BRITISH INFORMATION SERVICES
AN AGENCY OF THE BRITISM GOV '-E.,RNMENT
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OF THE ,
WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister, June 8, 1943.
The Tunisian Victory and the War at Sea.
WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister, June 30, 1943.
On Receiving the Freedom of the City of London.
SIR WILLIAM JOWITT, Minister Without Portfolio, June 17, 1943.
Demobilization and the Restarting of Industry.
VISCOUNT CRANBORNE, Lord Privy Seal, June 3, 1943.
The Restoration of Representative Government.
SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS, Minister of Aircraft Production, June 4, 1943.
CAPTAIN HAROLD BALFOUR, Joint Under-Secretary of State for Air,
June 19, 1943.
ERNEST BEVIN, Minister of Labour, June 6, 1943.
The War Effort of the Civilians of Britain.
W. S. MORRISON, Minister of Town and Country Planning, June 6, 1943.
Developments in Town Planning.
OLIVER LYTTELTON, Minister of Production, July 4, 1943.
Number 5 Issued July 1943
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RT. HON. WINSTON CHURCHILL
House of Commons, June 8, 1943
As the Allied war effort passes into the offensive phase and its scale and pace
grow, continually more frequent consultations between the staffs and those con-
cerned with high control become necessary.
In January, 1942, broad agreements on principle and on our joint or respective
tasks were reached at our conference in Washington. In the meeting, these took
a sharper point and among other things the operations in North Africa began
to shape themselves. In October and November, action occurred at Casablanca.
In January of this year the President and I, with combined British and United
States staffs, were able to survey new scenes and wider prospects. Plans and
programs were approved which have by no means yet been accomplished.
Nevertheless, as the progress of events became more rapid and the armies
marched faster than had been foreseen, it became necessary to explore a new field.
To have the initiative is an immense advantage. At the same time it is a
heavy and exacting responsibility. Left to itself opportunity may easily lead to
Therefore, having consulted the President, I thought it necessary at the
beginning of May to go with our Chiefs of Staff and a very large body of officers
and secretaries, nearly 100, for the third time to Washington in order that the
success then imminent in Tunisia should be examined and comprehended from
the common viewpoint and then turned to the best possible account.
Entire War Discussed
At Washington the entire expanse of the world war on which the mellow
light of victory now begins to play was laid open to British and American
leaders. We have shown that we can work together. We have shown that we
can face disaster. We have still to show that we can keep ourselves at the height
and level of successful events and to be worthy of good fortune.
Perhaps that may be the hardest task of all. It would not be right, of course,
for me to attempt to give even in outline an account of the decisions which we
reached. All I can say is that we have done our best.
A 'complete agreement about forward steps has been reached between the
two governments. There have been no sort of differences such as occurred in the
last war-inevitable on account of the forces at work-between the politicians
and the military men.
I shall make no predictions as to what will happen in the future and still less
in the near future. All I can say is that Anglo-American policy, strategy and
economy were brought into the full focus and punch in those fifteen days' talks
at Washington. The elaboration of modern war renders these prolonged discus-
sions necessary. A conference lasting a day or two, such as sufficed in previous
wars, is no longer sufficient to cover the ground and test the different propositions.
As I have said, very large numbers of officers expert in their different branches
are required at the various levels to be in close consultation. This gives the
best chances to the troops and the sailors and airmen wherever they may be,
from Gibraltar to New Guinea and from the Aleutian Islands to the Burma Road.
2 British Speeches of the Day
In so vast and diverse a scene many questions of emphasis and priority arise,
even where principles are agreed upon, and beneath them lie all those problems of
transportation of munitions, of industry, of the food of nations, of.the distribution
and application of resources, most of which questions can best be settled, and
many of which can only be settled, at the summit of the war's direction and
which at that summit present themselves in fairly simple and yet at the same
time in somewhat awe-inspiring forms.
Co-operation in North Africa
After we had completed our task at Washington I thought it well to go to
North Africa and I was very glad that the President decided to send along with
me General Marshall, Chief of the United States Army and Air Force, a man of
singular eminence of mind and character. We flew together across the Atlantic
to Gibraltar and Algiers in order to deal more particularly and precisely on
the spot with the problems of the Mediterranean theatre.
There for another week we had the advantage of full discussions with General
Eisenhower, the supreme commander; with General Alexander, Admiral Cunning-
ham, Air Chief Marshal Tedder, Air Marshal Conyngham, General Montgomery,
General Spaatz, General Bedell and other high British and United States officers
directly concerned with the execution of plans-of plans which I can best
describe as directed to the application upon the enemy of force in its most intense
and violent forms.
I can assure the House that the most complete concord and confidence prevails
at General Eisenhower's headquarters and the forces of the two great nations of
the English-speaking world are working together literally as if they were one
I was told by the officers of both countries that in the movement of troops
or the distribution of supplies no questions of national origin arise between the
staff officers who are interleaved at every stage and tier of the vast organization.
It is just a question of what is the best thing to do-that and no more.
The commanders are men in the full tide of successful experiment. They
are proud of the troops they lead and are resolute on the plans they have made.
In traveling about these armies and seeing perhaps 20,000 troops and airmen
in a day, I sustained the impression of their extraordinary ardor and zeal to
engage the enemy again at the earliest moment.
Vast armies have come into being in this Africa war and to become conscious
of their spirit is an ennobling influence for a visitor. Cheered by the remarkable
victory after many bafflings and disappoirntments, the British and American Armies,
and now the new French Army, have become a most powerful and finely tempered
They have full confidence in themselves and also in .the High Command
in the war direction. This is also true of the more numerous and powerful
forces-British, Canadian and American-which have formed and are forming
in the United Kingdom.
It is evident that amphibious operations of a peculiar complexity and hazard
on a large scale are approaching.
I can give no guarantee any more than I have done in the past 'of what
will happen. I am sorry that a few days ago, in the press of travel and affairs,
I let slip the expression "brilliant prospects lie before us." I would prefer to
The Tunisian Victory and the War at Sea 3
substitute the words "brighter and solid prospects lie before us." That I think
would be more appropriate and becoming in such anxious days.
Yet all the same I have good hopes that neither Parliament nor the Congress
of the United States will find themselves ill served by their forces, whether in
the British Isles or on the African shore. At any rate I can assure the House
that on neither side, British nor American, have any narrow or selfish motives
entered into the common task. The rest I must leave to action and to the march
When I visited Tripolitania in January I had the pleasure of seeing the troops
of the Eighth Army, whom I had met beforehand in the now far-off El Alamein
position before their victory and marvelous advance across the desert. I was par-
ticularly glad on this last occasion to meet the men of the First Army who, after
a very hard time in the rainy winter, have come into their own and who had the
honor with their comrades of the Second United States Army Corps of striking
the final blow.
The British losses in Tunisia have been severe. The Eighth Army since they
crossed the frontier of Tripolitania have sustained about 11,500 casualties and the
First Army about 23,500 casualties. In all, 35,000 were killed, missing and
wounded during the campaign of the two British Armies.
Losses of the Enemy
The total number of prisoners taken who have passed through the cages of
the Allies now amounts to more than 248,000-an increase of 24,000 on the
previous published total. There must certainly have been 50,000 of enemy
killed, making a total loss of about 300,000 men to the enemy since Tunisia alone.
More than half of these men are Germans. In fact, of 37,000 prisoners taken
by the United States Second Corps-actually it was more of the size of an army
than a corps-33,000 were Germans. The French Nineteenth Corps also led tens
of thousands of German and Italian captives to the rear and must have felt after
all their country had gone through that they were once again reliving the great
days of Foch and Clemenceau.
All this takes no account of the very heavy tolls taken of German and Italian
forces as they crossed over the sea or passed through the air. This toll was taken
by the Allied Air Force and by the British submarines, cruisers, destroyers and
motor torpedo boats.
This British naval force at the same time caused an impassable barrier
between the enemy in Tunisia and all prospects of escape. During the latter
phases the fixed patrol was maintained in a force which would have prevented
any.attempt at escape except by individuals. In fact, I believe only 638 persons
have escaped, and these for the most part by air, on this scene of surrender.
One cannot doubt that both Stalingrad and Tunisia are the greatest military
disasters that have ever befallen Germany in all the wars she has made, and
they are many.
There is no doubt from the statements of captured generals that Hitler
expected his Tunisian army to hold out at least till August and that this was the
view and intention of the German High Command.
The suddenness of the collapse of these great numbers of brave and skillful
fighting men, with every form of excellent equipment, must be regarded as
significant, and in a sense characteristic of the German psychology, which was
shown after Jena and also at the very end of the last war.
British Speeches of the Day
Though this fact would certainly be noted and weighed, no undue expectations
should be based upon it. We are prepared to win this war by hard fighting
and if necessary by hard fighting alone.
In years of peace peoples of the British Commonwealth and those of the
United States were an easy-going folk wishing to live a free life, with active
politics and other opportunities of innocent diversion-and of national self-
improvement. They do not covet anything from others, perhaps because they
have enough themselves, and they have even failed to keep a good look out
upon their own safety.
They have martial qualities, but they certainly do not like to drill. Never-
theless when they are attacked and assaulted and forced in defense of their life
and liberty to make war and to subject all their habits of life to war conditions
and to war discipline, they are not incapable, if time is granted to them-and
time was granted to them-of making the necessary transformation. Indeed a
great many of them are taking to it with increasing zest and zeal.
Such nations do not become exhausted by war. On the contrary they get
stronger as it goes on. It is an error on the part of certain neutrals to suppose
that the previously unprepared and ill-armed Anglo-Saxon democracies will emerge
from this war weakened and prostrate even though victorious. On the contrary,
we shall be stronger than ever before, in force, and I trust, also in faith.
It may well be that these guilty races that trumpeted the glories of war at
the beginning will be extolling the virtues of peace before the end. It would
certainly seem right, however, that those who fix on their own terms the moment
for beginning wars should not be the same men who fix on their own terms
the moment for ending them. These observations are of general character, but
not without their particular application.
I must not neglect to make it clear that operations now impending in the
European theatre have been fitted into their proper place in relation to the general
I am very sorry that we have not yet been able to bring into counsel Marshal
Stalin or other representatives of our great ally Russia, which is bearing the heaviest
burden and paying by far the highest price in blood and life. But I can assure
the House that taking some of the weight off Russia and giving more speedy
and effective aid to China and giving a stronger measure of security to our beloved
Australia and New Zealand-these are never absent for one moment from our
thoughts and aims.
This war is so universal and world-wide it would take several hours to
make an exposition of what is happening in various theatres. Each of the Allies
naturally sees these theatres from a different angle and in a somewhat different
relation. We British must continue to place the anti-U-boat war first because it
is only by conquering the U-boats that we can live arid act.
The might of America is deployed far over the Pacific and is laying an ever
stronger grip on the outlying defenses of Japan and offering every moment to
the Japanese fleet the supreme challenge of sea power.
Russian armies, as I mentioned to the Congress the other day, are in deadly
grapple with what we estimate to be 190 German and 28 satellite divisions along
their 2,000 miles of front. It is here that the greatest battles seem to impend.
The Tunisian Victory and the War at Sea 5
Then there is the war in the air. The steady wearing down of German and
Japanese air forces is proceeding remorselessly. The enemy who thought that
air would be their weapon of victory are now finding in it the first cause of
It is necessary for me to make it plain that so far as the British Government
and the governments of the Dominions and also the Government of the United
States and of the Russian Soviet Republic are concerned, nothing will turn us
from our endeavor and intention to accomplish the complete destruction of our
foes by bombing from the air in addition to all other methods.
Loud and lamentable outcries are being made by the enemy now that this
form of warfare by which they thought to obtain the mastery of the world has
turned markedly to their disadvantage. These outcries will only be regarded by
us as a very satisfactory proof of the growing efficiency of our attack.
Compared with this time last year, we British alone can now drop more than
double the weight of bombs at the 1,500-mile range there and back.
In the Summer of last year, as Minister of Defense, I set on foot a policy of
increasing our bomber effort, which, of course, entails certain sacrifices in other
directions. All that is now coming into hand.
At the same time we took the measures which have thrown the very long
range air power-V. L. R. as it is called-effectively into the anti-U-boat struggle.
All this is now being brought to bear.
May the Best Month Yet
The month of May has from every point of view been the best month we
have ever had in the anti-U-boat war since the United States was attacked by
Japan, Germany and Italy. At that time we gained much greater combined
resources, but we exposed much larger targets. We made at that time a budget of
sinkings and buildings on which we knew we could survive indefinitely.
Sinkings have been greatly less than we apprehended and buildings have more
than made good the prodigious programs'undertaken by the American nation.
The month of May has been one of the very best for imports carried safely
into this island since the end of 1941. Our combined new building has exceeded
our losses by more than three to one. This first week in June could not possibly
be taken as a criterion, but as a matter of fact it is the best ever for many, many
During the last few months the enemy has made very heavy attacks on our
convoys. This has given us the opportunity to hit him hard in open battle.
There are so many U-boats employed now that it is almost impossible not to
run into one or another of these great fields or screens of U-boats which are
spread out. Therefore you have to fight your way through, but there is no
reason why we should regret that. On the contrary, it is around convoys that
U-boats can best be destroyed.
New weapons and new methods and close coordination of effort between
surface and air escorts have enabled us to inflict casualties which have surpasseYl
all previous records. The First Lord of the Admiralty made a statement of very
reassuring character upon this subject the other day, and I can only repeat that in
May, for the first time, our killings of U-boats substantially outnumbered the
U-boat output. That may be a fateful milestone.
The Germans seem to be staking their hopes upon the U-boat war, we may
judge by appeals made to them. They are encouraged to bear the evils-the
6 British Speeches of the Day
terror, as they call it, perhaps not an ill-chosen word--of the air bombardment by
the hope that on the sea the U-boats are taking their revenge.
If it should be made clear that this hope has failed them they may be seriously
disappointed, and they are a people who when seriously disappointed do not
always find resources to confront approaching disaster once their reason tells them
it is inevitable.
But again I say--I make the observation in passing-do not let us build on
such deductions. It would be foolish to assume that good results of a single
month are a guarantee of a continuing process. We may have setbacks, though I
have always looked forward to this Summer as being a period which would
be favorable to us.
Moreover, of course, the enemy may decline battle or he may look only for
the most tempting opportunities. In this case we shall have fewer killings but
more imports, and the freer movement of troops and munitions will be possible
to all the various theatres.
I must say I feel confident that the U-boat war will not stand between the
United Nations and their final victory, while all the time the air war will grow in
weight and severity. I might well speak with more emphasis upon this point, but
it is prudent to forbear.
French National Committee
I have touched on these matters connected with the war. It happened at the
time when I was in Algiers that General de Gaulle and his friends arrived and I
thought it would be well if the Foreign Secretary were on the spot in case it
should be proved in our power to help.
We did not, in fact, intervene at all in those tense discussions between the
French, but like General Eisenhower, the supreme commander, we watched closely
and vigilantly in the light of British and United States interests and of the well-
being of our armies in North Africa.
We all rejoiced when the agreement was made and the French National Com-
mittee of Liberation was set up and constituted as the single and sole authority
for all Frenchmen seeking to free France from the German yoke.
When we met these seven men by and around whom the new French Cabinet
has been formed one could not but be struck by the many different aspects of
French energy and capacity to resist which they represented, and also by their
high personal qualities.
So the gravest responsibility lies upon these men and opportunities shine
brightly before them. They have only to act together in good faith and loyalty
to one another and to set aside sectional or personal interests, and to keep all their
hatreds for the enemy-they have only to do this to help to regain for France
her inheritance, and in doing so become themselves inheritors of the gratitude of'
future generations of Frenchmen.
Formation of this Committee, with its collective responsibility, supersedes the
situation created by the correspondence between General de Gaulle and myself in
1940. Our dealings, financial and otherwise, will henceforward be with the
Committee as a whole. There is a further and larger question, namely, the degree
of recognition of this Committee as representatives of France. These questions
require consideration from the British and the United States Governments, but if
things go well I should hope that a solution satisfactory to all parties may shortly
The Tunisian Victory and the War at Sea
Two Predominant Impressions
Let me now sum up the two predominant impressions that I have sustained
from this journey.
First is the spirit and quality and organization of the British and Allied armies
in North Africa. Second is the intimacy and strength of ties now uniting the
British and the United States Governments and the British and American peoples.
All sorts of divergencies, all sorts of differences of outlook, all sorts of awkward
little jars necessarily occur as we roll ponderously forward together along the
rough and broken road of war, but none of these makes the slightest difference
to our growing concert and unity, and there are none of them that cannot be
settled face to face by heart-to-heart talks and patient argument.
My own relations with the illustrious President of the United States have
become in these years of war those of a personal friendship and regard, and
nothing will ever happen to separate us in the comradeship and partnership of
thought and action while we remain responsible for the conduct of affairs.
The reason why I have not to make a longer speech today is that I have already
given to the joint sessions of the Congress of the United States the statement
which I should have made to this House on the victories in Tunisia had I been
in this country. That, I think, is the valid explanation.
Certainly when I found myself walking into that august assembly, the free
Congress of the most powerful community in the world, and when I gave them,
exactly as I would do in this House, a businesslike stock-taking survey of the
war and of our joint interests, even touching upon controversial matters, or matters
of domestic controversy over there, and when I thought of our common history
and of the hopes that lie before us, I felt this was an age of memorable importance
For there can be no doubt that whatever world organization is brought into
being after this war, that organization must be richer and stronger if it is founded
on the fraternal relations and the deep understanding prevailing and now growing
between the British Commonwealth of Nations and the United States.
I have one thing more to say before sitting down. I must acknowledge with
gratitude the extraordinary kindness with which I have been treated both by the
House and out of doors throughout the land. And that is a very great help in
these days of continuing crises and storm.
Let me in return record the fact that this House is a democratic institution
founded upon universal suffrage, a House which has preserved its function and
authority intact and undiminished during the war and has shown it can change,
correct and sustain governments with equal consistency of purpose. It has proved
itself a foundation and an instrument for the waging of successful war and for the
safety of the State, never surpassed in modern or ancient times.
We were surprised and nearly crushed by the blitzkrieg, but we have
now let loose in Tunisia and North Africa, a krieg that was a good deal
more blitz than anything that we have suffered ourselves.
RT. HON. OLIVER LYTTELTON,
Constitutional Club, June 23, 1943.
British Speeches of the Day
RT. HON. WINSTON CHURCHILL
On Receiving the Freedom of the City of London, June 30, 1943
I am deeply grateful for the kindness with which I have been treated, not
only here today on this, to me, outstanding occasion, but in the whole discharge
of my responsibilities.
The strain of protracted war is hard and severe upon men at the executive
summit of great countries, however lightly care may seem to sit upon them.
They have need of all the help and comfort their fellow-workmen can give.
I feel myself buoyed up by your good-will here today and, indeed, I have
felt uplifted through all these years by the consideration with which the British
people treated me, even when serious mistakes had been made. Always they
have given a generous measure of trust and friendship and I have never felt
hustled or barracked or racketted in any decisions it has been my duty to make
in conjunction with my colleagues or in regard to matters it is my duty to submit
There is no doubt that these considerations, shown to their leader by the
British people, though far above his deserts, is a very real, practical help in the
conduct of the war. It gives me confidence to go on. Of all wars we ever
waged in the long continuity of our history there never has been one which
more truly united the entire British people and British race throughout the world
than this present fearful struggle for the freedom and progress of mankind.
Entered War Freely
We entered it of our own free will without ourselves being directly assaulted.
We entered it upon the conviction and purpose which is clearly comprehended
by all classes and parties and by the whole mass of the people and we persevered
together through good and evil fortune without the slightest weakening of our
will power or division of our strength.
We entered it ill prepared and almost unarmed. We entered it without
counting the cost and upon a single stupendous impulse at the call of honor.
We strove long-too long-for peace and suffered thereby; but from the mo-
ment when we gave our guarantee that we would not stand by idle and see
Poland trampled down by Nazi domination, we have never looked back, never
flagged, never doubted, never flinched. We were sure of our duty and we
discharged and will discharge it without swerving or slackening to the end.
We seek no profit, we want no territory or aggrandizement, we expect no
reward and we will accept no compromise. It is on that footing that we wish
to be judged first in our own consciences and afterwards by posterity.
This Unique Association
It is even more remarkable that the unity which has existed and endured
in this small, densely populated island should have extended with equal alacrity
and steadfastness to all parts of our world-wide Commonwealth and Empire.
Some people like the word commonwealth. Others, and I am one of them, are
not at all ashamed of the word empire. But why should we not have both?
Therefore, I think the expression British Commonwealth and Empire may
well be found the most convenient means to describe this unique association of
On Receiving the Freedom of the City of London
races which was built up partly by conquest, laregly by consent, but mostly
unconsciously and without design, within the all-embracing golden circle of the
Wars come with great suddenness, and many deep, slow courses which lead
to an explosion often are hidden from or only dimly comprehended by the
masses of peoples, even in the regions most directly affected. Time and dis-
tance, the decorum of diplomacy, and the legitimate desire to preserve peace,
all impose their restraint upon public discussion and upon prior arrangement.
The British people, taught by the lessons they learned in the past, found
the means to attach to the motherland vast self-governing dominions upon whom
rest no obligations other than that of sentiment and tradition to plunge into war
by the side of the motherland. None of these dominions, except southern
Ireland, which does not in its present dispensation accept dominion status, ever
failed to respond.
It is their overpowering influence and impulse that makes Canada and
Australia, that makes New Zealanders and South Africans, send their manhood
across the ocean to fight and die. In each one of these countries, with its long
and varied history behind it, this extraordinary spectacle is an outstanding
example of the triumph of mind over matter and of the human heart over short-
sighted self-interest. In the vast subcontinent of India, which, we trust, will
presently find full satisfaction within the British Commonwealth of Nations,
the martial races and many others thronged to the imperial standard.
More than 2,000,000 joined the armed forces and distinguished themselves
in many cases during the fiercest conflicts with the Germans, Italians and Japanese.
All the great countries engaged in this war count their armies by the millions,
but the Indian Army has the peculiar characteristic not found in the armies of
Britain, or the United States, or Russia, or France, or in the armies of our foes,
in that it is entirely composed of volunteers. Not one has been conscripted or
The same thing is broadly true throughout the great Colonial Empire. Many
scores of thousands of troops from the immense tropical spaces or drawn from
lonely islands nursed by waves have come overseas. Many volunteers there were
for whom we could not find arms. Many there are for whom we cannot find
But I say that the universal ardor of our Colonial Empire to join in this
awful conflict and continue in high temper through all its ups and downs is
the first answer that I would make to those ignorant, envious voices who call
into question the greatness of the work we are doing throughout the world and
which we shall continue to do.
Bonds of the Free
The time came when this loosely and variously knitted world-spread asso-
ciation, where so much was left unwritten and undefined, was confronted with
its most searching test of all. The mother country, the home of kingship, this
famous island, seemed to enter the very jaws of death and destruction. Three
years ago all over the world, friend and foe alike, everyone who had not an eye
of faith might well have deemed our speedy ruin was at hand. Against the
triumphant might of Hitler, with the greedy Italian at his tail, we stood alone,
with resources so slender that one shudders to enumerate them even now.
Then surely was the moment for the Empire to break up, for each of its
widely dispersed communities to seek safety on the winning side. For those
10 British Speeches of the Day
who thought themselves oppressed to throw off the yoke and make better terms
betimes with the conquering Nazi and Fascist power. Then was the time. But
what happened? It proved that the bonds which unite us, though supple and
elastic, are stronger than the tensest steel. It was proved that they were bonds
of the free and thus could rise superior alike to the most tempting allurements
of surrender and the harvest threat of doom.
In the dark, terrific and also glorious hour, we received from all parts of
His Majesty's Dominions, from the greatest to the smallest, from the strongest
and from the weakest, from the most modern and most simple, assurances that
we would all go down or come through together. You will forgive me if on
this occasion to me so memorable in the heart of mighty London I rejoice in the
soundness of our institutions and proclaim my faith in our destiny.
The Great Republic of the United States
But now I must speak of the great Republic of the United States whose power
arouses no fear and whose pre-eminence .excites no jealousy in British bosoms.
Upon the association and the intimate alignment of the policy of the United
States and the British Commonwealth and Empire depends, more than upon any
other factor, the immediate future of the world.
If we walk, or, if need be, march together in harmony and in accordance
with the moral and political conceptions to which English-speaking peoples
have given birth and which are frequently referred to in the Atlantic Charter,
all will be well. If they fall apart and wander astray from the lines of their
destiny, there is no end ior measure to the miseries and confusion which would
mark modern civilization.
This is no rhetorical extravagance in genial sentiment for a festive occasion;
it is hard, cold, vindictive truth. Yet there are many light and wayward spirits
in both our countries who show themselves by word and action unmindful of
this fundamental fact.
It is a fact in no way derogatory to that mighty nation now fighting at our
side or to any nation, great or small, making its way through the perils of the
We have seen no narrow or selfish combination. We presume not at all
upon the lawful interests and characteristics of any ally or friendly state. We
nourish the warmest feelings of fellowship toward the valiant Russian people,
with whom we have made a twenty-years treaty of friendship and mutual aid.
We foresee an expanding future to the long-enduring Republic of China.
We look forward to a revival of the unity and true greatness of France. We
have the loyal, faithful comradeship of all. Nevertheless the tremendous and
awe-inspiring fact stares the British and American democracies between the
eyes, that acting together we can help all nations safely into harbor and that if
we divide all will toss and drift for a long time on dark and stormy seas.
It is fitting in a singular manner to speak upon this theme of fraternal
association of Britain and the United States here amid the proud monuments and
the prouder ruins of the City of London, because nothing ever made a warmer
feeling between the British and American people than the unflinching resistance
of London to the formidable and prolonged assault of the enemy.
You have given me this casket which contains my title as a Freeman of the
City of London. I have not always been wrong about future events and if you
will permit me I shall inscribe some of these words within it as my testimony,
because I should like to be held accountable for them in years which I shall
On Receiving the Freedom of the City of London 11
The phrase "London can take it" and proof of it that was given, stirred
every generous heart in the United States, and their illustrious chief, watching
the whole scene of the world with eyes of experience and conviction and sus-
tained by the Congress of the United States, came to our aid with the famous
Lend-Lease Act in a manner most serviceable to the great causes which were
There is no doubt that the sympathy of the United States for the cause of
freedom and their detestation of the Nazi creed and all the menace that it bears
to American institutions, drew the United States near the edge of the conflict
before the foul Jap saw his chance to make his bid for Asiatic domination by
striking his blow at Pearl Harbor.
Since then we and the Americans have waged war, sharing alike, taking
the rough with the smooth, not'as one people, but certainly as though we were
one army, one navy and one air force.
So we shall continue like brothers, certainly until unconditional surrender
of all our foes has been achieved and, I trust, until after all due measure has
been taken so as to secure our safety in future years-safety from ill-usage.
Should Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy collapse under the flail of
Soviet Russia and the not inconsiderable exertions of the British and American
armies in the Mediterranean and elsewhere, should the war industries of Germany
be blasted out of existence by British and American airpower, should this victory
be achieved before Japan has been laid low, I stand here to tell you today, as
I told the Congress of the United States in your name, that every man, every ship
and every airplane in the King's service that can be moved to the Pacific will be
sent and there maintained in action by the people of the British Commonwealth
and Empire in priorities for as many flaming years as are needed to make the
Japanese in their turn submit or bite the dust.
The Home Front
I will turn for a moment on this occasion from world events to our domestic
affairs. Here it may justly be said that our slowly wrought British institutions
have proved themselves even better adapted to this crisis than any we have
known in the past. His Majesty has a national government composed of the
leading men of all parties, officially authorized by their parties to serve the
State, and only the State, at the present juncture.
On the home front I submit, with diffidence and confidence, that in the
important spheres of finance, labor, agriculture and food, and several others
I can mention, an efficient, vigorous and successful administration has been
provided. This will bear comparison with what happened not only in the last
war-which we also won-but which has not been outclassed with what is
happening in any other country or under any other system-democratic or
Our vast influential newspaper press has known how to combine independence
and liveliness with discretion and patriotism. I rejoice that both Houses of
Parliament have presented even in our most bitter period their full authority
and freedom. ,As an old House of Commons man I would add if I am here
today to receive as Prime Minister honors which you pay me, it is because, and
only because, of the resolute, overwhelming, unwearying support I have received
from the most famous and most vital of all parliamentary assemblies.
Of all our institutions there is none which has served us better in the hour
of need than our ancient Monarchy. All that we have is centered upon and
12 British Speeches of the Day
embodied by the King and Queen, most dearly beloved and honored by all the
country. We all welcome back here our gracious and gallant King from his
visit to the victorious army in Africa. None rejoices on his return with more
fervor than his Ministers who took responsibility for advising him not to restrain
his' royal pleasure in a journey of this peculiar character.
The general progress of the war is satisfactory. Two great battles were won
by the Allies. Everyone has heard of the battle in Tunisia when 350,000 Ger-
mans or Italians were made captive or slain and immense quantities of war
material and shipping were captured or destroyed. We have rejoiced soberly
but all the more profoundly at this signal military episode, which ranks with
the magnificent Russian victory at Stalingrad and which takes its place in Britain
with the most famous victories.
The War on the U-Boats
There was another victory no less notable-the battle which was fought in
May in the Atlantic against the U-boats. In May, the German Admiralty made
extreme exertions to prevent the movement to Great Britain of enormous ,con-
voys of food and materials which are continuously being received from the
United States and which we must bring in safely if our war-making capacity
is to be maintained.
Long lines of U-boats were spread to meet these convoys, and fifteen or
twenty U-boats were concentrated in attack. To meet this, British, American
and Canadian forces of the sea and air hurled their strength at the U-boats.
Fighting took place mainly around convoys and also over a wide expanse of
ocean. It ended in total defeat for the U-boat attack.
More than thirty U-boats certainly were destroyed in the month of May,
foundering, in many cases with their crews, in the dark depths of the sea.
Staggered by these deadly losses, the U-boats have recoiled to lick their wounds
and mourn their dead. Now as a result of the May victory and massacre of
U-boats, we have had in June the best month we have ever known in the whole
forty-six months of the war. The prodigious shipbuilding exertions of the
United States and the considerable contribution of Britain, also Canada, pro-
duced an output of new ships which is somewhere between seven and ten times
as much as our losses from enemy action in the month of June.
Since the middle of May scarcely a single merchant ship has been sunk
in the whole north Atlantic. In June also, although convoys are not being
seriously attacked at the present time, U-boat losses have been most solid and
I give these facts purposely in the form which conveys the truth without
giving precise or detailed information to circles wider than those with which
we ourselves are concerned. There are two conclusions to draw from them.
First is that we must not assume that this great improvement will be maintained
or that bad patches do not lie ahead. The second is that, although encouraged
by the growing success of our methods, we must redouble our efforts and
The Air Offensive
The disasters of the U-boats in May and June have a bearing on another phase
of our offensive war. These two months have seen the heaviest discharge of
bombs on the munitions and industrial war centers of Germany.
Three years ago Hitler boasted he would rub out the cities of Britain. Cer-
tainly, in the nine months before he abandoned his attack we suffered very
On Receiving the Freedom of the City of London 13
heavy damage to our buildings and grievous hindrance to our life and work.
More than 40,000 of our people were killed and 120,000 wounded.
But now those who sowed the wind are reaping the whirlwind. In the
first half of this year the RAF alone cast on Germany thirty-five times the
tonnage of bombs which in the, same six months of this year have been dis-
charged on this island. On one single night in May, in one single hour, we
cast on Duesseldorf 2,000 tons of terrible explosive and incendiary bombs for a
loss of thirty-eight aircraft, while in the whole first half of this same year the
enemy discharged on us no more than 1,500 tons of bombs at a cost of 245
In addition to this, the United States Air Fleet in this country, already so
powerful and growing with extreme rapidity, has by precision daylight bombing
inflicted grave injury upon the most sensitive nerve centers of the enemy's war
production, and American crews and pilots are continually performing feats of
arms of the highest skill with dauntless audacity and devotion. All these facts
and tendencies, by no means unfavorable in their general character, must stimu-
late our joint exertion in the most intense degree and on an even vaster scale.
I have never indulged in shallow and fugitive optimism, but I have thought
it right to make this statement because I am sure it will not lead to the slightest
complacency or relaxation of that awful force which is now being brought into
action. This force will be remorselessly applied to the guilty nations and their
wicked leaders, who imagined their superiority of airpower would enable them
to terrorize and subjugate first all Europe and afterward the world.
They will be applied, and never was there such a case of the biter being
During the summer our main attack has been upon the mainspring of the
German war industry-the Ruhr-but as nights become longer and as the United
States Air Force becomes more numerous, our strong arms will lengthen both by
night and by day, and there is no industrial or military target in Germany that
will not receive, as we deem necessary, the utmost application of exterminating
The war industry of Germany has already to some extent been dispersed in
numerous smaller towns. When the cities are disposed of, we will follow it
there. Presently, the weight of the Russian air attack, now mainly absorbed
by their long front line, will contribute additional quota to the total blitz.
This is, I can quite well believe, a somber prospect for the German people
and one which Dr. Goebbels is certainly justified in painting in the darkest hue.
But when we remind ourselves of the frightful tyrannies and cruelties with which
the German armies, their gauleiters and subordinate tormentors are now afflicting
almost all of Europe; when we read of mass executions of Poles, Norwegians,
Dutchmen, Belgians, Czechs, Frenchmen, Yugoslavs, Greeks; when we see these
ancient and honored countries of whose deeds and traditions Europe is heir,
when we see them under this merciless alien yoke and when we see their patriots
fighting with fierce desperation, we may feel sure that we bear the sword of
justice, and we resolve to use that sword with the utmost severity to the fullest
and to the end.
It is at this point that the heavy defeats recently sustained by U-boats play
their part in the general attack upon German morale. Apart from the mysterious
promises of revenge, one hope which Dr. Goebbels holds out to the German
people is that though they suffer extreme tribulation from air bombing, U-boats
on the ocean are inflicting equal or even more'deadly injuries upon British and
American power to wage war.
14 British Speeches of the Day
When that hope dies, and die it will, it will appear to the most dispassionate
observer that a somewhat raw and bleak outlook is beginning to open itself before
Hitler's accomplices and dupes. We must allow these corrective processes to
take their course.
Meantime this is not the time for us to indulge in sanguine predictions. Rather
should we remind ourselves of St. Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians: "Wherefore
let him that thinketh he standeth take heed lest he fall."
I may therefore say that our affairs -are in considerably better posture than
they were some time ago and that we intend to remain steadfast and unwearying
in doing our duty and our best, whatever may betide.
"Before the Leaves of Autumn Fall"
I have still to speak of the war in the Mediterranean, about which there is
so much talk at the present time. Mussolini's Italian Fascists, who are, after all,
a small and privileged proportion of the real Italian nation, seem to be suffering
from that war of nerves of which they and their German masters made so much
use in former times.
So far they have only been subjected to a preliminary and discursive bombard-
ment, but they already are speculating feverishly where the blow will fall and
what will be its weight.
It is no part of our interest to relieve that anxiety. They may remember how
they themselves struck in Tripoli, at Abyssinia and at Albania, and how they fell
upon the Greeks and set out to conquer Egypt. And they may look back regret-
fully to the day when they used to disturb the peace of the world and when it
rested with their pinch-back Caesar to settle which weaker community could be
struck at first.
I can do nothing to help them resolve their fears, which, communicated to their
allies, may perhaps have led to a remarkably long delay in opening the promised
German offensive against Russia. But I have some words of caution to say to
our own people. First of all, great military operations are dominated by risks
and turns of fortune. I know of no certainty in war, and that is particularly true
of amphibious war. Therefore any mood of over-confidence should be severely
Another point which should be comprehended is that all large amphibious
operations, especially if they require the cooperation of two or more countries,
require long months of organization, with refinement of complexities hitherto
unknown in war. All bold impulses, impatient desires and sudden flashes of
military instinct cannot hasten the course of events. I cannot go further today
than to say this-very probably there will be heavy fighting in the Mediterranean
and elsewhere before the leaves of autumn fall.
For the rest, we must leave the unhappy Italians and their German tempters
and taskmasters anxieties which will grow from week to week and from month to
month. This, however, I will add: We, the United Nations, demand from the
Nazis, the Fascists' and Japanese tyrannies unconditional surrender. By that we
mean that their whole power to resist must be completely broken and that
they must yield themselves absohitely to our justice and mercy. It also means
that we must take all those far-sighted measures which are necessary to prevent
the world from being again convulsed and wrecked and blackened by their cal-
culated blows and ferocious aggression.
It does not mean, and it never can mean, that we are to stain our victorious
arms by inhumanities or by mere lust and vengeance or that we do not plan a
world in which all branches of the human family may look forward to what the
American Constitution finely calls "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
RT. HON. SIR WILLIAM JOWITT
Minister Without Portfolio
June 17, 1943
When I reflect that a Parliament elected-on far different issues in 1935-
composed of different parties has been enabled to wage this war and to present a
united front to the world, I wonder sometimes not at how little we have done,
but that we have been able to do so much.
One can peer into the future and see certain problems already clearly outlined
and other problems in a much more shadowy form. The first question I should
like to pose is this. Are we going to assume that, when this war is over there
is no danger of another war arising for the next 50 or 100 years? In that case
we shall be able to do without armed forces and devote to the arts of peace
those energies which we should otherwise have to devote to war. We should rely
no doubt on more Kellogg Pacts. I, for my part, have no intention of living
in any such fool's paradise. I speak for myself alone when I say that I do not
believe that until we can see more clearly the shape of things to come we shall
be able to abandon some form of conscription.
And I do not believe that we shall be able to secure the maintenance of peace
unless the Great Powers, the British Commonwealth, U.S.A., Russia and China
hold together and give a firm lead to the world.
I believe peace to be indivisible; and therefore I hope we shall not contem-
plate completely isolated groups of Powers concerning themselves exclusively with
particular areas; though of course groupings of Powers more particularly concerned
with certain areas might be entrusted by any World Council which might emerge,
with the consideration of problems concerning those areas.
Freedom from aggression is then the next condition of reconstruction; for
however solid the foundations an earthquake can upset them and bring down the
edifice. I believe therefore that at least for some time after this war we shall con-
tinue to see armed forces on a very considerable scale and that the Navy, Army and
Air Force will continue to provide an outlet for our young men-and it may be-
our young women.
For the same reason I believe that we must after this war continue to develop
our own national resources.
By our bad neglect of agriculture, and our almost total neglect of forestry we
have found ourselves again for the second time within 25 years, in a position
of unnecessary peril. I am no believer in a system of autarky. I do not believe
that we can-or that we should-try to make ourselves self-supporting. But be-
tween any such false doctrine and a disregard of our own resources it is surely
possible to take a middle course. If we can but acquire a more scientific outlook
and apply in a scientific manner the principle of good estate management of our
resources, we can I believe, hold our own against any fair competition.
I turn now to consider the problems of industry-and I do so with particular
reference to employment. . Let us look first at the foreground; and in truth
the problem is formidable.
Problems of Demobilization
We have to demobilize in the shortest possible time a vast number of men
and women and we have to resettle them in peace-time work in a number of in-
16 British Speeches of the Day
dustries-most of which will be short of raw materials and many of the factories
will require to be retooled and rearranged.
As for demobilization I am convinced that there is one cardinal rule we must
apply-that the scheme we adopt shall be a fair scheme and shall be regarded as
fair. If we come to consider merely the claims of industry there would be much
to be said for letting the men who have been absent from their trades the shortest
time come out before the others. Their hands-in the short time of service-have
lost less of their cunning. Yet any such scheme would be so grossly unfair-
and would be regarded as unfair that it would never be accepted. Therefore I was
authorized to announce to the House of Commons that we had adopted a very
different scheme-a scheme in which the guiding factors were age and length
of service. Such a scheme has the merit of simplicity. It can be understood. There
may, of course, be men in very special circumstances, keymen in industry and the
like, who merit special and exceptional consideration. Yet I feel convinced that
we must keep these special categories to the lowest possible number.
We must not encourage a general wrangle in which all classes and conditions
are concerned to show that their case is special and that they are keymen. ..
When any final scheme is propounded I should like to expose it to the fullest
publicity and the sternest criticism if only that we many satisfy our armed forces
that beyond everything else we have tried to be fair: but it would be foolish at the
present time-with the war in this stage-to get our troops involved in the con-
troversies of rival schemes of demobilization.
But there is one further complication on which we should do well to ponder.
It may be-we have the authority of the Prime Minister himself for thinking
it possible-that the war will end in two stages. It may be that the European
war will be over whilst the Far Eastern war is still on. How can we avoid those
troops who find themselves in the Far East looking over their shoulders and
thinking of home if they think that their brothers-just because of a geographical
accident-are picking up all the available jobs? Any such scheme will therefore
call for the highest order of steadiness, of discipline and of tolerance amongst
the men: and a determination on our part to see that those men who continue
to serve do not find themselves in a worse position. We must rely on all em-
ployers to help us in this respect.
Restarting of Industry
But the problems of the restarting of industry will be no less difficult than
those of demobilization. We cannot allow a scramble for raw materials and
sharply rising prices to take charge of the situation. We have no intention of
allowing the "get rich quick" gentry to exploit the situation. Whilst there are
shortages we must continue a system of controls-controls in the allocation of
raw materials and controls in their prices. ..
I do not advocate controls for the sake of controls; but so long as shortages-
whether of food or of raw materials-exist it is necessary that that food and those
taw materials should be equitably shared.
A boom-which is very likely to occur-might help us to solve our immediate
difficulties but a boom is bound to bring a slump in its train and the levelling
out of these booms and slumps would be one of the greatest blessings the states-
men of the future could give.
Since we have got over the problems of the foreground-which will be very
acute but short lived-we shall pass to what I call the middle distance. I can-
not but think that we should be able usefully to employ all our available labor.
In building alone there is a vast scope of labor. If we can accomplish anything.
The Restoration of Representative Government
like 400,000 to 500,000 houses a year we shall have made-in 10 years time a
very real contribution to our housing needs. We want good houses-wired, I
hope, for electricity and fitted, I hope, where possible, with such devices as
frigidaires so long as we can get them at reasonable prices. Do not regard such
a suggestion as being Utopian or fanciful. It is not merely that such appliances
would lead to a better preservation of food and therefore make for better health-
though this is important. It is even more that if we can give our manufacturers
a solid and substantial order for such appliances at home, we should enable
them to reduce their costs of manufacture both at home and in the export market.
I give this as mere illustration of the type of scheme I would like to see con-
sidered by our experts so that our trade at home may serve to strengthen and
invigorate our trade abroad. When I think of the vast amount of work that
wants doing for housing, for roads, for retooling and reconditioning our industry
it should surely not prove difficult to find useful employment for our people in
these years. ...
Our objective must be the maximum employment of our people. We must
sacrifice all lesser or divergent aims ..
Lord Privy Seal
House of Lords, June 3, 1943
In relation to enemy countries, for instance, I should have thought that the
policy of the Allies had been made abundantly plain. It is to bring about their
total defeat and the destruction of the Governments which have been responsible
for provoking this war. It would clearly be impossible for His Majesty's Govern-
ment unilaterally to define now the further steps which the Allies jointly may
decide it is necessary to take in order to prevent in the general interest any repeti-
tion of aggression or threat to world peace. I am sure that [the previous speaker]
did not suggest-I do not think he did in fact suggest-that full freedom should
be accorded to enemy countries immediately after their defeat to choose govern-
ments, of whatever kind, whose first act might be to plunge the world again
into war. ...
Towards the Allied countries I think the policy of the Allies is equally plain.
It is to see that their sovereign rights and self-government are restored to those
who have been forcibly deprived of them. The method and manner of such
restoration when it takes place it is impossible at present to foresee. In certain
cases, when we have received the unconditional surrender of the Axis forces, it
-may be a comparatively simple and rapid process. Loyal elements will presumably
take charge and a legitimate Government will be rapidly re-established. In other
cases it may be a lengthy process. The defeat of the Axis may be followed by a
period of unrest. The policy of the Allies in those circumstances will certainly
be to restore order as rapidly as possible and facilitate the restoration of legal
authorities. In the widely different circumstances of the countries in question
aRd in total ignorance of the conditions that will prevail in them, it is not in the
nature of things possible to lay down any general method of practice or procedure.
But I can assure [the previous speaker] and I think this is really the assurance
he wants-that the aim of the United Nations will certainly be the re-establish-
ment of Governments representative of the wishes of the peoples concerned.
British Speeches of the Day
RT. HON. SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS
Minister of Aircraft Production
June 4, 1943
Our Prime Minister, who disdains all risks of travel in his determination to
devote himself by every means to the victory of the United Nations, has had
another meeting with President Roosevelt, and I am sure that neither the Nazis,
the Fascists nor the Japanese will relish the result of those deliberations. The stage
is set for the next act in this great drama of our victory; you and I wait with
expectancy to see the curtain rise.
Meanwhile there is a deepening spirit of co-operation between our two coun-
tries and our two great allies, Russia and China. We have just celebrated the first
anniversary of the Anglo-Soviet Treaty, one of the most important treaties ever
signed in the world and one which we are determined to implement to the last
detail not only for our common victory but also in the years of peace and construc-
tion which must follow the war.
Nor must we overlook the importance of the Anglo-Chinese and the American-
Chinese treaties, made simultaneously and acknowledging fairly and finally the
absolute independence and equality of our Chinese allies.
I had the privilege in 1940 to be in Chungking for some weeks and to see
much of that remarkable man, the Generalissimo Chiang Kai Shek and his no less
remarkable wife. Ever since then I have realized how important a contribution
the new China must make to the future.
The new and revivified China, based upon the principles enunciated by Dr.
Sun Yat Sen-the father of the New China-must play a leading part in the new
world of the Far East.
I noticed that an American Senator the other day doubted our ability to carry
out our promise to assist to the utmost in the defeat of Japan when the Nazis
had been defeated in Europe.
He need have no doubts, we have not made such promises lightly. The people
who fought alone and unaided against the whole strength of Germany and Italy
after Dunkirk will not fail against Japan.
Food Policy for the World
The war against the Axis has become one and indivisible, and the Prime
Minister and Mr. Roosevelt with the General Staffs of our two countries have
considered where and how the hardest and most effective blows can be struck
against the enemy in such a way as to help to the utmost to relieve the pressure
on our Russian and Chinese allies. It is for us, who are not in the fighting line,
but who are working on the home front, to see to it that our efforts are great
enough to implement those decisions whatever they may be.
It is not without significance-indeed it is very significant-that while this
council of war has been in session in Washington another conference of the United
Nations has been in session at Hot Springs in Virginia. That conference has an-
other kind of objective; to explore the situation that we shall all have to fa&
when the victory is won, especially in regard to the supplies and distribution of
It is unnecessary to stress to any audience that lived through the period between
the two wars, the poverty and the insecurity which then beset millions of the
International Co-operation 19
world's population. The stories of mad waste, sometimes organized burning and
destruction, in one part of the world accompanied by famines and starvation in
other parts, became a commonplace and were a sad commentary upon the results
flowing from the last war. It is a disquieting thought, too, that millions of people
who could not earn a decent livelihood in times of peace have now been brought a
comparative prosperity through the destructive waste of war.
After the last war we made an attempt to establish a better order through the
League of Nations, the International Labor Organization and by other means. But
that attempt-whatever the reason-demonstrably failed. It neither brought us
peace nor prosperity. We had instead first hunger and unemployment, then bit-
terness and jealousies and finally, there was let loose the unrestrained aggression
first of Japan, then of Germany and her satellite, Italy.
No Reason for Despair
But failure is no reason for despair. Let us look at these problems from a
more modern and scientific point of view. Experiments that fail are not wasted;
often they give almost as much knowledge by their failure as those which succeed.
We must then learn from our experiment, from our efforts which were not in vain
even though they were abortive.
Surely the great lesson is that last time we neglected the economic and social
problems in favor of the political. We over-emphasized the rights of small na-
tions to the exclusion of the essential economic inter-dependence of all nations
great and small alike. We did not observe sufficiently that evil conditions socially
and economically are bound to create political difficulties and frictions, thus sowing
the seeds of war.
In the world of the blind the one-eyed man is king. Perhaps the world was
then blind and so a one-eyed outlook was enough, but now the world is much
mofe fully conscious of its own fate and more instructed in the causes of its
failure. We need two eyes now, and many pairs of them, if we are to give leader-
ship to the world and to see the way towards a better future.
So it is significant that these first discussions are not on political matters, but
on the very mundane subject of the bread and butter of the world. We have
often been told that an army marches on its stomach. A good commissariat is
vital to military success. I would say that peace thrives on full stomachs while
war, civil and international, is fostered by empty stomachs.
Our difficulty, and this is the perpetual problem of international affairs, is
to visualize the conditions and the needs of other peoples while not overlooking
our own. National economies are so diverse, the needs of different nations are so
varied, that to form a pattern which will be just to all is a matter of prolonged
discussion and thought. There is no perfect plan in such matters. We must ex-
periment along the best lines that we in the United Nations can jointly devise.
The one thing we must not do is to let time slip by in inaction until the old cry
of "too late" overwhelms us.
One Common Purpose
The conception of the United Nations-united not only for victory but to
make the best use of that victory for all the people of the world-has become I
believe a reality in peoples' minds.
We no longer think of the end of the war as the completion of an era in
history. We look upon it rather as the beginning of that period of constructive
peace which will make the suffering and tragedy of the war worth while.
British Speeches of the Day
I expect that many of you have noticed in the ordinary walk of life how
difficult it is to reach agreement, indeed how impossible it often is, if you start
upon discussing rival theories of action, whereas agreement is comparatively simple
if some concrete problem is under discussion.
International relationships, like those of business or anything else, turn largely
upon personal relationships sometimes within a narrow sphere, sometimes between
whole peoples, and the same difficulties and problems arise as in our less impor-
tant human contacts.
I believe it is not only wise but essential to concentrate on the specific economic
problems that we have to solve if we are to make progress internationally. I say
economic problems, because, as I have already pointed out, it is these that lie at
the very basis of our national and personal well-being.
In this discussion and formulation of policies it is of little use to approach the
problems with fixed ideas based upon the past. It is not the past but the future
that we want to plan for our better enjoyment. We must, too, regard the matter
from the point of view of the people as a whole. The world is made up of a very
great variety of classes, races, religions and colors and we cannot change that
composition unless we are to adopt methods-foul and ghastly methods-such
as the Nazis have adopted towards the non-Aryan population of Europe.
We must then accept these differences as we must accept the political differ-
ences in different nations, and it is in the setting of those basic and factual
divergencies that we must devise our new expedients.
There is, I believe, one common purpose upon which we can all agree-that we
wish to abolish poverty, ignorance, ill-health and suffering of every kind. We
want to give a happier environment to all people.
Building the New World
I spoke earlier of the elaborate organization of the North African campaign,
of how we had sacrificed our efforts and our material goods in association with our
allies, so that nothing should be lacking to success; what an infinity of effort and
skill had been devoted to our planning in advance. Can we organize the war
against poverty in the years to come with the same care, the same self-sacrifice,
the same co-operation as we have shown in our fight for victory over the Axis
powers? The fight in which we are now engaged is after all only the precursor to
the task of building the new world which will have to follow. The outcome of
the war itself will only be to destroy evil; it will create nothing to take its place.
Unless we do create some better and wiser organization of world resources to fill
the vacuum which victory will create, we shall be no better off after the war than
before, indeed we shall be worse off.
The Food Conference is only a beginning. We have already heard of the ex-
change of ideas upon international exchange and finance between our Govern-
ment and that of the U. S. A. and at the Food Conference the British Government
representatives have foreshadowed a scheme of commodity controls to regulate the
fluctuations of price and quantity of commodities which was so devastating in the
years between the wars. These and a host of other important economic problems
await solution by the United Nations.
It might have been thought and said a century ago that these matters passed
the wit of man to solve and that we could only await some divine intervention, or
the action of fickle nature, to help us out. But so much study and experiment has
now been devoted in so many countries to these problems that we have learnt
that they can be tackled by the human mind and that the real implement of
Divine Providence is the intelligence of mankind itself.
International Co-operation 21
Men and women of all kinds, scientists, industrialists, Trade Unionists, Co-
operators and a host of others have devoted themselves to exploring these sub-
jects and now is the time for us to profit by all that accumulated knowledge. We
have no excuse for a lack of faith or for a self-interested cynicism. Bold and
flexible minds are needed which are forward-looking and filled with determination
to attain our objectives, whatever the cost in personal sacrifice.
In time of war it is axiomatic that nothing must be allowed to stand in the
way of victory. Do we regard it as equally axiomatic that nothing must stand
in the way of reaping the benefits of that victory-not for a chosen few, not for
a privileged nation, but for the common humanity of the world?
Upon our answer to that question the whole future civilization depends.
The Century of the Common Man
If class interests, private privilege or our selfish personal desires or even
national pride or jealousies are allowed to stand in the way then our objectives will
not be reached. Poverty, ill-health and ignorance will triumph, just as the Nazis
would have triumphed if all these restrictive forces had not been swept aside in
our fear of defeat and our desire for our salvation.
Resistance to change rooted in the past traditions and experiences is always
strong and difficult to overcome, but we must graft new growths on to the old
tree of our civilization, or the successive storms of war will destroy it.
We have a proud record for we saved the civilization of the world when we
stood alone after Dunkirk. Since then we have played our full part with our
great allies in the continuing struggle. We have changed many things to win the
war. Now as we see more clearly the shaping of a future victory for the United
Nations, we must play our full part in planning that united onslaught upon
poverty and suffering which will ratify our right to a place of leadership in the
councils of the world. We have, indeed, shown that we are no effete democracy
in war; let us show too that we have the vigor and inventiveness for a progressive
Mr. Henry Wallace in America has christened this century the "century of
the common man." It is the common man and woman who have stood the trials
and the dangers of the war, it is in our common humanity that we have felt
the bonds and ties of friendship with our neighbors and our allies. In common
suffering and sacrifice distinctions die away. It is in this spirit and for the sake
of this common humanity that we must set out to build up our civilization anew.
If we have the vision and the determination we can build a glorious structure of
happiness for our people and for the world.
It is the duty of every one of us in the twentieth century to think in
terms of the twentieth century. The central fact in the economic field of
this century is our ability to recreate our wealth.
It is impossible to think of civilized men being able to make these
astonishing advances only under the pressure of war and the need of
survival. We have nothing to fear from want if we can bring to bear
upon the problems of peace those forces which we have set to work upon
the tasks of the war.
RT. HON. OLIVER LYTTELTON,
Constitutional Club, June 23, 1943.
British Speeches of the Day
RT. HON. HAROLD BALFOUR
Joint Under-Secretary of State for Air
June 19, 1943
There must be more to this war than just beating the Hun.
Men are fighting, and workers are toiling in factory and field to beat the
enemy to unconditional surrender, but their purpose cannot end with this or it
would be an incomplete and inadequate result for the human loss and sacrifice.
Our young men fight so as to become citizens in a world of to-morrow where a
repetition of history of the past thirty years shall be made impossible.
A World of Organized Security
If it is demanded of them, our men accept grandly the final sanction of war-
which is death-but if they are allowed to survive, they will rightly demand a
world of organized security which they, and those who have fallen, will have
made possible of achievement.
This need not mean a world fit for "isms" or controlled by cranks. It does not
necessarily imply policies of either Socialism, Liberalism or Conservatism. It is so
much bigger than any of that.
It means a world federation of men of goodwill and good intent. Within such
a federation, nations, empires, political creeds of the Left, Right or Center, free
or controlled industry, private or public enterprise, all can have opportunity and
room for movement.
To create this structure is a gigantic task, too great to entrust to one Party,
to one school of thought or to any one country. It is a task of such colossal im-
portance and magnitude that we need the imagination, enterprise and determina-
tion of all nations, all parties, all schools of thought; each giving its particular
contribution -to the common pool for this upward surging of goodwill and good
intent must be shaped into an organization which, in turn, must be clothed with
authority with which to enforce its word against the transgressor.
Maybe some form of permanent World Council will be set up. Below this
there could be a number of International Regional Councils; each bound to the
others by pacts of mutual goodwill, trust and promised aid.
In building such a world federation we must look to the day when we can
admit to this fellowship those men of goodwill at present outlawed but who may
yet survive to steer the Axis countries, purged of their vile rulers and pernicious
systems, and who will speak for their countries in words of peace, freedom and
International Police Force
It is no good jobbing backwards to allot blame for the past-and who can
claim he is blameless-except for the purpose of learning lessons. Any man who
claims to be acquitted of being thick-skulled or obstinate must review the present
and look to the future without prejudice to the past. Take the issue of an
international police force. In the thirties many of us, and I think rightly at the
time, having regard to the degree of support given the League and the line-up
of the pre-1939 world, rejected this idea. To-day I, for one, accept the need for
some form of international world police force after the war.
This probably should not take the form of an internationally raised and owned
force, but be formed by each of the United Nations agreeing to hypothecate a
certain proportion of their own land, sea and air forces awav from their own
Organized Security 23
control in favor of control from the center.' When a state of emergency arose
in any part of the world, the World Council, or one of the Regional Councils
under a delegated authority, would call upon the contributing nations to put
their agreed quotas at the disposal of the International Force Joint General Staff.
Thus, from the individual forces of the United Nations, dispersed over the surface
of the globe, there could be called up in any part of the world an international
force, overwhelming in its weight of striking power, of land, sea and air con-
tingents, ready for action at short notice, against any threat in any particular area.
I believe the mere existence of such a force made up from contingents con-
tributed by the United Nations would, in itself, be a powerful deterrent to any
prospective evil doer.
The execution of this conception for the future can only come about when we
have achieved our first and main purpose of bringing each of the Axis powers to
its knees in supplication for an armistice. It is a long way yet and single victories,
welcome as they are, are but single stepping stones towards the final goal.
RT. HON. ERNEST BEVIN
Minister of Labour
Broadcast to North America, June 6, 1943
I will tell you tonight something about the way in "which the workpeople of
Britain have rallied to the service of their country and the cause of freedom and
how they have submitted to inconveniences and directions of many kinds in order
that Nazism and Fascism may be defeated.
Hitler made many miscalculations in this war, and one of the greatest was
when he assumed that Britain, because she had free institutions, would be handi-
capped in mobilizing her manpower to fight this war. He assumed that no
country could possibly secure anything to equal what he was doing through repres-
sion and the Gestapo with all its methods of spying and intimidation.
The second mistake he made was to underestimate what could be done with a
small population, such as ours. But he failed to allow for the ingenuity, responsive-
ness and will of the British people.
In Great Britain, when it was realized what total war meant, our people will-
ingly placed themselves firmly behind the Government. Not only did they sub-
mit voluntarily to the discipline of the State, but what is more important, they
strengthened it by disciplining themselves. There is no discipline so potent as that
imposed on themselves by a free people.
It is true that there had to be sanctions, but these were only in the back-
ground as a necessary addition to self imposed control.
It was amazing, how, when the British people really took on the fight, they
threw the whole of their power, physical, moral and spiritual, into it. They have
never resented the steps that have had to be taken to achieve victory. All they
have asked is to be satisfied that it was necessary and right. The Government for
its part desired to maintain the great voluntary organizations upon which indus-
trial relations are based so that not only could they serve the cause of freedom
during the war but remain to play their part in solving the problems of recon-
struction when the war is over.
Now let me tell you something of what we have done. First we introduced
conscription of men for the Armed Forces. To ensure that this worked properly
British Speeches of the Day
we had a system of reserved occupations so that men were not called up if they
could give better service in industry. Then we registered the men over military
age. Together these measures have ensured that every available man between 18
and 50 is in the best possible place for pulling his weight in the war effort.
But our population is small and there were not enough men to build up a
great Army, Air Force and Navy, and give the production to equip and maintain
them and the community. Therefore, and this is the great point, we turned to the
women-and how nobly they have responded.
By the autumn of last year all women between 18 and 45 had been registered
and become liable to be directed into some war job. Before we directed them we
considered their special circumstances and difficulties, and made sure that they could
do a job without exceptional hardship.
Then we passed another Act so that women could be called up for compulsory
service with the Armed Forces. This enabled us to put women in administrative
and many other jobs in the Forces so that able-bodied men could be released to
Then, too, we made Orders forbidding the workers in many industries to
leave their jobs without permission, and another one under which women be-
tween 18 and 40 cannot change their occupations without consulting the Employ-
The Willingness of the People
Now you may wonder how it has been possible to make all this machinery run
smoothly for you will realize all the hardship and dislocation of private and family
life which is involved. The answer is the willingness of the people to serve and
their determination to defy defeat and to destroy the aggressors. No Minister,
with all the powers that Parliament could have given him, could have made a suc-
cess of it, especially the task of calling on people to give up their chosen occupa-
tions, to leave their homes and families, take on hard and often dirty jobs in fac-
tories and on the land, if the spirit of the British people had not been behind the
Government in the prosecution of the war.
But here are the facts. Out of 25 million people engaged in national service
of some kind-and.remember that our population is only 46 million-there have,
been only a handful, who have needed compulsion. Just think-more than 90%7
of our single women of working age are in national service. Over 600,000
women are doing part-time work although they have homes and families to look
after, and of course many married women are doing full-time jobs. Looking after
a family is a pretty heavy job in any case, to say nothing of the difficulties of home
life, shopping and rationing. But the women, like the men, look on themselves as
partners in a great struggle, eager to have their share in the business of beating
the aggressors, and aren't they proud of doing it!
There can be no doubt that our women are doing a great job, but it is not only
their spirit that we admire. In this war Britain has discovered that women have
amazing skill and adaptability. They are doing every imaginable kind of job-
heavy, skilled and tedious work. They are managers and laborers, or doing pro-
fessional, administrative and technical work. For instance, much of the planning
and carrying out of the mobilization of man and woman power is done by
women on my staff.
Women Have Tipped the Scale of Victory
In the Women's Services they are mechanics of all kinds, experimental gunnery
assistants, checkers at railways and docks, shoemakers, tinsmiths, watchmakers and
The War Effort of the Civilians of Britain 25
there are many more. Some of them fly, testing engines and instruments before
the pilots take the aeroplanes into battle. Others man the barrage balloons.
Some of the W.R.N.S. man small craft around the coast and others do highly dan-
gerous work charting enemy mines.
The same thing has happened in industry. It is true that many women went
into factories in the last war, but mostly they were limited to routine jobs. In
this war there is almost nothing that they are not doing-filling shells, building
aeroplanes and ships and doing the most highly skilled engineers' work. But
whatever they do they stick to it-whether it be dull or wearisome or highly
skilled or precision work.
When I say that women have tipped the scale of victory in this war it is the
simple truth. It was a formidable problem to know how to match the production
of the Axis with its resources of manpower, but the answer is a change from the
old saying of "Men must work and women must weep." Now it's "Men must
fight and women must work." That is what is happening. For when women get
home at night they have another job to do--cooking, cleaning, mending and
shopping and all the things we usually think of as women's work to say nothing
of fire watching or civil defense.
This very brief picture I hope gives you some idea of Britain at war: a nation
at war and a machine at work. If it hadn't been so we could not have freed
Africa, built up great forces in India, kept the sea lanes open or secured the
mastery of the air over the Luftwaffe. Nor could we have built the warships
and merchant ships which have helped to carry us through.
There are no idle hands. There is little leisure and few holidays, despite long
winters and continuous black-out.
Four long years this has been endured until now the sun of victory appears
to be breaking through.
The Government Co-operates
Of course my Ministry, with others, has done a lot to make up for the absence
of the things I have mentioned. We have built up a vast welfare organization to
provide entertainments of all kinds and clubs, and to look after men and women
in their billets and assist in feeding them in the canteens. We know that we
must keep our workers happy and fit and so we struggle to prevent accidents and
injuries and to look after health. When injury does occur rehabilitation is under-
This is a war in which human values count so much and we pay attention to
this at every turn in the Ministry's work. Every Order I have made, although its
legal jargon may appear frightening, has been made in consultation with the rep-
resentatives of employers and workpeople and has taken into account the human
I know our enemies, when they became aware of what we were doing, called
it pampering. They ridiculed us on their radio. They thought it ridiculous to
try and judge every individual case on its merits. But it has worked and there
is now a personal relationship between my Ministry and almost every family
in the country. When decisions which appear hard sometimes have to be given
they respond "Well, after all, its fair-everybody is being treated alike."
I wish you could all come and see Britain at war and at work for I am pre-
pared to say that it is the most amazing achievement in history. But we still smile
and sing and find life worth living and through all the horror and the loss Britain
has maintained her soul.
British Speeches of the Day
RT. HON. W. S. MORRISON
Minister of Town and Country Planning
Meeting of the Town Planning Institute, June 6, 1943
I was reading the other day the American Planning and Civic Annual for 1942
and I found on the first page of its preface this remark:
"There is now "every indication that the course of public demand for
planning in the United States will follow the pattern already set in
England, where national and local planning are becoming dinner-table
subjects of conversation "
.I found in that remark a generous and handsome compliment to this country.
I found in it also a tribute to this Town Planning Institute. For those who, after
a number of preliminary talks, met together as a provisional committee in July,
1913 and founded this Institute, were the pioneers in establishing the hold which
the idea of town and country planning has since gained in this country.
The group of architects, engineers, lawyers and surveyors, who then met, had
the vision to see how vital to this country was the proper planning of its towns.
They had also the foresight to recognize that town planning required a combina-
tion of their several arts and they joined together to bring their vision alive and
to create by their union a new profession of town planning. It is well to-day,
when the urgent need of town and country planning is present to every man's mind,
to recall with honor the names of a few of those pioneers ...
The Beginning of Town Planning in Britain
To-day the work of those men and their fellows is widely acclaimed. We are
apt to forget the frustrations and disappointments which they, like other pioneers,
had to endure. It is tantalizing to reflect how different might have been the face
of our country if their ideas had been as convincing in the hour of their concep-
tion as so many of them are now-a quarter of a century later.
It may not be out of place, when momentous events in the history of the plan-
ning of our country clearly lie ahead of us, to look back for a moment and recall
briefly the several stages by which that planning has been advanced.
The first Act of 1909 did not go very far. It was chiefly concerned with secur-
ing the proper planning of suburban growths. Then came the war of 1914.
When after that war planning legislation was resumed, the Act of 1919, still,
like its predecessor, primarily concerned with housing, went a stage further. In
particular, it enabled local authorities to combine in joint committees a form of
planning machinery which has since proved its value and upon the wise develop-
ment of which the successful prosecution of planning will greatly depend.
The Town Planning Act of 1925 consolidated previous measures and at long
last gave town planning an Act entirely of its own. Four years later County
Councils were for the first time enabled to play a part in planning. The Town
and Country Planning Act of 1932 was the first to recognize in its title that plan-
ning was a problem which affected our countryside as well as our towns and
cities. It made possible the planning of any land, whether open or already built
upon, whether likely or unlikely to be developed. Under that Act my Ministry
works to-day; and the Town and Country Planning (Interim Development) Bill,
now before Parliament, is an extension of it. That Bill, of course, is a modest one-
the hors d'oeuvres of what promises to be a considerable legislative banquet. But
its main purpose is to make ready for what is to come; and, for all its modesty,
Developments in Town Planning 27
I do not think that its usefulnes sand significance will have escaped the watchful
eyes of your members.
The New Town and Country Planning Ministry
The Act of last February, which created the office which I hold, marked a
further stage in the journey which the original founders of this Institute had
charted. By that Act Parliament recognized that henceforth the national element
in planning must be not merely permissive or persuasive, but positive and active.
Charging the new Minister with the duty of "securing consistency and continuity
in the framing and execution of a national policy with respect to the use and
development of land throughout England and Wales," it made clear the intention
of Parliament, that national considerations should be combined in planning the
country's land resources with the more local considerations which remained the
special province of local planning authorities. There once again you were ahead
of Parliament. For in May, 1938, you published a report on National Survey and
National Planning prepared by a Committee appointed by the Institute under the
chairmanship of my friend Lord Justice Scott, Legal Member and Vice President
of the Institute. I am not sure whether, if you were a more boastful organization
than the company of modest men that I know you to be, you might not claim to
have sown the seeds of all of those three great documents-the Barlow, the Scott
and the Uthwatt Reports.
So here we meet to-day-you, an Institute with much gallant pioneer work
and, I dare say, much public-spirited conspiracy, to your credit; I, proud to be
invited to address your Annual General Meeting, proud to be the first Minister
to be entrusted with the task of enforcing an active and national policy in town
and country planning, and very sensible to the responsibilities which belong to
that office. For my Ministry is not, as I sometimes see suggested, a post-war
machine to be kept leisurely turning over till the days of peace return. Its
work is a true component of our total war effort and must be handled with all the
thoroughness and persistence which more obvious elements in that effort command.
Those who are now serving and working are entitled to demand, in part payment
of the debt which their country owes them, that the proper planning of their
homeland should be pressed on against the day of their release; that the plans
should then be ready, not for discussion but for prompt execution.
It would be out of place here, in these professional surroundings, to paint
a picture of the England and Wales that we want to see. Probably none of us
would agree precisely in our mental pictures of the country which to-day so many
millions of eager hearts are expecting. Yet, in broad outline, we all have the
same picture of a community conserving a precious heritage, creating a worthy
presentand laying the foundation of a noble future fit for our children's needs. ...
In the short review of planning legislation with which I prefaced this address,
I noted that the Act of 1919 for the first time enables local authorities to combine
for planning purposes. In the Bill now before Parliament I am seeking powers
which would enable joint committees to perform their work more effectively. I
am also seeking powers to enable me to set up a Joint Committee without the
express request of any of the local authorities concerned. The whole development
of the arts and sciences of planning has tended towards a wider view of planning
needs. Where once we thought parochially, we must now think in terms of
broad areas and regions, the wise development of which should reflect not only
the needs of local authorities which they comprise, but also the needs of the nation.
Co-operation Between Local Authorities and Planners
Much will depend upon the realization of that trend by local authorities.
There are notable instances in which already local authorities have voluntarily
28 British Speeches of the Day
combined (sinking, sometimes, their local jealousies and generously recognizing
each other's needs) to create joint bodies well equipped to review the needs of
large tracts of town and country. There are other parts of the country in which
those larger sympathies are still latent and in which parochial influences have
yet to yield to the wider view of 1943. I do not minimize the strength or the
virtue of those tense loyalties in which our system of local government is founded
and to which it owes so much. I hope confidently however, that, without any
impairment of those loyalties and that virtue, the larger view necessitated by
these days of swifter intercommunication both physical and mental may prevail
spontaneously. . .
Then there is the problem of the planners themselves. I spoke earlier in
my address of a new profession of town planning having been created. Even in
those early days, however, it was perhaps a new relation between several old
professions rather than a new profession that came into being. The first move,
if I read your Institute's history aright, came primarily from the architects. As
the conception developed, it came increasingly to be recognized that the town
planner, whether he were an architect, an engineer or a surveyor, had to make
use of various different skills outside his own profession. . .
The Barlow, the Scott and the Uthwatt Reports all emphasized the need of
research as a basis for planning; and the researches upon which sound planning
must in future be based will demand in an increasing degree the special knowledge
of the statistician, the geographer, the agricultural economist, the transport expert,
the social scientist, and many other experts. There will remain in the more local
field an essential demand for sound professional qualifications in the architects,
the surveyors, the engineers, upon whose sound workmanship the execution of all
planning schemes will continue to depend. But they, too, will have to take
account, more than they have been able to do in the past, of the less material
side of their task--of considerations that spring from the quickened social
consciousness of the country. Even for them there will be no need for the
refreshing of old knowledge and the winning of new . .
I speak to-day with no settled conclusions in my mind; but of three things
I am sure. This is a problem upon the solution of which successful planning
henceforth largely depends. . Here, as elsewhere in the mobilization of the
country's planning forces, we must be ready for the day when peace comes and
the Navy, the Army and the Air Force release again into civil life men qualified
by their gifts and their education to reinforce the much burdened ranks of those
who are to-day sustaining the work.
The Public's Interest Aroused
But it is not only the planners of the future for whose education we must
provide. I quoted as the first words of my address a sentence from the preface
of the 1942 American Annual. That same passage continues-"We are due for a
great popularization of planning objectives and practices." I take the view that
one of the prime duties of my Ministry should be to make the public conscious
of what planning means, what planning is doing and what planning seeks
and means to do.
Here, I am sure, we should enter into an honorable rivalry with our American
colleagues. There is to-day a much wider popular interest in the planning of our
land than ever before in history. Mix with the crowds which have lately visited
recent exhibitions of town planning. Mark how eagerly the planning of our country
is discussed at gatherings of men and women in the services, at home and overseas.
Read our provincial newspapers and note how freely planning problems are to-day
debated at meetings of local authorities and in the correspondence columns. This
Developments in Town Planning 29
generation, it is plain, is hungry for understanding; and it is our duty to satisfy
It is essential that the great public interest, which has now been aroused,
should become an instructed interest. The people themselves must be recognized
as partners in the planning enterprise; and, if they are to be partners, their partner-
ship must be founded upon knowledge. They must realize that the only true
planning is an expression of their own needs-not some scheme devised in White-
hall, in the City Hall, or in the planner's office, without sufficient thought or
knowledge of the compelling purposes to be served. They must appreciate how
much hard and complicated work the making of a sound plan involves; how long,
no matter how soon its execution begins, the completion of any thorough scheme
It is important not to build such castles in the air as were raised after the
last war and brought contempt upon the phrase "homes for heroes." On the other
hand, it rests with us to see that no energy is spared to let those, who in the
forces or the factories are rdow working away from home, feel with confidence
that their needs and aspirations for a better home land and a better home place
are being pursued with an energy comparable to that which is being so generously
expended on the building of ships and tanks and aeroplanes.
There are already excellent voluntary agencies at work in different parts of
this field of honest enlightenment. We are hard at work in the Ministry, con-
sidering how best we can contribute to that persistent and sympathetic instruction
of the public which all of us know to be needed. There is a great appeal to be
made to the eyes and ears and minds of the people-through the press and the
wireless, the lecture and the film, by exhibition displays, by models, by maps, by
plans and by photographs.
I hope that every local authority will likewise make a point of studying its
own problems of public interpretation. Every such authority, alike in its own
interests and in the interests of the public, should consider carefully how it can
best enlighten its electors of the present-and, let me add emphatically, its young
electors of the future, now boys and girls in the schools-about the right planning
of their own home places. It should also consider carefully how to secure that
the people realize the initial investment-the highly remunerative investment-
which has to be made in terms of investigation and patient work, the amount
of capital which has to be ploughedd into" a planning scheme as it proceeds,
in terms of good design and good craftsmanship. ...
Planning Knowledge Pooled
There is another aspect of that problem to which I should like to direct your
attention. There are represented to-day officially in London a number of
European countries, many of which have suffered far more physical damage at the
hands of the enemy than have our own countries of England and Wales. These
governments are cut off from that free day-to-day contact with their own peoples
which the British Government continues to enjoy, They are thus likely to find
themselves, when their territories are liberated from the enemy, with an even more
difficult task of planning and reconstruction than that which we are facing here.
They are interested in what we are doing, and I anticipate that very soon now
we shall be able to arrange a new machinery for the pooling between them and
ourselves of knowledge of planning developments.
Those who, like the members of this Institute, are working at our planning
problems, may reflect that in so doing they are not working for themselves alone.
They are well justified in hoping that, however indirectly, they are working also
for the benefit of these unhappy peoples of Europe whose present fate casts a
shadow across this free and unconquered country of ours.
30 British Speeches of the Day
They may feel, too, that they are working for their country's honor in the
world. Great interest is being shown in the British Dominions, in the United
States and elsewhere beyond the seas, in the measures which Britain is taking to
reconstruct her life after the war. The right planning of our land lies at the
back of many social problems. It is a process which, as it proceeds, can be
illustrated vividly and concretely in the remotest countries. Whatever we do
here-in -the reconstruction of our bombed areas, the renovation of our obsolete
towns, the provision of national parks and green belts and holiday resorts and
nature reserves-will, whether it be done well, or whether it be done ill, be
reflected throughout the world as the British response to an urgent challenge.
For our country's credit, as well as for our country's welfare, it is vital that we
should be able to reflect on the screen of world opinion achievements worthy of
our people and our history.
RT. HON. OLIVER LYTTELTON
Minister of Production
Broadcast, July 4, 1943
On July 4th, one hundred and sixty-seven years ago, the United States of
America declared their Independence. Today, July 4th, 1943, it is clear to all,
and particularly to the Axis, that the two countries are closer together than
they have ever been. For nearly a hundred years both American and British
statesmen have made their calculations about sea power on the assumption that
in no circumstances could the navies of the two countries ever have to fight one
In these present times the American bombers bomb Germany by day and we
by night. This also is a symbol, and you must believe as I do, that in the future
the enemies of freedom can count the air forces of the two countries as inter-
dependent, the one on the other, the two navies and two armies inter-dependent,
the one on the other. They will be the great and solid bulwark that will stand
between mankind and the fire and blast and ruin of total war.
These are no dreams. This is no insubstantial pattern. All this is obtainable,
can be touched, grasped, written into treaties, acted upon, while first the drama
of the battlefield, and later the drama at the peace table, is unfolded before our
There are some of us, and I have been one, who have been privileged to cross
the Atlantic more than once in the last twelve months, and to have seen for
ourselves the United States at war. In both of our two countries there is much
knowledge and understanding of the great ties which bind us together. But there
is also much ignorance over the wide field of one another's problems and one an-
other's achievements. It is our duty in our several ways to keep on widening our
knowledge of one another, and as I am Minister of Production, I will devote a few
minutes of the evening to blowing our own trumpet about our achievements, chiefly
in production. But before I do so, it is particularly important and seemly to
remind you of the scope of the Lend-Lease Act of the United States.
In 1943 we estimate that we shall have received aid loaned to us or leased to
us, in finished weapons such as tanks and aircraft and ships, both merchant and
warships, and in components from which to build them, of an amount equivalent
to the work of 1,500,000 additional workers working for the whole twelve months.
What have we to show on the other side? We, the British Commonwealth,
I can claim, are doing everything that we can, and a little more than we can, to
aid the United States and our other Allies, by mobilizing ourselves, men and
women, for war to the full, by tightening our belts, by working the longest
hours that can be endured, by pressing into the offensive battle every ounce of our
strength. These are the big things. In the lesser, we are supplying on Lend-
Lease terms to the United States, equipment like clothing, services and materials
in the building of aerodromes and camps, territory like overseas bases, weapons
of war like Spitfires-though only in small proportion against some of the fighter
aircraft which we received from the United States.
I think you will be surprised to know that the Lend-Lease aid which we
ourselves are giving to America and Russia during the coming year is a high
proportion of the Lend-Lease aid which we received from America. But I am
going to speak tonight about the big things, and I hope it will be clear from
vhat I say that we are worthy Allies of the United States and of the other
I shall only pick out a few things to bear witness. We have mobilized. For
example, of the 3,250,000 unmarried women between the ages of 18 and 40, 9
out of every 10 are engaged in whole time war work, in the armed forces, in
civil'defense, or in industry. What is the result of such a complete mobilization?
We are now producing a greater volume of goods than ever before in the history
of our country whether in war or peace. Our production of weapons of all kinds
has risen by no less than 40% in the first quarter of 1943 compared with the first
quarter of 1942. And in the first quarter of 1942 we were already making a
stupendous stream of weapons of all kinds. In war we are slow to start, but sure
to finish. Now let me tell you that out of the whole field of war production,
naval and other shipbuilding, arms, munitions and aircraft, the production of the
British Commonwealth is now larger than that of Germany, Austria and Czecho-
slovakia put together. The production of the United States far exceeds our own.
But if we like to make up the accounts in this way, we could say that the British
Commonwealth alone has neutralized German production, and the Axis can now
calculate how the production of Italy, Japan and the occupied territories compares
with the vast output of the United States and Russia. They can derive what
satisfaction they like from this chastening thought.
In the course of this mobilization we have directed men and women to work
wherever they are wanted. We have taken them from their homes and sent
them to far distant factories, but such is the resolution and patriotism of our
people, that we have lost in the last twelve months from industrial disputes, less
than one hour of each worker's time in the whole year. We have very consider-
able armed forces. They are numbered literally in millions, and we are now in
fact, a great military nation; we have been forced to be: we have every inten-
tion of behaving as such. All this has been done by a country that is only
seven minutes away by heavy bomber from enemy occupied territory, and two or
three minutes by fighter bomber. It is quite true that the bombing by the enemy
is now but a small fraction of what it has been, but we must not forget that
only last month more than 500 civilians, men, women and children were killed in
air raids. And we are not likely to forget that we still have to have the blackout
during the whole of the hours of darkness. The blackout is one of the greatest
industrial handicaps from which we suffer, and the dispersal of our industries
for defense reasons is another. But these handicaps have been surmounted.
We have tightened our belts. I think we have reason to be proud of the way
in which everyone has had a fair share of what there is. But there are very real
hardships for every one of us in both the food and clothes rationing. What is
the result? As the direct result of clothes rationing more than 500,000 workers
have been released for other work. As a result of the concentration of industry,
another 250,000. Lastly, I can only tell you that we are now living on less than
32 British Speeches of the Day
half the imports which we received into our country in a normal year before the
war. Millions of tons less, and you can judge what that means in the saving of
ships and of sailors' lives. I have already told you that in spite of this, we are
producing a larger volume of goods than ever before.
I have said that we work the longest hours that can be endured. And I mean
no more and no less. In the munitions industry, the average hours worked each
week by men has exceeded 55, and by women it has exceeded 50. If our workers
in the factories worked longer hours their output would not go up. I cannot
tonight leave the subject of production without saying thank you, to British
workers for what they have done in building up this remarkable volume of arma-
ments. As I have already said earlier in the year, there are greater tasks ahead,
and there are going to be difficulties to management and to workers. We'cannot
produce for a moment longer than is necessary weapons which are becoming
obsolete. We have to redouble our energies in making new ones. We are shifting
the emphasis of production from one point to another. We are going slow now
on many of the munitions used by the army, because we have them in abundance,
so that we may still further increase our production of ships, and above all of
aircraft. This means difficulties and perplexities to the management, and it may
mean inconvenience and hardship for the workers, who are having either to learn
a new job, or perhaps to go into another factory. You know that as far as
possible we are bringing the work to the workers, and not taking the workers
to the work. But we are limited by the time and labor it takes to move plants
and machinery. There must be occasions, too, when although we asked the
workers of this country only a few months ago to hasten the production of some
particular weapon, we have to ask them now to reduce it, and to go on to some-
thing fresh. This may mean that in some cases and for short periods, a few of
yoh may not be fully occupied. It is not always possible to adjust these changes
so that there is no break in your work. Let me however say with the greatest
emphasis that we plan to increase our total production -during 1944, and I am
sure that if there is no feeling that we can slacken off we shall hit this still
I have only spoken about production; and in the field of production I have only
picked out one or two illustrations to point the story. These achievements could
only have been fulfilled by a free people who believe in the cause for which
they are fighting-and they are free-and we do believe in it. Let me say to
the stranger who visits our shore: "if you want liberty without license, justice
without partiality, courage without cruelty,, and democracy without uniformity,
pause here in these islands." These are the true munitions of war with which we
are fighting the enemy. The rest follow from them.
A visitor from the Dominions said to me this week:-"I have been struck
by the happiness that I see on the faces of the people here. I say to myself -
this is a people that has come through great tribulation." We have indeed.
When I look back to those days of 1940, when the clouds hung so dark
over our beloved land, my heart is filled with thankfulness. We never fell
into the slough of despond. We were never shut up in doubting castle, but
we did pass through the valley of the shadow of death, and though we still
have a long way to go on our pilgrimage we can see afar off the delectable
mountains. RT. HON. C. R. ATTLEE,
Eynsham, June 12, 1943.
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