BRITISH INFORMATION SERVICES
AN AGENCY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT
OF T HE DAYT.-
WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister, September 6, 1943.
On Receiving an Honorary Degree at Harvard University.
LORD SWINTON, Resident Minister, West Africa, August 13, 1943.
An Unheralded Achievement: West Africa in the War.
L. S. AMERY, Secretary of State for India, August 9, 1943.
SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS, Minister of Aircraft Production, August 9, 1943.
Some Aspects of the British Empire and Commonwealth.
HERBERT MORRISON, Home Secretary, August 15, 1943.
LORD CHERWELL, Paymaster-General, July 20, 1943.
Industrial and Scientific Research.
WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister, August 31, 1943.
The Allied Achievements.
Issued September 1943
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RT. HON. WINSTON CHURCHILL
Speech at Harvard, September 6, 1943
President Conant, Mr. Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
gentlemen of the University, ladies and gentlemen here assembled, the last time I
attended a ceremony of this character was in the spring of 1941 when, as Chancellor
of Bristol University, I conferred a degree upon United States Ambassador Winant
and, in absentia, our President who is here today and presiding over this ceremony.
The blitz was running hard at that time and, the night before, the raid on
Bristol had been heavy. Several hundreds had been killed and wounded, many
houses were destroyed, the buildings next to the University were still burning and
many of the University authorities who were conducting the ceremony had pulled
on their robes over uniforms begrimed and drenched. But all was presented with
faultless ritual and appropriate decorum, and I sustained a very strong and in-
vigorated impression of the superiority of man over the forces that can destroy him.
Here now, today, I am once again in academic groves- groves is, I believe
the right word-where knowledge is garnered, where learning is stimulated, where
virtues are inculcated, and thoughts encouraged. Here, in the broad United States,
with a respectable ocean on either side of us, we can look out upon the world in
all its wonder and in all its woe.
But what is this that I discern as I pass through your streets, as I look round
this great company? I see uniforms on every side. I understand that nearly the
whole energies of the University have been drawn into the preparation of American
youth for the battlefield. For this purpose all classes, courses have been transformed
and even the most sacred vacations have been swept away in a round-the-year and
almost round-the-clock drive to make warriors and technicians for the fighting
"The Price of Greatness is Responsibility"
Twice in my lifetime the long arm of destiny has reached across the ocean
and involved the entire life and manhood of the United States in a deadly struggle.
There was no use saying: "We don't want it. We won't have it. Our forebears
left Europe to avoid these quarrels. We have founded a new world which has no
contact with the old." There was no use in that. The long arm reaches out
remorselessly and everyone's existence, environment and outlook undergo a swift
and irresistible change.
What is the explanation, Mr. President, of these strange facts and what are the
deep laws to which they respond? I will offer you one explanation. There are
others, but one will suffice.
The price of greatness is responsibility. If the people of the United States had.
remained in a mediocre station, struggling with the wilderness, absorbed in their
own affairs, and a factor of no consequence in the movement of the world, they
might have remained forgotten and undisturbed beyond .their protecting ocean.
But one cannot rise to be in many ways the leading community in the civilized
world without being involved in its problems, without being convulsed by its
agony and inspired by its causes. If this has been true in the past, as it has been,
it will become indisputable in the future. The people of the United States cannot
escape world responsibility.
British Speeches of the Day
Although we live in a period so tumultuous that little can be predicted, we may
be quite sure that this process will be intensified with every forward step the
United States makes in wealth and in power. Not only are the responsibilities of
this great republic growing, but the world over which they range is itself con-
tracting in relation to our powers of locomotion at a positively alarming rate.
We have learned to fly. What prodigious changes are involved in that new
accomplishment! Man has parted company with his trusty friend the horse and has
sailed into the azure with the eagle--eagles being represented by the internal com-
bustion engine. Where, then, are those broad oceans or vast glaring deserts? They
are shrinking beneath our very eyes. Even elderly parliamentarians like myself
are forced to acquire a high degree of mobility. But to the youth of America as to
the youth of all the Britains I say:
We cannot stop. There is no halting place at this point. We have now reached
the point in the journey where there can be no pause. We must go on. It must
be world anarchy or world order.
"Ties of Blood and History"
Throughout all this ordeal and struggle which is characteristic of our age, you
will find in the British Commonwealth and the Empire good comrades to whom
you are united by other ties besides those of state policy and public needs. To a
large extent there are the ties of blood and history. Naturally, I am a child of
both worlds and conscious of these. Law, language, literature-these are consider-
able factors. Common conceptions of what is right and decent, a marked desire
for fair play, especially to the weak and poor, a stern sentiment of impartial justice
and above all, the love of personal freedom or, as Kipling put it, "leave to live
by no man's leave underneath the law", these are common conceptions on both
sides of the ocean among the English-speaking peoples. We hold to these concep-
tions as strongly as you do.
We do not war primarily with races as such. As you have said, Mr. Governor,
tyranny is our foe. Tyranny is our foe whatever trappings or disguise it wears,
whatever language it speaks. Be it external or internal, we must forever be on our
guard, ever mobilized, ever vigilant, always ready to spring at its throat. In all
this we march together. Not only do we march and strive shoulder to shoulder
at this moment under the fire of the enemy on the fields of war, or in the air, but
also in those realms of thought which are consecrated to the rights and dignity
At the present time, Mr. President, we have in continual vigorous action the
British and United States Combined Chiefs of Staff Commitee which works imme-
diately under the President and myself as representative of the British War Cabinet.
This Committee, with its elaborate organization of Staff officers of every grade,
disposes of all our resources; and, in practice, uses British and American troop-
ships, aircraft and munitions just as if they were the resources of a single state
I would not say there are never divergencies of view among these high pro-
fessional authorities. It would be unnatural if there were not. That is why it is
necessary to have plenary meetings of principals every two or three months. All
these men now know each other, they trust each other, they like each other, and
most of them have been at work together for a long time. When they meet they
thrash things out with great candor and plain blunt speech. But after a few days
the President and I find ourselves furnished with sincere and united advice.
Speech at Harvard
The New System of Cooperation Must Be Kept Running
This is a wonderful system. There was nothing like it in the last war. There
never has been anything like it between two allies. It is reproduced in an even
more tightly-knit form at General Eisenhower's headquarters in the Mediterranean
where everything is completely intermingled and soldiers are ordered into battle
by the Supreme Commander or his deputy, General Alexander, without the slightest
regard as to whether they are British, American or Canadian, but simply in accord-
ance with the fighting needs.
Now, in my opinion, it would be a most foolish and improvident act on the
part of our two governments, or either of them, to break up this smooth running
and immensely powerful machinery the moment the war is over; but for our own
safety, as well as for the security of. the rest of the world, we are bound to keep
it working and in running order after the war, probably for a good many years
not only till we have set up some world arrangement to keep the peace but until
we know that it is an arrangement which will really give us that protection we
must have from danger and aggression-a protection we have already had to seek
across two vast world wars.
"It Will Not Be a Party Question in Great Britain"
I am not qualified, of course, to judge whether or not this would become a
party question in the United States; and I would not presume to discuss that point.
I am sure, however, that it will not be a party question in Great Britain. We must
not let go of the security we have found necessary to preserve our lives and liberty
until we are quite sure that we have something else to put in their place which will
give us an equally strong guarantee. The great Bismarck, for there were once great
men in Germany, is said to have observed towards the close of his life that the
most potent factor in human society at the end of the 19th century was the fact
that the British and American people spoke the same language. That was a preg-
nant saying. Certainly it has enabled us to wage war together with an intimacy
and harmony never before achieved among allies. This gift of a common tongue
is a priceless inheritance and it may well some day become the foundation of a
I like to think of British and Americans moving about freely over each other's
wide estates with hardly a sense of being foreigners to one another. But I do not
see why we should not try to spread our common language even more widely
throughout the globe and, without seeking selfish advantage over any, possess
ourselves of this invaluable amenity and birthright.
Basic English-A Plan for an International Language
Some months ago, I persuaded the British cabinet to set up a committee of
ministers to study and report upon Basic English. Here you have a plan-there are
others, but here you have a very carefully wrought plan-for an international
language capable of the very wide transaction of practical business and of the
interchange of ideas.
The whole of it is comprised in about 650 nouns and 200 verbs or other parts
of speech-no more, indeed, than can be written on one side of a single sheet
of paper. Witness my delight when the other evening, quite unexpectedly, I heard
the President of the United States suddenly speak of the merits of Basic English,
and it is not a coincidence that, with all this in mind, I should arrive at Harvard
in fulfillment of the long-dated invitation to receive this degree with which Presi-
dent Conant has honored me, because Harvard has done more than any other
American university to promote the extension of Basic English. The first work
British Speeches of the Day
on Basic'English was written by two Englishmen, Ivor Richards, now of -Harvard
-of this university-and Ogden of the Cambridge University, England, working
in association. The Harvard Commission on English Language Studies is disting-
uished both for its research and practical work, particularly in introducing the use
of Basic English in Latin America. And this Commission-your Commission-is
now, I am told, working with the secondary schools in Boston on the use of Basic
English in teaching the main language to American children and in teaching it to
foreigners preparing for citizenship. Gentlemen, I make you my compliments. I
do not wish to exaggerate, but you are at the headstream of what might well be
a mighty, fertilizing and health-giving river. It would certainly be a grand con-
venience for us all to be able to move freely about the world, as we shall be able
to do more freely than ever known before, as the science of the world develops-to
be able to move freely about the world and to find everywhere a medium, albeit
primitive, of intercourse and understanding. Might it not also be an advantage
to many races and an aid to the building up of our new structure for preserving
All these are great possibilities. And I say, let us go into this together, let us
have another Boston Tea Party about it.
We Are Bound to Look Ahead
Let us go forward as with other matters, other measures, similar in aim and
effect. Let us go forward in malice to none and in good will to all. Such plans
offer far better prizes than taking away other people's provinces or land or grinding
them down in exploitation.
The empires of the future are the empires of the mind. It would, of course,
Mr. President, be lamentable if those who are charged with the duties of leading
great nations forward in this grievous and obstinate war were to allow their minds
and energy to be diverted from making the plan to achieve our righteous purposes
without needless prolongation of slaughter and destruction. Nevertheless, we are
also bound, so far as life and strength allow, and without prejudice to our dom-
inating military task, to look ahead to those days which will surely come when we
shall have finally beaten down Satan under our feet and find ourselves with other
great Allies at once the masters and the servants of the future.
Various schemes for achieving world security, while yet preserving national
rights, traditions and customs, areas being studied and probed. We have all the
fine work that was done a quarter of a century ago by those who devised and tried
to make effective the League of Nations after the last war. It is said that the
League of Naions failed. If so, that is largely because it was abandoned and, later
on, betrayed; because those who were its best friends were still at very late periods
infected with a futile pacificism; because the United States, the originating impulse,
fell out of the line; because, while France had been bled white and England was
supine and bewildered, a monstrous growth of aggression sprang up in Germany,
in Italy and Japan.
We have learned from hard experience that stronger, more efficient, more
rigorous world institutions must be created to prevent wars and to forestall the
causes of future wars. In this task, the strongest, victorious, nations must be com-
bined, and also those who have borne the burden and heat of the day and suffered
under the flail of adversity.
And in this task, creative task, there are some who say: "Let us have a world
council and under it regional or continental councils." And there are others who
prefer a somewhat different organization. All these matters weigh with us now in
spite of the war, which none can say has reached its climax, which is perhaps
entering for us, British and Americans, upon its most severe and costly stage.
Speech at Harvard
"If We Are Together, Nothing is Impossible"
But I am here to tell you that, whatever form your system or world security
may take, however the nations are grouped and ranged, whatever derogations are
made from national sovereignty for the sake of the larger synthesis, nothing will
work soundly or for long without the united efforts of the British and American
people. If we are together, nothing is impossible. If we are divided, all will fail.
I, therefore, preach continually the doctrine of the fraternal association of our
two peoples, not for any purpose of gaining invidious material advantages for
either of them, not for territorial aggrandizement or the vain pomp of earthly
domination, but for the sake of service for mankind and for the honor that comes
to those who faithfully serve great causes.
And here let me say how proud we ought to be, young and old, to live in this
tremendous, thrilling, formative epoch in the human story; and how fortunate it
was for the world that when these great trials came upon it there was a generation
that terror could not conquer and brutal violence could not enslave.
Let all who are here remember, as the words of the hymn we have just sung
suggest-let all of us that are here remember that we are on the stage of history
and that whatever our station may be, whatever part we have to play, great or small,
our conduct is liable to be scrutinized not only by history but by our own descend-
ants. Let us rise to the full level of our duty and of our opportunity, and let us
thank God for the spiritual reward He has granted for all forms of valiant and
Resident Minister, West Africa
Statement at Press Conference, London, August 13, 1943
I think this is the first point to make, that almost everything that we have done
in West Africa had to be improvised because nearly all the assumptions one made
at the beginning of the war were falsified by events-perfectly reasonable assump-
tions. One assumed, for instance, France would be with us throughout the whole of
the war, that North Africa would be in Allied hands, that the Mediterranean'
would be open to our ships, that if Japan came into the war Singapore would hold,
and we should be able to draw on Malaya and the Dutch Indies for all their
resources. Of course, things turned out very differently, and the result of that was
to turn a West African backwater into a strategic highway of air and sea communica-
tions, and to make it an absolutely vital source of raw materials of all kinds.
The Only Route for Aircraft for the Middle East, Russia and China
If I may take the strategic side first. From the moment France fell out of the
war and we no longer held North Africa-French North Africa-the only way by
which we could get aircraft to the Middle East for the whole of the battle of
Egypt, Libya, Cyrenaica, and also to Russia, to India and to China was through
West Africa. That meant building great air bases and assembly plants, and making
British Speeches of the Day
a great network of aerodromes right through West and Central Africa. To give
you some idea of the magnitude of that job; in Nigeria alone 30 large airfields
had to be built with control rooms, hangars, buildings, camps, all that go with it,
and great aerodromes in the Gold Coast, in Sierra Leone and also in the Gambia
(which I will come to in a minute). Thousands and thousands of aircraft have
passed along those routes, and I want to pay a tribute particularly to the Public
Works Department of Nigeria because they had the biggest job and by far the
most aerodromes to construct. The whole of these aerodromes in Nigeria were
built by their Public Works Department employing tens of thousands of African
labour, built most efficiently and built against time and in very quick time. Then
there were the aerodromes in the Gambia. Fortunately we had made very large
aerodromes there which were ready'a little while before the North-West African
Campaign started. During the first few months of that campaign every large
machine that came from the United States-and there were, thank God, a very great
number-came through those airfields. I had the pleasure of having a visit from
the Inspector-General of the United States Army when that battle had been going
on for a good while (and going on very well) and he told me if those aerodromes
had not been ready (since, the Americans themselves have built a great aerodrome
in Senegal) if those aerodromes had not been ready and usable during the first
few months of that campaign, they could not have got any of the big bombers up
to that battle front. That is one side of it ...
The Defeat of Malaria
Then there was an Army side as well. At the beginning of the war there were
a few West African regiments with a great tradition. They fought magnificently
in the last war, and on that we had to build up a great Army. The War Office
sent out the best man they could possibly have found to do that job--General
Giffard, who had been Inspector-General of Colonial Troops. He served with
West African troops in every rank of the British Army from Subaltern to General,
and he knew Africans as I think no other soldier did. On a small foundation
he built up this enormous army of all arms, infantry, artillery, transport, signallers
and so on, and built up schools of training which will, incidentally, be very valuable
after the war for turning these Africans into skilled tradesmen of all kinds . .
A number of these troops went to East Africa, they fought all through the
Abyssinian Campaign with great success and dash, and they are ready to fight again
wherever they are wanted. All that, in addition to the work on airfields, meant
of course a tremendous amount of other constructional work-the sort of thing one
is familiar with in this country, but perhaps does not think of happening in Africa;
great port developments and extensions, railway developments, improvement of
roads, making new roads, building camps, making new water supplies, oil in-
stallations and so on. But in addition to that there was an added job of work that
had to be done in Africa and that was wherever you had troops or airmen going
you had to take all possible precautions against malaria. That has meant a most
enormous job in the combined work of the skilled doctor and scientist and the
practical engineer, and it has been tackled extraordinarily well. I will give you
one example. I will not waste time over this, but I think it is a pretty good one,
Takoradi, which is very important, both as a port and for the great airfield and
assembly plant; and you have not only the people on the spot, but the aircrews
going through in a continuous stream the whole time. A year and a half ago the
incidence of malaria there was enormous. It is a frightfully difficult place to drain.
It was tackled by malaria experts and the engineers. In the first six weeks of the
wet season this year there was not a single airman in hospital with malaria. I
think that is a very high tribute to their work.
An Unheralded Achivement: West Africa in the War
Production From Individual Holdings
Now may I turn for a few minutes to the production side which is the other
part of the effort ... The moment that Japan overran the whole of the Far East,
these West African Colonies (and of course now we have got the French territories
in addition) were an enormous help, but then the whole pressure, or a very great
part of it, had to fall on those territories to produce vital materials. Our own fat
ration at home was entirely dependent-to keep it up to the level necessary for
health-on the amount of ground nuts, palm oil, palm kernels we could get out of
these Colonies. That meant a tremendous production campaign. And remember
this: it was not a case of getting these materials from great estates such as they
have in the Congo, vast plantations run by Europeans. Almost entirely, in fact
entirely, we were dependent upon the output of the little tiny holdings in bush
and forest of millions of individual Africans. That meant a tremendous effort in
organization. It meant first of all propaganda in order to bring home to those
millions of people of many races and languages how great this need was, why it
was so important for the war effort that we should get this maximum of production
and what it meant .. Then you had to collect the produce. That meant developing
hundreds and hundreds of new collecting stations through these vast territories.
We had to see that the little producer got the consumer goods (particularly the
cotton piece goods, upon which he depends so much) and kerosene, and see that
everybody had the chance of getting it at a fair price; in fact, very like rationing
at home, only a much more difficult thing to do for the very small man in Africa.
It has worked well, extraordinarily well, I think. Then there was transportation
We had to see that we made the most efficient and most economic use of trans-
portation, rail and road. The Army was perfectly splendid in their co-operation,
pooling all their vehicles, bringing stuff into railhead. Then one wanted to
economise on petrol and tyres. We wanted to make the greatest possible use of
river transport and transport by creeks. That was a pretty big organisation in itself.
A Self-Supporting Economy Built Up
It was not only these oil seeds and ground nuts that we needed. We wanted
rubber and wanted it badly, and here again there were only a few plantations.
The great bulk of this rubber output (and it has increased many hundred fold)
meant really a sort of treasure hunt by the native and his family over thousands of
miles of forest tapping wild rubber trees. There was timber, of which we were
always large producers, but we wanted two or three times as much as we had ever
produced before, both for use in the Colonies, and for export; the Americans
wanted it as much as we did. We have enormously increased our output of timber.
Cocoa was simple. We have always been great producers of cocoa out there
but that was wanted as well. Then-what is much less known, I think-it was not
only these kinds of raw materials or agricultural things that were needed: there was
a tremendous demand for minerals. Everybody knows about tin from Nigeria, but
it was not only that. There was manganese which both the United States and our-
selves wanted. We have become enormous producers of manganese. We are pro-
ducing bauxite, iron ore, chrome . And we had not only to produce for
export; we had to do all we could to save shipping and reduce our imports and
make ourselves self-supporting. That meant producing food where before we had
imported it and it meant-and this is going to be very very interesting I think for
the future-it meant a development of secondary industries which are found eco-
nomic in these Colonies. I could give you a whole catalogue of them. To start
with: all kinds of building materials, bricks, tiles, concrete, every kind of woodwork,
British Speeches of the Day
furniture-(we used to import timber before, a perfectly ridiculous thing to do,
and furniture used to come out as a matter of course. Not a stick of furniture
comes there now. The whole of the furniture for these great camps for thousands,
tens of thousands of people-American and British-the whole of that furniture
is locally made now)--jams, fruit juice and all kinds of leather goods, simple cotton
things, dried meat-that really was great fun!' We had a most awful business
shifting cattle to feed the Army and to feed all this great European population
which was coming in and also the native troops as well. Anywhere cattle
on the hoof are. pretty tiresome things to shift and send by train, in Africa it is
particularly bad because you pass through a great tsetse fly belt and you get these
things.down the coast. Our coastwise shipping was quite inadequate for the pur-
pose. You had to ship these cattle when you got them on board-a long sea
journey. I said why cannot we have dried meat? There is a thing called biltong.
We started on that and it has been a huge success.
We are flying seven or eight thousand lbs. of it by air every week. It has been
extremely valuable to the war effort and it is going to be a most awfully good
thing afterwards. The same with dried fish. We have masses of fish off the coast.
Our difficulty is we cannot get trawlers. There are far more than the native craft
can compete with. That is going to be a great thing after the war. We are making
simple agricultural implements out of scrap. We are making bicycle parts. You
wonder why bicycle parts, but not until you go there do you realise. In the eastern
territories of Nigeria the bicycle is not only the means of locomotion, it is the
transport system ..
Anglo-American and Anglo-African Partnerships
In all this one has had complete Anglo-American partnership as well as Anglo-
African partnership, about which I am going to say a word. We have been very
happy in all those relations. The American Army Commander is in effect a
member of my own War Council. They sit with us on our Supply Board for pool-
ing all material. The American War Shipping man and the Ministry of Transport
man, the chief man in my headquarters, live together and share the same office
and it has been a very happy partnership. In fact, when I had the luck to have a
day with the President of the United States I was able to tell him that it was not
only a useful but a very happy partnership and he was good enough to say he heard
from his people much the same account.
I have talked about all this organisation, but organisation would have been
perfectly useless unless into that organisation had come a really great African effort
and believe me these people are in it. I wish you could see it ...
I met the Sultan and Emirs and hundreds of their Chiefs led by the Sultan
of Sokoto whose religious writ (and that of the great Moslem leaders) runs not
only through Nigeria but through the Sudan to the Red Sea. I told those people
of our need and what this war meant to them . and those people in the
name of God swore that they would see this thing through, they would go all out
in the effort. It has gone through. After all you have only got a handful of
European administrators; it has gone through every village, and in Northern Nigeria
which stretches for 800 miles this way and 400 miles that (something like that at
any rate) it meant going down to every village that the spirit should go through.
They have planted a far far greater acreage of ground nuts than has ever been
planted in the very best boom year of peace . .
The Chiefs are touring their areas, they are having competitions both there and
in the Gold Coast in production, exactly as we have war workers' weeks here. That
is the sort of spirit that is going forward ..
Some Aspects of the British Empire and Commonwealth
"We Are Building for the Future"
There is one terribly attractive thing about this work. In everything one is doing
and they are doing for the war we are building for the future ...
All of this-improving the crops, getting increased production, improving
the standard of agriculture, and the better organised marketing, the higher
standards of living these people are getting, the secondary industries we are
building up-the whole of this is direct work for the future which will go on and
live and grow. And there is another thing, too. As I said, this drive could not
possibly go forward unless it had all the African effort, the African partnership
behind it. That has meant putting new responsibilities on to native administrations,
large and small; awfully good that, for the future. It really is I think a partnership
that will live and grow, and this work, all the construction of airfields, the port
work, the road development, the camps-all this production campaign is an
Anglo-African effort . .
There is the Test of Colonial Administration
I would say to those people who have criticized our Colonial administration,
sometimes rightly, not infrequently ignorantly, is not the only fair test to apply the
test of results? Of whether when you are in a hole like this the partnership holds?
The effort is there, and in this tremendous effort which has been made and in which
the results speak for themselves and which will go forward with increased mo-
mentum and live in the future-there, I do think, is the test of our Colonial admin-
istration and the account of our stewardship. I would only add this: I wish people
could see this for themselves-because the future of these Colonies is going to
depend on world conditions and it is going to depend on the interest which we all
take in them. And that is not just the job of people on the spot, it is the trust of
everybody in this country ..
L. S. AMERY
Secretary of State for India
August 9, 1943
The love of order and effective government innate in the British character has
never been an acceptance of arbitrary government. One thing the Norman kings
learnt from their stubborn English subjects was that they might govern as strongly
and effectively as they wished, so long as they governed in accordance with the
law of the land. The "Reign of Law", the characteristically English conception that
the government and its servants act not outside but within and under the law, is one
which we have carried wherever we have gone. It prevails not only in the self-
governing portions of the Empire, but wherever British authority prevails. The
humblest peasant in an Indian village, the most primitive tribesmen in the West
African bush, entrenched behind the law, enjoys, as against the arbitrary power of
government officials, a security and a freedom unknown today to the greater part of
The further development of the conception underlying the reign of law,
namely, that the law itself can only be changed by the consent of the nation's
British Speeches of the Day
representatives, had become deep ingrained in our people long before the tide of
migration began to flow. Representative institutions sprang up, as something
natural and undeniable, in every colony based on actual settlement. If we lost
the American colonies it was not that they were oppressed, but that they enjoyed
a measure of legislative freedom without executive responsibility, which made
government impossible, in America, as it had made government impossible in Eng-
land a century and a half before. We resolved that dilemma in time to save a
second Empire by the evolution of responsible government at home, and by our
courage in applying its essential principle throughout the Empire wherever the
conditions seemed to make it applicable.
Part cause, part outcome, of our peculiar political development has been the
spirit of compromise and of toleration. The Civil Wars taught us that only com-
promise could save us from the alternatives of autocracy or anarchy, and compromise
in Church and State was of the very essence of the settlement which followed.
Responsible government, based on party support, is, indeed, only possible if the
issues dividing parties are not pushed too far. In its turn the working of a free
constitution has bred a disposition to give and take, to accept the existence of
differences of outlook and policy as natural, to carry out loyally measures once
strenuously opposed, when they have found their place in the Statute Book. These
things have only reinforced the natural bent of the English character. Our instinctive
suspicion of all systematic schemes and logical conclusions, our preference for
avoiding all changes beyond those immediately necessary, our love for incorporating
all that can be preserved of old substance or old form in such changes as we have
to make, are as characteristic of our houses, our streets, or any other feature of our
lives as of our laws and constitution.
That compromising, conservative, adaptable English temper has been of in-
estimable importance in building up the British Empire. Wherever British rule
has extended, it has been by acceptance of and adaptation to local conditions, not
by the enforcement of any preconceived plan of government. The British Empire
has spread so easily, has been accepted so readily by other peoples, largely because
we have always tended to preserve and work existing institutions rather than to
displace them, to recognize local sentiment in language, laws, or customs rather
than to affront it by imposing our own. It may be that we err sometimes on the
side of changing too little, of not facing problems in time, of tinkering at great
issues that can only be dealt with by bold reconstruction. Yet on the whole our
instinctive policy has justified itself. It is difficult to see how any other policy
could have reconciled the evolution of Dominion nationhood with the maintenance
of Imperial unity in the last hundred years, or how any other but a tentative step-
by-step policy can solve the future place of India, and eventually of Africa, in the
British Commonwealth ..
There is no such thing in the British Empire as that personal union of separate
Crowns which once linked Hanover to England or Hungary to Austria. Nor does
the fact that, in practice, a Dominion, or we ourselves for that matter, might
admittedly disavow the common connexion and disclaim all future part in or
responsibility for the partnership of the Commonwealth, without armed coercion
from the rest, alter the fundamentally unconstitutional nature of such an action.
Constitutionally and legally the British Empire, while in one aspect comprising
a variety of governments, many of which work in complete independence and
subject to no external authority, is also, in another aspect, one single, indissoluble
body corporate composed of the King and.his subjects. This latter aspect, naturally
less discussed in the constitutional readjustment of recent years, still holds good
and colours all the relationships of Empire. As subjects of the King, all inhabitants
of the Empire owe loyalty not only to the King, but, in virtue of their loyalty to
Some Aspects of the British Empire and Commonwealth
him, to each other. All the Parliaments of the Empire are Parliaments in which
the same Crown is an integral part, and Members who have sworn the oath of
allegiance to that Crown have always to bear in mind not only their immediate
obligation towards their own constituents, but the obligation of reconciling the
interests of those constituents with the wider interests of all their fellow-subjects
under the Crown. His Majesty's Ministers of the different Governments of the
Empire are all fellow-servants of the same Crown, and, as such, in a very real
sense, colleagues, as is well understood by any of us who have ever taken part in an
Imperial Conference. That obligation of mutual support and cooperation which
flows from the fact of a common Crown, constitutes, so to speak, the Common Law
of the Empire-a Common Law which is enforced, not by any central authority,
but by the free action of all the governments and peoples that live under the Crown.
The same process of differentiation which, in this country, has enabled the
Monarch to embody the unity and continuity of the national life, and to become
the focus of all those loyalties which transcend the conflicts of the hour, has equally
made it natural that he should, for the whole Empire, become the embodiment of
a wider patriotism, the object of a loyalty transcending more immediate loyalties.
For in each case it has enabled that higher, spiritual function of the Crown to be
developed without prejudice to the fullest freedom in the conduct of governments,
whether pursuing separate party policies within nation, or separate national policies
within the Empire. Moreover, that function is one which can make its appeal across
the medium of every kind of political outlook. Loyalty to the Throne is a common
bond, however differently conceived, between the most constitutionally developed
and the most primitive of His Majesty's subjects. No other satisfactory common
centre and apex, indeed, could well be conceived for so complex and varied a
system of governments and communities as ours. The course of our evolution has
now left us without a single bond of administrative authority to hold us together;
nothing except the sense of Imperial responsibility in each nation of the Common-
wealth. To rely upon that is, indeed, an act of faith. But we have had great acts
of faith before, and it is on faith and ideals that the future of the Empire depends.
Time is required in order to enable the new conception of our mutual relations
to be fully understood. The old conception of the British Empire as a planetary
system with this country as the central sun, the old suspicion, dating from Colonial
days, of Downing Street control and interference, have not yet wholly faded out.
We are only gradually beginning to realize, here and in the Dominions, that the
Empire is not an external bond, a super-state limiting our national lives, but, like
the Kingdom of Heaven, within us. It is not something to which we submit, that
owns us: it is something that we own, an enlargement and exaltation of our own
national and individual life. Imperial unity is inherent in our constitutions and not
imposed by a federal constitution from without-inherent in a common Crown, in
a sense of responsibility for the common interest springing from that common focus,
and strengthened by innumerable strands of common interest, kindred thought, and
You may say that this is all very well, but that a Commonwealth cannot hold
together in the long run without some central authority, however limited in.scope.
There has always been a school of thought which has argued that only some kind
of federal union could reconcile the Dominion demand for equality of status with
the very minimum of effective unity in action. Some of the more enthusiastic ex-
ponents of this point of view have more recently advocated some kind of federal
union which should include, not only the British Commonwealth but the United
States and even a selection of other democratic countries. I think the federalists
underrate the reluctance of nations conscious of their own individuality to surrender
any portion of their sovereignty to an outside authority. Moreover the whole course
of political and economic evolution is increasingly obliterating that simple dis-
12 British Speeches of the Day
tinction upon which federalism is based, between those wider functions of govern-
ment which concern the external life of the state and the narrower, more domestic
functions which can be left to the subordinate units. National life is becoming
more and more a total complex in which foreign policy, defence, economic and
social policy are indissolubly interwoven.
On the other hand the federalists have, I think, always underrated the possi-
bilities of effective cooperation based on underlying identity of ideals and outlook,
on the sense of a common history and of a common destiny. For more than half
a century now they have prophesied that the British Empire must federate or break
up. It has steadily refused to do either. On the contrary with every loosening of
the central authority of the United Kingdom the part played by the Commonwealth
as a whole in time of crisis has been more striking. We have only to compare the
contribtuion of the Dominions in the South African War with that made to the
common effort in the last war and that, in its turn, with the amazing effort of the
Dominions to-day, in order to realise how effective unity in action has grown with
the sense of ever fuller freedom. It is a Commonwealth of freedom that has saved
our freedom and that of the world . .
My own belief is that in our tentative, instinctive way we have discovered, in
the conception of a freely co-operating Commonwealth, a new constitutional
principle of immense hopefulness, not only for ourselves, but for the world. All
the technical developments of our age are in favour of the larger unit whether for
the purposes of war or for those of peaceful production. On the other hand the
growing strength of nationalism everywhere, in the economic and social field as
well as in the political, rules out, as I have suggested, an extension of the federal
principle on the scale required to create the political entities of the future, let alone
anything in the nature of a single world authority capable of enforcing peace. There
remains the system of cooperation between national groups based on some principle
of unity, whether of geography, or of political outlook or of racial or historic con-
nexion. Our enemies have grasped one aspect of this world need in their posing
as champions of a European "New Order" or of a Far Eastern "Co-prosperity
sphere". What they have not realized is that such a new order can only live if it
is based, not on the domination of a Herrenvolk but on equal partnership between
The evolution in Europe, in the Far East, in South America, of free Common-
wealths comparable in scale and importance with the British Empire, the United
States or the Russian Union of Republics seems to me to offer the most promising
line of evolution towards a more peaceful and better ordered world that we can
hope for in the near future. In that evolution it is for us of the British Common-
wealth to give the lead by the success of our example. The Commonwealth system
is still only in its first experimental stage. Its methods of consultation and co-
operation are still in their infancy. It is for us after this war to develop them by
the fullest use of all the facilities that modern science will put at our disposal, in
aviation, for instance, and in wireless communication, to help us to maintain a
united policy and a united outlook on all our essential problems of defence, of
mutual trade, of cooperation in social progress. Even more important than the mere
mechanism of cooperation is the spirit that must animate it. In every field our first
care must be so to shape our own national policy as to make it concordant with
and, so far as possible, contributory to the welfare of our partners in the Common-
wealth and consonant with their sentiments and ideals.
What is no less essential is that our policy should aim continuously at the
enlargement of the Commonwealth within the Empire, at the progressive evolution
of our sense of the responsibility of trusteeship into that of the responsibility
of partnership. The supreme test of our whole system will indeed lie in whether
Some Aspects of the British Empire and Commonwealth
we succeed or fail in the years after the war in winning a free India, united
and at peace within herself, to the acceptance, of her own unfettered choice,
of the privileges and responsibilities of the Commonwealth and of that high
place in its Counsels, as in those of the world, to which her political greatness
and the gifts of her people should entitle her. Nothing can be of greater con-
sequence to our own peace and to that of the world than to prove by our example
that a free Commonwealth can embrace peoples of every race and colour, and.
that the internecine conflicts of Europe need not be a mere prelude to even
greater and more terrible racial conflicts in the future.
We may be an old country. But we are the heart of a Commonwealth and of
an Empire which are among the youngest and most hopeful phenomena in the
world's history. It is for us here to rejuvenate our national life, to broaden our
patriotism, to expand our horizon of social responsibility, in contact with the prob-
lems and with the thoughts of our fellow citizens who, with us, will be building the
Empire in the post-war years. If we are justified in believing, with the late Lord
Rosebery, that even in our time the British Empire has been "the greatest secular
agency for good known to mankind" we are still more justified in striving to make
of it a yet finer thing, not only materially but spiritually, in the future. The
service of this our Commonwealth, if it is to be of real effect, must be more than a
mere reasoned conclusion. It must be a personal dedication to a purpose outside
ourselves, a linking of the inner core of our spiritual life with practical sympathies,
duties, and purposes bound together in a definite framework, the task of building
our "City of God on earth"; a fask at once part of our ordinary everyday lives as
citizens, and, at the same time, directed towards ideals whose realization lies far
beyond our day and must ultimately transcend all political boundaries.
SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS
Teachers' Conference at Bristol, August 9, 1943
There is no doubt about the fact that this British Commonwealth and Empire
is the most remarkable political conglomerate that the world has ever known. Not
only is it remarkable but it is because of its apparent lack of structure and of reason,
little understood, both by its enemies and foreign critics and by many of our own
citizens whether they may consider themselves its supporters, its critics or merely
There is nothing very astonishing in this lack of understanding. Geographically
scarlet patches of all or any sizes are sprawled and splashed without any logic or
system across the map of the world. They obey no apparent principle of strategic
or economic unity.
Historically, this conglomerate is the outcome of widely varying forms and
times of economic and, to some extent, military expansion. It would seem that the
accident of circumstance has often played a decisive role.
Socially and economically it follows no common pattern. It embraces societies
and races at every stage of evolution, from the most primitive tribal unit to the
most complex modern industrial community. Constitutionally the differences are
almost as wide, starting with our own free democracy under a constitutional monarch
British Speeches of the Day
or the so-called republicanism of Eire we pass through every stage of development
down to the almost completely authoritarian role of some of the smaller and more
Great Britain, the Dominions, the almost-Dominions such as India, Burma and
Ceylon, the colonies, self-governing as Malta will be after the war, partially self-
governing like Bermuda or the Bahamas, crown colonies, dependencies and, beyond
these, a whole network of spheres of influence, treaties and arrangements make up
this amazing organism.
Politically its various democracies have produced no common colour of Gov-
ernment. Conservatives, Liberals, Labour and various forms of National Govern-
ment rule and control the destinies of its parts.
Every religion in the world is practiced within its confines, and within its
boundaries can be found examples of every major political, social and economic
problem which to-day challenge our wit and our inventiveness. Let me ive you
one or two examples of these. The colour problem in South Africa, the communal
problem in India, the backward races problem of Africa, the dual nationality of
Canada; all these are profound problems of personal and racial relationships which
must be solved one day somehow.
This really astonishing spectacle of sprawling diversity may well have appeared
to its enemies and friends alike as something incapable of withstanding the violent
upheavals of the 20th century.
These very problems which I have illustrated were playing their part in dis-
integrating what had appeared stable, well-constructed political units such as the
Austro-Hungarian Empire. How came it about then that the British Common-
wealth and Empire with its loose and unorganized collection of territories survived
these shocks. For the most remarkable part of our history is that this almost
crazy looking structure should have survived one major world war and anyway
4 years of another.
It is, I believe, this organic life, this lack of rigidity, this power to grow and to
change which is the first part of our answer.
None of the units feel that they are bound down in their place forever. All are
free to move and change and this movement and change is not a question of some
written constitution-which doesn't exist-but is a matter of actual day to day
Even during the war, when change might expect to be held up, the people of
the Commonwealth and Empire have seen great changes in the West Indies, and
promises of immediate post-war change for Ceylon, India and Burma.
Then, I think, comes the fact that one conception of Commonwealth' and Empire
is a democratic one, perhaps very imperfect in execution but soundly based in our
own democratic experience. The picture which we have of the goal for all is that
at which we ourselves hope to arrive. This again is not a mere theory or unattain-
able desire because, by the Statute of Westminster, it has been acknowledged that
that goal has 'already been reached by the Dominions.
The general objective towards- which we travel is thus one which appeals, as
sound and just and as being, on the whole, the best that mankind has so far been
able to devise.
It is also attainable and it has indeed been attained by territories that a little
more than a century ago were colonies with practically no independence.
Next I think we should place the fact that we have applied-again, however,
imperfectly-certain principles of freedom in our development of the empire.
Some Aspects of the British Empire and Commonwealth 15
The principle of freedom of worship has been applied almost without excep-
tion and the principle of freedom of expression to a degree unknown in any
The ultimate court in Colonial matters is the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council and I believe that its decisions-though not necessarily always right-are
accepted as the best that human beings can do to attain impartial justice.
But while we follow the rule of law we make the law itself flexible. We avoid
the rigidity of a fixed constitution, so that laws which become inconvenient can
be rapidly and conveniently changed. It is this combination which is our British
rule of law, which provides a degree of security without oppression.
Finally I would add the idea of common defence. We have formed a very
considerable aggregation of territories of all kinds with a common defence system
and common defence forces. This gives a degree of security to each unit, again
not based on theory but upon actual experience of two major world wars in the last
When we find ourselves closely associated, as we do to-day and as I hope we
may after the war, with three great countries like U.S.A., U.S.S.R., and China, all
of vast extent and with great populations we must think of ourselves, not in terms
of Great Britain alone, but of the Commonwealh and Empire if we are to fit as a
unit into this conception of World Powers.
It therefore becomes of great importance to the world that we should maintain
this curious unit that we have built up over the centuries, not as a static conglomera-
tion but as a constantly developing and dynamic growth.
What you have to consider and what we all have to consider is how we are to
regulate the life of this body so as to keep it vigorous and fresh.
Clearly we must continue to develop all along the line towards our democratic
goal. This does not mean merely political development.
It means social, economic and perhaps above all educational development. One
of the great standing reproaches to our imperial policies is the overwhelming
illiteracy in the colonies.
Little advance can be made, political or economic, without a very considerable
degree of literacy and of general education.
No single colonial matter is in my view so important as this of the spread of
education in territories for which we are responsible in our Parliament. I would
certainly include India in this statement, as I am convinced that there is an enormous
task still to be performed to assist India in getting ready for the self-government
she has been promised after the war.
In this struggle no personal, social, class, or national interests must be allowed
to check us. It is upon the complete freedom from all such restraint that the
effectiveness of our work depends.
In the wider sphere of world organization our Commonwealth and Empire
will have to adapt itself to new patterns of international organization for economic
development and security. And we hope that we may make some considerable con-
tribution to these developments as a Commonwealth and Empire.
The glory of our Empire will be the speed with which we can transmute it into
the Commonwealth and the strength of our Commonwealth will depend upon the
wisdom and equity with which we can maintain its progress and its growth without
destruction of its unity.
British Speeches of the Day
MR. HERBERT MORRISON
Home Secretary and Minister of Home Security
August 15, 1943
Some of the new developments in the White Paper programme are of the
greatest significance for the future. There is, for instance, the increased importance
and emphasis placed upon Nursery Schools, a policy which will have the pro-
foundest effect upon the physical and mental health of the young child and on its
capacities for growth into the best kind of citizenship.
Then there is the great change involved in the introduction of free secondary
education and its division into varying types according to the temperaments with
which it must deal. It is a very wise thing not to produce an over-supply of black-
coat workers by concentrating on "Grammar School" education, but to educate the
craftsmen and artisans and other industrial workers without trying to turn all into
clerks. (But, of course, we want our craftsmen to have the chance of good cultural
Then, too, there is the development of what is to be called further education
-part time teaching for young people doing their first work in the world. At
present no more than a beginning is contemplated, but it brings nearer the time
when all our young people will be learning systematically for as long as they are
This "further education" is certainly not less important than the raising of the
school leaving age. Adult education-including self-education through good book
reading-is worthy of all encouragement.
The White Paper does not deal with some matters of vital importance which
have been or are the subject of examination by special committees, and it is on
some of these that I should like to say a word today.
The Teaching Profession
The progress of the teaching profession is vital to the success of the new edu-
cational programme. The plans in view will call for thousands more teachers. The
mere production of enough of them, trained to get through their classroom work,
is itself a formidable problem. But we shall look for something else as well. Our
teachers, if they are to do their job with real success, must be men .and women of
independent minds-they themselves respecting and admiring independent minds
--conscious of the essential importance of the work the community entrusts to
And the community itself must be more clearly conscious of the importance of
the teachers' place in the scheme of things. I am not sure that in our social judg-
ments and attitudes we have given the teaching profession its proper status, as we
have certain other professions, like medicine and the law; and I am not sure
whether the teachers have always been ready and willing to claim for themselves
the position they ought to enjoy.
It is a sign of something wrong on both sides that so many teachers don't like
to be known as teachers in private life. I sometimes wonder whether there is
enough independence of mind and outlook among all of them. Maybe this is a relic
of the bad old days when a teacher's salary depended in part on the examination
performance of his pupils, a state of affairs which did not encourage originality
of teaching method or even of thought; days, too, when teachers lived in constant
fear of local authorities, school managers and His Majesty's Inspectors. But these
days are, I hope, long since past and, after making allowance for the undoubted
faults in the point of view of society in general, I think that there is a good deal
that rests in the teacher's own hands.
Exacting and harassing as the work of many of them is, there is, perhaps, more
that they could do to keep themselves out of the rut of routine. We must develop
and adapt the refresher courses to help them to do so. In fact, the whole business
of the training of teachers is under, and requires, review. I incline to the view that
this is a job in which the Universities might well play a larger part than they do,
and that the segregated life of the Training Colleges does not encourage breadth
And I would not wish to end this part of my remarks without paying a sincere
tribute to the remarkable job of work the teachers have done in the war. It arises,
indeed, out of the job many of them were doing in peace. I doubt whether the
public realises the extent to which, during the past two or three decades, the
teacher has become one of the local agents of social service in many of the activi-
ties of the State with regard to the welfare of children-for example, milk, school
meals, medical and dental treatment, holiday camps, etc.
It is the teacher upon whom the burden of administration falls, and we expect
of him not merely that he shall be a good teacher but that he shall be willing and
able in many miscellaneous ways usually in his leisure time, to promote the welfare
of the children entrusted to his care. Out of this situation there grew naturally the
big job of work the teacher did when war came.
The Purpose of Education
What we want from education is a set of young people mentally hard-boiled,
able intellectually "to stand on their own feet", form their own judgments, think
for themselves, tackle the problems that life will put to them, and, later on, resist
the blandishments of various siren songsters on the make, whether they are adver-
tisers or politicians.
There is no doubt that the educational system of today is an all-round improve-
ment on its predecessor twenty-five years ago. The much improved mental quality
of our sailors, soldiers and airmen is a proof of it. Do not under-estimate the
advance achieved. But even today one in five Army recruits has to be classified
as backward, unfit to cope effectively with the tasks that Army life must set him,
and in need of further "nursing".
Among the population at large the proportion is certainly not less, and I am
afraid that there is an even greater number of citizens who, while it would be
going outside the ordinary meaning of words to call them backward, nevertheless
have disliked straight and factual thinking for so long that they are now almost
incapable of it. They cannot, or will not, face real issues, for example, in the
larger field of politics which plays so great a part in shaping their lives, and by
their inadequacies they are standing temptation to weak humanity among the poli-
ticians-a temptation against which not all of us are proof.
This is surely a weakness which it must be the special province of education to
attack and remove. Real education, whatever its subject matter, should teach
people to get a thrill and a stimulus out of facing facts, even such unpleasant,
complex and many sided facts as Ministers have to face every day in their Depart-
ments and in the Cabinet, to get a stimulus out of thinking straight about them and
coping with them like upstanding men and women.
From what I hear of the educational and training work that is going on in the
British Speeches of the Day
Army, I have hopes that the proportion of straight, independent thinkers and
doers coming out of the Army will be a good deal higher than the proportion that
went into it. Some of this good result no doubt springs from the systematic work in
adult education that is going on as a special part of training; but a good deal of it
springs from the shake-up of entering on an entirely new life and environment, and
the general toning-up of mind and body that modern military training gives.
I wonder whether the qualities that make up independence of personality-the
power of ready and decisive response to facts, alertness, balance and so forth-
I wonder whether these qualities, which just as much as technical skill are the
deliberate objectives of Army training, could not equally be made part of the
deliberate objective of our educational system. Why not?
A Common Primary Schooling for All
Personally, I hope we shall be able to move towards the state of affairs in which
the basis of our whole educational system will be a common primary school educa-
tion for all, as it is in so many other highly developed countries. I personally think
it no solution of the secondary schools problem to send a few more poor boys to
the rich man's schools. I do think it a right policy for primary education to send
many more rich men's boys to the poor men's schools-and to.make those schools
good enough for the sons of policemen and plutocrats alike.
One of the results of a universal system of primary education is that e- eryone
is interested in it. It becomes a matter of immediate personal concern to every
parent in the land, and those who have for generations been used to high standards
in cultural matters will be certain to use their weight and influence on behalf of
rising standards for all. There could be no greater step towards the real democ ratisa-
tion of our society than the introduction of a universal system of public primary
And let us not forget in our enthusiasm for the ways and means of education
what the whole process is for. Our society and the men and women in it want to
live full lives and to get a good living. Educationalists must not forget that, but
neither need can be secured without a highly developed education system. We
cannot go further and faster than our resources at any given time will permit. But
it is true economy as well as social wisdom to go as fast and as far in this direction
as we reasonably can. Of all the enterprises in which a progressive society can
invest its money none can yield richer return in human quality and capacity, indeed
in the long run, in actual wealth and prosperity, than an educational system soundly
planned and well executed.
House of Lords, July 20, 1943
Undoubtedly there has been a great wave of popular interest in science. A
welcome symptom of it is the formation of the Parliamentary and Scientific Com-
mittee under the distinguished leadership of the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, who
is unfortunately not able to come here to-day. Not the least valuable of their con-
tributions has been the pamphlet recently circulated on coal. There are of course
Industrial and Scientific Research
many contributory reasons for England's leadership in the world in the nineteenth
century. Our immunity from serious warfare, the emergence of a number of great
men, above all the spirit of enterprise engendered by our free institutions-these
all played their part. But some noble Lords will I think welcome my adherence to
the view that England's pre-eminence in that century was due largely to her being
first in the field in applying the scientific knowledge of the day and more especially
in exploiting the latent chemical energies of her coal fields for industrial purposes.
But to live upon coal is to live upon capital. That is what we in this Island are
doing-and for that matter that is what the whole world is doing. Water power,
of course, is income but the energy we derive from it is barely one or two per cent.
of what we get from coal; and depending as it does so largely upon the fortuitous
configuration of the ground, there is little or no prospect of ever magnifying it to
replace even one quarter of the coal and oil at the rate we are consuming them.
Alternatives to Coal Fuel
Whether we like it or not we have frankly embarked on the rake's progress of
using up our inherited capital of coal and oil. Industry, which could not exist
without power, is banking-I trust this is the right word rather than gambling-
on the scientists to find a substitute. Unless and until we can do this, whether by
turning sunshine economically into electricity-which, of course, would make the
Sahara one of the richest regions in the world-or perhaps by evolving some way
of utilizing the nuclear energy of the atom, ultimate exhaustion of our fuel resources
and a return to the mediaeval conditions-when the heat we could get was measured
by the wood we could grow-stares us in the face. As I have said we are banking
on the scientist to find alternative sources of power before our coal runs out. It is
clearly important to know how long this will be.
The recent transfer of our coal resources to public ownership is of the first
importance. It is the business of the Coal Commisison to take careful stock of their
property and the process of valuation has had the incidental result of disclosing
much useful information to supplement the work of the Department of Scientific
and Industrial Research and of the Geological Survey. Not only is the amount of
coal being surveyed, but the type of coal is also being assessed. We shall soon there-
fore know much more than we have ever known in the past about our coal re-
sources both in quantity and quality. As a result we shall find out how long it will
be before scientists have to find a new source of energy. I think that this meets one
of the very valuable points made in the report of the Parliamentary and Scientific
Committee. If we must live on capital, there is clearly every reason and argument
for trying, at any rate, to make that capital last as long as possible. For this reason
the insistence of the noble Viscount that we should spare no pains to discover ways
of using our coal economically must be welcomed by us all ...
English industry, of course, has grown up on cheap coal, and it is no use deny-
ing that it has taken longer than in some other countries for us to modify our
machinery in order to save it. Nor is this altogether surprising when we think of
the capital cost involved. It is so often easy to point out economics which, though
superficially real, are fundamentally false. It is not always mere conservatism
which prevents change. There is a form of survival of the fittest even in machinery.
I think that many obvious improvements in efficiency could be pointed out whose
capital cost would outweigh the gain that could be made by adopting them.
Research on Fuel
I am not sure whether your Lordships realize quite how much research on fuel
is going on. We have the Government's Fuel Research Station at Greenwich, the
British Coal Utilization Research Association and the Gas Research Board. In
British Speeches of the Day
addition the Electrical and Allied Industries Research Association is working on
the efficient use of fuel for the generation of electricity, and the Iron and Steel
Industrial Research Council is studying the metallurgical use of coke and other
fuels. The first three bodies I have mentioned alone are spending 360,000 a year
and more than half of this is found by the Government. There is, therefore, every
reason to suppose that after the war, when more suitably qualified men become
available there will be a considerable expansion of this work. At least I can say this
on behalf of the Government, that if industry puts forward proposals for any
sound scheme of expansion of industrial research it will find a sympathetic and
generous response from the Government . .
We must beware of wasting the heat stored in our coal; but it is far worse
to destroy these valuable molecules which have been built up in the course of scores
of millions of years. No one can doubt that the most painstaking investigation is
worth while in order to find out the best way of using these compounds which
nature has provided for us so plenteously. Research into these matters is going
forward all the time in the laboratories of the great Dyestuff Corporations which
have such an immediate interest in these substances. I welcome, too, the recent
announcement that the coal industry is to set aside 400,000 for research into
the production of these valuable chemical compounds from coal.
Government Intervention in Industrial Research
This brings me to the question of Government intervention into research-a
very difficult question in some of its aspects. As was pointed out by the noble
Viscount, Lord Dawson of Penn, the Lord President, who is also President of the
Scientific Advisory Committee of the War Cabinet, is responsible for scientific
research in its civilian manifestations. This research is administered through the
Department of Scientific and Industrial Research and the Agricultural and Medical
Research Councils. So far as the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research
is concerned, the Lord President is advised by his Advisory Council, the Chairman
of which is Lord Riverdale. This Council is composed of some twelve academic
scientists and industrialists who retire by rota at the end of every five years. In-
dustrial research is fostered by the Government by encouraging the formation of
research associations in which industrialists interested in the same topics join to-
gether to maintain suitable scientific facilities to investigate and develop such matters
as they may think are useful. The Government support these associations by
Treasury grants and by allowing revenue expenditure-capital expenditure will be
considered by an Inland Revenue inquiry-to be set off against profits in assess-
ment for taxation. These research associations are autonomous. They can, and
often do, call for advice and assistance from the Department of Scientific and
Industrial Research. Bodies such as the Standing Consultative Conference on Fuel
Research ensure that the field is covered, and the public interest served.
Government research of the type arising out of this Motion is carried on at
research laboratories under the Advisory Council of the Department of Scientific
and Industrial Research. It is not easy to draw an exact hard-and-fast line defining
the subjects they study. The best line of demarcation, if we must have one, would
probably be to say that this research deals primarily with matters on which Govern-
ment Departments may require scientific advice and assistance; that is to say topics
concerning the whole community such as building, food or fuel. Assistance to pure,
fundamental research has been given in the past in the form of grants to universities
and colleges in various forms. There have been direct grants to assist or even to
initiate definite scientific research programmes; there have been grants to students
in training to enable young men who have shown ability in the universities to spend
two or three years on research; there have been a limited number of senior research
Industrial and Scientific Research
awards to men of proved capacity and there have been grants to leaders of scientific
thought to enable them to maintain research assistants. In the last decade I must
admit that the emphasis has tended rather away from fundamental research to the
industrial side, but the whole distribution of effort is now being reviewed and I
personally hope that it may be agreed to extend considerably Government support
to purely scientific research . .
The Distinction Between "Development" and "Research"
In considering these questions, it is essential to distinguish . between the
different types of activity which are so often lumped together loosely under the term
"research" . We have first of all the simple, straightforward, clear-cut need to
improve and cheapen processes of manufacture-sometimes called development or
works research. Clearly this is necessary, and indeed essential, if we are to hold our
own. But it seems unlikely that the Government can, or should, do it. Only those
actually engaged in the operation are likely to know what directions are likely to
be worth pursuing. On a somewhat higher level, I should reckon research directed
towards the production of new industrial products. Here again the Government
does not usually intervene directly. With regard to products which would be of
use to the whole community, such for instance as alloy steels or drugs, the policy
has been to try to fill up gaps rather than to compete with industry. Finally, we have
what I should call scientific research proper; that is to say, fundamental scientific
research. It is extremely difficult, as I know to my cost, to make people realize the
importance of this and its value to the community, yet without it science cannot
As has been said, it is no use imagining that we can solve practical problems if
we do not know the laws of nature which govern them. But who would have
imagined that apparently unrelated investigations would facilitate the production
of oil from coal? Nobody who was told to find out how to make petrol from coal
and water would have started in this roundabout way. But because of the enuncia-
tion of the third law of thermodynamics by Professor Nernst, and because the
scientific foundations were there, it was possible and safe to launch out into the
vastly complicated, difficult and expensive industrial development which has enabled
us to make artificial liquid fuels.
Relation of Research to Industrial Achievement
Let me give one other instance. As you Lordships know, it was discovered
some forty odd years ago that atoms of electricity-electrons-are emitted from
hot bodies. These electrons are accelerated in an electric field in much the same
way as a stone which falls to the ground-or perhaps an apple is a more usual
illustration-is accelerated by the earth's gravitational field. They are deflected in
a rather more complicated way by magnetic fields. The study of all these matters-
exactly how they were affected by the various fields, and how these depended on
their state of motion-did not appear to have any industrial interest forty years ago.
It seemed to be the purest of pure science. Yet upon the knowledge thus secured
rests the whole of the radio industry, broadcasting, the "talkies," radiolocation and
a host of other applications.
The noble Lord, Lord Brabazon, mentioned one of the latest applications, the
electron microscope. This, too, is of industrial value. Not only does it enable us
to see detail previously unsuspected of the forms of microbes, but it also enables us
to see and study catalysts-those mysterious, supremely important agents which,
without being changed themselves, by their mere presence, help chemical reactions
to take place. I think that my noble friend Lord McGowan will support the asser-
British Speeches of the Day
tion that, without catalysts, synthetic fertilizers, the hydrogenation of coal and a
host of other important industrial processes could not be carried on. Anything which
helps us elucidate their true nature and mode of operation must be of the utmost'
value to industry.
These examples, of course, could be multiplied indefinitely. Who would have
thought Faraday was laying the foundation of the whole electrical industry when
he found that a compass needle near a loop of copper wire was deflected when a
magnet was moved near to the far end of the loop; or that when Dewar started his
research on liquid oxygen this would, as a by-product, lead us to the thermos flask,
which is sold in millions all over the world; or that research on thunderstorms and
the Heaviside layer-largely financed, incidentally, by the Government-would
lead to radiolocation? It is impossible to peer into the future and discern the
effects of increasing knowledge. No Government and no industrial magnate, how-
ever enlightened, could possibly have subsidized Faraday's work on account of its
industrial value. If that had been the objective, he would have been told to try
and improve the steam engine-and no doubt he would have done it very well.
In my view, therefore, we cannot overrate the importance, from the mere
economic point of view, of fostering pure fundamental research. As is evidenced
by its name, the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research-and I emphasize
that "Scientific" comes first-recognizes this. And the Government recognize that
pure research must be in a large measure the responsibility of the Government and
be done at the universities; but naturally, as the noble Viscount, Lord Dawson of
Penn, said, we also wish to encourage industry to spend money on pure research ...
[House of Lords Debates]
RT. HON. WINSTON CHURCHILL
Broadcast, Quebec, August 31, 1943
At the beginning of July I began to feel the need for a new meeting with the
President of the United States and also fos another conference of our joint staffs.
We were all delighted when by a happy inspiration President Roosevelt suggested
that Quebec should be the scene and when the Governor General and the Governor
of Canada offered us their princely hospitality.
Certainly no more fitting and splendid setting could have been chosen for a
meeting of those who guide the war policy of the two great western democracies
at this cardinal moment in the second world war than we have here in the Plains
of Abraham, in the Chateau Frontenac, and the ramparts of the Citadel of Quebec,
from the midst of which I speak to you now.
Here at the gateway of Canada, in mighty lands that have never known the
totalitarian tyrannies of Hitler and Mussolini, the spirit of freedom has found a
safe and abiding home. Here that spirit is no wandering phantom. It is enshrined
in Parliamentary institutions based on universal suffrage and evolved through the
centuries by English-speaking peoples. It is inspired by the Magna Carta and the
Declaration of Independence. It is guarded by resolute and vigilant millions never
so resolute or so well armed as today.
The Allied Achievements
The Greatness of France
Quebec was the very place for the two great powers of the sea and of the air
to resolve and shape plans to bring their large and growing armies into closer
contact and fiercer grips with the common foe. Here above all in the capital and
heart of French Canada it was right to think of the French people in their agony,
to set on foot these new measures for their deliverance and to send them a message
across the ocean that we have not forgotten them nor all the services which France
has rendered to culture and civilization, to the march of the human intellect and
to the rights of man.
For forty years or more I have believed in the greatness and virtue of France.
Often in dark and baffling days I have not wavered; and since the Anglo-French
agreement of 1904 I have always served and worked actively with them in defense
of good courses.
It was therefore, to me, a deep satisfaction that words of hope, of comfort
and recognition should be spoken not only to these Frenchmen who outside Hitler's
clutches march in arms with us, but also to the broad masses of the French nation
who await the day when they can free and cleanse their land from the torment and
shame of German subjugation. We may be sure that all will come right, we may
be sure that France will rise again free, united and independent to stand on guard
with others over the generous tolerances and brightening opportunities of the
human society we mean to rescue and rebuild.
I have also had the advantage of conferring with the Prime Minister of Canada,
Mr. Mackenzie King, the experienced statesman who led the Dominion instantly
and unitedly into the war, and of sitting on several occasions with his cabinet; and
the British and Canadian staffs have been over the whole ground of the war
together. The contribution which Canada has made to the combined effort of the
British Commonwealth and Empire in these tremendous times has deeply touched
the heart of the mother country and of all the other members of our widespread
family of states and races. From the darkest days the Canadian army, growing
stronger year by year, has played an indispensable part in guarding our British
homeland from invasion. Now it is fighting with distinction in wider, and widen-
The Empire air training organization, which has been a wonderful success,
found its seat in Canada and has welcomed the flower of the manhood of Great
Britain, of Australia, of New Zealand to her spacious flying fields and to com-
radeship with her own gallant sons.
Canada has become in the course of this war an important seafaring nation
building many scores of warships and merchant ships, some of them built thousands
of miles from salt water, and sending them forth manned by hardy Canadian seamen
to guard the Atlantic convoys and our vital life line across the ocean.
The munition industries of Canada have played a most important part in our
war economy. Last but not least, Canada has relieved Great Britain of what would
otherwise have been a debt for these munitions of not less than two thousand
All this, of course, was dictated by no law; it came by no treaty, or formal
obligation. It sprang in perfect freedom from sentiment and tradition, and in
generous resolve to serve the future of mankind.
I am glad to pay my tribute on behalf of Britain to the great Dominion, and
to pay it from Canadian soil. I only wish indeed that my other duties, which are
British Speeches of the Day
exacting, allowed me to travel still farther afield and tell Australians, New
Zealanders and South Africans to their face how we feel towards them for all they
have done and are resolved to do.
A Meeting with Marshal Stalin
I mentioned just now the agreement Britain made with France almost forty
years ago, and how we have stood by and will stand by it with unswerving faith-
fulness. But there is another great nation with whom we have made a solemn
treaty. We hive made a twenty years' treaty of good will and mutual aid with
Soviet Russia. You may be sure that we British are resolved to do our utmost to
make that good with all our strength and national steadiness.
It would not have been suitable for Russia to be represented at this Anglo-
American conference which, apart from dealing with the immediate operations of
our intermingled and interwoven armed forces in the Mediterranean and elsewhere,
was largely, if not mainly, concerned with heating and inflaming the war against
Japan, with whom the Soviet Government has a five years' treaty of non-aggression.
It would have been an embarrassing invitation for us to send.
But nothing is nearer to the wishes of President Roosevelt and myself than to
have a three-fold meeting with Marshal Stalin. If that has not yet taken place it is
certainly not because we have not tried our best, or have not been willing to lay
aside every impediment and undertake further immense journeys for that purpose.
It is because Marshal Stalin, in direct command of the victorious Russian armies,
cannot at the present time leave the battlefront upon which he is conducting opera-
tions of vital consequence not only to Russia, which was the object of ferocious
German attacks, but also to the common cause of all the United Nations. To judge
by the latest news from the Russian battlefront, Marshal Stalin is certainly not
wasting his time.
The entire British Empire send him our salute on his brilliant summer campaign
and on the victories of Orel, Kharkov and Taganrog, by which so much Russian
soil has been redeemed and so many hundreds of thousands of its invaders wiped
The President and I will persevere in our efforts to meet Marshal Stalin.
And in the meantime it seems most necessary and urgent that a conference of
British, United States and Russian Foreign Ministers, or their responsible repre-
sentatives, should be held in some convenient place in order not merely to explore
the various important questions connected with the future arrangements for world
security, but to carry that discussion to a point where the heads of states and gov-
ernments may be able to intervene.
We shall also be very glad to associate Russian representatives with us in the
political decisions which arise out of the victories the Anglo-American forces have
gained in the Mediterranean. In fact, there is no step which we may take, or which
may be forced upon us by the tinforeseeable course of this war, about which we
should not wish to consult with our Russian friends and allies in the fullest con-
fidence and candor. It will be a very great advantage to everyone, and indeed to
the whole free world, if a unity of thought and decision upon practical measures
for the longer future, as well as upon strategic problems, could be reached between
the three great opponents of the Hitlerite tyranny.
A "Second Front"
We have heard a lot of talk in the last two years about establishing what is
called a second front in northern France against Germany. Anyone can see how
desirable that immense operation of war would be. It is quite natural that the
The Allied Achievements
Russians, bearing the main weight of the German armies on their front, should
urge us ceaselessly to undertake this task and should in no way conceal their com-
plaints, and even reproach us for not having done it before.
I do not blame them at all for what they say-they fight so well, they have
inflicted such enormous injury upon the military strength of Germany, that nothing
they could say in honest criticism of our strategy, or the part we have so far been
able to take in the war, would be taken amiss by us or weaken our admiration for
their own martial prowess and achievements.
We once had a fine front in France and it was torn to pieces by the concentrated
might of Hitler, and it is easier to have a front pulled down than it is to build it
up again. I look forward to the day when British and American liberating armies
will cross the Channel in full force and come to close quarters with the German
invaders of France. You would certainly not wish me to tell you when that is
likely to happen or whether it be near or far; but whenever the great blow is
struck, you may be sure that it will be because we are satisfied that there is a good
prospect of continuing success, and that our soldiers' lives are expended in ac-
cordance with sound military plan and not squandered for political considerations
of any kind.
I submit to the judgment of the United Nations and of history that British
and American strategy, as directed by our combined Chiefs of Staff and as approved
-and to some extent inspired-by the President and myself, has been the best
that was open to us in a practical sense. It has been bold and daring and has
brought into play against the enemy the maximum effective forces that could have
been deployed up to the present by Great Britain and the United States, having
regard to the limitations of ocean transport, to the peculiar condition of amphibious
warfare, and to the character and training of the armies we possess, which have
largely been called into being since the beginning of the war.
Personally, I always think of the third front as well as the second front. I
have always thought that the western democracies should be like a boxer who fights
with two hands and not one. I believe that the great flanking movement into
North Africa made under the authority of President Roosevelt and of His Majesty's
Government, for whom I am a principal agent, will be regarded in the aftertime as
quite a good thing to do in all the circumstances.
Certainly it has reaped rich and substantial results. Africa is cleared, all
German and Italian armies in Africa have been annihilated and at least half a
million prisoners are in our hands. In a brilliant campaign of 38 days, Sicily,
which was defended by over 400,000 Axis troops, has been conquered. Mussolini
has been overthrown, the war impulse of Italy has been destroyed and that unhappy
country is paying a terrible penalty for allowing itself to be misled by false and
How much easier it is to join bad companions than to shake them off! A large
number of German troops have lately been drawn away from France in order to
hold down the Italian people, in order to make Italy a battleground and to keep
the war as distant and as long as possible away from German soil.
By far the greater part of the German air force has been drawn forth from the
Russian front and is being engaged and worn down with ever-growing intensity
night and day by British and American and Canadian airmen. More than all this,
we have established a strategic initiative and potential-both from the Atlantic
and from the Mediterranean-of which the enemy can neither measure the weight
nor foresee the hour of the application.
British Speeches of the Day
Both in the Mediterranean and in our air assaults on Germany the war has
prospered: an immense diminution of Hitler's war-making capacity has been
achieved by the air bombardment-and, of course, that bombardment will steadily
increase in volume and in accuracy as each successive month passes by.
I readily admit that much of all this would have been impossible in this form
or at this time but for the valiant and magnificent exertions and triumph of the
Russian army, who have defended their native soil against a vile and unprovoked
attack with incomparable vigor, skill and devotion and at a terrible price in Russian
blood. No government ever formed among men has been capable of surviving
injuries so grave and cruel as those inflicted by Hitler upon Russia.
But under the leadership of Marshal Stalin, and thanks also to the stand made
by the British people when they were all alone, and to abundant British and Ameri-
can supplies and munitions of all kinds, Russia has not only survived and recovered
from these frightful injuries but has inflicted, as no other force in the world could
have inflicted, mortal damage on the German army machine.
Most important and significant events are taking place in the Balkans as a
result of the Russian victories and also, I believe, of the Anglo-American campaign
against Sicily. Thrice in the last 30 years the Bulgarian people-who owed their
liberation and existence to Russia-have been betrayed against their interest, and
to a large extent against their wishes, and driven by evil rulers into disaster.
The fate of Boris may serve other miscreants with the reminder that the wages
of sin is death.
"The Whole of the Balkans is Aflame"
And this is also the time to remember the glorious resistance to the invaders
of their native land made by the peoples of Yugoslavia, and of Greece, and of those
whom Mr. Gladstone once called the "heroic Highlanders of Montenegro." The
whole of the Balkans is aflame and the impending collapse of Italy as a war factor
will not only remove from the scene the most numerous of- their assailants but
will also bring help nearer to those unconquerable races.
I look forward with confidence to the day when Yugoslavia and Greece will
once again be free, free to live their own lives and decide their own destiny. I
take this opportunity to send a message of encouragement to these peoples and
their governments, and to the Kings of Greece and Yugoslavia, who have never
faltered for one moment in their duty, and whom we hope to see restored to their
thrones by the free choice of their liberated peoples.
Let us then all go forward together making the best of ourselves and the best
of each other, resolved to apply the maximum forces at our command without
regard to any other single thought but the attack and destruction of those monstrous
and evil dominations, which have so nearly cost each and all of us our national
The War Against Japan
Of course, as I told you, a large part of the Quebec discussion was devoted to
the vehement prosecution of the war against Japan. The main forces of the United
States and the manhood of Australia and New Zealand are engaged in successful
grapple with the Japanese in the Pacific. The principal responsibility of Great
Britain against Japan at present lies on the Indian front and in the Indian Ocean.
The creation of a combined Anglo-American command over all the forces-
land, sea and air--of both countries in that theater, similar to what has proved
Downfall of Italian Fascism
so successful in North-West Africa, has now been brought into effect. A supreme
commander of the South-East Asia front has been chosen and his name has been
acclaimed by British, American and Chinese opinion. He will act in constant asso-
ciation with Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek.
It is true that Lord Louis Mountbatten is only 43. It is not often, under
modern conditions and in established military professions, that a man gets so great
a chance so early. But if an officer, having devoted his life to the military arts,
does not know about war at 43, he is not likely to learn much more about it later on.
As chief of Combined Operations, Lord Louis has shown rare powers of or-
ganization and resourcefulness. He is what, pedants notwithstanding, I will venture
to call a complete triphibian-that is to say, a creature equally at home in three
elements: earth, air and water, and also well accustomed to fire. We all wish the
new Command and its Commander full success in their novel, varied and certainly
most difficult task.
Further Results Cannot be Measured Yet
I have been asked several times since I crossed the Atlantic whether I think
the Germans will give in this year or whether they will hold out through another,
which will certainly be worse for them.
There are those who take an over-sanguine view. Certainly we see all Europe
rising under Hitler's tyranny. What is now happening in Denmark is only another
example. Certainly we see the Germans hated as no race has ever been hated in
human history, or with such good reason.
We see them sprawled over a dozen once free and happy countries with their
talons making festering wounds, the scars of which will never be effaced.
Nazi tyranny and Prussian militarism-those two loathsome dominations-may
well foresee and dread their approaching doom. We cannot measure the full force
of the blows which the Russiat armies are striking and are going to strike. We
cannot measure though we know it is enormous, that havoc wrought in Germany
by our bombing; nor the effects upon a population who have lived so long by
making wars in the lands of others and now, for the first time in more than a
century, are having blasting and desolating wars brought to their hearths and homes.
We cannot yet measure what further results may attend the Anglo-American
campaign in the Mediterranean, nor what depression the marked failure-for the
time being--of the U-boat warfare on which German hopes were set, or the conse-
quences of the shattering blows which are being struck, may engender in the
German mind. We pass here into the sphere of mass psychology-never more
potent than in this modern age.
Yet I consider that there are dangers in allowing our minds to dwell unduly
upon the favorable circumstances which surround us, and which are so vividly and
punctually brought to our notice every day by press and broadcast.
For myself, I regard all speculation as to when the war will end, at this moment,
as vain and unprofitable. We did not undertake this task because we had carefully
counted the cost or measured exactly the duration. We took it on because duty
and honor called us to it, and we are content to drive on at it until we have finished
If Almighty God in His mercy should lighten or shorten our labors and the
torment of mankind, all His servants will be thankful.
British Speeches of the Day
"Till Our Work is Done.. ?"
But the United Nations feel conscious-both as states and as hundreds of
millions of individuals-of being called to a high duty, which they will unflinch-
ingly and tirelessly discharge with whatever strength is granted to them, however
long the ordeal may last.
See how those who stray from the true path are deceived and punished. Look
at this wretched Mussolini and his son-in-law and accomplice, Ciano, on whom
the curse of Garibaldi has veritably fallen. I have heard that Ciano, explaining
one day why Mussolini had plunged the dagger into the back of falling France
and dreamed himself already among the Caesars, said that such a chance would not
occur in 5,000 years. Certainly, in June, 1940, the odds and the omens seemed
very favorable to Fascist ambition and greed.
It is not given to the cleverest and the most calculating of mortals to know
with certainty what is their interest. Yet it is given to quite a lot of simple folk
to know every day what is their duy. That is the path along which the British
Commonwealth and Empire, the great republic of the United States, the vast Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, the indomitable and innumerable people of China-
all the United Nations-that is the path along which we shall march, till our work
is done and we may rest from our labor, and the whole world may turn, with hope,
with science, with good sense and dear-bought experience, from war to lasting
"The cruelly murdered Matteotti and countless victims of Mussolini's
brutality have not lived to see the fall of this cheap dictator. But we who
live can salute the victims of tyranny, who died that freedom might live.
"Bankrupt Fascism in its fall has left Italy with no alternative Govern-
ment ready peacefully to take over power on a democratic basis. That is
one of the evils of Fascism. But we look forward, as the Prime Minister
has made clear, to the time when Italy will again draw the breath of
"We want to see freedom strike its roots deep into her stricken soil,
and flower in representative political bodies and in such democratic institu-
tions as a free Trades Union Movement and a genuinely free Press-two
of the greatest safeguards of liberty and progress in any country.
"We have not fought Fascism, and overthrown it, in order that it can
come in again by the back door under some other name. Whatever name
it used, a pro-Fascist anti-democratic regime in Italy would always be a
menace to the Italian people and the peace of Europe."
MR. HERBERT MORRISON,
Home Secretary, July 29, 1943.
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