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Title: British speeches of the day
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Publication Date: September 1944
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Full Text




WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister, August 2, 1944.
The War Situation.

GEORGE TOMLINSON, Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of
Labour, July 26, 1944.
The International Labor Conference at Philadelphia.

HUGH DALTON, President of the Board of Trade, July 25, 1944.
The Disposal of Surplus Government Property.

THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for
the Colonies, August 1, 1944.
LORD SWINTON, Minister Resident in West Africa, August 11, 1944.
Progress in West Africa.

SIR ALEXANDER CADOGAN, Permanent Under-Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, August 21, 1944.
Planning International Co-operation for Peace.

THE EARL OF HALIFAX, British Ambassador to the United States,
August 26, 1944.
After Five Years.

R. S. HUDSON, Minister of Agriculture, August 16, 1944.
The Battle of the Land.

Vol. II, No. 9

September 1944

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rio4 q-

Prime Minister
House of Commons, August 2, 1944

I have, upon the whole, a good report to make to the House. On every battle-
front all over the world the arms of, Germany and Japan are recoiling. They are
recoiling before the Armed Forces of the many nations which in various groupings
form the Grand Alliance. In the air, on the sea and under the sea, our well-estab-
lished supremacy increases with steady strides. The losses by U-boats since the
beginning of 1944, compared to former years, are almost negligible. The vast
fleets of the Allies have sailed the seas and oceans from January to June with less
than half the losses we have inflicted upon the small, dwindling and largely im-
mobile naval resources of the enemy, both in the East and in the West. It is
always possible that there may be a return of the U-boat war. There is talk of
Germany trying to make-U-boats faster under the water: there are various talks,
and it is never well to discount these matters. It is always possible that the Ger-
mans may gain some temporary relative advantage in their aircraft. For these
reasons we must be very careful not to relax unduly either our precautions or our
exertions in order to turn our strength to other channels. Naturally, we wish to
turn our strength increasingly to other channels: when one danger is removed a
new opportunity presents itself; but we must be very careful, in view of the pos-
sibility of unexpected and usually unpleasant things turning up in future. But at
this moment, throughout the world there is no theatre in which Allied mastery
has not become pronounced.

War in the Pacific
At Washington in January, 1942, it was decided that Germany was the prime
enemy, and that only the minimum of Forces necessary for the safeguarding of
vital interests should be diverted to operations against Japan. Our joint resources,
British and American, however, increased so rapidly that it became possible to wage
the two wars simultaneously with offensive vigor. In the Pacific the immense
armadas of the United States, equipped with aircraft and every conceivable form
of craft needed on the sea for amphibious warfare, all on the largest scale, armed
with science and led with commanding skill both on sea and on land, under both
Admiral Nimitz and General MacArthur, who commands not only American but
also the powerful Australian and New Zealand Forces, have gained important
and expanding success. New Guinea has been dominated, the Marshalls and
Saipan have been taken, the Fleets and other Forces of the United States have
already advanced through the far-flung outer defenses of Japan, and in some parts
they have pierced through the inner defenses, thus opening to us the prospect of a
much more speedy climax in the Far East. Many scores of thousands of Japanese
have been by-passed, and are starving to death in islands and jungles, with only
such aid from Japan as can be given by submarines which have to be diverted from
their normal warlike use.
The reverberations of these events in Japan, the sense of growing weakness
on the sea and in the air, the sense of the -vain dispersal of their forces and of
economic tribulation at home, have produced the fall of Admiral Tojo, the chief
war leader of Japan, whose accomplice and dose colleague Admiral Yamamato
declared at one time that he would dictate his terms of peace to the United States
in Washington. It is not easy for us here to measure the character of the seismic
forces which have produced this remarkable political and military convulsion in

British Speeches of the Day

Japan, but it can hardly arise from a conviction among the Japanese that Admiral
Yamamato's program is being realized as fully as he and Admiral Tojo had ex-
pected. I must repeat that I am increasingly led to believe that the interval
between the defeat of Hitler and the defeat of Japan will be shorter-perhaps
much shorter-than I at one time had supposed.

Victories in Burma
In the Indian theatre, coming a step nearer home in this long-distance war,
the campaign in Burma has been difficult to follow in detail because of the cease-
less fighting and the intricate character of the country. Broadly speaking it may
be said that at Quebec last year we planned advances into Northern Burma with
the object of giving greater security to the immense American air highway into
China. I may mention that the American highway carries far more tonnage than
was ever delivered, or likely to be delivered in a measurable time, over the old
Burma Road. It carries it over what is called the hump-the vast mountain range
of the Himalayas-and deals with an immense tonnage every month. This, of
course, is of the greatest assistance to General Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese in
their long and hard-driven struggle. The House may imagine what a vast effort
this achievement by the United States, indispensable to the life of China, has
We placed our hopes at Quebec in the new supreme commander, Admiral
Mountbatten, and in his brilliant lieutenant Major-General Wingate, who alas has
paid the soldier's debt. There was a man of genius who might well have become
also a man of destiny. He has gone, but his spirit lives on in the long-range pene-
tration groups and has underlain all these intricate and daring air operations
and military operations based on air transport and on air supply.
This forward move which had been decided on at Quebec involved rather more
than 250,000 British and Imperial troops, with many more upon the long and
precarious communications stretching back into India. This move met at an early
stage a Japanese movement in the opposite direction, which had for its object
the invasion of India and the cutting of the American air highway. Thus these
two opposing forces came together in collision at many points along a 1,200-mile
front, in the early part of February, and they have been locked in engagements of
intense fierceness ever since, with the result that the Japanese have been flung back-
ward at every point. At the same time important centers in the north of Burma
were captured by brilliant operations conducted by General Stilwell from the North,
with the participation of Chinese troops and with the invaluable support of the
British long-range penetration groups operating against the enemy's rear. The
thanks of the country should go out to the British 14th Army which has done
some of the hardest service in the whole of this war and must not be forgotten
because of the violence and vividness of larger and nearer events at home.
But there are many others besides the 14th Army whom we should not forget.
When we think of the Fighting Forces we naturally think first of all those who
are fighting on the main war fronts, but we should be wrong not to remember all
those men who loyally serve our cause in distant lands and remote garrisons all
over the world, whose steady and unspectacular work does not often get into the
newspapers, men who in many cases have not had the stimulus of engagement in
battle, men who have not seen their families or their homes for four years or five
years, or more. They may be far away, but their work is an essential part of
the pattern of victory, and, as such, it rests forever in our hearts.
To return to Burma, Admiral Mountbatten and his commanders fought a suc-
cessful and vigorous campaign in these unprofitable jungles and swamps in which

The War Situation

our duty lies. The Japanese, everywhere driven back, sustained losses far exceed-
ing our own. India has been successfully defended from invasion for another year,
the air line to China strengthened and maintained and danger warded further off
its necessary bases. In addition, Admiral Somerville, now at the head of a pow-
erful British Eastern fleet, which includes fine French and Dutch units, has shown
enterprise in his attack upon Sebang and Sourabaya and other Japanese points in
the Dutch East Indies. Our Fleet in Eastern waters will be greatly strengthened
at the end of the year. It is probable, however, that the Japanese Navy will have
its time fully taken up with the Navy of the United States, which is already double
the size of the fleet of that presumptuous, ambitious and treacherous Oriental
Power. I thought it right to bring the Burma scene before the House, because our
men out there are cheered by the fact that the House of Commons follows with
attentive eyes their fortunes and their achievements.

Preparing the European Invasion
Now I come to a larger matter. A volume would be required to recount the
story of the crossing of the Channel and the landing of the Armies of Liberation
upon the soil of France. I have only a few minutes, and therefore I must practice
the selective art as far as possible. In April, 1943, General Morgan, of the British
Army, became the head of the British and American Planning Staff, which sur-
veyed the whole project by the decision of the Combined Chiefs of Staff Com-
mittee. They made a plan, which I took with me last year to Quebec, where it was
submitted to the President and the Combined British and American Chiefs of
Staff. This plan selected the beaches for the attack arid presented the outlines
of the scheme, together with a mass of detail to support it. It received, in principle,
complete agreement. It is rather remarkable that a secret of this character, which
had to be entrusted from the beginning, to scores, very soon to hundreds and ulti-
mately to thousands, of people, never leaked out either in these Islands or the wide
expanses of the United States.
At Teheran, we promised Marshal Stalin we would put this plan, or some-
thing like it, into operation at the end of May or at the beginning of June, and
he for his part promised that the whole of the Russian Armies would be thrown,
as indeed they have been, into general battle in the East. In January of this year,
the commanders were appointed. The Mediterranean had a British commander,
General Wilson, and General Eisenhower assumed the command of the Expedi-
tionary Force gathered in Britain. No man has ever labored more skilfully or
intensely for the unification and goodwill of the great Forces under his command
than General Eisenhower. He has a genius for bringing all the Allies together
and is proud to consider himself an ally as well as a United States Commander.
The names of all the distinguished commanders are already familiar to the House
and the country.
General Eisenhower forthwith appointed the Commander-in-Chief of the
British Expeditionary Army, General Montgomery, to the command of all the in-
vading troops, British and American. For more than a year past, American stores,
equipment and men have been moving steadily into these Islands, and we ours
selves have selected from the British Armies here, an expeditionary force which
was practically as large as that of the United States in the opening stage. Great
reinforcements which flow in from America have already altered, and will con-
tinually alter, that balance but in the great adventure we were practically equal,
The training of all these troops was undertaken in a most strenuous fashion. The
plan also provided for the successive landings which were to be made in relation
to the major thrust. The great episode seemed to everyone to be the crossing of
the Channel, with its stormy waters, swift currents and 18-foot rise and fall of the

British Speeches of the Day

tide, and above all the changes of weather, which when an operation as big as this
has to be undertaken might easily cut a portion of the Army off upon the shore
for several days without anyone being able to get to them to reinforce them or
even to withdraw them, and thus leave them at the mercy of a superior enemy.
That was the element, this possible change in the weather, which certainly hung
like a vulture poised in the sky over the thoughts of the most sanguine.
In all these matters, the work of the Combined Operations Headquarters,
founded in 1940 under Admiral Keyes for the purpose of amphibious warfare,
and developed since 1942 by Admiral Mountbatten, proved its value. As is well
known, I was opposed to making this great invasion across the Channel in 1942,
and thereafter it was plainly impossible in 1943, owing to our having chosen the
Mediterranean and our amphibious resources all being concentrated there. Now
we were all agreed, and the Commanders took the vast mass of knowledge which
had been accumulated and put their own stamp upon it, improving the plans in
many ways and animating and training their troops to fit in to its different phases
and features.

Experience and Tackle
I do not believe myself thit this vast enterprise could have been executed
earlier. We had not the experience. We had not the tackle. But, before we
launched the attack in 1944 we had made five successful opposed landings in the
Mediterranean, and a mass of wonderful craft of all kinds had been devised by
our services and by our United States colleagues on the other side of the ocean.
The bulk of these had to be constructed in the United States, although our yards
were strained and gorged to the utmost. There are more than 60 variants of
these landing craft and escort vessels, and they provide for the landing, not only
of an Army, but for everything that an Army can need.
For instance, I myself saw a few days after the landing was complete six of
these large landing craft-I should say, medium landing .craft, vessels of consid-
erable size-charge up in line together till they were stopped by the sloping sandy
beach; down fell their drawbridges, out poured their vehicles, and in five minutes
an entire heavy battery was drawn up in column of route ready for immediate,
or almost immediate action. I had this timed, because I certainly thought it would
be a matter of hours, but in less than 15 minutes these heavycraft had pushed
themselves off the shore and were returning to England for another consignment.
This is a new atmosphere, a new light upon the possibility of an invasion across
the Channel, which I hope will not be altogether lost upon our own people in the
days when many of us have handed over our burdens to others. The marvelous
American invention, spelt D.U.K.W., is a heavy lorry which goes at between 40
and 50 miles per hour along the road, and can plunge into the water and swim
out for miles to sea in quite choppy weather, returning with a load of several tons,
coming ashore and going off to wherever it is specially needed.
An immense system of harbors, breakwaters and landing stages was also pre-
pared which, as soon as the foothold was gained, could be disposed in their ap-
propriate places to give large sheltered water space. In less than a month, har-
bors had been created compared with which Dover seems small. At these harbors,
and on the beaches they protect, a very large Army-with the entire elaborate
equipment of modern armies, which have about one vehicle for every four or five
men-was landed, and by the end of June, in spite of the worst June gale for 40
years, a solid base had been created which gave us the certainty of being able to
conduct an offensive campaign on the largest scale against any Forces which, ac-
cording to our calculations, the enemy was likely to bring.

The War Situation

Sea and Air Protection
These operations were protected and supported by a considerable British
Fleet, assisted by a strong detachment of the American Fleet, the whole under
Admiral Ramsay. In spite of gales, in spite of mines, in spite of more than 100
German submarines waiting baffled in the Biscay Ports, and a swarm of E-boats and
other marauders, ceaseless traffic has been maintained over the 100-miles stretch
of channel, and General Eisenhower, with his lieutenant, General Montgomery,
now stands at the head of a very large and powerful Army, equipped as no Army
has ever been equipped before.
Overwhelming air power was, of course, as indispensable as sea power to the
carrying out of such an operation. The strategic bombing by the combined British
and American Bomber Forces, and the use of the medium bomber and fighter
forces, was the essential prelude to our landing in Normandy. Preparations defi-
nitely began for the battle in April, and, not only at the point of attack for that
would have revealed much, but necessarily impartially all along the coast and far
in the rear. Thus when our ships crossed the Channel, unseen and unmolested,
half the guns that were to have blown them out of the water were already dis-
mantled or silent, and when the counterattack began on the land and under the
sea, the Tactical and Coastal air forces held it back while our foothold on shore
and our sea-lanes were being firmly established.
These deeds of the Air Force were not done without losses, which, in killed
and in proportion to the number of flying personnel, far exceeded those of any
branch of the Services. If we take April 1st as the opening of the air campaign
and from then till June 30th, over 7,000 men of the Home Command from the
R.A.F. alone have been killed or are missing. United States losses are also most
severe. The devotion of the pilots and the air crews of both countries was sublime.

Linked in Brotherhood
Since those days we have been in constant battle, General Omar Bradley clear-
ing the Cherbourg Peninsula, and General Dempsey occupying the area around
Caen. We have inflicted losses on the enemy which are about double those we
have suffered ourselves. It is remarkable considering we were the challengers, and
unusual compared with the experiences of the last war. We have been hampered
continually by the most unseasonable weather, which by its early mists and low
clouds has day after day put off operations by rendering impossible the avalanche
of fire and steel with which our air power prepares for an attack. Now at last we
are gaining that space in which to deploy which is necessary for armies of the
size that we are using.
I must confess that the latest news seems to me extremely good. The first
American Army advancing down the Atlantic coast has reached the line of the
River Selune and may well be approaching the important railway center of Rennes,
about halfway across the base of the Brest Peninsula. Further to the East the
Americans have by-passed the town of Villedieu-le-Poeles and have captured
Brecey. The British attack has also made very great progress and has advanced
in the center about 12 miles. On the Canadian front south of Caen we attacked
yesterday and heavy fighting is in progress. We are largely superior to the enemy
in men, in armor and in the air, and I have little doubt in mobility also once the
front is widened out.
'It is the wish and also the desire of General Eisenhower that the battle for
Normandy should be viewed as a whole and as one single set of operations con-
ducted by an Allied Force, linked in brotherhood and intermingled -in every man-
ner that may seem convenient. But this should certainly not prevent the British

British Speeches of the Day

House of Commons from expressing its unstinted admiration for the splendid and
spectacular victories gained by the United States troops under General Bradley
both at Cherbourg and in the southward march, now become almost a gallop down
the peninsula. The Germans have certainly had remarkable opportunities of
revising the mocking and insulting estimate which they put upon the military value
of the American Army at the time they declared war upon the great Republic.
We British and Canadians too have taken our full share in these fierce and
prolonged conflicts. We have fulfilled the indispensable part which was assigned
to us by the Supreme Commander and, under him, by General Montgomery. If
General Eisenhower as supreme Commander or General Montgomery, as his lieu-
tenant in the field, had ever in the slightest degree to consider whether they would
employ British or American or Canadian troops in this way or in that, here or
there, on any grounds other than military, those officers would have been hampered
in a most grievous- manner. But lest our enemies should suggest upon their wire-
less that the burden of the struggle has been unfairly shared or make invidious
comparison of any kind, let me say that the losses of the British and Canadian
Forces together are about equal to those of the larger United States Army in pro-
portion to their relative strength. It has been share and share alike, in good
fortune and bad, all along the front.
So far as it has gone, this is certainly a glorious story, not only liberating the
fields of France after atrocious enslavement but also uniting in bonds of true com-
radeship the great democracies of the West and the English-speaking peoples of
the world. That is all I wish to say of the actual operations across the Channel
today. Members would be well advised to follow them with the closest attention.
Very full and excellent accounts are given in the Press. Very often they are ahead
of the official news, and they are not incorrect because more care has to be taken
about anything that is said officially. A most lively and true picture is given by
the Press at the present time, by the accounts we have of this fighting so near
home. . .
I promised some weeks ago to refer to the question of the British tanks before
the end of the Session, and, with the permission of the House, I will make a short
divagation from my theme, as this is the last opportunity.

British Armor
I have told the House how at the time of the fall of Tobruk the President
gave the first 350 Sherman tanks which had already been issued to the American
Army and we know that they played a key part in the Battle of El Alamein. When
I went back to America a year after, I found that there was an ample supply of
these tanks, formerly so precious and rare, from the flow of American mass pro-
duction which had got into its stride, and they were able to offer us 3,000 or
4,000 more of those invaluable weapons. This was of great advantage to us. We
were able to carry through the further redisposition of our tank program and to
reduce the scale of our production, thus releasing manpower and materials for
making other instruments of war which we urgently required. We were able also
to carry through the development of the Cromwell, the Churchill and other types
in an orderly manner freed from fear of a shortage of tanks in the hands of the
troops. The Sherman tank has maintained its reputation gained in Africa at every
stage in the battles in Italy and Normandy. It is of course essentially a cruiser
tank, like the Cromwell, which is the largest type of British cruiser tank. Both
these tanks are reported to be excellent and trustworthy for the purposes for which
they were designed. As the House knows, we succeeded in mounting the 17-pounder
gun in the Sherman, a remarkable feat, and many hundreds of these are either in
action in Normandy or moving thither in a steady stream.

The War Situation

General Montgomery has written as follows about the recent battle:
"In the fighting to date we have defeated the Germans in battle and we have
no difficulty in dealing with the German Army once we had grasped the problem.
In this connection British armor has played a notable part. The Panther and
Tiger tanks are unreliable mechanically and the Panther is very vulnerable from
the flank. Our 17-pounder guns will go right through them. Provided our
tactics are good we can defeat them without difficulty."
Well, they say the customer is always right.
The Cromwell, of course, possesses superior speed which will be specially
effective when and if we come as we may into more open country. As to the
Sherman, I saw with my own eyes last week an example of the work of the
17-pounder. It was on the approaches to Caen. There was an expense of large
fields of waving corn out of which a grey stone village rose. Generals Mont-
gomery and Dempsey brought me to this spot and invited me to count the broken-
down Panther tanks which were littered about. I counted nine in a space of about
1,000 yards square. The General then told me that all these nine had been shot
with a 17-pounder from one single British Sherman tank from the side of the
village wall. One cannot help being impressed by these things when one sees
them with one's own eyes. Of course you will never get the same armor in a
30-ton tank as you will in one of 60-tons. But mobility, speed and maneuverability
also count high, and when the 17-pounder gun is added to all these qualities, no
one has the right to say that these lighter tanks are not fitted in every way for their
task and are not a wise and farseeing employment of our war power . .

The Churchill Tank
The notorious Churchill tank, the most thick-skinned weapon in Europe, also
won commendation. This tank was originally conceived in 1940, for fighting in
the lanes and in the enclosed country of this Island, and in spite of every form of
abuse as well as the difficulty inherent upon haste, in design and construction, it
is now once again coming into its own as it did for a short while in Northern
Tunisia in 1942. It is coming into its own because the conditions of the war in
France and in parts of Italy in which we are now fighting are extremely suitable
to its climbing and maneuverable qualities and heavy armor. No particular type
can be perfect. The Tiger and the Panther are, essentially, weapons of defense,
whereas the Cromwell and Sherman belong to the offensive. The Churchill can
be either defensive or offensive as circumstances may require. I pass from these
technical details. General Oliver Leese reports as follows about the fighting in
"It may interest you to know of the fine performance of the Churchill tanks,
which supported the Canadian Corps when they attacked and broke through the
Adolf Hitler line last month. They stood up to a lot of punishment from heavy
anti-tank guns. Several tanks were hard hit without the crews being injured. They
got across some amazingly rough ground. Their 6-pounder guns made good pene-
tration and were quick to load and aim."
I saw also that in the recent fighting in France similar distinction has been
gained by these weapons in the assault on some of these wooded hills and in this
very thickly enclosed country in which our center is now moving.
But there is one more general feature which has emerged in the fighting in
Normandy to which I must draw the attention of the House. No new tank
weapon or type of ammunition has been employed by the enemy. They have
brought out nothing new so far whereas we have put into operation for the first
time in these operations the Sherman tank mounting the 17-pounder, the latest

British Speeches of the Day

Churchill tank, the new Cromwell tank and we have also a number of interesting
variants of very great ingenuity, which I cannot tell the House about today, be-
cause we do not know whether the enemy have had an opportunity of testing them
and tasting them. It is only when I know they know, that the secrets can be
unfolded. One has to be very careful because people object very much indeed
if anything is revealed which seems to take away any chance that our troops may
enjoy in this country and with our Allies.

Praise for the War Office
In leaving this subject of equipment, I am going to do something that has
never been done before, and I hope the House will not be shocked at the breach
of precedent. I am going to make public a word of praise for the War Office.
In all the 40 years I have served in this House I have heard that Department
steadily abused before, during, and after our various wars. And if my memory
serves me aright I have frequently taken part in the well-merited criticism which
was their lot. But when I last saw General Montgomery in the field he used
these words which he authorized me to repeat if I chose. He said: "I doubt if
the British War Office has ever sent an Army overseas so well equipped as the
one fighting now in Normandy." That is what he said, and I must say I think
it is a well-justified statement.
The punctual movement and supply of our large armies in so many varied
theaters, the high standard of training imparted to the troops, the smoothness with
which arrangements of all kind are fitted together, the meticulous care bestowed
upon equipment in all its forms, the efficiency of the hospitals, the large share
taken by officers in the Army in the devising of every instrument of amphibious
warfare, the whole manner in which the affairs of the millions of men now with
the Colors at home and abroad have been handled, reflect high credit upon the
War Office with all its innumerable branches and its enormous staff, military and
civilian. They all deserve credit, and none more than the Chief of the Imperial
General Staff, that great officer Field Marshal Sir Allan Brooke, and also my right
hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War. Indeed I may say that not only in the
War Office, but throughout the Service departments, the whole method and execu-
tion of war policy stand, I believe, at this moment at a higher level than they have
ever reached before, and at a 'level which compares not unfavorably with similar
organizations in any other country, whether friend or foe. War is a hard school, but
the British, once compelled to go there, are attentive pupils. To say this is by no
means inconsistent with any criticisms that it may be necessary to put forward from
time to time.

Changes in the Italian Scene
I must now turn to the campaign of General Alexander in Italy. When I spoke
about this in February, how different was the scene! The Army seemed to be frus-
trated, dammed up in the defiles and caves of Cassino; the landing force which we
had at Anzio and which we had hoped would resolve the deadlock was itself
penned in and had, indeed, to fight for its very existence and on the turn of a card
depended the life of that strong force; our very heavy losses; other operations
apparently being delayed; the capture of Rome continuously delayed; the enemy
sending reinforcements down, and so forth-an effect of standstill. Criticisms came,
as they do wherever success is absent, of those responsible. But now the scene is
changed. By a series of very rapid and brilliant manoeuvres based upon a victory
of sheer hard fighting, sheer dogged ding-dong fighting, the whole scene is
changed. The Army rapidly advanced; it made contact with the Anzio bridgehead;

The War Situation

it flung its encircling daws round Rome, protecting the city from all danger. It is
absolutely free from all danger now. The Air Force guards it from attack from
without. General Alexander's army rolled forward, rapidly pushing the enemy
before it, taking 50,000 or 60,000 prisoners, up the whole of the long leg of Italy,
and now stands before Florence. It has gained the valuable ports of Leghorn and
Ancona as well as bringing forward its railhead in the center into much closer
We have had, of course, to move up this Italian peninsula with very unsatisfac-
tory lines of supply, but with the command of the sea and the potts and the advance
of the railhead, the position of that army becomes very greatly strengthened. We
may hope that operations of the utmost vigor will be continued by General Alex-
ander and his army throughout the summer and autumn. What an extraordinary
army it is! There has never been anything like it, and there is nothing which could
so bring home to one how this is a war of the United Nations. You have the
British and the United States troops, the New Zealanders, the American Japanese
troops, who have fought with great vigor, the Greeks are coming-some are already
there-a Brazilian force is already beginning to take its place upon the field, the
French are there, the South Africans are there, the Poles have greatly distinguished
themselves, and, of course, bearing a most important part, our gallant Indian troops.
There are also powerful Canadian Forces. I was not reading this out from a list,
but it is really a most extraordinary parade of all the nations advancing to deanse
the Italian soil. There are Italians also, because respectable Italian Forces, in
strength, have been fighting well, and we are going to increase their numbers....

The Main Work
Things are going very well in Italy. I must say that in talking about all these
various campaigns that are going on at once all over the world, I have left the
obvious, essential fact till this point, namely, that it is the Russian Armies who have
done the main work in tearing the guts out of the German Army. In the air and
on the oceans we could maintain our place, but there was no force in the world
which could have been called into beihg, except after several more years, that would
have been able to maul and break the German Army unless it had been subjected
to the terrible slaughter and manhandling that has fallen to it through the strength
of the Russian Soviet Armies.
I salute Marshal Stalin, the great champion, and I firmly believe that our 20
years' treaty with Russia will prove to be one of the most lasting and durable
factors in preserving the peace and the good order and the progress of Europe.
It may well be that the Russian success has been somewhat aided by the strategy of
Herr Hitler-of Corporal Hitler. Even military idiots find it difficult not to see
some faults in some of his actions. Here he now finds himself with perhaps ten
divisions in the North of Finland and 20 or 30 divisions cut off in the Baltic
States, all of which three or four months ago could have been transported with
their material and their weapons to stand between Germany and the Russian ad-
vance. Do not tell him how to do it. It is far too late for him to achieve that at the
present time. Altogether, I think it is much better to let officers rise up in the
proper way.

London under Bombardment
I have tried to give the House what cannot be more than a sweeping glance
of this world-wide war as it approaches the end of its fifth year, and also as it
approaches perhaps its closing phase. I naturally end my military survey at home
here in famous and mighty London-in' London which, with the surrounding

British Speeches of the Day

counties, particularly those upon what may be called the bomb-highway, has now
been under almost continual bombardment for seven weeks. In all, by our calcu-
lations-and I procured the latest from the House-5,735 of these robots have been
launched upon us, killing 4,735 persons, with 14,000 more or less seriously
injured. There are also many slightly injured. The result has been a sad tale of
human sorrow and suffering, and a wholesale destruction of homes, with all the
difficult circumstances attaching to that for people who have lost all the little
articles on which their memories and affections center. We are sure that our de-
fenses are gaining in power. We press to the utmost our counter offensive measures.
The patience and courage of our people at a time when they might have thought
that for London her trials were past has been wonderful. We are sure that the
people will continue to the end.
I fear greatly to raise false hopes but I no longer feel bound to deny that
victory may come perhaps soon. If not we must go on till it does. How long it will
be we do not know, but there will be unfading honor for all the brave hearts that
never failed. The working of all the Civil Defense services, men and women,
has been a model. About 17,000 houses have been totally destroyed and about
800,000 have received damage. One can judge the efficiency and vigor of the
measures taken by the Ministries involved-Labour, Health and Works-and the
strength of our building and repair resources throughout the country from which
volunteers have come forward in large numbers, by the fact that three-quarters, or
upwards of 600,000, have already been made at least habitable again, and in the
last two weeks the rate at which repairs have been overtaking new damage has
very sensibly increased.
Nearly a million people who have no war business here, among them 225,000
mothers with children, have been encouraged and assisted to leave London and,
thanks to the hospitality and kindness of those in areas not affected, have been
welcomed and comforted. There have been a few exceptions but they are not worth
recording beside the good spirit which has prevailed. They are not worth recording
except for the purpose of reprobation. A large number of extra trains were laid
on to meet this considerable outward move. It is remarkable, as showing the outlook
of the people of this country, that many of these trains-including sometimes the
extra relief trains-have come back to London nearly as full as they went out.
While a daring and adventurous spirit is to be commended, this kind of needless
risk and movement will be discouraged in every way. I only mention it now
because it gives the lie in the most effective manner to the fantastic German
stories of London being in panic under a perpetual pall of smoke and flames.
If the Germans imagine that the continuance of this present attack-which has
cost them dear in many ways in other branches of production-will have the slight-
est effect upon the course of the war, or upon the resolve of the nation or the
morale of the men, women and children who are under fire, they will only be
making another of those psychological blunders for which they have so long been

Defense Against Flying Bombs
The only result of the use of this indiscriminate weapon, as far as they are
concerned, will be that the severity of the punishment which they will receive after
their weapons have been struck from their hands by our fighting men will be
appreciably increased. There is no question of diverting our strength from the
extreme prosecution of the war, or of allowing this particular infliction to weaken
in any way our energetic support of our Allies. Every effort in human power is
being made to prevent and mitigate the effects of this bombardment. Hundreds
of the best expert brains we have are constantly rivetted upon the problem. My

The War Situation

hon. Friend was not right when, in an earlier discussion, he threw out the sug-
gestion that it was all makeshift and improvization. Very careful plans had been
prepared, for instance, for the artillery-the great gun belt-but it is not always
possible to foresee accurately what form the attack will take or how things will go.
At the same time as these preparations were.made, a quite different disposi-
tion of the guns had to be made to guard the invasion ports from which our con-
voys to France were to start, and we expected that very likely the flying bombs
would begin at the same time as we landed in order to cheer up the German
people. But there was a slight interval, and it was convenient in that interval
that we were able to make a quick redistribution of the batteries. It was a very
complicated matter, and I am so glad that Members of the House have attended
the various meetings addressed by the Home Secretary and by the Joint Parlia-
mentary Secretary to the Ministry of Supply, and have been able to ask them
questions. Here, I must say that I cannot understand why anybody should say that
there is any constitutional issue involved in any Member or any number of Mem-
bers taking a Committee Room and talking to each other on any conceivable sub-
ject. It is likely that a grave constitutional issue would arise if Members were to
be hampered and obstructed in taking counsel with one another. I think it would
be unfortunate if a kind of gulf were made between Ministers and other Mem-
bers, as if they were a sort of elite of the House and had no right to mingle with
their Parliamentary colleagues. I think there are a good many arguments I could
use to free us of the charge of having infringed the constitution. As I was say-
ing, hundreds of the best brains we have are rivetted'on the problem, but I can
hold out no guarantee that it will be completely solved until we have occupied
the region from which these bombs are launched, as we shall no doubt do before
the unconditional surrender of the enemy has been received. But even that will
be good enough.
As long ago as February 22, I warned the House that Hitler was preparing
to attack this country by new methods, and it is quite possible that attempts will
be made with long-range rockets containing a heavier explosive charge than the
flying bomb, and intended to produce a great deal more mischief. London, we
may expect, will be the primary target on account of the probable inaccuracy of
the rocket weapon. We, therefore, advise the classes for whom evacuation facil-
ities have been provided by the Government, and others with no war duties here
who can make their own arrangements, to take the opportunity of leaving the
capital in a timely, orderly and gradual manner. It is by no means certain that
the enemy has solved the difficult technical problem connected with the aiming of
the rockets, but none the less I do not wish to minimize the ordeal to which we
may be subjected, except to say that I am sure it is not one we will not be able
to bear.
I have finished with this and as a grim comment on all I have said, this fact
must be added. The hon. Member for Eye (Mr. Granville) put a Question to
my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Air, the answer to which I thought
might come in here so he kindly consented to defer his Question. I think it makes
a grim comment upon what I have just been saying. The weight of flying bombs
launched against this country from the night of June 15th to the night of July 31st
is estimated to be some 4,500 tons. During the same period the Allied Air Forces
dropped approximately 48,000 tons of high explosive bombs on Germany. Of
course we try in the main to aim at important military objectives and consequently
it may be that there is less loss of life in particular places than when a weapon is
used which has no other object than the indiscriminate slaughter of the civilian

British Speeches of the Day

Foreign Affairs
I have trespassed a good deal on the House but I think I must take a little more
time, especially in view of the decision which the House has properly come to to
have an interval in our labors. I now approach, not without natural anxiety,
the delicate subject of Foreign Affairs. I still hold to the view which I expressed
last time that as the war enters its final phase it is becoming, and will become in-
creasingly less ideological. Confusion was caused in some minds by mixing
ideology with idealism, whereas in fact there is quite a notable difference between
them. While I cherish idealism as a cheerful light playing over the thoughts
and hopes of men and inspiring noble deeds, ideology too often presents itself as
undue regimentation of ideas and may very likely be incompatible with freedom.
I have rejoiced to see the Fascist ideology overthrown, and I look forward to its
complete extirpation in Italy. .
I rejoice in the prospect, now becoming sure and certain, that the Nazi ideology
enforced in a hideous manner upon a vast population, will presently be beaten to
the ground. These facts and manifestations, which I see taking place continually
as the world war crashes onwards to its close, make me increasingly confident that
when it is won, when the hateful aggressive Nazi and Fascist systems have been
laid low, and when every precaution has been taken against their ever rising
again, there may be a new brotherhood among men which will not be based upon
crude antagonisms of ideology but upon broad, simple, homely ideals of peace,
justice and freedom. Therefore, I am glad that the war is becoming less an
ideological war between rival systems and more and more the means by which
high ideals and solid benefits may be achieved by the broad masses of the people
in many lands and ultimately in all.

The Soul of France
Since I spoke last on the general position to the House, marked improvements
have occurred in several quarters. Foreign Affairs are powerfully influenced by
the movements of the war situation. The successes I have been recounting to the
House have carried all our affairs into a more favorable condition. Among the
first of these is the great improvement in the relations of the French National
Committee headed by General de Gaulle with that of the Government of the
United States. This arose in part from the careful spadework done over here by
my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary and by the great success which at-
tended General de Gaulle's visit to the President of the United States. In these
last four years I had many differences with General de Gaulle, but I have never
forgotten, and can never forget, that he stood forth as the first eminent French-
man to face the common foe in what seemed to be the hour of ruin of his country
and, possibly, of ours, and it is only fair and becoming that he should stand first
and foremost in the days when France shall again be raised, and raise herself, to
her rightful place among the great Powers of Europe and of the world. For 40
years I have been a consistent friend of France and its brave Army; all my life I
have been grateful for the contribution France has made to the culture, glory and
above all the sense of personal liberty and the rights of man which have radiated
from the soul of France. But these are not matters of sentiment or personal feel-
ing. It is one of the main interests of Great Britain that a friendly France should
regain and hold her place among the major Powers of Europe and the world.
Show me a moment when I swerved from this conception and you will show me
a moment when I have been wrong.
I must confess that I never liked Trotsky, but there is one thing he said at
the time of the brutal German treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which stuck in my mind.
He said to the German bullies:

The War Situation

"The destiny of a great nation has never yet been settled by the temporary
condition of its technical apparatus."
So it will be with France, struck down in a few weeks of agony, and deprived
thereafter of the power of self-expression and almost of the right of existence.
But the soul of France did not die. It burned here and there with exceptional
brightness. It burned over wider areas with a dim but unquenchable flame.
Our landing in Normandy, the course of the war, the whole tide of events
show quite clearly that we shall presently once again have to deal with the problem
of France and Germany along the Rhine, and from that discussion France can
by no means be excluded. It is evident from what I have said that I look for-
ward to the closest association of the British Empire, the United States and the
Russian and French representatives in the settlement of these important European
problems. We are an alliance of united, peace-loving nations who have been
forced to take up arms to defend our fundamental rights, and we must not fail
in the hour of victory to make the arrangements necessary to continue the peace
that we shall have so dearly bought. I must pay my tribute to the House for the
wise forbearance that it exercised seven weeks ago in discouraging the Debate on
British, French and American relations. That was a time much more critical
than this and the fact that the House, which is all-powerful in these matters,
deliberately abstained from discussing a question in which interest ran high on
all sides was extremely helpful to the conduct of affairs by my right hon. Friend,
and I think furthered the smooth deployment of our policy.

Triangular Diplomacy
Everyone should bear in mind the unusual complexities which attend the
foreign policy of this Island in the world coalition of which we are members.
We have first the Dominions to consider and consult, and then there are the
three great Powers. We have two valiant and trusted allies who are larger and
in some respects more powerful than we are. We all mean the same thing on
fundamentals and essentials but to reach precise agreement from day to day on
diplomatic tactics and details is necessarily an elaborate business. Here we enter
a field of triangular diplomacy where we all have to telegraph to each other and,
when two are agreed, the third often has further Amendments to propose, and
when all are agreed very often the subject has ceased to be of interest. How
would you have it otherwise, with all the different viewpoints, characteristic, his-
toric and national, from which these matter have to be approached? I have said
before that, if the heads of the three Governments could meet once a month, there
would be no problems,between us which would not be swiftly and I trust sensibly
solved. Geographical and locomotion difficulties thrust their obstructive hands
between us and such constant reunions and correspondence however faithfully
conceived is not a substitute for meeting round a table. The three principal
Allies have to deal from day to day with all kinds of burning issues arising in
eight or ten vanquished, occupied or neutral States, two or three of which have
quite healthy civil wars either in prospect or in progress. When I recall or sur-
vey all the complexities of arriving together at united agreements, I must say
I think the Governments of the United States, Great Britain and Soviet Russia
have done pretty well. But great patience and an unceasing desire to understand
each others point of view are necessary between the great Powers, and the House
of Commons can help everyone by taking a broad and tolerant view.

Balkan Allies
This in my opinion is a hopeful moment for Poland, for whose rights and
independence we entered the war against Germany. We therefore did our best,

British Speeches of the Day

my right hon. Friend and I and others, late into the night to promote the visit of
M. Mikolajczyk and other members of his Cabinet to Moscow, where Marshal
Stalin was willing to receive them. The President of the United States was also
favorable. How could it be otherwise in these matters considering his deep in-
terest in the Polish question? The Russian Armies now stand before the gates
of Warsaw. They bring the liberation of Poland in their hands. They offer
freedom, sovereignty and independence to the Poles. They ask that there should
be a Poland friendly to Russia. This seems to me very reasonable considering the
injuries which Russia has suffered through the Germans marching across Poland to
attack her. The Allies would welcome .any general rally or fusion of Polish
Forces, both those who are working with the Western Powers and those who are
working with the Soviet. We have several gallant Polish Divisions fighting the
Germans in our Armies now and there are others who have been fighting in
Russia. Let them come together. We desire this union and it would be a
marvelous thing if it could be proclaimed, or at least its foundations laid, at
the moment when the famous capital of Poland, which so valiantly defended
itself against the Germans, has been liberated by the bravery of the Russian
Conditions in Yugoslavia have sensibly improved since I last dealt with this
topic in the House. The lawful King of Yugoslavia, who came to us under our
advice in his distress, has gathered round him under the Ban of Croatia, a Govern-
ment in friendly contact with Marshal Tito. Representatives of the fighting ad-
ministration of the Partisans have taken their seat in the new Government, and
we have General Velebit, a remarkable and accomplished soldier and thinker, who
is the liaison between the King's Government and the Forces led by Marshal Tito.
We are working for unity here and elsewhere for one purpose alone-namely,
the gathering together of the whole united strength of Yugoslavia--Serbians,
Croats, Slovenes-and the cleansing of their soil from the foul German invader.
This union and this hurling out, I can assure the House, have good chances of being
accomplished before long.
The Foreign Secretary made a statement last week about -Greece which had
the full assent of the War Cabinet and marks the line that we are taking in Greece.
On this line we intend to fight, so far as may be needful, in the House.. By fight
in this case I mean argue and then, if necessary, vote. We have a clear view
of the policy we intend to pursue and we shall do our best to carry it through
even if we have not the satisfaction of unanimous agreement. In the Eastern
Mediterranean it has fallen to us to handle most of the business. We lost about
30,000 men in Greece. We have unbreakable ties with that historic land. We
keep our Allies constantly informed of everything that we do and we endeavor,
and with good fortune in the main, to carry them with us. A measure of success
has, I think, attended our recent handling of events. The Greek Navy is once
again at sea. A Greek brigade will soon take its place in the line of battle in
Italy. The Greek air squadrons are also doing useful work. The Government
of M. Papandreou is broadly representative of all the main forces of Greece and
this new figure who has sprung upon the stage seems to recall in many ways the
vigor and courage which won such wide acclaim in the personality of the great
Venezelos, whose son is also associated with the Greek Government.

Balkan Enemies
It seems to me that Rumania must primarily make its terms with Russia, whom
they have so outrageously assaulted and at whose mercy they will soon lie. Russia
has offered generous terms to Rumania, and I have no doubt they would be
accepted with gratitude by the Rumanian people, if only the Rumanian leaders

The War Situation

had not got a Prussian automatic pistol pressed pretty closely against their breast
or at the nape of the neck. The same applies to Bulgaria. Thrice thrown into
wars on the wrong side by a miserable set of criminal politicians, who seem to be
available for their country's ruin generation after generation, three times in my
life has this wretched Bulgaria subjected a peasant population to all the pangs of
war and chastisements of defeat. For them also, the moment of repentance has
not passed, but it is passing swiftly. The whole of Europe is heading, irresistibly,
into new and secure foundations. What will be the place of Bulgaria at the
judgment seat, when the petty and cowardly part she has played in this war is
revealed, and when the entire Yugoslav and Greek nations, through their repre-
sentatives, will reveal at the Allies' armistice table the dismal tale of the work
the Bulgarian Army has done in their countries as the cruel lackeys of the fallen
Nazi power.

Two Latin American Nations
In the Mediterranean theater of war, I mentioned that we have recently had
the satisfaction of welcoming as our comrades in arms, a finely-equipped expedi-
tionary force from BraZil, and there are more legions to come from this great land
which, for a long time, has been rendering valuable war service to the Allied
cause both in the air and on the sea. As an Englishman, I may be pardoned
at this moment for thinking of another South American country with which we
have had close ties of friendship and mutual interest since her birth to liberty
and independence. I refer to Argentina. We all feel deep regret and also
anxiety as friends of Argentina, that in this testing time for nations she has not
seen fit to declare herself unmistakably and with no reserve or qualification upon
the-side of freedom, and has chosen to dally with the evil, and not only with the
evil, but with the losing side. I trust that my remarks will be noted, because this
is a very serious war. It is not like some small wars in the past where all could
be forgotten and forgiven. Nations must be judged by the part they play. Not
only .belligerents, but neutrals, will find that their position in the world can not
remain entirely unaffected by the part they have chosen to play in the crisis of
the war.

When I last spoke I made some observations about Turkey which the House
may perhaps remember. I have a great regard for the Turks and there is a
current tradition in the British Army of sympathy and alliance with them. In-
the last war they were turned against us by the influence of a handful of men,
and the arrival of a single ship-of-war. We must not forget that Turkey de-
clared her alliance with us before the the present war when our arms were weak
and our policy pacific. I visited Turkey in February of last year and had a
lengthy conference with President Inonu and his Prime Minister, Mr. Sarajoglu.
We had further conferences after Teheran when we met near the Pyramids, I
am well aware of the difficulties of Turkey. When the war began she felt her-
self a strong military power. She looked out on the ranks of her brave Army,.
her unrivalled infantry and cavalry, and she felt herself a strong military power
and was resolute in her goodwill towards England and France.
Presently there appeared an entirely new set of weapons-aircraft, tanks, self-
propelled artillery and mechanization in every form-which altered the relative
strength of armies and seemed to be the only means by which victory could be pro-
cured. The Turkish Army was by no means modern. It was very much as it
had come out of the last war or series of wars. I understand plainly the feel-

British Speeches of the Day

ings of military prudence which made the action of Turkey less strong when
these new facts were apparent to them all of a sudden at the opening of great
battles. These difficulties have to a considerable extent been repaired. The
German power is falling under the mighty Allied flail, and with the contribution we
and the United States are making in Italy and France, and with the advance of
Russia in theregion of the Black Sea, I feel that the Turks are in a more secure
position than they have ever been since the war began and that they will not
be committing themselves to dangers against which they have no shield if they
come forward on the side of their friends.
I have the authority of the Turkish Government to announce here today in
the House of Commons that on the basis of the Anglo-Turkish Alliance Turkey
has broken off all relations with Germany. This act infuses new life into the
Alliance. No one can tell whether Germany or Bulgaria will attack Turkey. If
so, we shall make common cause with her and shall take the German menace as
well as we can in our stride. Turkish cities may receive the kind of bombard-
ment we have never shrunk from here. Herr von Papen may be sent back to
Germany to meet the blood bath he so narrowly escaped at Hitler's hands in 1934.
I can take no responsibility for that. It was the policy of Mustapha Kemal to
bring about close unity of action between the Russian and Turkish people. The
elements are all there and 'he endeavored to bring about an end to antagonism
of centuries. I hope this new step will contribute to the friendship between
Turkey and Russia . .

Future of International Relations
At the present time, no speech by a prominent politician in any of the vic-
torious countries could be deemed complete without a full exposition of the fu-
ture organization of the world. I was severely reproached last time for not having
dealt methodically with this considerable topic. One of my difficulties is that
it does not rest with me to lay down the law for all our Allies. If that was
the general wish, I could certainly make one or two suggestions; but, odd as it
may seem, countries like the United States and Soviet Russia might wish to have
their say in the matter and might not look on it from exactly, the same angle or
express it in exactly the same terms as would gain the loudest applause in this
House. I am sorry about this, because nothing would have given me greater
pleasure than to devote a couple of hours in giving my personal ideas about the
general layout; but it would be very troublesome to all of us here if I made a
great pronouncement on this subject and found myself contradicted and even
repudiated by our most powerful Allies. From time to time a great many very
eloquent statements are made on the future organization of the world by the most
eminent people. In spite of all urges that we should take the lead in laying
down the law, I personally should prefer to hear the opinions of other power-
ful nations before committing our country to too many details.
Can we not be content with the broad declaration upon which we are all
agreed, that there is to be a World Council to preserve peace which will, in the
first instance, be formed and guided by the major Powers who have gained the
war, and that thereafter other Powers, and eventually all Powers, will be offered
their part in this world organization? Can we not be content with that, and
concentrate our efforts on winning a victory, bearing ourselves so prominently
in the conflict that our words will receive honored consideration when we come
to the organization of the peace?
In the meanwhile, as the House will be aware, important discussions on the
official level are shortly to begin in Washington, and when those are completed
we shall have a very much better idea where we stand. As I have said, it is vain

The International Labor Conference at Philadelphia

and idle for any one country to try to lay down the law on this subject or to try
to trace frontiers or describe the intricate instruments by which those frontiers
will be maintained without further bloodshed; it is vain, and it is even unwise.
The man who sold the hyena's skin while the beast lived was killed in hunting
it-if I might venture to make a slight emendation of the poet's words.
Not only are those once proud German Armies being beaten back on every
front and by every one of the many nations who are in fighting contact with them,
every single one, but, in their homeland in Germany, tremendous events have
occurred which must shake to their foundations the confidence of the people and
the loyalty of the troops. The highest personalities in the German Reich are
murdering one another, or trying to, while the avenging armies of the Allies close
upon the doomed and ever-narrowing circle of their power. We have never based
ourselves on the strength of our enemy but only on the righteousness of our cause.
Therefore, potent as may be these manifestations of internal disease, decisive as
they may be one of these days, it is not in them that we should put our trust,
but in our own strong arms and the justice of our cause.
Let us go on, then, to battle on every front. Thrust forward every man who
can be found. Arm and equip the Forces in bountiful supply. Listen to no parley
from the enemy. Vie with our valiant Allies to intensify the conflict. Bear with
unflinching fortitude whatever evils and blows we may receive. Drive on through
the storm, now that it reaches its fury, with the same singleness of purpose and
inflexibility of resolve as we showed to all the world when we were all alone.
[House of Commons Debates]

Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour
House of Commons, July 26, 1944

Over three months have elapsed since the close of the International Labor Con-
ference at Philadelphia, at which I had the privilege of leading the British Gov-
ernment delegation. I feel, therefore, that I am now sufficiently far from it, both
in time and space, to be able to review some of the principle characteristics of the
Conference and to give some estimate of its significance. I have before me on the
table what is, in effect, the agenda of the Conference, but Members need not be
perturbed, for it is not my intention to go through it. I have also the provisional
record of the proceedings which, as hon. Members can see, constitute a reason-
able volume. I may say that the speeches in the volume, particularly those of
the British representatives, are worthy of some consideration. I want to say, in
the first place, that the Philadelphia Conference was genuinely international. It
was international, not simply because 41 States members of the organization were
represented, but because of the real international spirit displayed by the various
delegates. If the Philadelphia Conference had done nothing else than demon-
strate the value of international co-operation and the interdependence of nations,
that alone would have made it worth while holding.

A Successful Experiment
As I listened to the delegates of Governments, employers and workers, de-
scribing the problems in the field of labor and industry with which they were
faced in their own countries, I sometimes wondered whether, out of this mass of

British Speeches of the Day

differing national problems and differing national experiences, any international
agreement could possibly be achieved. Yet international agreement was achieved
on a very large number of important points. The Acting Director of the Inter-
national Labor Office characterized the conference as a conference of achievement.
It succeeded in being a conference of achievement only because of the genuine
spirit of international co-operation that was manifest. Within the international
framework of the organization the need became clearly evident at Philadelphia for
some development on regional lines. Particular problems arise in particular regions
of the world, on which it would be helpful for discussions on a regional basis
to take place. This need for regional development was voiced by speakers from
various parts of the world, from the Far East, from the Near and Middle East,
and from the occupied countries of Europe, as well as from America. The desire
to have special regional conferences is due to the desire to have discussions of
regional problems, on a regional basis, and also to afford direct evidence to the
peoples of the various parts of the world of the operations of the I.L.O.
The Philadelphia Conference was genuinely representative, not only of Gov-
ernments, but of workers and employers. It has always been one of the essential
characteristics of the I.L.O. that it is a tripartite body in which, through consulta-
tion between Governments, employers and workers, comprehensive programs of
labor and industrial reconstruction can be worked out. I would like to remind
the House that the first draft of the constitution of the I.L.O. was prepared in
our Ministry of Labour under the impulsion of Mr. George Barnes. It is inter-
esting to recall also that the present acting director, Mr. Phelan, was on the head-
quarters staff at the time. The draft was submitted to the International Peace
Conference in response to the demands of the delegates of the nations gathered
at that conference. The Commission met under the chairmanship of Samuel
Gompers and thus the I.L.O. was brought into being as a tripartite organization
representative of Governments, employers and workers.
It was an experiment, and the experiment worked. Time and again, at the
Philadelphia Conference, the importance of this tripartite system of representa-
tion became evident. Both in committees and in the plenary sessions of the Con-
ference, the co-operation of Governments, employers and workers was indis-
pensible to the success of the Conference. In this country we have a long and
honorable tradition of co-operation between the Government, the employers and
workers in dealing with matters of common concern. This tradition has now
become internationally embodied in the I.L.O. Its maintenance is an earnest of
the continuing success which will I hope be achieved by the I.L.O. in the post-
war world. The Philadelphia Conference was, in a real sense, an historic confer-
ence. It was the first regular session of the International Labor Conference held
since the war.

A Sign of Vitality
A conference had been held in New York in 1941, but the ordinary Constitu-
tion and Standing Orders did not apply to that conference. At Philadelphia,
representatives of the Government, employers and workers came together, after
the testing years of war, to consider the action to be taken by the Organization
in relation to the problems which would arise in the transition from war to peace
and in connection with postwar reconstruction. Further, the conference took the
opportunity to re-examine the constitution and procedure of the Organization
with a view to rendering it better fitted to cope with the problems which lie ahead
in the difficult times that face us. I want to submit that it is a sign of vitality
when an organization voluntarily undertakes a process of self-examination and
self-critcism. This process resulted at Philadelphia in the adoption of a declaration

The International Labor Conference at Philadelphia

concerning the aims and purposes of the I.L.O., the text of which has already been
communicated to the House. If each of the representatives of the Governments,
employers and workers at Philadelphia had been asked to submit to the confer-
ence a draft of this Declaration, these would no doubt have been very different;
but they could and did agree wholeheartedly with the final draft adopted, which
represented in a very real sense the common will of the Conference.
The discussion which led to the adoption of this Declaration showed that there
was agreement among all the speakers that the International Labor Organization
must be maintained and that it should be developed in order to undertake its in-
creasing responsibilities. It was agreed by all that if this organization had not
existed, it would have been necessary to create it now. It was recognized that
the world needs, more than ever before, an organization to bring together the
representatives of Governments, employers and workers of the freedom-loving
peoples of the world, to work for the promotion of the common well-being. It
would be wrong of me, in emphasizing the importance of the 'Conference and
the success of the work it achieved, not to draw attention to certain dangers against
which, it became evident in the proceedings of the Conference, the International
Labor Organization must be on its guard.
The principal danger, as I see it, is that of adopting recommendations or reso-
lutions without sufficient preparation and discussion. The normal procedure of
the Organization is based on careful preparatory work by the Office and by tech-
nical committees of the Conference, detailed prior consultation of Governments,
on the basis of a questionnaire, and the submission to the Office of drafts for the
consideration of the Conference, sufficiently far in advance of the holding of the
Conference for consideration to be given to those drafts by all concerned in the
various countries. This procedure has sometimes been criticized on the ground
that it is too elaborate and complicated, but experience in connection with the
Philadelphia Conference shows that some such procedure providing for adequate
preparation and consultation is essential if the respect with which the decisions
of the Conference have always been treated is to be maintained.

The Social Security Proposals
In the case of the Philadelphia Conference there had been no time for the
Office to undertake the usual procedure of preparatory consultation, technical com-
mittees or conferences, or even to consult the Governments on the basis of ques-
tionnaires. The drafts for submission to the Conference were prepared by the
staff of the Office on the responsibility of the Acting-Director, and in some cases,
owing to difficulties of communication with which we were all familiar, they
did not reach Governments, employers or workers before they left their own
countries for Philadelphia. The Conference, as a consequence, found itself faced
with such a mass of business to transact that it was very difficult to give sufficiently
careful consideration to all the details of some of the proposals made. In these
circumstances there was considerable risk of hasty decisions being taken which
would not redound to the credit of the International Labor Organization. The
British Delegation felt this danger to be particularly acute in connection with some
of the proposals made on social security. The Committee on Social Security
submitted to the Conference their detailed recommendations, one dealing with
income security, one dealing with medical care, and the third dealing with in-
come security and medical care for persons discharged from the Armed Forces
and assimilated services, as well as from war employment. In the case of the
third recommendation we agreed that it was urgent, in view of the nature of the
problem, that the views of the conference on this matter should be formulated
at that Session in the form of a recommendation and we voted for it.

British Speeches of the Day

On the other hand, we felt strongly that the very detailed recommendations
proposed regarding income security and medical care had been adopted by the
Committee without it being possible to give them the thorough consideration
that they deserved. We therefore took the view that it would be best, in the
interests of the development of social security legislation and in the interests of
the standing of the International Labor Organization, that those recommendations
should not be adopted at the Philadelphia Conference but that they should be
sent to the Governments for their observations and report, and that the whole
matter should be placed on the Agenda of the next Conference, with a view to the
adoption of draft conventions. We felt strongly that this procedure would lead
to more effective action than the immediate adoption of Recommendations, but
the Conference did not agree with us on this point, and the British Government
Delegation therefore abstained from voting on those two recommendations.
This country continues to lead the world in the sphere of social security and
it has ratified all the social insurance conventions previously adopted by Inter-
national Labor Conference. We recognize the admirable work that has been done
by the I.L.O. in the field of social security and we are anxious that that work
should not be compromised by the hasty adoption of recommendations, some of
which, by recapitulating the provisions in existing Conventions, may have the
effect of weakening them.

Ratification Procedure
I have referred in some detail to these social security recommendations be-
cause they illustrate the danger to which I have referred of decisions being taken
by the Conference without adequate prior preparation and consultation. Even
when one country is concerned we know, from our own experience, the care with
which the plans have to be considered. When all countries are affected, and
when there are so many different stages of development, it is obvious that hastily
considered proposals, however attractive they may be, may not be practicable over
wide areas of the world. As I have said, this attitude of ours led to misunder-
standing. We took up the position that if the Conference were to concentrate upon
guiding principles and if those guiding principles were referred to Governments
for them to report upon, with a view to a Draft Convention at the next confer-
ence, that we should get more progress on the part of the nations represented
than by the simple adoption of the recommendations there and then. The Con-
ference chose to regard this as delaying tactics. Why it should be assumed that
the British Government should want to delay it is difficult to understand. Our
record should surely have saved us the necessity of answering this charge. I am
not referring to remarks which may be made in this House, and I am not par-
ticularly concerned about being criticized and egged on by people who have done
more and are wanting to do more, but I do feel resentment at being charged with
seeking to delay progress when all that has been asked for by that Organization
has been previously done and a lead given to the world. .
I have not suggested that this Government has ratified every Convention that
has come before it: it certainly has not, but very often we have passed legislation
covering points which are part and parcel of recommendations, and agreements
entered into between organizations of employers and trade unionists also cover
the recommendations which are embodied in a Convention.
One of the reasons for the ratification of Conventions is that other Govern-
ments will follow suit. When questions are asked with regard to social security,
I would ask hon. Members to read the recommendations that have been put before
the Conference by the I.L.O. and, with the exception, maybe, of two items they
will be found to be embodied already in legislation which this House has passed

The International Labor Conference at Philadelphia

and from which the I.L.O. has received its inspiration and will, I hope, receive
more inspiration in the future.
It has been suggested that if we were not prepared to vote for these recom-
mendations but had put in reservations with regard to their application, that
might have been a better procedure than to allow ourselves to be charged with
using delaying tactics. In my view reservations can render a recommendation
innocuous, and it seemed to me that many of those at the Philadelphia Conference
who were finding fault with our attitude were voting for resolutions with sufficient
reservations to make those resolutions non-effective after they had been carried.
Honesty, it has been said, is the best policy. I have discovered that it is not
always the best policy, particularly at international conferences, but I believe it
is'the best line to follow if one wants to come out right in the end. A further
danger against which the Organization will have to guard is the risk that the
Conference should be used for the adoption of resolutions of a propagandist
nature. The prestige which the Organization has rightly acquired throughout the
world has been based on its success in avoiding being used for propaganda ends,
and if its status is to be upheld it is essential that any such danger should be
carefully guarded against.
Much will be done to overcome these dangers when it is possible for the
regular procedure of the Organization to be restored. As the acting director
pointed out, frequent meetings of the governing body, followed by regular meet-
ings of the Conference, should once more bring the technical work of the Office
into the closest harmony with the policy which the representative organs of the
organization pursue, and should allow time for Governments to consider proposals.
well in advance of their discussion by the Conference. I should like to take the
opportunity of paying a tributwto the acting director and his staff for the admir-
able work which they accomplished under conditions of exceptional difficulty in
preparing and carrying through the work of the Conference. The governing
ody of the I.L.O., which met immediately after the Conference, adopted a budget
for the Organization for 1945 which should enable it to face its developing re-
sponsibilities and to undertake adequately the fresh duties that will be laid upon
the Office as a result of the Philadelphia Conference.

Aims and Purposes of I.L.O.
Hon. Members will not expect me to refer in detail to all the various recom-
mendations and resolutions adopted by the Conference. The report of the British
Government delegates has been submitted to my right hon. Friend the Minister
of Labour and National Service, and he proposes to present it to Parliament at
an early date, together with the full text of the recommendations and resolutions
adopted. In the meantime, however, I should like to refer to one or two mat-
ters which are of particular interest. In the consideration of the declaration on
the aims and purposes of the International Labor Organization, the Conference
had before it the views of those who thought the Organization should assume
some responsibility for formulating and co-ordinating economic and financial policy,
but it decided, wisely I think, that the proper function of the Organization was
to examine and consider all economic policies and measures, in order to see
whether they could be regarded as promoting or hindering the attainment of
conditions in which the fundamental objectives of the Organization could be
achieved. The Organization will judge all policies and measures, in particular
those of an economic and financial character, in the light of their effect on the
well-being of the people, and will use its influence to ensure that the main object
of such policy shall be the improvement of human conditions.
To this end the declaration which I have previously referred to and which
has been reported to the House makes what I consider to be a first class declara-

British Speeches of the Day

tion in this direction. It begins by saying-and this was part of its original
constitution-that "labour is not a commodity." How fundamentally true that
statement is has been more clearly demonstrated in our own country during the-
past four years than at any other time in its history. Had labor not been regarded
as something other than a commodity to be bought and sold it would never have
been possible to ultilize it to the forging of a weapon by the means of which
the freedom of the world could be saved. It also reaffirms that freedom of ex-
pression and of association are essential to sustain progress. This, I think, is
self-evident, for it is the basis upon which the constitution of the I.L.O. rests.
It also states that poverty anywhere constitutes a danger to prosperity everywhere,
and if only we could make that a living faith it seems to me we should be on
the high road to many achievements. Finally, it suggests in the first paragraph
that the war against want should be waged with the same urgency as is the war
that is being conducted at the present time. This declaration, reaffirming the
principles and setting out the new objectives, is not only worthy of the considera-
tion of the House but, I believe, is worthy of the support, and the active support,
not only of the people of this nation but of people of goodwill throughout the
Interim provision has already been made for the association of the Organiza-
tion with the Food Organization, with U.N.R.R.A. and other international or-
ganizations, and the governing body, acting in accordance with a decision of the
Conference, has appointed a committee to consider the whole question of the
relationship of the I.L.O. with other international organizations., That com-
mittee will also review the constitution and finance of the organization in the
light of present-day circumstances. The Conference recognized that the promo-
tion and maintenance of high levels of employment and the raising of social
conditions require action in many fields to make these objectives attainable.

Employment Policy 4
Perhaps the main preoccupation of all delegates to the Conference was the
question of full employment. From the beginning and throughout the Conference
it was clear that this matter filled the thoughts and informed the actions and
speeches of all those present. One of the most heartening features of the Con-
ference was the unanimity of representatives in their determination that we must
never again acquiesce in the kind of unemployment from which so many countries
suffered in the inter-war years, but that, on the contrary, Governments and peoples
must take every practicable step to ensure that suitable employment is available
for all those who desire to work. In the words of the Committee on Employ-
ment, on which I had the privilege to sit along with one of my colleagues in the
"Policies to assure full employment constitute an indispensable condition for
the successful solution of the problem with which this Conference is faced."
Access to employment in the production of useful goods or services is essential
for the preservation of human dignity as well as for the proper support of physical
existence. The assurance that sufficient jobs will be available must depend upon
the willingness of nations to adopt whatever measures may be necessary and ap-
propriate to promote employment-opportunity for as many men and women
as may seek employment. The work of this Committee was not concerned with
wider measures for ensuring full employment. Those are matters for discussion
elsewhere. Its deliberations were concerned with the organization of employ-
ment in the transition from war to peace. Its business, in other words, was to
consider organizational arrangements. It must not be thought that these are un-
important. The organization is not right if it does not perform efficiently its

The International Labor Conference at Philadelphia

function of bringing together available workers and available jobs in an orderly
manner. Even in a time of widespread prosperity there may be waste, dislocation
and avoidable unemployment. Organizational arrangements are, it is true, only
part of the problem of full employment but, again in the words of the Commit-
tee, "They are of great potential significance for the postwar era." Even questions
of organization may give rise to controversy, and it was not to be expected that
There would not be any difference of opinion on this very large committee, a com-
ifiittee of 33 representatives of Governments and 22 each of employers and workers,
or 77 in all. Members addressed themselves to their task in a spirit of co-opera-
tion, and with the determination to make a report which would be of maximum
assistance to Governments, and of great potential benefit to people. I believe
they succeeded in their aims. They produced three most valuable recommenda-
tions, and two resolutions which, with'the full support of'the representatives
of His Majesty's Government, were adopted by the Conference. It is not possible
to describe in more detail the provisions of these recommendations and resolu-
tions, but I venture to hope that hon. Members will study the provisions for
themselves, when, I think, they will agree that they make a substantial contribution
to the important problem of employment.
The recent International Monetary Conference was a further important step
towards this aim. In their recommendations for present and postwar social policy
the Conference expressed the great importance they attached to-
"the establishment, at the earliest possible moment, of effective international
machinery for settling balances arising out of international trade and other trans-
actions, and for maintaining stability in rates of exchange"
and urged-
"the authorities responsible for its application to have regard, in framing and
applying their policy, to the effect of their decisions on employment and living
A very necessary and, I believe, a very vital admonition. All of the recom-
mendations of the Conference on this subject indicated the. importance of inter-
national measures for the expansion of constructive economic activity to the
achieving of the Organization's own objectives. The co-operation of the I.L.O.
in these Measures will bring the employers and workers of the world into close
touch with all such measures. It will not only enable their experience and knowl-
edge to be brought to bear on international deliberations, but will also give them,
in their various countries, that sense of responsibility which is necessary.

The Peace Settlement
In the resolution concerning social provisions in the peace settlement, in which
it is hoped that the Philadelphia Declaration will be included, the Conference
recommended that the Governing Body should call a special conference of the
Organization when, in its opinion, there is a danger of a substantial fall in gen-
eral employment levels, for the purpose of recommending appropriate national
or international measures to prevent the development or spread of unemploy-
ment, and to establish conditions under which high levels of employment may
be maintained or restored and to correlate the activities of the I.L.O., for the end
of maintaining full employment, with those of any other international agency or
agencies which may be designated by the United Nations to have responsibility
in economic fields. The Conference also proposed that there should be a regular
exchange between Governments of information and statistics on uniform lines,
for the purpose of assisting in the promotion of economic advancement and social
well-being. Thus, the I.L.O., as a tripartite organization, seeks to take an
effective part in the great work of world reconstruction and to bring all those

British Speeches of the Day

affected into active relationship with Governments in this great task. Recommen-
dations on social security, transition from war to peace and minimum standards
of social policy in dependent territories, may all be regarded as a commencerient
of the work of the I.L.O. in their own postwar field. It will be possible to
discuss these in more detail when the question of their adoption is debated by
the House, but, in the meantime, they provide a basis for consideration of all
Governments in reconstruction and resettlement after the war.
The representatives of the occupied countries, however, pointed out that many
of these proposals applied to countries which have not been devastated by the
invader and there must first be relief and rehabilitation. Other countries, also,
in which the conditions are primitive, have a long period of development to face
before they can be expected to put into operation measures more suited to the
most advanced countries. Having set out their long-distance proposal, it is
necessary for the I.L.O. to have regard to these practical considerations and to
provide the guidance and assistance that is required, and it is interesting to note
that the I.L.O., through the difficult years, has been doing this. More than one
representative from what might be described, not as a backward, but a somewhat
backward, nation, referred with gratitude to the assistance they had received
from the Office in the promotion of their own social service organization. It is
with that in mind that, as soon as circumstances permit, regional conferences in
the East and elsewhere are proposed. It is in the interest of the whole world
that educative measures of this kind should be taken.
I should like to refer to one other matter which was considered by the Con-
ference. The British Government proposed that international joint committees
should be established in the major industries of the world, such as coal, textile,
transport and the metal trade. Two objectives are in mind, first, to increase the
machinery for international co-operation by bringing together those who have
that close natural affinity which comes from working in the same occupation, and
secondly, to enable those in these great industries to mix together internationally
for the discussion of their common problems and to assist in raising the condi-
tions in the new areas of industrialization. I am glad to say that this proposal
was adopted by the Conference, and that the Office was instructed by the Gov-
erning Body to set up an Industrial Relations Department, among the duties of
which will be the formulation of proposals for setting up such committees. That
is my report of some of the things which took place at Philadelphia, a truly his-
toric Conference. I want to express to the House my thanks for having been
given the privilege and also to express the hope that the work that *was done
will lead, as we believe it will, if it is honestly carried out, to the promotion of
the well-being of the peoples of the world.
[House of Commons Debates]

President of the Board of Trade
House of Commons, July 25, 1944

I am glad to have the opportunity today of making a statement for the in-
formation of the Committee, and with a view to the expression of opinion in the
Committee on Government policy with regard to disposal of surplus Government
stores. I begin by recalling. to the memory of the Committee the Answer which

The Disposal of Surplus Government Property

I gave on 2nd November last to a Question by my hon. Friend the Member for
Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies). I said:
"There must be, after the war, an orderly disposal of surplus goods, which,
on the one hand, will not allow profiteering at the expense of the consumer, and
on the other hand, will pay due regard to the interests of producers and distributors.
The Government have decided that disposal shall be carried out, in each particu-
lar case, through the agency of the Department mainly concerned with the supply
of the goods during the war. Before working out the plans for disposal, the
Board of Trade, together with other responsible Departments, will consult with
representatives of the producers and distributors concerned."-(Oficial Report,
2nd November, 1943; Vol. 393, Col. 502.)

The Mistakes of the Past
Last week, following a considerable amount of work which has been done
on this question, I presented a White Paper to the House entitled Government
Surplus Stores. Plans for Disposal.* I should like to say something about that
Paper and to add something, beyond what is contained in it, on the subject of
Government factories. In dealing with all these postwar problems we should
look to see what was done at the end of the last war, examine the mistakes which
were then made, if mistakes were made, and then consider how we can improve
this time on that performance. That, I suggest, is the right approach to all these
problems in which we have precedents in the last postwar arrangements. With
regard to disposal, I do not think it will be claimed that the performance of the
Government at that time was one of the most striking Government triumphs of
that period. I propose to indicate, in order to lead up to what is proposed to
be done now, what mistakes, looking back on those days, were made and what
we should seek this time to avoid.
In the first place, there was no effective control at the end of the last war
over the prices at which dealers were allowed to sell surplus stocks, nor over the
margins of profit which could be charged. There was nothing'to prevent the
most grave profiteering, and cases occurred in which dealers acquired valuable
property for knockdown prices and resold them at very large profits. Sometimes
very large profits were made by people who never physically handled the goods
at all. There were some very wicked cases of profiteering. That was one mis-
take. The second mistake was that there was no check imposed at the end of
the last war on the number of intermediaries who might intervene and deal with
the goods in their passage from the hands of the Government to the final con-
sumer or user. In the third place, the Government were willing to sell to any
person, whether or not a regular trader in the goods concerned, and in many cases
speculators muscled in and secured large and quick profits which served no public
interest whatever. In the fourth place, little or no regard was paid last time
to the interests of producers, with the result that in many cases the market was
flooded with goods, prices were depressed, and immediate advantage seemed some-
times to accrue to consumers, but only at the cost of seriously disturbing and
checking production and causing serious unemployment in many of the industries
Conditions Better Now
Those are the mistakes that were committed at that time, and the plans I
am submitting for the consideration of the Committee today are designed to avoid,
and I hope will succeed, in avoiding them on this occasion. At the end of the
last war the conditions were different in important respects from what they
*Cmd. 6539.

British Speeches of the Day

will be at the end of this war. There was at the end of the last war little or no
machinery for an effective price control or control over margins, and the Govern-
ment, therefore, at that time had not any effective system to prevent profiteering.
I must warn the Committee that, if we did not possess today the powers which
we do possess for price control, we should be in exactly the same position and
equally at the mercy of the profiteer. Fortunately, however, we now have, and
we have been using, powers strong enough to prevent that. In the second place,
at the end of the last war the relations between the Government, on the one hand,
and trade and industry on the other, were much less close than they are today.
There was much less intercourse and co-operation during the last war between
Government Departments and representatives of trade and industry. That again
makes it easier on this occasion to comb to mutually satisfactory arrangements. In
the third place, at the end of the last war there was a reckless drive for the
removal of all controls at the earliest possible moment, regardless of consequences.
Decontrol for its own sake was widely believed in at that time, and the con-
sequences in some of the fields of which I am speaking were very bad indeed.
Furthermore, at the end of the last war, the Government of that day' had not
accepted official responsibility for the maintenance of the highest possible level
of employment.
Today, the background is different and is much more favorable for a rational
handling of this problem in harmony with the public interest. We have wide-
spread powers of control over prices and price margins, particularly for consumer
goods. Further, there has been growing up a habit of regular consultations be-
tween the Government and trade and industry, as a result of which there is a
much better mutual understanding on both sides of the point of view of the
other. Finally, in the White Paper on employment policy it has been made
abundantly cear that, in the view of the Government, many controls must con-
tinue during the transition period, whatever may happen beyond. Further than
that, the Government have accepted officially in the White Paper responsibility
for the maintenance of employment. Against this background, this more hope-
ful and constructive background, we have been working out these proposals.
I should like to pay a tribute to my right hon. and gallant Friend the Parliamentary
Secretary to the Board of Trade, who has done a great deal of work on this
White,Paper on disposals, and has taken part in many consultations. He de-
serves a large share of the credit, which I hope the Committee will give, for the
policy indicated in the White Paper, and I am very much indebted to my right
hon. and gallant Friend in this connection, as in many others.

Raw Materials
The White Paper deals briefly with the disposal of raw materials. For the
most part, it deals with the disposal of manufactured civilian goods. In a phrase
which has caught the eye of the Press, the manufactured goods which will have
to be dealt with consist of a great variety of articles ranging from typewriters
to trucks and from raincoats to road rollers. Where the Government already
have machinery of their own in existence for buying and selling-and there is,
of course, a great deal of Government buying and selling in the field of raw
materials-the problem of disposal will be much simplified for any surplus which
may be thrown up at the end of the war or, indeed, at the end of the European
war. With regard to the materials which are traded in already by the Govern-
ment through one of the controls, they will be disposed of in the ordinary way
through the operation of the control, whether by sales or by allocation as now.
I must warn the Committee that, when hostilities come to an end, there will
in some cases be very large stocks of certain raw materials, so far as we can fore-

The Disposal of Surplus Government Property

see, and special plans will have to be made, on the lines I have indicated, to
prevent any serious disturbance of markets or production plans or employment
resulting from the existence of those very large stocks. We must be careful where
those stocks go to; we must see that they are used to the general advantage, but
not poured forth recklessly in such a way as to upset our production and employ-
ment arrangements. Many Government Departments will require quantities of
these supplies and many local authorities will wish to secure some of them-I am
speaking now particularly of manufactured goods, and to some extent also of raw
materials-and we shall make sure that their requirements'will be properly met
before any of these supplies are declared surplus and available for the general
public. It would be a very uneconomical arrangement first to declare these stocks
surplus and sell them off, and for Government Departments or local authorities
to have to purchase them subsequently.

Contribution to European Relief
It is impossible to discuss this problem of surpluses without having in mind
the future state of liberated Europe after these Huns have done their worst
upon those innocent territories, and there will be great scope for us to make a
constructive and human and helpful contribution to the restoration of Europe
through the proper use of these surplus goods. We must not, of course, simply
think of unloading upon Europe what we do not want ourselves, because that
would be a wrong approach to any consultation with the various Allied Govern-
ments concerned and with the authorities of U.N.R.R.A. as to how we can best
meet their urgent requirements out of our supplies. That question will be gone
into with those concerned as we'go along. We have to balance our own needs at
home, which will be very considerable, with the need of our Allies, who have suf-
fered so much in the course of the war, to obtain relief at the earliest possible
moment. The relief of liberated territories will be one of the main destinations
of many of these surplus supplies.
In Paragraph 9 of the White Paper it is explained, and I am sure the Com-
mittee will understand, that we cannot at this stage give with any degree of exacti-
tude any useful estimates of the quantities of goods and materials which will be
available at the end of hostilities. We have made certain provisional estimates,
but they are very provisional, too provisional to be worth publishing at the present
time, because the supplies available will go up and down in accordance with the
developments of the war, the requirements of the Armnies in the field, and the
rapidity of the liberation of occupied territories; but a close statistical study is
being made, and the estimates are revised from time to time, and when the war
comes to an end everything will be properly tabulated. . .Many estimates have
already been made, but, as I am sure the Committee will appreciate, the quantities
may vary from time to time. We cannot tell in advance what will be added to
or subtracted from the totals already tabulated. It may be that more surpluses
will pile up or that they may disappear if there is a necessity to use them for the
purposes of the war; but we are going on with the work, and the Committee may
be reassured that when the moment comes we shall be ready with exact estimates.

Release Must Be Gradual
In Paragraph 10, I would ask the Committee to note, three important ques-
tions are dealt with: First, the question of the right rate of release of these
supplies so that they shall not be released either too fast or too slowly; in the
second place, the right method of distribution to the public; and in the third place,
the adequate control of prices and profits. With regard to the first question, we
have to balance, and balance carefully, the interests of consumers and producers.


British Speeches of the Day

On the one hand we must not flood the market, whatever the temporary advan-
tages to consumers, because that would be a great mistake in the long run from
the point of view of securing stability in prices and production and employment.
On the other hand we must not scrap, throw away or otherwise fail to make use
of valuable materials which are national assets, which have been manufactured by
the labor of our own people, and which would be of value to us or our Allies
or to other people at the end of the war.
Having warned consumers that they must not expect unhealthily cheap prices
from a flooding of the market, I must warn producers .that they must not expect
us to create any scheme for the scrapping or destruction of valuable goods, al-
though at first sight that might appear to be to the producers' advantage. Although
we must make our plans carefully, there will be no very serious problem, I think,
in regard to most consumer goods, because there will be very great shortages in
this country and Allied countries and other parts of the world, and I feel that
most of the surpluses available will be absorbed fairly readily without there being
any danger to the stability of our price structure or to'employment. Where sur-
pluses are very large, we must link the rate of release of those surpluses with
production plans for the future, and we shall discuss that point with the various
industries concerned. It may be necessary in some cases to slow down the rate of
release so that it becomes a question of years rather than of months before the
total quantity is released to the public. Here, again, we must remember that last
time the Disposals Board acted very precipitately. They got rid of everything as
fast as they could, and that had some very disadvantageous results. It would be
better to take longer in order to retain stability in production and employment.
When I said that we should relate our home requirements to those of our
Allies, I was suggesting to the Committee that in some cases we should need to
spread the release of goods, of which there were large surpluses, over a term
of years rather than a term of months in order to maintain stability. On the other
hand, the Committee will agree that we must atoid the opposite danger of having
large stocks overhanging the market for a considerable time, because that might
have an equally depressing effect upon future production and employment. There-
fore, subject to the various considerations I have indicated, our aim must be to
get these goods on to the market as soon as possible, and to get them out par-
ticularly while there is a great shortage which can be relieved by their distribution.

Distribution Through Existing Channels
Passing to the second point mentioned in paragraph 10-the method of dis-
tribution-it is not our intention, save in cases where it may really be necessary,
as it will be in some cases, to set up any special ad hoc machinery for the distribu-
tion of these goods. We want to distribute them as far as possible through the
normal trade channels. Reverting to the experience of the last war, we want to
prevent these goods from getting into the hands of jobbers and speculating traders
not normally engaged in dealing in such goods. As far as we can, we want those
who have traded in these goods in the past to be able to continue to do so and
for outsiders not to be allowed to come in. We want to interpose as few people
as possible between the Government and the final consumers of the goods.

Control Over Inflation
In the third place we must keep a firm control-and I hope the Committee
will give me support in this-over prices and profit margins. There will be a
great danger of inflation during the transition period-a far greater danger of that
than of mass unemployment. Later on the relative importance of these dangers
may change, but in the immediate transition period inflation will be much the

* 28

The Disposal of Surplus Government Property

greatest danger we shall have to face, and therefore it is essential to keep a firm
grip, as we can under the existing statutory powers, upon prices and profit
margins. ..
We must continue to have a firm control over prices and profit margins. If
we do not, we shall get inflation, and I do not think the Committee . would
want to see that. At the same time, when goods are in very short supply, these
surpluses will not be thrown open to what I may call an auction sale. Prices will
be fixed and regulated, and there will be an equitable distribution of the goods
subject to price control. It will be our purpose to keep the gap between the price
received by the Government for the goods and the price paid by the ultimate
consumer as narrow as possible, subject to the requirements of an efficient dis-
tributing system.

Consultative and Administrative Machinery
Now may I direct attention for a few moments to paragraphs 11, 12 and 13
of the White Paper, in which we describe the next steps in connection with this
scheme. Consultations will take place-in a number of cases consultations have
already begun-or will be continued with the representatives of the various in-
dustries and trades concerned as to the best method of disposing of the articles
in which they are interested. In addition to discussions which have been taking
place, and will continue to take place, with particular sections of industry and
trade, we have also had certain discussions with national bodies, and we shall
continue to keep in touch with them. The Federation of British Industries and
the General Council of the Trades Union Congress have both expressed approval
of the general principles on which the Government propose to proceed. I am
encouraged-I hope no hon. Member of this Committee will think I should be
discouraged-by the knowledge that the national bodies representing both sides
of industry think that this Government is planning better than the Government
of 1919.
In paragraphs 17 and 18 of the White Paper there is some indication regard-
ing the administrative machinery that we propose to set up. In the light of the
experience of last time, which was not a very fortunate experience, we have re-
jected the idea of having one single Disposals Board. We are going to require
each Department of the Government to play its part in this scheme, and for each
class of goods we shall make one Department-I will explain in a moment which
Department-and one only, responsible for collecting, tabulating and cataloguing
the goods in the Government's hands. The Department chosen to do this, will be
the Department which has had most to do with the buying of those goods during
the war. Generally speaking, it will be the Ministry of Supply, but there will be
some cases, as I have indicated, where other Departments will perform this function.
For certain classes of goods the Ministry of Works or of Aircraft Production, or
the Admiralty, or that great public enterprise the Post Office, will be the Depart-
ment designated for this work.
On the other hand there are other functions to be performed ir regard to
disposal. There is the question of negotiating with trade and industry about the
rate of release, the manner of distribution, the fixing of prices and profit margin.
These are matters in which the Board of Trade has had the chief experience
during the war, and, generally, the Board of Trade will be charged with this duty
in regard to most classes of goods for disposal. But here, again, there will be
exceptions as indicated in the White Paper. There are some cases where Depart-
ments, other than the Board of Trade, with special experience, will deal with
particular classes of goods. Internal combustion engines, for example, will be
dealt with by the Ministry of Supply, builders' materials by the Ministry of Works,

British Speeches of the Day

and navigational instruments by the Admiralty. That, again, I think, is common
sense, but there will be two separate functions, the function of collecting, tabulat-
ing and cataloguing the goods and the function of arranging for release, distri-
bution, and price control. We have an inter-departmental machinery which is
working smoothly as between the Departments concerned, and this will be found,
I think, the most effective way of handling the problem.
May I say one further word about stores and stock which will be found abroad.
So far, I have spoken of the need for a regulated and orderly disposal of the
United Kingdom Government stocks in this country, but, of course, if we limit
ourselves to that, we may have some unfortunate reflexes through the possibility
of unregulated and disorderly disposal of stocks owned by other Governments, or
of our own stocks and stores held abroad. That is a danger against which we
must guard, otherwise all those troubles, the flooding of the market and so on,
which I have been speaking about, may be brought about by the precipitate and
disorderly release of supplies held abroad either by other Governments or by
ourselves. We are in consultation with other Governments, including the Govern-
ments of the Dominions, on the subject and we shall try to get their action con-
certed with ours. We have no reason to doubt that they will follow the same line
and have the same general view of the subject as we have.

Government Factories
I would like, at this stage, to pass to another matter not dealt with in the White
Paper, namely, the question of Government factories. Here again, I would preface
my remarks by returning to the answer I gave to the hon. Member for Westhough-
, ton on this subject on the 2nd November 1943. I then said:
"The Government have further decided that the Board of Trade, through its
Factory and Storage Control, shall co-ordinate the disposal of all surplus Govern-
ment factories. With a view to decisions being taken as to the best use to which
these can be put in the national interest, the Control will compile lists of factories
and of applicants for them. The Government recognize the importance of reach-
ing such decisions before the end of the war in as many cases as possible, but
much must depend on the course of events, including future programs of war
And I added:
"Special attention will be paid to the release of factories urgently needed for
peacetime production, and to the possibility of converting into trading estates
some of the premises no longer'required for Government work."-(Offcial Report,
2nd November, 1943; Vol. 393, Col. 502.)
Since then, we have been studying the matter closely within the framework
of that declaration and the Government have recently been considering, in par-
ticular, two questions of principle regarding Government factories. The first is:
are these to be disposed of to the highest bidder or, in the alternative, should
they be allocated by the Government according to broader social and economic
criteria? The second is: should these factories normally be sold or should they
normally be leased to the particular applicants? . The Government have de-
cided that competitive bidding would not give the best results. An auction sale
here would not be more serviceable to the public interest than with other goods
in short supply. During the next few years there will undoubtedly be a shortage
of good, modern factory premises and, unless suitable control is exercised, com-
petition might cause artificially high prices and result in factory space being used
for less essential production. We should regard the control and location of Gov-
ernment factories as being one aspect of the general policy, laid down in the

The Disposal of Surplus Government Property 31

White Paper on'employment, of meeting our more urgent home and export de-
mands in front of less urgent and less essential requirements.
Therefore, in the location of factories, the Government will take account of
the following considerations. First, the establishmerit of a balanced distribution
of industry in the particular area where the factory is situated, and of the con-
tribution which the factory can make to local employment in the area. Secondly,
the need to expand our export trade. Thirdly, the need to maintain a suitable
war potential in the years of peace. Fourthly, to the requirements of town and
country planning, and fifthly, to the ability,of the various applicants for factory
premises to make efficient use of such premises with the minimum of reconstruc-
tion. We do not want to have a factory pulled inside out if, in fact, someone
can get on with useful work in that factory with less reconstruction. Therefore,
it is the intention of the Government to have the allocation of factories after the
war settled in accordance with those criteria, which I have indicated, and not in
accordance with competitive bidding by the various applicants. .
We are going to take account of the contribution which can be made by any
factory in the hands of a particular person to a balanced distribution of industry,
to local employment, to the expansion of the export trades, and so on. Obviously,
we should assess the ability of the applicant in the light of these considerations.
My right hon. Friend asked whether existing users would be encouraged to go on.
There will be some cases in which it will be useful that they shall, but in others
not. In the procedure laid down existing users will be among those who can
apply to continue to use the factories, and they will be considered along with
other applicants, and the Government will reach a decision on the lines I have
indicated as to who can make the best use of the premises. .
I was saying that on the first question for consideration-what purposes these
factories should be used for and who should use them-that we have rejected the
principle of competitive bidding and that the Government will consider in each par-
ticular case what is the best use to which the factory can be put as between the
various applicants. I said this, also, in reply to a supplementary question on the
2nd November, 1943, that the Government may, in some cases, continue to hold
and use the factories. But I was going on to say that on the second point, as
between the leasing and selling of factories, the Government have decided that
we should not lay down any hard and fast rule to cover all cases, but that the
normal procedure for the disposal of factories should be one of leasing and not
of selling. Although there may be cases where outright sale, in appropriate in-
stances, would be preferable, the normal procedure will be leasing for a suitable
term rather than selling.
There are a number of reasons why this procedure is to be preferred. In the
first place, it will take some time for the prices of factories to settle down to any-
thing approaching a stable level. Further, many firms, including small firms, will
prefer not to lock up their resources in the purchase of factories or to borrow
from the banks in order to purchase. They will prefer-and indeed this is already
our experience with many firms-and will be more interested in a lease for a
suitable firm rather than in outright purchase. Finally, and I commend this reason
*to hon. Members on the Benches opposite, there is much to be said for leaving
over for further consideration, perhaps in a new Parliament, the final disposal of
this group of public assets. .
Therefore, the Government's decision that the normal procedure should be
leasing rather than selling is supported by several arguments which will commend
themselves, I hope, some to one section of the Committee and some to another.
This total argumentative weight is very great.

British Speeches of the Day

I hope that I have succeeded in making clear to the Comrnittee the general
lines on which the Government propose to proceed in regard to the disposal of
stores, and factories. I shall be grateful to the Committee for any suggestions that
can be made in the Debate, as to how these principles can most effectively be
carried out so as to avoid, in the light of our very unfortunate experience at the
end of the last war, any repetition on this occasion.
[House of Commons Debates]

Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies
House of Lords, August 1, 1944

I should like to start by paying a tribute to the most admirable reports pro-
duced by the West African Commission of the Leverhulme Trust. . Those
reports have been of great value, both to the Colonial Office and to the Govern-
ment concerned, and I can assure the noble Lord that the work of the Commission
will bear fruit. Unfortunately the reports were made immediately before the war,
and since then there have been great difficulties in the way of getting ahead. The
noble Lord dealt very largely with Nigeria, and I propose in my reply to deal
largely, but not exclusively, with that Colony. It is a great country, with 22,000,000
inhabitants, and we in the Colonial Office recognize fully that, in spite of all that
has been done in the last fifty years-and a great deal has been done-very much
remains to be done.

Problems of Communication
During the last five years we should like to have done very much more than
has been possible but, as your Lordships know, all Colonial Governments in these
war years have been terribly overtaxed and overstrained by the immediate demands
of the war effort. My noble friend Lord Swinton has had to go to a meeting at
the Colonial Office and I can therefore pay a tribute perhaps rather more freely
than if he were sitting here, to the tremendous work he has done in organizing
West Africa for the war effort. It has had really gigantic consequences, and has
been most admirably performed. Practically all Colonial Governments are under-
staffed. Too many men were allowed to leave in the.early days of the war, and
since then there has been natural wastage. Those whom the war has left are
overworked and short of leave, and this applies especially to the Agriculture and
Veterinary Departments, with which the noble Lord dealt this afternoon. He gave,
quite rightly, a very high place to the question of roads and communications and
to' roadmaking and he asked me a specific question on that point. The main road
system of Nigeria consists of two north-to-south roads and four east-to-west roads.
Not all the links in this system have yet been constructed, and the existing stretches
vary in quality.
It is a regrettable fact that not only construction, but even maintenance work,
has had to be postponed during the war, as the Public Works Department has
been so fully occupied with work for the Services. That acute demand has been
dying down to some extent, but there was a moment when a great part of the
war effort in the East had to pass through West Africa, and the Public Works
Department were fully occupied with work of immediate necessity for the Services,
both for the general building of accommodation for troops and the construction

Progress in West Africa

of aerodromes. I can assure your Lordships that that Department, understaffed
and overstrained as it was, has really done a magnificent job for the Army and
Navy. But there is much leeway to be made up after the war, and the rate of
progress will depend on the supply of staff and materials during the next few years.
Meanwhile further construction work on the Sokoto-Maiduguri section of one
of the east-to-west roads is being undertaken this year. At the same time plans
are being made for the building of new roads linking the Cameroons with the
main road system of Nigeria so that the development of that extremely fertile but
backward area-may proceed. A road providing an outlet to the sea from the Cen-
tral Cameroons- is already being constructed, with assistance from the Colonial
Development and Welfare Fund, and an application is being prepared for two
more roads, one to provide an alternative outlet and another to link the Cameroons
road system with the main road system from the Eastern Provinces and to link
up the Cameroons for internal trade. As I am touching on the Cameroons this
may perhaps be'an appropriate moment to reply to what the noble Lord said about
the future of that territory. What I have said may to some extent reassure the
Snoble Lord. I am not in a position to say this afternoon what is to be the ultimate
future of Mandated Territories, but your Lordships will be familiar with the
Prime Minister's utterances on the future of the British Empire, and I can assure
your Lordships that the Cameroons will not be administered half-heartedly as if
anticipating that some day they will be returned to the Germans. I cannot speak
for future Governments, but it seems to me utterly unimaginable that any future
Government, of whatever complexion, would entrust to the slaughterers and
butchers of Europe the responsibility for the well-being of anyone in the world.

Planning Machinery
The question of roads and road construction is very closely bound up with
that of general planning, and your Lordships will be interested to hear of the
planning machinery which the Nigerian Government has set up. In the first place
it has established an Advisory Committee on Economic Development and Social
Welfare, including the three Chief Commissioners, to represent the Northern,
Western, and Eastern Provinces, the heads of the Technical Departments, and
unofficial representatives, both African and European. This Committee isof its
nature only a surveying body. Under it the Government have in the first place
established working sub-committees and, in the second, a new section of the Secre-
tariat specifically and exclusively charged with the co-ordination of planning activ-
ities of all the Departments. ..
Two sub-committees have been set up-one on rural land planning and de-
velopment, and one on the economic development of the livestock industry. The
noble Lord will be glad to know that definite planning is going ahead to bring
about improvements. The sub-committee on rural land planning and develop-
ment, consisting of the Director of Agriculture, the Chief Conservator of Forests,
and the Director of Veterinary Services, with the Adviser on Rural Development
as secretary, will be concerned with land utilization, land settlement, the general
policy for improved agricultural practice, irrigation, an'd finally with the immensely
important problem, to which the noble Lord paid some attention, of soil erosion.
This concerns ,obviously not only the Agriculture and Veterinary Departments
but also the Forestry Department, the Sleeping Sickness Service, and the Admini-
stration as a whole.

Erosion, Tsetse Fly and Other Problems
I can assure the noble Lord and your Lordships' House that both we in the
Colonial Office and the Colonial Governments are fully alive to the desperate

British Speeches of the Day

seriousness of this.problem of erosion. It is almost impossible to exaggerate it.
In quite recent times man-made deserts had made their appearances in many parts
of the world, and until quite recently it seemed that man failed to learn the
lessons of the past. I remember being immensely impressed during the campaign
in the Western Desert in the last war by seeing where the whole desert had been
studded with houses and there was a howling wilderness capable of supporting noth-
ing but goats. In Australia the same thing has happened, large wheat-growing areas
having been transformed into a howling desert. The lesson is being learnt in
America where the "Dust Bowl" and other examples haye driven the lesson home.'
It is fully realized that just as the Pax Romana, with its demand on African-grown
foodstuffs, its large-scale Colonial development schemes, and the growth of popu-
lation in Colonial territories which accompanied them, made its deserts, so the
Pax Britannica has already made others, and we must see to it that it makes no
more. I agree with everything that fell from the noble Lord on that question.
The work of the sub-committee on the economic development of the livestock
industry, consisting of the Directors of Agriculture and Veterinary Services, is
based on the principle that it is useless to maintain intensive measures of disease
control and to provide extensive water supplies if the more rapid increase and
improvement in herds which result are not to be made use of economically. The
sub-committee will not be only making plans on paper, but considering schemes
which are already in existence, and it will be concerned with the prevention of
overstocking, the provision of greatly increased quantities of meat and dairy
produce for the improvement of the native diet, and the development of the
valuable export trade in hides and skins which is already well established. We
envisage a long-term policy for the improvement of livestock, including selective
breeding, the improvement of pastures and of housing for livestock, and the im-
provement of marketing arrangements, including fattening and transport, which
in some areas is at present very inadequate. The noble Lord referred to transport,
and he will accept my assurance, I hope, that that matter is receiving special
The noble Lord also dealt with the question of tsetse fly and of the clearing
of tsetse fly from the main cattle routes coming from the Northern Provinces. I
can assure him that much attention has been paid by the Nigerian Government to
that question. It was discussed in 1940 by the Residents' Conference of the North-
ern Provinces and also at the Chiefs' Conference. It was resolved that the clear-
ing of fly from the entire length of all routes was impracticable at present,
but that much advantage would accrue from clearing the bush for a distance of
one hundred yards both above and below places where cattle routes crossed rivers
or streams. In addition, it was resolved that well-defined stock routes should be
established where these did not exist, passing as far as may be through country
which is free from tsetse. It was further recommended that by-passes at towns
be provided, that wells be dug along routes which are at present waterless, and
that resting places should be established where cattle could graze and where fodder
could be provided. The Government have endorsed these proposals in principle,
but owing to the lack of staff either for the initial survey of routes or for the
supervision of clearing, work which involves very large-scale operations cannot be
embarked upon during the war, though in some areas native authorities have been
able to carry out clearing work at river and stream crossings.

Developing Trade in Meat
The noble Lord also touched on the question of refrigerated vans. I can report
moderate progress only, but some valuable pioneer work has been carried out by
the Nigerian Railways and the Veterinary Department in co-operation. The rail-

Progress in West Africa

ways have designed and constructed three special cold-store wagons which they
themselves provide with ice and which are much cheaper than refrigerating vans.
Working with these the Veterinary Department have been able during the war
to develop a trade-necessarily not a very large trade-in butter and cheese from
the North for consumption in the South, and small quantities of beef and pork
are also carried. That is a beginning. The development of a large-scale refrigerated
meat industry in Nigeria is a much more complicated business which requires very
careful consideration before capital-and to be any good it would have to be con-
siderable capital-is sunk in it. At present the available market in Nigeria itself,
with a small export trade to the Gold Coast, is not sufficient to carry the capital
costs which would be required to establish the industry. The solution seems to
be-I am sure the noble Lord would agree with this-a greatly increased con-
sumption of meat by the inhabitants of the southern part of Nigeria, which would
in itself be of immense nutritional advantage.
There are signs of an increasing demand for meat, and I have little doubt that
this increase will continue when the African soldiers are demobilized. Here again
I can give your Lordships the definite assurance that the Nigerian Government
are fully alive to the importance of developing the trade in meat. Plans have
been drawn up and are now under consideration by the Government for the
establishment of a large abattoir in the Northern Provinces' and for a dehydration
and cold-storage plant. As the noble Lord, the Resident Minister, indicated in
an aside, there is already a small production of biltong which has already taken
place at Kano.
Then the noble Lord referred to cattle disease and the history of abating it.
There, again, I can report very considerable progress. In recent years a very great
deal of attention has been given to the immunization of livestock by the Veterinary
Department. Every year large numbers of cattle are brought to the veterinary
camps for rinderpest immunization, and the security afforded by the immunity
which vaccination gives is encouraging cattle owners to build up improved herds.
I do not want to weary your Lordships with a great number of figures but in the
year 1941 over 430,000 cattle were vaccinated against rinderpest by the sero-virus
method, while another 180,000 were temporarily immunized. In addition, 290,000
cattle were vaccinated against pleural pneumonia, 560,000 against blackwater, and
nearly 100,000 against other diseases. In all, during the period 1931-1941, which
is the last ten-year period available, a grand total of just on 14,000,000 immuniza-
tions and vaccinations were given against the various diseases to which bovines
are subject.
The noble Lord also dealt with the development of peat and the possibility
of abstracting petrol from it. In the time available I have not been able to find
any trace in the Office of an application for a grant to experiment on this process.
I am grateful to the noble Lord for having raised the question and I shall look
into it very carefully. As the noble Lord is aware experiments have been made in
various parts of the world and they have not proved very encouraging, but I can
assure him that the matter will be gone into. I can only say as regards the sug-
gestion that there have been some improper transactions, that if he will give
chapter and verse I shall be only too grateful and I will look into it with the
utmost care.

Training and Research
To return to the work of the Agricultural Department, my right honourable
friend's Agricultural Adviser has returned from his recent visit to Nigeria with
very encouraging reports of the Department's agricultural plans. The Depart-
ment has done admirable work in the past in the improvement of Nigerian agri-

British Speeches of the Day

culture and has played a very important part in the food production drive during
the war. But I should like to say something of its plans for post-war develop-
ment. They involve very considerable expenditure both capital and recurrent. The
plans provide for the extension of the Agricultural Department to provide adequate
agricultural services for the,whole territory. This will involve a considerable
increase in the European staff and a very much larger increase in the trained
African staff.
In order to provide adequate numbers of trained African staff, greatly in-
creased facilities for training will be required, and the Commission on Higher
Education which has recently visited West Africa will no doubt be putting for-
ward recommendations as to the form which these training facilities should take.
Up to the end of 1942 the Department had already trained 23 African Assistant
Agricultural Officers up to a standard approximating to that of the diploma of
the Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture, 157 African agricultural assistants,
and a number of junior assistants or demonstrators to work under the native
administrations. The Director's development program calls for a much larger
total staff of African assistant agricultural officers and agricultural assistants. In
addition to the training of staff the Department is planning the establishment of
farm schools with settlement schemes for the pupils on completion of their train-
ing. Two such schools are already in operation.
The plan also provides for the expansion of agricultural research, the appoint-
ment of additional research officers and in particular the extension of the palm
oil research station at Benin which has made such an admirable start with a very
inadequate staff. The plan also provides for the inauguration of a stock farm in
the Eastern Provinces for solving the problems of animal husbandry and the im-
provement of native crops. The noble Lord, Lord Rennell, referred to the im-
portance of getting food crops off the land. That question is being gone into.
These research problems to which I have referred will form part of the plans for
the establishment of research facilities for West Africa as a whole, which the West
African Government will be considering in consultation with the Development
Adviser for West Africa. As regards the palm oil research station I think that
the extreme importance to the economy of Nigeria and especially of Eastern Nigeria
of improving the efficiency of the palm oil industry is generally recognized. The
noble Viscount, Lord Trenchard, dealt with that question and mentioned that the
industry is threatened. I can'assure him that that is very fully realized. This, of
course, will involve not only technical research but an examination of the whole
economic structure of the industry. As the noble Viscount knows very well, it is
a very curious and complicated industry. The plan provides for the further de-
velopment of the marketing section of the Department set up earlier in the war
and for the expansion of the produce inspection service to cover all the principal
exports. At present the exports covered are palm kernels, palm oil, groundnuts,
cotton and cocoa.

Helping the African Farmer
Provision is also made in the plan for the speeding up of the extension of
mixed farming by increasing the funds available for loans to farmers. Hitherto,
some 2,200 mixed farms have been established and the experience so far gained
suggests that an expansion at an increased rate will be fully justified. The plan
also envisages the provision of funds to enable farmers to purchase machinery for
handling and preparing agricultural produce. Much good land in the neighbor-
hood of rivers could be brought under cultivation by means of irrigation and
drainage schemes. A brief survey of the possibilities has recently been made by
the irrigation and drainage engineer of Sierra Leone, and it suggests that without

Progress in West Africa

considering schemes of an ambitious' nature a great deal could be achieved in this
direction at comparatively small cost. Nigeria cannot afford to neglect these great
and untouched resources and it is to be hoped that it will be possible to make a
start with this work as soon as trained staff becomes available.
The noble Lord, Lord Winster, laid great stress, and rightly, on the importance
of co-operative working and marketing. That is under active consideration by
my right honourable friend in consultation with West African Governments and
the Resident Minister. I rather think he is discussing it with the Resident Minister
at this moment. I cannot carry that very much further today. We do realize the
importance of the co-operative movement in West Africa and its great possibilities
as a means not only of raising the standard of life but the standard of education
and rendering the people there more fitted for self-government. I endorse every
word the noble Lord said on that subject. We are very 'fully alive to the im-
portance of co-operative marketing and a new Co-operative Department has just
been set up in the Gold Coast. I quite agreed with every word the noble Lord said
and I am glad he stressed it as he did. The Department of Agriculture is also
responsible for fisheries work and the Senior Agricultural Officer has been engaged
for some two years on a survey of the marine and inland fisheries in Southern
Nigeria. Fishery development is very important both from the economic and from
the nutritional point of view and the necessity for developing a fishery service is
now generally admitted.
Then the noble Lord also raised the question of acquiring for the West African
Colonies some of the surplus Army stocks of transport vehicles which should be
available in great numbers after the war. I am glad he raised that point and he
probably noticed that my noble friend, the Resident Minister, nodded his head
vigorously when it was mentioned. This matter is under active consideration at
the moment. It is certainly desirable that Colonial Governments should have a
chance of securing the use of the surplus vehicles and the Resident Minister and
the West African Governments have already been giving consideration to the
types of equipment which it is desirable they should obtain in this way. The
Colonial Office is maintaining close touch with the Government Departments which
will be responsible for the disposal of surplus vehicles and other equipment. I
can assure the noble Lord that it is being very carefully looked into.

Development of Regions
The noble Viscount, Lord Trenchard, dealt with the grouping of colonies and
the formation of larger groups. I am not in a position to give anything like a
definite answer this afternoon, but I can assure him that our minds are working
along those lines. The mere fact of the appointment of a Resident Minister to
deal with all West African Colonies, the fact of the establishment of the Governors
Conference in East Africa and the appointment of a Development Officer and a
Joint Planning Officer for West Africa as a whole shows that we are certainly not
tending towards a breakup but that the tendency is all the other way. Further than
that I cannot go at the moment. *
Then the noble Viscount spoke about an Advisory Committee to assist my
right honourable friend. A great many Committees-perhaps my noble friend
thinks too many-advise him already. Here again I have had no opportunity of
consulting my right honourable friend, but for myself I believe it is better that
he should be advised by Committees with various functions than by an Advisory
Committee. An Advisory Committee dealing with the Colonies in general would
find itself lost in that colossal task. There are committees on animal husbandry,
on medicine, on fisheries and on a very large number of other subjects, and there
is the quite recently appointed Economic Advisory Committee which is a very

British Speeches of the Day

high-powered Committee composed of men of great eminence and experience. Of
course, economics covers almost every field. I do not think it would be profitable
to have an Advisory Committee. ...
I believe the breaking down of the problems which the Office has to consider
is better than setting up a committee to advise over the whole field. Then the
noble Viscount spoke about a staff college. Again, to my great regret, I cannot
give a definite reply. A Committee' has been going very carefully into the whole
question of the future training and recruitment of staff. The Committee has not
yet reported but my right honourable friend will beguided to a very large extent
by the findings of the Committee. The report is, I think, almost complete, but
until it is in my right honourable friend's hands, and he has pronounced upon it,
I cannot give a complete answer. I can say, however, that plans for proper train-
ing on an adequate scale after the war are under very careful consideration and
are being actively examined. The noble Viscount will fully realize that we have a
great problem to face because of the almost desperate shortage of staff in the
Colonial Service. While conditions make it urgently necessary that we should have
a very greatly increased staff as quickly as possible, it is also very important indeed
that we should not by crash recruiting take in people who may not be up to stand-
ard and who may prove a disappointment in years to come. The problem is to get
men in time but not to recruit so hastily that we get people not sufficiently trained
or not up to the very high standard required.

Money to Spend
The noble Viscount referred also to the fact that when we really get going
5,000,000 a year will be a drop in the ocean. My right honourable friend has
said the same thing several times. We are not able to spend that money now owing
to lack of shipping, lack of men and lack of materials, but when shipping, men
and materials become available we shall have to ask for more money. How much
more Parliament will allow I do not know. ..
Until very recently the Secretary of State had no money to spend and Colonies
had to finance themselves out of their own resources. For the first time we have
some money to spend, but that will not be nearly enough when peace returns. My
speech, I am afraid, has been necessarily scrappy. So many questions were asked
and I have tried to answer them all. I can assure the noble Lord that with this new
feature in Colonial administration of having money to spend on development we
are looking with new eyes at Colonial problems and I can assure him that we are
thinking of an era of really great development.
[House of Lords Debates]

Minister Resident in West Africa
Broadcast Address, August 11, 1944

A year ago I had the chance of telling you something about our war effort in
West Africa. I think you would like me to bring that story up to date. Then I
should like to show you how all that war effort is building for the future. My
job has been to organize the war effort in West Africa. But I soon saw that nearly
everything we were doing directly for the war would have enduring advantages
for the African peoples in peace.

Progress in West Africa

A Twofold Task
Our war task has been twofold, strategic and productive. On the production
side we have done our best to make up for the supplies we lost in the Far East-
palm oil, tin, rubber. On the strategic side we have built the chain of airfields,
which were the vital routes to the Middle East, North Africa, India and Russia.
We have improved ports, railways, roads. We have raised and trained a great
African Army, many of them now fighting in Burma. I would like to tell you
what a really grand job they have done. Many of these troops made the long
fighting advance on the Arakan front. An R.A.F. formation which was co-operat-
ing with them said they moved so fast that the Squadron constantly wanted new
maps. They paid them the compliment of asking to wear the West African'badge.
Other West African units served with General Wingate's force. Their Commander
said that once they had learned the tricks of that particularly difficult kind of war-
fare, he put them as high as any in bushcraft and endurance. Then there are the
West African reconnaissance troops. And anti-aircraft artillery, transport units and
Pioneers have been operating extensively.
African hospitals have done excellent work; and in North Africa, too, thousands
of African Pioneers are working. Health has been particularly good and that is
a good test of morale as well as of physical fitness.
During the past year a new West African Force has come into being. The
R.A.F. have recruited some thousands for ground duties in the West African
Air Corps, and they will release British personnel who are badly needed elsewhere.
The Navy continues to recruit Africans for local service.
We still have large construction and maintenance programs in hand. We have
just completed a new railway in record time.
Anti-malarial work has gone ahead. We had to build extensive draining
schemes to protect the airfields. This work has been of great benefit, not only to
air squadrons passing through, but also to the towns round about.

Hitting The Targets
On the production side: Your fat ration at home still depends on our success-
ful production of palm oil, palm kernels and groundnuts. Still more will be wanted
as Europe is liberated. And the African himself is eating a good deal more palm,
oil. This is all to the good. The Ministry of Food was very complimentary about
our production last year, but I think we shall do still better this year. I am
confident that we shall beat our last year's record in palm kernels and exceed the
400,000-ton mark. We talk today in millions, but I wonder if you understand
what this palm kernel business means. The palm kernel sits inside the hard
stone of the palm fruit. And nearly all those stones have to be cracked by hand.
This is largely the work of the women, and the children help. We have competi-
tions running all the year round in the schools. But when you realize that it takes
nearly a million individual kernels to make a ton of palm oil I think you will
agree 400,000 million kernels is a pretty good effort.
Groundnuts are another element in our margarine. Weather counts as much
in Africa as it does at home, and in despite of every effort the farmer can make
the groundnut crop depends on rain. There was a record planting last year, but
shortage of rain disappointed our hopes. Even so I have been assured, as a con-
servative estimate, that the organized campaign increased .the crop by at least 30
per cent. There has been a great planting again this year but the rains came
very late. Results will depend on how long they last.
In rubber we reached our target last year. This year I think we shall get our
target again; but it is harder work for it means going farther afield, because on a

British Speeches of the Day

second tapping of wild rubber trees you only get about 50 per cent of what you get
the first time.
Cocoa has come into its own and we shall harvest the full crop.
Timber is a very good story. We set our target high but we filled our full
program for exports to Great Britain and the United States and for our own
internal consumption; and then we get an S. O. S. and we managed to send a lot
of West African timber to the army in Italy as well. And production is equally
satisfactory this year.
In tin we are well up to our target, and I am glad to say we have been able
to dispense with conscript labor. In manganese, bauxite and iron ore we are
meeting all requirements. We have also stepped up our coal production. Nigeria
is now supplying coal not only to the British Colonies but to all the neighboring
French Colonies and the Belgian Congo.

The African Farmer
And then, in addition to our production for export, we have had to try and
make ourselves as self-supporting as possible in food. That was not easy. We
were concentrating on our export drive, and large numbers of men who would
normally be food producers are in the Army or working on public works. In-
stead of producing food these men have to be fed. But I am glad to say, apart
from salt which we cannot produce in any quantity, we have reduced our imports
of food by more than three-quarters. Take rice, for example; instead of importing
many thousands of tons we are now self-supporting.
Now I would like to show you how so many of our wartime expedients point
the way for peacetime development in West Africa.
In our production campaigns, we have done a great deal to improve the lot
of the farmer. He will always be the backbone of the country. We have given
him firm prices. We have organized seed 'distribution. We have established
collecting stations at the most convenient points. We have encouraged improved
quality and better processes. We have developed alternative crops-like rice and
vegetables. We are encouraging co-operation wherever we go. And in all this
Africans themselves in the Native Administration are playing a great part, and
they are getting increased experience and responsibility all the time.

Local Industries and Social Services
War demands have increased our timber production. Overseas markets have
learned the potentialities of the West African forest and West Africa has learned
their requirements. We must keep these markets after the war. Farseeing plans
are in hand for doing this and for looking after reafforestation. And we have
had to make our own furniture and we are getting quite good at it. We shall
have established sound local industry; but, in the difficult years after the war, we
hope as well to be able to help the housing problem at home by sending furniture,
or partly-made furniture for assembly here.
Import restrictions have stimulated other local industries: spinning and weav-
ing local cotton on the sound lines of co-operative village industries; jams and
fruit juices; bricks and tile; leather goods and pottery. In building camps we
have . [made] use of local materials and this will be very useful in improving
African housing.
To take another example. We had to provide meat for the Army and for
thousands of laborers in all four West African Colonies. Our great cattle country

Progress in West Africa

out there is in Northern Nigeria. The railway was loaded with other traffic; we
could not ship quantities of live cattle. So we started a dried meat factory in
Kano. It is a great success-good quality, and we get a beast into a bag. The
demand is so great that we are setting up other plants.
We have great airfields and camps in Northern Nigeria and they needed water.
We made water-boring experiments: they succeeded and the camps are supplied.
These two wartime expedients, the meat and the water, introduce a new agricul-
tural policy for a large area. In the same way we are trying out a number of
simple fish curing experiments.
But what at first sight may be less apparent is that all the varied training the
Army has done in raising its great forces will be of inestimable benefit after the
war. The Army, and now the Air Force have trained many thousands of Africans
in a great variety of trades. There is the whole apparatus of signals-radio, tele-
graph and so on. Communications in the Colonies are deplorable. After the
war a great number of highly trained men will be available and I hope surplus
equipment as well. The Governments are fully alive to the need and the oppor-
tunity. Then there is motor transport. The Army have trained thousands of
drivers and mechanics. After the war these men will be able to drive the trucks
and the buses, to mah the repair and maintenance depots. Governments have or-
ganized an effective transport control in the war and they will see that men and
material are used to the best advantage after the war.
Then there is the medical side. Base and field hospitals are staffed today
by trained Africans. They will be available after the war for the hospital develop-
ment and village clinics which are needed.

Co-operation Between Territories
Perhaps most important, there is the revolution of the air. Airfields constructed
to meet vital war needs now link all our Colonies, cross those Colonies and join
us with our French and Belgian Allies. Thanks to the R.A.F., Governors, Service
Commanders and their staffs pass easily between their territories and my Head-
quarters as I and my staff do to theirs. And I am able to keep in constant per-
sonal touch with French West and Equatorial Africa and the Belgian Congo, as
well as ranging farther afield. The R.A.F. has made West African co-operation
a reality.
And so you see that postwar planning in West Africa fits naturally into the
war effort. We are planning on a West African basis and in the Colonies in-
dividually. The West African War Council, where Governors and Service Heads
meet, and the Central Secretariat, make up a well-tried machine which will con-
tinie in some form when my job is finished. Co-ordination on a West African
basis is obviously necessary in production campaigns, in the programming and dis-
tribution of imports, in manpower and recruiting, in shipping and transport. But
we have found in practice that the same co-ordination is necessary and is working
well in many other spheres. Here are some examples: Anti-malarial work, locust,
cocoa research, medical research, town planning, industrial development, labor
questions, public relations, the West African Institute-now firmly established on
a West African basis-and the welfare of African troops overseas.
One last word about these soldiers. They are kept in touch with their home-
land by an excellent paper which gives them all the local news, and by broadcasts-
many of them by African Chiefs. In'all our plans for ultimate demobilization,
development and the soldiers' future are closely interlinked-the soldier needn't
worry; in all our planning he has his place.

British Speeches of the Day

"Come Over and Help Us"
All these activities are now running on a West African basis. This does not
diminish the executive responsibility of Governors but it does ensure a combined
and co-ordinated policy with the full co-operation of the Fighting Services and
with Ministries in this country. And-I come back to this again-it is Air Trans-
port which has made this not only possible but easy.
That is my Progress Report; the record of what we have done and are trying
to do. We are learning all the time. I hope we in West Africa may in some
measure be leaders in Colonial Development. And the world will look for lead-
I rejoice in the interest which Parliament and the country are taking in Colonial
matters. The Colonies need your interest and your help; they are indeed your
trust; and as the air today has made contact easy between the Colonies and with
our neighbors, so that avenue will open wide between the United Kingdom and
the Colonies as soon as the war is over. I am sure it will be used to the full. Come
and see for yourselves as soon as the opportunity offers. Come over and help us.
[Official Release]

Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and
Chairman of the United Kingdom Delegation
At Dumbarton Oaks, August 21, 1944

The discussions which open today arise out of Article IV of the Declaration of
Moscow, in the framing of which Mr. Hull played such a notable and promi-
nent part. We have listened with admiration to the wise and powerful words
with Which, speaking with the full authority and on behalf of the President, he
has initiated our labors, and we are, I know, all profoundly grateful to him for
his indefatigable efforts in the cause of international understanding. Of him it
may well be said that he embodies in his own thought and person the qualities
which have been responsible for the creation and the development of the country
which he represents.
To the Soviet Government, too, we all have reason to be grateful. It was, I
think, on M. Molotov's initiative that the decision to hold these discussions was
taken; and it was evident from their attitude at the time of the Moscow Con-
ference that the Soviet Government attached the highest importance to the estab-
lishment of a system designed to prevent a recurrence of Nazi and Fascist ag-
My Government, for their part, have from the outset favored such discussions
as these and have done their best to facilitate them. We have expressed our
provisional views in the papers which have been circulated, and are most happy
to find that in the papers of all three Governments there is such a large measure
of agreement.
There seems, in fact, to be a general will on the part of what are at present
the three most powerful States in the world to achieve some kind of world

Planning International Co-operation for Peace

organization, and, what is more, to achieve it soon. That should itself be a good
augury for the success of our labors.
Chinese statesmen also have declared their wish to join in the establishment
of such an organization, and I am confident that the subsequent discussions with
the Chinese delegation will show that there is a community of aim on the part
of the most populous and ancient of our civilizations.
We shall thus, I hope, be able to achieve agreement on principles between
officials from States comprising about half the inhabitants of the globe, and from
States, moreover, whose combined power and determination is now playing so
prominent a part in overthrowing the sinister forces of evil which, only a few
years ago, came near to dominating all mankind.

Salutory Lessons
The victory of the United Nations, whenever it comes, must be complete, the
military defeat of the aggressors must be made clear beyond all doubt, and most
of all to the German people themselves, and those responsible for the wanton
outrages that have horrified the civilized world must receive their just retribution.
On that basis we may hope to build more securely for the future.
In 1919 there was a widespread feeling in many western countries that force
was in itself an immoral thing: now there is a much more widespread conviction
that it is only by the victors remaining both strong and united that peace can
be preserved. We have, I believe, learned many salutary lessons during the
last few years.
We are met here to plan a system which will enable individual nations to
co-operate effectively for the common good. Individual nations, small and great,
must be the basis of our new world organization; and our problem is to construct
a machine which will give to each of them the responsibilities commensurate with
its power. This is no light task, but it can be accomplished.
No one wishes to impose some Great Power dictatorship on the rest of the
world; but it is obvious that unless the Great Powers are united in aim and ready
to assume and fulfill loyally their obligations, no machine for maintaining peace,
however perfectly constructed, will in practice work. On the other hand, even
Hitler has surely learned by now, what we have ourselves long known, that it
is not by riding roughshod over the smaller Powers that the vital interests of the
larger can in the long run best be protected.
Another lesson I submit we may learn from experience, is that we should not
attempt too closely to define what is perhaps undefinable. As I have already said,
no machine will work unless there is, at any rate on the part of the Great Powers,
a will to work it; and equally even an imperfect machine may function satis-
factorily provided such a will exists.
We might do well, therefore, to concentrate on certain guiding principles and
on certain basic institutions, rather than on a set of detailed regulations, which,
however ingeniously drafted, will probably have to be revised in the light of
subsequent experience.
Again, if there is a danger in excessive legalism, there is also a danger in
believing, or at any rate in giving the impression, that because we may be able
to agree, first as between ourselves and later as between all the United Nations,
on some theoretically perfect organization for maintaining peace, peace will there-
fore indefinitely and automatically be maintained.

British Speeches of the Day

Political Planning Is Not Enough
One other consideration I would put before you: we must remember that
peace, in the negative sense of absence of war, is not enough. No world system
can endure unless it permits of growth and unless it tends to promote the well-
being of humanity as a whole. Hence, however we may fit the various non-
political world organizations into our general system, we must attempt to discover
means whereby the expanding force of modern scientific discoveries is turned into
constructive rather than into destructive channels.
For this reason we must arrange for at least a measure of co-ordination be-
tween the various functional organizations now created or to be created, and in
some way gear them to our world international machine.
All I would emphasize here is that we should always recognize that if there
is acute political instability, no economic or social organizations will function
successfully, and, on the other hand, let us never forget that acute discomfort
in the economic and social field will constantly hamper the smooth operation of
the best political plans. In other words, freedom from fear and freedom from
want, so far as human agency can contrive it, move forward simultaneously.
In conclusion, I must for my part emphasize that the working party from
the United Kingdom is recruited from the humble official level. From that it
follows that, so far as we are concerned, these talks are necessarily exploratory
and noncommittal. Within these limitations we will make the best contribution
we can, and I can pledge every one of us to devote his best energies and such
knowledge and experience as he possesses to the search for agreed recommenda-
tions for submission by our Governments, if they approve them, to all the other
United Nations. We may take comfort in the fact that, as will be seen from the
memoranda already circulated, there is already much common ground.
Let us also not forget the time factor. Events are moving fast and peace may
come sooner than some expect. It would be folly to delay the construction of
at least some framework of future international co-operation until the problems of
peace confront us with all their insistency. Moreover, the time even of officials
is limited. If therefore we are to establish the points on which there seems to
be provisional agreement, we must work fast and well.
Much depends on our efforts, and some give-and-take will probably be re-
quired. Let us go forward with a full sense of our responsibilities, not only
to our own nations but to the world at large. Let us go forward, above all,
with the determination to produce a scheme worthy of the men and women of
the United Nations who are giving their all to make possible the construction of
a better world.
[Oficial Release]

British Ambassador to the United States
Broadcast, August 26, 1944

This is a great moment at which to be allowed to speak to free men and women.
,For events are moving at almost unbelievable speed, and the map of Europe-
changes as we speak. The cleansing waters of freedom are washing the stains

After Five Years

of invasion and outrage from the fair face of France. Small wonder that, as men
heard of Paris on the point of liberation, and that largely by her own sons and
daughters, they had tears of joy and gratitude in their eyes and in their hearts!
In such an hour, we can get the true measure of how great has been the de-
liverance of the world. We shall do well also to remember how slender was the
thread by which human freedom hung in the dark days of 1940.
Our thoughts must be much with France; and mine-you will forgive me for
saying-are also with my own people, who pledged their lives, their fortunes and
their very existence as a nation that France and freedom would rise again from the
ashes of defeat.
For I have just come back from England, and though so much has happened
since my return, you may like to hear a little of what I found over there, in a
country which, in eight days' time, will have been at war with Germany for five

Protection,from Undue Optimism
I found expectancy of what we now see, an expectancy quieter and more con-
fident than I have known it before during the war. I also found a strong sense
of the sharp contrasts of events and emotions during these five years-contrasts
so remarkable that no one, either in Britain or in any of the United Nations, can
draw them without immense encouragement.
But with all this expectancy and sense of contrast, there was no thought that
we might now begin to relax. Quite the contrary. There was, much more, a
conviction that now is the time, when the enemy is gasping and reeling under
heavy blows, for us to put in the last ounce of effort and energy, to work and
fight harder than ever before.
It may well be that by all the rules of war Germany is already beaten. But,
make no mistake about it, Germany's leaders are desperate men. To them each
new blow we strike rings a bell which tolls their doom. They have everything
to lose by peace. Therefore, like cornered rats, these leaders will want to go on
fighting to the end, and will try to make all their people fight to the end with
them. We are under no illusions about that.
The British people, too, have been protected from undue optimism by the
flying bomb. I saw and heard something of this when I was in England. It is
an evil, inhuman weapon, and it has come on the top of a good deal which would
try any people; five years of blackout; nearly five years of strict rationing; the
bombing of 1940, 1941 and last spring; the breaking-up of families.by evacuation,
or, as in the areas needed for the concentration of troops or as practice ground
for invasion tactics before D-day, by just turning people wholesale out of their
homes; the disappearance, or general shortage, of all the little things that make
life more pleasant; the lengthening casualty lists-in the first four years of the
war the total casualties from the British Commonwealth, military and civilian,
were over 800,000, and today they must be nearing the million mark.
Yet the people of London, and the areas outside London that lie along what
Mr. Churchill called the bomb-highway, have stood up splendidly to this latest
weapon of Hitler's. That man hoped, and perhaps expected, to start such a
clamor as might force a change in the well-prepared plans of our Supreme Com-
mand. Well, he has failed, as we could have told him he would fail. And he
will go on failing with anything else he may try in the same line. For the people
on or near whom his bombs fall are quite determined not to let their troubles in

British Speeches of the Day

any way affect the war effort. They feel indeed that they are part of the front
line, and are taking some of the weight off the fighting troops.
Figures never tell the whole story, but it is worth remembering that if we
strike an average, something like 700 houses mostly in the London area, have
been damaged in every hour since the flying bombs began; and if we take the
number of bombs launched at 5,340, the figure till the end of July, each of these
means 150 houses damaged, or something like 500 people affected.

Preparing For The Eastern War
The end of the German war will be an end to all that and will make life in
Britain easier in a great many ways. But that does not mean that we shall slack
off. We shall still have Japan to deal with.
When I was in England, I saw that already many of our plants have been
switched over to the production of special equipment against the time when you
and we turn our full strength on to the Japanese. You have been hitting them
between the eyes on Saipan and Guam; they have been roundly beaten in Assam
and Burma, where Allied Forces, drawn almost entirely from the British Com-
monwealth, have won a major victory. So, when we are both clear from the
German war, and free to get into this Japanese business with nothing else to
worry about, the Japs may guess right that there's a rough time coming to'them.
We have all got a long score to settle with the peace-breakers, both in the
East and in the West. No peace will be firmly founded that does not re-establish
justice; and I am sure our people, with I think yours, will be determined to see
justice done on those men who have been responsible during this war for the
foulest deeds of history.
There are German and Japanese crimes which we must not forget: the tor-
tures and wholesale massacres of the concentration camps; the destruction of whole
villages with all who lived in them; the slaughter of innocent hostages; the de-
portation to death of men, women and children by the thousand; the cold-blooded
murder of prisoners of war. Yes, those who have committed and ordered these
fearful crimes must surely be brought to punishment, and that in no spirit of
revenge but in that of just retribution. In no other way can we put justice back
upon her throne, and warn those, if there ever should be any, who might seek
to do such things again.
This will, though, only be one issue in the complex task of getting the world
back to peace; and more and more as we draw towards the end of war, men's
minds everywhere are turning to the problem of postwar security.

Plenty of Headaches
As you know, a Conference on this subject is now at work here in Washington.
And it is becoming more and more clear that the peaceful order we hope to set up
is not something which' will spring, quite suddenly, out of the collective wisdom
of a large peace conference. It will depend upon the thought and work put into
it before the war is over. The Conference at Dumbarton Oaks should there-
fore be seen as part of a pattern for peace-a work which was begun at Hot
Springs and went on at Atlantic City and Bretton Woods. More meetings of
the kind will no doubt be necessary as the pattern grows, but this is the right way
to go to work.
Every country is going to be faced with problems that will provide plenty
of headaches for us all. In Britain, we realize that, with all the relief which

After Five Years

peace will bring, we must look forward to a period of great effort and self-denial.
We have not only lost five years that should have gone to peaceful work and have
been given to destructive war. We have not only turned our whole economy
upside down in the cause of victory. We have seen the ravages of war in our
own land.
During the Blitz, throughout the whole country one house in five was dam-
aged, and the flying bombs have added more than 800,000 to this total. Public
works and repairs of every kind have been cut to the bare minimum. We have,
of course, always been dependent upon food and raw materials from overseas.
In time of peace, we paid for these by overseas investments, by the profits of ship-
ping and insurance, and by our export trade. Yet under the stress of war all these
have been drastically reduced. So when peace comes again, we know that we shall
have to work hard if we are to maintain, let alone improve, the standard of
living of our people.
But however willing our people or any other people, may be to work, the diffi-
culties will still be formidable; for the world is getting smaller all the time so
that what hits one part of it is apt to make trouble everywhere.

One Battle and One Victory
I have spoken of Britain, because I know our problems best, but what is true
of us will also be true, to a greater or less degree, of other countries; and the
conclusion is that if the world is to win its way back to anything like secure
prosperity, we shall have to work it out together.
When so much is at stake, that should not be asking too much of any of
us; and particularly of your people and mine. For we are not chance acquain-
tances who happen to meet and have a date, and can then drift off on our separate
ways. We have been through a good deal together in these last years and have got
to know each other a lot better than before.
When I was in England, I went to see General Eisenhower, and 1 would here
say again what I have said more than once before. Quite apart from the price-
less value of his services in a military sense, I believe that no one has done more
for Anglo-American relations in the broadest sense. He never asks if this or
that man is British or American; all he wants to know is if he is the right man for
the job. In this way, in France as in North Africa, he has made two fighting
forces into one.
Today, there is one battle and one victory. British and Americans alike are
proud to serve with him and with each other. And if we are to do the job right,
that spirit must run through our whole war and peace effort, not only now in our
combined boards and joint planning, but for all time must run through the thought
of all our people.
Not long ago, some one in Britain was told he would have to billet two
American soldiers in his home. He was not at all anxious to take them, but he
had no choice. They came and, as they were pretty good mechanics, spent most
of the first evening mending the toy train belonging to the son of the house.
Before that evening was over, they were not strangers any longer. They were
members of the family.
That little story has a lesson for us all: that from knowing each other better
we shall come to understand each other better. And from this understanding,
more than from any other single circumstance, by God's help will be born the
world for which we hope and pray.
[Official Release]

British Speeches of the Day

Minister of Agriculture
Ulster Farmers' Union, Belfast, August 16, 1944

This is the first time since becoming Minister of Agriculture in England that
I have had the pleasure of paying a visit to Northern Ireland. For the past two
days I have 'been touring round your countryside, visiting your farms, seeing what
you are doing about your livestock, looking at your crops and comparing how
you, over here, go about things with the way we do them in England and Wales.
It has all been most interesting and I have been impressed by a number of things
that I have seen.
You will hardly need me to tell you that farmers have done a grand job of
work during the war. It has not always been easy I know. There have been
many difficulties, in particular, shortages. Shortages of labor, shortages of fer-
tilizers, shortages of machinery. They have all had to be overcome. Then, too,
it may sometimes have been difficult for you, just as it has been for many of
the farmers in the more isolated parts of England and Wales, to realize fully
the importance and the urgency of the job you are doing. When you are carry-
ing on your ordinary work and are not being brought into direct contact with
the daily hubbub of the war, it may sometimes be hard to resist the temptation
of thinking 'does it really matter?' when it comes to doing something one does
not particularly want to do or putting in that extra bit of work at the end of a
long tiring day.
How farmers and farm workers here, in Scotland, in England and Wales, have
resisted that temptation and put their backs into the task of feeding the country
is to be seen in the staggering results year by year. In five years, as )ou know,
we have increased production of food from our soil in terms of food values
by over 70 per cent, while looking at it from another standpoint-the amount
of shipping space saved-the figure amounts to over 120 per cent. The plough,
of course, has been responsible. Actually we have almost exactly reversed the
acreage of arable and permanent grass. In 1939, there were just under 13,000,000
acres of arable and about 19,000,000 acres of permanent grass. By 1944, the
arable had become 19,200,000 acres and permanent grass had dropped to under
12,000,000. A remarkable and significant change. One which I hope and be-
lieve has to a large extent come to stay, at all events for any period that matters
to most of us in this room. At the same time the area actually under crops has
increased by about 6,000,000 acres. Northern Ireland has worthily played her
part. Indeed you have increased your, tillage acreage by about 80 per cent, com-
pared with about 70 per cent in England and Wales and 40 per cent in Scotland.

How Farmers Save Shipping
As you know,, the main object of our wartime food production campaign
has been to save shipping-shipping which has been so vitally needed for other
purposes. To bring across to this island base the men, munitions, planes, tanks
and guns needed to convert our islands into a fortress-a fortress from which
at the right time we could strike at the enemy. That time came on June 6 this
year when again that shipping was urgently needed to ferry our armies of
liberation across to Normandy, and to go on supplying them. Shipping again
has been a vital factor in supplying and equipping our great armies in the Mediter-
ranean; in taking the vast quantities of tanks, planes, munitions, etc., to our

The Battle of the Land

valiant ally, Russia; in building up our armies in India; and in creating the
striking power which is now driving the Japs from island after island in the
Pacific. Shipping has been one of the main keys in this war. It has deter-
mined when, where and how hard we have been able to strike at the enemy.
Each ton of shipping space which we here have released by expanding food
production from our own soil has therefore been a direct and potent contribution
to the whole of our war strategy.
We have done it largely by concentrating on the production of food for
direct human consumption. Our wheat acreage has increased from 1,800,000
acres in 1939 to over 3,200,000 acres in 1944. Our potato acreage has also gone
up from 700,000 acres in 1939 to 1,400,000 acres in 1944. At the same time
we found ourselves forced to do without the vast supplies of imported feeding
stuffs which in pre-war yearspoured into our ports from overseas. This meant
that we were bound to some extent to sacrifice our livestock population because
we could not hope to grow all the feeding stuffs which we formerly imported
while at the same time vastly increase the acreage of crops for direct human con-
sumption. Milk production we had to keep up as much as we possibly could.
This meant that it was chiefly the other classes of livestock and, in particular, pigs
and poultry which were so dependent on imported feeding stuffs which had to
suffer most. I know that this has hit pretty badly many of the smaller farmers-in
your case particularly the reduction in pigs. But I am afraid that it was one
of the unavoidable hardships which total war is bound to bring.
By contrast we regarded milk as priority No. 1. In England and Wales we
have increased sales of milk for liquid consumption from 763,000,000 gallons
in the year ending March, 1939, to 1,040,000,000 gallons in the year ending
March, 1944. In Northern Ireland you have not only increased sales of milk
for liquid consumption from 15,000,000 to 34,000,000 gallons a year but you
have also increased sales off farms from 45,000,000 gallons in 1941 to 54,750,000
gallons in 1943, and have been able to send 7,000,000 gallons to Scotland in
each of the three last difficult winters. I congratulate you all.
I have dwelt at some length on the present wartime food production campaign
and the ways in which we have overcome the problems with which we were faced.
I have done so as I think that it is only right that one should regard the future
against this background and I know that it is the future about which you and
your fellow farmers in England and Wales are now primarily thinking.

The Continuing Need
We are now witnessing the beginning of the total destruction and annihila-
tion of the Nazi hordes. We hope that it may not now be long before the last
of these self-styled Aryan supermen bite the dust forever. There is a feeling of
optimism abroad. A feeling of victory in the air. And there is also a feeling that
when we have achieved victory it will be possible to let up from our great en-
deavors of the last few years. That is a very natural feeling after nearly five
long years of weary war. But it is a feeling which at any rate as far as agricul-
ture is concerned has no true foundation upon which to rest. There can be no
letup so far as food production is concerned. We shall need to go on growing
all the food we can in this country for many years to come. After the war
with Germany is brought to a victorious conclusion we cannot just sit back and
think our work is over.
You will probably most of you have read about the Conference on Food and
Agriculture which was held at Hot Springs last year. One of the most striking

British Speeches of the Day

facts which that Conference stressed was that the world would be faced with a
general shortage of food. They pointed out that for a number of years there
was bound to be an acute shortage of livestock and livestock products and of
oils' and fats generally and that it was even likely that there would be a lack of
sufficient bread grains and rice to meet the world's requirements.
The reasons for this shortage are fairly obvious. To start with, the agricultural
systems of a large number of countries throughout the world have been thrown
out of gear and it will take many years for them to recover. At the same time
there will be for some time a need for food to feed the starving peoples of
Europe. You may lately have read stories in the newspapers of how the French
whom we have so far liberated in Normandy appear to be well-nourished and
to have plenty of food. But because it is like that in Normandy we must not,
as some people have done, jump to- the conclusion Jhat the stories about millions
of under-nourished and starving people in Occupied Europe are untrue. I wish
I could think they were. Normandy was a food exporting province, one of the
larders of France, upon which the Germans drew for supplies, particularly for
such perishable things as dairy produce. It was in their own interest that they
should not kill the goose that lays the golden egg. They left-it and its inhabi-
tants very largely alone. Further, when that part of Normandy which we have
liberated was cut off from the rest of France and from Germany, the food sur-
pluses stored there became available to the local inhabitants. So naturally plenty
prevailed. When, however, we get to Paris and to the other larger cities, condi-
tions will, I think, be very different. There is little doubt that we shall find the
population in dire need of food.

Relief of Hunger Is Fixst Task
The Conference at Hot Springs recognized this and recommended that the
nations should plan their production programs on a realistic basis which would
put the relief of.hunger first. This means quite clearly that we, in these islands,
must go on producing food from our own soil to the greatest extent that we can.
We must keep our imports down to essentials and release to others in greater
need our claim for a greater share of the slender food resources of the world.
We must also remember that we may not be in a position for some years after
Germany is defeated to buy food from abroad on the same scale as in prewar
years. Let me say to you then what I have repeatedly told our farmers in Eng-
land and Wales-the Battle of the Land has only just got into its stride. The
end is by no means yet in sight.
It was for these reasons that last year we started in England and Wales
on a four-year plan which would carry us up to the summer of 1947. During this
period we shall.have to maintain, and if possible to increase, our tillage acre-
age; we shall have to maintain and, if possible, to increase milk production:
and we shall have to try and build up and improve the quality of our livestock..
This last item is to my mind a most important task. From a number of points
of view it is vital that we should start increasing still further and above all im-
proving our livestock, particularly our cattle, in the near future. As I mentioned
earlier it is believed that the shortage of food will be particularly acute in the
case of livestock and livestock products. Moreover livestock and livestock products
represent the most expensive forms of imports and the more we can dispense
with the costlier items the better. Lastly, our soil and the climatic conditions
make it desirable that our farming system should be predominantly concerned
with livestock over most of these islands. These are the reasons why we in Eng-

The Battle of the Land

land and Wales are at present concentrating a large part of our energies on this
I know that here in Northern Ireland you are particularly concerned on the
livestock side with pigs and poultry. Clearly here again the more we can in-
crease production the better. But what we can do in this case is largely dependent
upon the prospects of obtaining increased quantities of feeding stuffs. And as
I have already indicated, I personally do not think the prospects of obtaining
any appreciably greater supplies from abroad over the next few years are very
bright. We shall, therefore, have to depend chiefly on what we can grow from
our own soil; and this in turn largely depends on how soon we can use crops
for feeding to livestock instead of for direct human consumption. I would only
say that I am anxious that farmers should be able to expand pig and poultry
production as soon as circumstances permit.

Much Has Been Achieved
That, then, is the picture which, as I see it, faces agriculture for a number
of years after the war in Europe is over. It means going on working hard. But
it means also that farmers, throughout the United Kingdom will have a further
breathing space in which to build even firmer foundations for the future pros-
perity of their industry.
During the last five years much has been achieved. We have re-learnt over
a large part of the country the art of arable cultivation; we have drained and
ditched the land, and in many cases put it in better heart; we have reclaimed large
areas of derelict land; we have improved the farming knowledge of a great num-
ber of farmers; we have increased vastly the mechanization of the industry. All
these things have contributed immensely to the increased capacity of the industry
to stand on its own feet. Now it seems likely that we shall have a number of
more years in which to advance still further towards the goal which we all desire
to see, that is a healthy and well-balanced, stable agriculture.
I am sure that provided we take advantage of the experience and knowledge
we have gained during the last five years, and provided that we are determined
to build on that knowledge and experience and learn still more during the coming
few years, agriculture should be able to face the future with calm confidence.
Let us therefore march forward together along the road that stretches before
us. We may have to toil and sweat and not take the ease which many of us feel
we have earned. But let us remember that by our work during those years we
are laying the foundations upon which in the future the agricultural industry
in this country will rest.
[Official Release]

British Speeches of the Day

The Journal of the Parliaments of the Empire is a quar-
terly publication issued by the Empire Parliamentary Asso-
ciation, giving a summary of the proceedings of general
interest in the various legislatures of the British Common-
wealth. It provides not only an account of the views of
representatives of various parties in the different Parliaments
on international affairs and other important subjects, but
also an account of legislative enactments of general interest.
It thus provides information, in a condensed form, on
legislation and the points of view of leading men in
various parts of the British Commonwealth upon many
matters which are of common interest to those in the United
States of America who are concerned with parliamentary
and international affairs.
The Journal is obtainable in North America from the
Oxford University Press, 480 University Avenue, Toronto
2, Ontario, Canada. Price: $1.25 per copy plus postage,
$5 per annum post free.


Britain. A monthly magazine. 10 cents a copy or $1 a year.

Information Division Circular. A fortnightly bulletin of
current background news on Britain. Free on appli-

Labor and Industry in Britain. Monthly. Free on appli-
Information papers on wartime Britain covering Taxation,
Education, Rationing, Women's Work, Industry, etc., may
be obtained free on application.

Britain Looks Ahead (Official Statements).
Post-War Planning (Unofficial Statements).
The British Commonwealth and Empire.
The British Constitution.
50 Facts about India (illustrated).
Britain and the Common Pool (illustrated).
John Britain (illustrated).
Britain versus Japan (illustrated).
5 Years of War (illustrated).

(All available free on application.)

For catalogue of Films available, terms of hire, etc., apply
to any office of British Information Services.


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