assured the President that Great Britain would pursue the war against Japan
with all her strength and resources to the very end. As I explained to Congress
when I last addressed them, we have losses to repair and injuries to repay on the







The War and the International Situation


Japanese account at least equal to, if not indeed greater than, those suffered by the
United States. We owe it to Australia and New Zealand to help them to remove
forever the Japanese menace to their homelands; and as they have helped us on
every front in the fight against Germany, we will certainly not be behindhand in
giving them effective aid.
Our perserverance in this quarrel is not to be doubted. I offered some time ago
to embody this undertaking in a definite treaty, but the President made the courte-
ous reply that the British word was enough. That word we shall certainly make
good. Accordingly, we offered to the United States the fine, modern British Fleet,
and we asked that it should be employed in the major operations against Japan.
This offer was at once cordially accepted. A large portion of this fleet is already
gathered in the Indian Ocean. For a year past, our modern battleships have been
undergoing a further measure of modernization and tropicalization to meet the
rapid wartime changes in technical apparatus. We have already, nine months ago,
begun the creation of an immense Fleet train, comprising many vessels, large and
medium, specially fitted as repair ships, recreation ships for personnel, provision
and munition ships and many modern variants, in order that our Fleet may have a
degree of mobility which for several months together will make them largely inde-
pendent of main shore bases. A substantial portion of the vessels which we shall
use for this purpose have been building in Canada, for it is found better and more
economical to adapt new merchant ships while they are building to the exact pur-
pose they have to fulfil than to convert existing vessels, although that process has
also been carried very far. Thus we hope to place in the Pacific a fleet capable in
itself of fighting a general action with the Japanese Navy and which, added to the
far greater United States naval power, should give a naval command in all these
vast ocean spaces and seas of the most complete and decisive character.

The Limiting Factors
One must certainly contemplate that a phase in the war against Japan will be
the severe, intense, prolonged and ever-increasing air bombardment to which the
Japanese mainland installations and munitions centers will be subjected. In this
also we shall bear our part to the utmost limit which the bases will allow. As for
the land or amphibious operations which the British Empire will conduct, these
must rightly be veiled in mystery. Suffice it to say that the scale of our effort will
be limited only by the available shipping. In this however we may presently receive
a magnificent addition. The end of the U-boat war, when it comes, will allow us
to go out of convoy in the Western Hemisphere, thus adding at a bound at least
25 per cent to the efficient carrying capacity of our Mercantile Marine, and a larger
percentage to the carrying capacity of tankers.
I must, however, add a word of caution about taking too optimistic views of the
speed at which this great transference of forces can be made from one side of the
world to the other. Not only will the Allied shipping, vast as it is and far greater
as it is than at the beginning of the war, be a limiting factor, but the development
of bases, the accumulation of stores and supplies and the construction and protection
of airfields all impose restraints upon those vivid, imaginative strategists who carry
fleets and armies across the globe as easily as they would help themselves to a plate
of soup. The huge distances, the tropical conditions and other physical facts added
to the desperate resistance of the enemy, make the war against Japan an enterprise
of the first magnitude, and it will be necessary to use to the full the resources of
machinery and science to enable our armies to do their work under the most favor-
able conditions and with the least sacrifice of Allied life. When all these aspects
are considered, the House may rest assured that the entire brain and technical
power of Great Britain and the United States will be ceaselessly employed, and







British Speeches of the Day


having regard to the results already obtained in so many directions, one may feel
good confidence that it will not be employed in vain. . .

The Satellites
When we were last assembled here I had completed a review of the military
situation which, although not by any means complete or exhaustive, yet, I trust, gave
the general outline of our position at the present time from the point of view of
one who has special opportunities of seeing things in their broad perspective. The
foreign situation has responded to military events. Never was the alliance against
Germany of the three great Powers more close or more effective. Divergencies of
view and interest there must necessarily be, but at no time have these been allowed
to affect in any way the majestic march of events in accordance with the decisions
and agreements at Teheran. One by one, in rapid succession, the satellite States
have writhed or torn themselves free from the Nazi tyranny, and, as is usual in
such cases, the process has not been one from alliance with Germany to neutrality,
but from alliance with Germany to war. This has taken place in Roumania and
Bulgaria. Already there is fighting between the Finns and the Germans. The Ger-
mans, in accordance with their usual practice and character, are leaving a trail of
burnt and blackened villages behind them, even in the land of their unhappy
Finnish dupes.
Hungary is still in the Nazi grip, but when, as will happen, that grip is broken
by the steel hammer blows of war, or when it relaxes by reason of the internal
lesions and injuries of the tyrant, the Hungarian people will turn their weapons,
with all their remaining strength, against those who have led them through so much
suffering to their present ruin and defeat. The armistice terms agreed upon for
Finland and Rumania bear, naturally, the imprint of the Soviet will-and here I
must draw attention to the restraint which has characterized the Soviet treatment of
these two countries, both of which marched blithely behind Hitler in his attempted
destruction of Russia, and both of which added their quota of injuries to the im-
mense volume of suffering which the Russian people have endured, have survived,
and have triumphantly surmounted.
The Bulgarian armistice terms have not yet been signed. The Soviet interven-
tion in this theatre was at once startling and effective. Their sudden declaration of
war against Bulgaria was sufficient to induce Bulgaria to turn her catiff armies
against the German intruders. Britain and the United States have long been at
war with Bulgaria and have now joined with the Soviets in framing suitable armis-
tice conditions. The Bulgarian people have been plunged by their leaders in the
last 35 years into three wrongful, forlorn and disastrous wars, and in this last
war we cannot forget the many acts of cruelty and wickedness for which they have
been responsible both to Greece and Yugoslavia. They have suffered nothing them-
selves. No foot has been set upon their soil. Apart from some air bombardment,
they have suffered nothing. Some of the worst war criminals are Bulgarians. The
conduct of their troops in harrying and trying to hold down, at Hitler's orders,
their two sorely-pressed small neighbors, Greece and Yugoslavia, is a shameful
page for which full atonement must be exacted. They may want to be treated as
co-belligerents. So far as Great Britain is concerned, they must work their passage
for a long time and in no uncertain fashion before we can accord them any special
status, in view of the injuries that our Allies Greece and Yugoslavia have sustained
at their hands. In the meantime, let them march and destroy all the Germans they
can find in enemy lands. We do not want them in those of our Allies. This is
the only path which will serve them and their interests. The more vigor with
which they fall upon the Germans, the more they will be likely to draw the atten-
tion of the victorious nations in arms from their previous misdeeds.







The War and the International Situation


Russo-Polish Problems
It would be affectation to pretend that the attitude of the British and, I believe,
the United States Governments towards Poland is identical with that of the Soviet
Union. Every allowance must be made for the different conditions of history and
geography which governs the relationship of the Western democracies on the one
hand and of the Soviet Government on the other with the Polish nation. Marshal
Stalin has 'repeatedly declared himself in favor of a strongly, friendly Poland,
sovereign and independent. In this our great Eastern Ally is in the fullest accord
with His Majesty's Government and also, judging from American public state-
ments, in the fullest accord with the United States. We in this island and through-
out our Empire who drew the sword against mighty Germany, we who are the
only great unconquered nation which declared war on Germany on account of her
aggression against Poland, have sentiments and duties towards Poland which deeply
stir the British race. Everything in our power has been and will be done to achieve,
both in the letter and in the spirit, the declared purposes towards Poland of the
three great Allies.
Territorial changes on the frontiers of Poland there will have to' be. Russia
has a right to our support in this matter, because it is the Russian armies which
alone can deliver Poland from the German talons; and after all the Russiar people
have suffered at the hands of Germany they are entitled to safe frontiers and to
have a friendly neighbor on their Western flank. All the more do I trust that the
Soviet Government will make it possible for us to act unitedly with them in the
solution of the Polish problem, and that we shall not witness the unhappy spectacle
of rival Governments in Poland, one recognized by the Soviet Union and the other
firmly adhered to by the Western Powers. I have fervent hopes that M. Mikola-
jczyk, the worthy successor of General Sikorski, a man firmly desirous of friendly
understanding and settlement with Rpssia, and his colleagues may shortly resume
those important conversations at Moscow which were interrupted some months ago.
It is my duty to impress upon the House the embarrassment to our affairs and
the possible injury to Polish fortunes which might be caused by intemperate
language about Polish and Russian relations in the course of this Debate. It is
my firm hope, and also my belief, that a good arrangement will be achieved and
that a united Polish Government will be brought into being, which will command
the confidence of the three great Powers concerned and will assure for Poland
those conditions of strength, sovereignty and independence which we have all three
proclaimed as our aim and our resolve. Nothing is easier than to create by violent
words a prospect far less hopeful than that which now opens before us. Hon.
Members will take upon themselves a very grave responsibility if they embroil them-
selves precipitately in these controversies and thus mar the hopes we cherish of an
honorable and satisfactory solution and settlement. We recognize our special re-
sponsibilities towards Poland, and I am confident that I can trust the House not
to engage in language which would make our task harder.
We must never lose sight of our prime and overwhelming duty, namely, to
bring about the speediest possible destruction of the Nazi power. We owe this to
the soldiers, who are shedding their blood and giving their lives in the cause at
this moment. They are shedding their blood in the effort to bring this fearful
struggle in Europe to a dose; and that must be our paramount task. Every prob-
lem-and there are many; they are as legion; they crop up in vast array-which
now faces the nations of the world will present itself in a far easier and more
adaptable form once the cannons have ceased to thunder in Europe and once the
victorious Allies gather round the table of armistice or peace. I have every hope
that wise and harmonious settlements will be made, in confidence and amity, be-
tween the great Powers thus affording the foundations upon which to raise a last-







British Speeches of the Day


ing structure of European and world peace. I say these words on the Polish situ-
ation; and I am sure that our friends on both sides will realize how long and
anxious has been the study which the Cabinet have given to this matter, how con-
stantly we see representatives of the Poles, how frequent and intimate our corre-
spondence is with Russia on this subject.
I cannot conceive that it is not possible to make a good solution whereby Russia
gets the security which she is entitled to have, and which I have resolred that we
shall do our-utmost to secure for her, on her, Western Frontier, and, at the same
time, the Polish Nation have restored to them that national sovereignty and inde-
pendence, for which, across centuries of oppression and struggle, they have never
ceased to strive.

Prime Minister's Visit to Italy
Turning to another difficult and tangled problem, the House will already have
read the joint statement by the President and myself which we drafted together,
embodying a very definite and distinct improvement and mitigation in our relation-
ships with the Italian Government. During my visit to Italy, I had an opportunity
of seeing the leaders of all parties, from the extreme Right to the extreme Com-
munist: All the six parties represented in the Italian Government came to the
British Embassy, and I had the pleasure of making the acquaintance of all the
different Ministers who are working together, as well as they can, in conditions
necessarily difficult and depressing. I had conversations with the Prime Minister,
Senor Bonomi, and also talked with him and Marshal Badoglio together. They
are friends. The Marshal has very faithfully observed the conditions imposed by
the armistice a year ago. He has done his best to send all Italian forces, particularly
naval forces, into the struggle against Germany, and he has worked steadfastly
for the improvement of relations between Italy and Britain and between Italy and
the Allies. His behavior on leaving office, in giving cordial support to his successor,
is also creditable. Finally, I had the advantage of an interview with the Lieutenant
of the Realm, whose sincerity and ardor in the Allied cause and whose growing
stature in Italian eyes are equally apparent. . .
What impressed and touched me most in my journey through Italy was the ex-
traordinary goodwill to the British and American troops everywhere displayed by
the Italian people. As I drove through the small towns and villages behind the
line of the armies day after day, the friendliness and even enthusiasm of the
peasants, workmen and shopkeepers, indeed, of all classes, was spontaneous and
convincing. I cannot feel-I make my confession-any sentiments of hostility
towards the mass of the misled or coerced Italian people. Obviously, no final set-
tlement can be made with them or with their Government until the North of Italy
and its great cities have been liberated and the basis on which the present Govern-
ment stands has been broadened and strengthened. There are good hopes that
this will be achieved, I might say soon, but it would be safer to say in due course.
Indeed, it would be a miserable disaster if the Italian people, after all their mal-
treatment by their former Allies and by the Fascist remnants still gathered round
Mussolini, were to emerge form the European struggle only to fall into violent in-
ternal feuds. It was for that reason, on leaving Rome, that I tried to set before
the Italian nation some of those broad simple, liberal safeguards and conceptions,*
which are the breath of our nostrils in this country-so much so that we scarcely
notice them-and which sustain.the rights and freedoms of the individual against
all forms of tyranny, no matter what liveries they wear or what slogans they mouth.
We were, all of us, shocked by the horrible lynching outrage which occurred in
the streets of Rome a week or so ago. Every measure of precaution and authority
See pp. 1-2.







The War and the International Situation


must be taken to prevent outbreaks of mob vengeance, however great the provaca-
tion may have been, and, for this, responsibility rests, not only with the. Italian Gov-
ernment, but ultimately with the Allied military power. Punishments for criminals
who have committed most cruel, barbarous acts under the orders of the Germans,
of men who have made themselves the agents of the betrayal of the 300 or 400
hostages shot en masse in the catacombs of Rome-punishment for them there must
certainly be, but it must be the punishment of courts of justice, with the strictest
adherence to the forms and principles of justice. This shameful incident has been
a baffling factor in the Italian scene. Nevertheless, it has not deterred us from
issuing the joint statement to which I have already referred, and which, so far as
Great Britain is concerned, was, of course, approved by the War Cabinet before I
gave my agreement to it.

France Set Free
I turn from the Italian scene. Nothing has given the British nation and the
King's Dominions all over the world more true joy than the wonderful spectacle
of the rescue of France by the British and American arms, of the rescue of France
from the horrible oppression of the Hun under which she has writhed or languished
for four hideous years. It is now nearly 40 years since I first became convinced
that the fortunes of Great Britain and France were interwoven, and that their
military resources. must be combined in the most effective manner, by alliance and
agreement and plan, and I think I can claim to have pursued this object through
all the changing scenes we have witnesses, not only before and during the last war,
but in the uneasy interval between the two wars, and not only in years of suc-
cess, but during the period of blackest disaster, and also during periods when there
was friction on other grounds between the two countries.
Bearing in mind some mistakes in our own policy between the war; bearing in
mind also the failure of the League of Nations, in, consequence, largely, of the
falling out of America, and other weaknesses for which other Powers are re-
sponsible, to give general security to the world; bearing in mind the withdrawal of
the United States from the Anglo-American guarantee against German aggression
promised by President Wilson, on the strength of which France relinquished her
claims on the Rhine frontier, bearing in mind, above everything, the loss of nearly
2,000,000 men which France, with her small and declining population, sustained
in bearing the brunt, as she bore it, of the last war, and the terrible effect of this
unexampled blood-letting upon the whole heart beat, the life heart beat, of France;
bearing all this, and much else, in mind, I have always felt the liveliest sympathy
for the French in the years when we watched, supinely, the dreadful and awe-
inspiring growth of the German power.
It will be remembered that we told the French Government that we would not
reproach them for making a separate peace in the fearful circumstances of June,
1940, provided they sent their Fleet out of the reach and power of the Germans.
The terms of the Cabinet offer to France in this tragical hour are also on record.
I, therefore, have never felt anything but compassion for the French people as a
whole who found themselves deprived of all power of resistance and could
not share the good fortune of those who, from our shores or in the French Empire,
had the honor and opportunity to continue the armed struggle. What could a
humble, ordinary man do? He might be on the watch for opportunity, but he
might be rendered almost powerless. The Maquis have shown one way in which,
at the end, and after much suffering, and having overcome all the difficulties of
getting weapons, free men may strike a blow for the honor and life of their coun-
try; but that is given to the few, to the young and active, those who can obtain
weapons.







British Speeches of the Day


Recognition as Soon as Possible
For my part, I have always felt that the heart of the French nation was sound
and true, and that they would rise again in greatness and power, and that we
should be proud to have taken a part in aiding them to recover their place in the
van of the nations and at the summit of the cultural life of the world. Long have
we looked forward to the day when British and American troops would enter
again the fields of France, and, regardless of loss and sacrifice, drive the foe before
them from towns and cities famous in history, and often sacred to us for the mem-
ories of the last war and of the dear ones, whose memories abide with us and who
rest in French soil. Often have we longed to receive, and dreamed of receiving, the
gratitude and blessings of the French people as our delivering Armies advanced.
This has been given to us in unstinted measure, and it has been, indeed, a glorious
experience to witness and a glorious experience for the Armies to enjoy this mar-
vellous transformation of scene, and for us to feel that we have acted up to our
duties as a faithful Ally to the utmost limit of our strength.
I have repeatedly stated that it is the aim, policy and interest of His Majesty's
Government, of this country of Great Britain, and of the Commonwealth and Em-
pire to see erected once more, at the earliest moment, a strong, independent and
friendly France. I have every hope that this will soon be achieved. The French
people, working together as they must do for their lives and future, in unity of pur-
pose, with sincerity and courage, have a great chance of building a new and un-
divided France who will take her rightful place among the leading nations of
the world.
In my last statement to the House, I spoke of the importance of including
representatives of France in all the discussions affecting the Rhine frontier and a
general settlement of West Germany. Hitherto by force of circumstances, the
French Algiers Committee could not be a body representative of France as a whole.
Now, however, progress has been made. Naturally, that body has new elements
especially amongst those who formed the Maquis and resistance movements and
among those who raised the glorious revolt in Paris, which reminded us of the
famous days of the Revolution, when France and Paris struck a blow that opened
the path broadly for all the nations of the world. Naturally, we, and, I believe, the
United States and the Soviet Union, are most anxious to see emerge an entity
which can truly be said to speak in the name of the people of France-the whole
people of France. It would now seem possible to put into force the decree of the
Algiers Committee whereby, as an interim stage, the Legislative Assembly would
be transformed into an elected body, reinforced by the addition of new elements
drawn from inside France. To this body, the French Committee of National Liber-
ation would be responsible. Such a step, once taken, when seen to have the ap-
proval of the French people, would greatly strengthen the position of France and
would render possible that recognition of the Provisional Government of France,
and those consequences thereof, which we all desire to bring about at the earliest
moment. I dose no doors upon a situation which is in constant flux and develop-
ment. The matter is urgent, however, for those, of whom I am one, who desire
to see France take her place at the earliest moment in the high councils of the
Allies. We are now engaged in discussing these matters both with the French and
with other Allied governments, and I am hopeful that, in the near future, a happy
settlement will be reached to the satisfaction of all concerned.

The Low Countries
I should like to take this opportunity to express our gratification and pride at
the part played by British troops in the liberation of Belgium. The House will
have read of the tumultuous welcome with which our troops were everywhere







The War and the International Situation


greeted by the Belgian people. This also I regard as a happy augury for the main-
tenance and strengthening of the ties of friendship between our two countries.
Many hundreds of thousands of our dead sleep on Belgian soil, and the inde-
pendence of that country has always been a matter sacred to us as well as enjoined
by our policy. I should like to acknowledge in this House the many agreeable
things that were said about this country in the Belgian Parliament when it re-
assembled last week. I trust that the day is not far distant when our Forces will
also have completed their task of liberating the territory of our staunch and sorely
tried friends and allies in Holland-allies in the war of the Spanish Succession
and in all the struggles for the establishment of freedom in Europe. They are
also very near to us in thought and sympathy and their interests at home, and
also abroad, command British support and are largely interwoven with our own
fortunes.
I have had to deal with these countries one by one. I now come to the broader
aspect, as far as I can touch upon it today, which can only be in a very tentative
and partial manner. Since 21st August conversations between representatives of
this country, the United States and the Soviet Union have been taking place at
Dumbarton Oaks, in the United States, on the future organization of the world
for preventing war. It is expected that similar conversations will follow between
the United Kingdom and the American delegations with the representatives of
China. These conversations have been on the official level only and do not in
any way bind the Governments represented. There has, however, been assembled
a body of principles and the outline of the kind of structure which in one form
or another it is the prime purpose of the Allies to erect after the unconditional
surrender and total disarmament of Germany have been accomplished. His
Majesty's Government could have had no abler official representative than Sir
Alexander Cadogan, and there is no doubt that a most valuable task has been dis-
charged. The whole scene has been explored and many difficulties have been not
merely discovered, but adjusted. There are, however, still some important ques-
tions outstanding, and we ought not to be hurried into decisions upon which united
opinion by the various Governments responsible is not at present ripe. It would
not be prudent to press in a hurry for momentous decisions governing the whole
future of the world. The House must realize-and I am sure it does realize, I
can see by the whole attitude of the House today that it fully realizes-that it is
one thing for us here to form and express our own opinions on these matters and
another to have them accepted by other Powers as great as we are.
There is another warning which I would venture to give to the House, and
that is, not to be startled or carried away by sensational reports and stories which
emanate from the other side of the Atlantic. There is an election on, and very
vivid accounts of all kinds of matters are given by people who cannot possibly
have any knowledge of what has taken place at secret conferences. The United
States is a land of free speech; nowhere is speech freer, not even here where we
sedulously cultivate it even in its most repulsive form. But when I see some of
the accounts given of conversations that I am supposed to have had with the
President of the United States, I can only recall a Balfourian phrase at which I
laughed many years ago, when he said that the accounts which were given bore
no more relation to the actual facts than the wildest tales of the Arabian Nights do
to the ordinary incidents of domestic life in the East. I may say that everything
depends on the agreement of the three leading European and world powers. I
do not think satisfactory agreement will be reached-and unless there is agreement
nothing can be satisfactory-until there has been a further meeting of the three
heads of Governments assisted as may be necessary by their Foreign Secretaries. I
must say that I think it is well to suspend judgment and not to try to form or ex-
press opinions on what can only be partial and incomplete accounts. I earnestly






British Speeches of the Day


hope it may be possible to bring about such a meeting before the end of the year.
There are great difficulties but I hope they may be overcome. The fact that the
President and I have been so closely brought together at the Quebec Conference
and have been able to discuss so many matters bearingupon the course of the war
and on the measures to be taken after the Germans surrender and also for the
broad future, makes it all the more necessary that our third partner, Marshal Stalin,
who has, of course, been kept informed, should join with us in a tripartite con-
ference as soon as the military situation renders this possible. The future of the
whole world, and certainly the future of Europe, perhaps for several generations,
depends upon the cordial, trustful and comprehending association of the British
Empire, the United States and Soviet Russia, and no pains must be spared and no
patience grudged which are necessary to bring that supreme hope to fruition.
Military Operations Still Come First
I may say at once, however, that it will not, in my opinion, be possible for
the Great Powers to do more, in the first instance, than act as trustees for the other
States, great or small, during the period of transition. Whatever may be settled
in the near future must be regarded as a preliminary, and only as a preliminary,
to the actual establishment in its final form of the future world organization. Those
who try in any country to force the pace unduly will run the risk of overlooking
many aspects of the highest importance, and also by imprudence they can bring
about a serious deadlock. I have never been one of those who believe that all the
-problems of the immediate future can be solved while we are actually engaged in
a life-and-death struggle with the German and Nazi Power and when the course of
military operations and the development of the war against Japan must increasingly
claim the first place in the minds of those in Britain and the United States, upon
whom the chief responsibility rests.
To shorten the war by a year, if that can be done, would in itself be a boon
greater than many important acts of legislation. To shorten this war, to bring it
to an end, to bring the soldiers home, to give them a roof over their heads, to re-
establish the free life of our country, to enable the wheels of commerce to revolve,
to get the nations out of their terrible frenzy of hate, to build up something like
a human world and a humane world-it is that that makes it so indispensable for
us to struggle to shorten, be it even by a day, the course of this terrible war.
It is right to make surveys and preparations beforehand and many have been
made and are being made, but the great decisions cannot be taken finally, even
for the transition period, without far closer, calmer, and more searching discus-
sions than can be held amid the dash of arms. Moreover, we cannot be blind to
the fact that there are many factors, at present unknowable, which will make them-
selves manifest on the morrow of the destruction of the Nazi regime. I am sure
this is no time for taking hard and fast momentous decisions on incomplete data
and at breakneck speed. Hasty work and premature decisions may lead to penalties
out of all proportion to the issues immediately involved. That is my counsel to
the House, which I hope they will consider. I hope that the House will notice
that, in making my statement today, I have spoken with exceptional caution about
Foreign Affairs, and, I hope, without any undue regard for popular applause. I
have sedulously avoided the appearance of any one country trying to lay down the
law to its powerful allies or to the many other States involved. I hope, however,
that I have given the House some impression of the heavy and critical work that is
going forward and will lie before us even after the downfall of our principal
enemy has been effected. I trust that what I have said may be weighed with care
and goodwill not only in this House and in this country but also in the far wider
circles involved.
[House of Commons Debates]















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