Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Origin of the nations
 Greece and the Greek colonies
 The Roman Commonwealth
 The Heathen Empire
 The early Christian Empire
 The Roman Empire in the East
 The Frankish Empire
 The Saxon emperors
 The Franconian emperors
 General view of the Middle...
 The Swabian emperors
 The decline of the empire
 The greatness of Spain
 The greatness of France
 The rise of Russia
 The French Revolution
 The reunion of Germany and...

Group Title: Freeman's historical course for schools
Title: Outlines of history
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00075599/00001
 Material Information
Title: Outlines of history
Series Title: Freeman's historical course for schools
Physical Description: ix, 366 p. : ; 18 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Freeman, Edward Augustus, 1823-1892
Publisher: Holt & Williams,
Holt & Williams
Place of Publication: New York
Publication Date: 1872
Copyright Date: 1872
Subject: History -- Outlines, syllabi, etc   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Statement of Responsibility: by Edward A. Freeman.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00075599
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 09458276

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page iii
        Page iv
        Page v
        Page vi
    Table of Contents
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
    Origin of the nations
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
    Greece and the Greek colonies
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
    The Roman Commonwealth
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
    The Heathen Empire
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
    The early Christian Empire
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
    The Roman Empire in the East
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
    The Frankish Empire
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
    The Saxon emperors
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
    The Franconian emperors
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
    General view of the Middle Ages
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
    The Swabian emperors
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
    The decline of the empire
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
    The greatness of Spain
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
        Page 265
        Page 266
        Page 267
        Page 268
        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 271
        Page 272
        Page 273
        Page 274
        Page 275
        Page 276
        Page 277
        Page 278
        Page 279
        Page 280
    The greatness of France
        Page 281
        Page 282
        Page 283
        Page 284
        Page 285
        Page 286
        Page 287
        Page 288
        Page 289
        Page 290
        Page 291
        Page 292
        Page 293
        Page 294
        Page 295
        Page 296
        Page 297
        Page 298
        Page 299
        Page 300
        Page 301
    The rise of Russia
        Page 302
        Page 303
        Page 304
        Page 305
        Page 306
        Page 307
        Page 308
        Page 309
        Page 310
        Page 311
        Page 312
        Page 313
        Page 314
        Page 315
        Page 316
        Page 317
        Page 318
        Page 319
        Page 320
        Page 321
        Page 322
        Page 323
        Page 324
    The French Revolution
        Page 325
        Page 326
        Page 327
        Page 328
        Page 329
        Page 330
        Page 331
        Page 332
        Page 333
        Page 334
        Page 335
        Page 336
        Page 337
        Page 338
        Page 339
        Page 340
        Page 341
        Page 342
        Page 343
        Page 344
        Page 345
        Page 346
    The reunion of Germany and Italy
        Page 347
        Page 348
        Page 349
        Page 350
        Page 351
        Page 352
        Page 353
        Page 354
        Page 355
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        Page 371
        Page 372
Full Text





...-.. *.. -... ..

Et '_ D8 A. FREEMAN,.I5&... .
*... .. .: .-



THE object of the present series is to put forth clear and
correct views of history in simple language, and in the
smallest space and cheapest form in which it could be
done. It is meant in the first place for schools; but it is
Soften found that a book for schools proves useful for other
Readers as well, and it is hoped that this may be the case
with the little books the first instalment of which is now
given to the world. The present volume is meant to
be introductory to the whole course. It is intended to
give, as its name implies, a general sketch of the history
of the civilized world, that is, of Europe and of the lands
which have drawn their civilization from Europe. Its
object is to trace out the general relations of different
periods and different countries to one another, without
going minutely into the affairs of any particular country,
-least of all into those of England. This is an object of
the first importance, for, without clear notions of general
history, the history of particular countries can never be
rightly understood. This General Sketch will be followed


by a series of special histories of particular countries,
which will take for granted the main principles laid
down in the General Sketch. In this series it is hoped
in time to take in short histories of all the chief
countries of Europe and America, giving the results of
the latest historical researches in as simple a form as
may be. Those of England and Scotland will shortly
follow the present introductory volume, and other
authors are at work on other parts of the plan. The
several members of the series will all be so far under
the supervision of the Editor as to secure general ac-
curacy of statement, and a general harmony of plan
and sentiment. But each book will be the original work
of its own author, and each author will be responsible
for his own treatment of the smaller details. For his
own share of the work the Editor has, besides the
General Sketch, taken the histories of Rome and Switzer-
land. The others will be put into the hands of various
writers, on whose knowledge and skill he believes that
he can rely.

August 23, 1872.














. . . I

. . . 19

. . . 48

. . 8o

. . . 94

. . . 110
















. 123

. 159

. r75

. 199








. . 28I

. . . 302

. . . 325








Different nations of the w-orld (l)-difference between East and
West (2)-the Aryan nations (3)-connexion among their lan.
guages (3)--a motnt of progress made by them before their disper-
sion (4)--their advances in religion and government (5)-the
Semitic nations (6) -their re/gious influence on the world (6)-
the Turanian and other Non-Aryan nations (7)-their extent in
Asia (7)-traces of them in Europe (7)-movements of the Aryans
in Europe and Asia (8)-geographical shape of Europe (9)-the
three great peninsulas (Io)-advance of the successive Aryan
swarms (II)-the Greeks and Italians (II, I2)-the Celts (I2)--
the 7eutons (13)-the Slaves and Lithuanians (14)-later Tura-
nian settlements in Europe; Hungarians and Tnrks (14)--di-
ferent degrees of importance among the Aryans of Europe (15)-
Rome the central point of all European History (15)-Division
of periods before and after the Roman Dominion (16).
I. Different Aspects of History.-The history of the,
various nations of mankind may be looked at in many
and very different ways; and the importance of different
parts of history varies widely according to the way in


which they are looked at. One who wishes to trace out the
history of religion, or of language, or of manners and
customs, will often find as much that is useful for his
purpose among savage nations, who have played no im-
portant part in the world, as among the most famous and
civilized people. But researches of this sort cannot be put
together into a continuous tale ; they are not history strictly
so called. By history in the highest sense we understand
the history of those nations which have really influenced one
another, so that their whole story, from the beginning to our
own time, forms one tale, of which, if we wholly leave out
any part, we cannot rightly understand what follows it.
Such a history as this is found only in the history of the
chief nations of Europe, and of those nations of Asia and
Africa which have had most to do with them.
2. Difference between East and West.-But between the
history of the East, as we may vaguely call it, that is chiefly
the history of Asia and Africa, and the history of our own
Western world in Europe and America, the gap is in many
ways wide. To take one point of difference among many,
the history of the East does not give the same political
teaching as that of the West. It is in a much greater degree
the history of a mere succession of empires and dynasties,
and in a much less degree the history of the people. We
shall therefore do right if we deal with the history of the
West as our main subject, and treat of the history of the
East only so far as it bears on the history of the West. For
history in the highest sense, for the history of man in his
highest political character, for the highest developments of
art, literature, and political freedom, we must look to that
family of mankind to which we ourselves belong, and to that
division of the world in which we ourselves dwell. The
branch of history which is history in the highest and truest
sense is the history of the Aryan nations of Europe, and of


those who have in later times gone forth from among them
to carry the arts and languages of Europe into other con-
tinents. The history of these nations forms Western or
European history, the history of Europe and of European
Colonies. But here too we shall find some periods and
countries of higher interest and importance than others.
Still the whole, from the earliest times to which we can trace
it back, forms one connected story: No part is altogether
void of interest in itself, none is altogether cut off from con-
nexion with the general thread of continuous history. And
with regard to particular times and places, this part of history
reaches the highest degree of interest and importance that
history can reach. It takes in the history of those times and
places which most directly concern ourselves, and it takes in
the history of those times and places which have had the
deepest and most lasting influence on the world in general.
It is then to the history of Europe, and of the Aryan nations
in Europe and in European colonies elsewhere, that the
present sketch, and the more detailed histories which are
to follow it, will mainly be devoted. The history of other
parts of the world, and of other families of the human race,
will be dealt with only so far as those other nations and
countries are brought into connexion with the long unbroken
tale of European history.
3. The Aryan Nations.- Some readers may perhaps by
this time have asked what is to be understood by a word
which has been already used more than once, namely, the
Aryan nations. That is the name which is now generally
received to express that division of the human race to which
we ourselves belong, and which, takes in nearly all the
present nations of Europe and several of the chief nations
of Asia. The evidence of language shows that there
was a time, a time of course long before the beginning of
recorded history, when the forefathers of all these nations


were one people, speaking one language. Sanscrit, the
ancient language of India, Persian, Greek, Latin, English,
and other tongues, many of which we shall soon have
occasion to speak of, are really only dialects of one common
speech. They show their common origin alike by their
grammatical forms, such as the endings of nouns and verbs
and the like, and by what is more easily understood by people
in general, by their still having many of the commonest and
most necessary words, those words without which no language
can get on, essentially the same. Now many of the nations
which now speak these languages have for ages been so
far parted from one another, that it is quite impossible that
they can have borrowed these words, and still less these
grammatical forms, from one another. We can thus see that
all these nations are really kinsfolk, that they once were only
one nation, the different branches of which parted off from
one another at a time long before written history begins.
4. Early State of the Aryan Nations.-But what we
know of the languages of the various Aryan nations tells us
something more than this. By the nature of the words
which are common to all or most of the kindred tongues we
can see what steps the forefathers of these various nations
had already taken in the way of social life and regular govern-
ment in the days before they parted asunder. And we can
see that those steps were no small steps. Before there were
such nations as Hindoos and Greeks and Germans, while the
common forefathers of all were still only one people, they had
risen very far indeed above the state of mere savages. They
had already learned to build houses, to plough the ground,
and to grind their corn in a mill. This is shown by the
words for ploughing, building, and grinding being still nearly
the same in all the kindred languages. It is easy for any-
one to see that our word mill is the same as the Latin mola,
and that our old word to ear-that is, to flough-the ground,


which is sometimes used in the Old Testament, is the same
as the Latin arare, which has the same meaning. But no
one ought to fancy that the English word is derived from the
Latin, or that we learned the use of the thing from any
people who spoke Latin, because the same words are found
also in many other of the kindred languages, even those which
are spoken in countries which are furthest removed from
one another. We see then that words of this kind-and I
have only chosen two out of many-are really fragments
remaining from the old common language which was spoken
by our common forefathers before they branched off and
became different nations. It is therefore quite plain that
the things themselves, the names of which have thus been
kept in so many different languages for thousands of years,
were already known to the Aryan people before they parted
into different nations. And I need not say that people who
build houses, plough the ground, and grind their corn,
though they may still have very much to learn, are in a
much higher state than the people in some parts of the
world are in even now.
5. Early Aryan Religion and Government.-But lan-
guage again tells us something more of the early Aryan
people than the progress which they had made in the
merely mechanical arts. We find that the names for various
family relations, for the different degrees of kindred and
affinity, father, mother, brother, sister, and the like, are the
same in all or most of the kindred tongues. We see then
that, before the separation, the family life, the groundwork
of all society and government, was already well understood
and fully established. And we see too that regular govern-
ment itself had already begun ; for words meaning king or
ruler are the same in languages so far distant from one another
as Sanscrit, Latin, and English. The Latin words rex, regcre,
regnum, are the same as the Old-English rica, rixian, rice,


words which have dropped out of the language, but which
still remain in the ending of such words as bishtofrick,
where the last syllable means government or possession.
And we can also see that the Aryans before their dispersion
had already something of a religion. For there is a common
stock of words and tales common to most of the Aryan
nations, many of which they cannot have borrowed from one
another,.and which point to an early reverence for the great
powers of the natural world. Thus the same name for the
sky, or for the great God of the sky, appears in very different
languages, as Dyaus in Sanscrit, Zeus in Greek, and the Old-
English God Tiw, from whom we still call the third day of
the week Tiwesdceg or Tuesday. And there are a number of
stories about various Gods and heroes found among different
Aryan nations, all of which seem to come from one common
source. And we may go on and see that the first glimpses
which we can get of the forms of government in the early days
of the kindred nations show them to have been wonderfully
like one another. Alike among the old Greeks, the old
Italians, and the old Germans, there was a King or chief with
limited power, there was a smaller Councilof nobles or of old
men, and a general Assembly of the whole people. Such
was the old constitution of England, out of which our
present constitution has grown step by step. But there is
no reason to think that this was at all peculiar to England,
or even peculiar to those nations who are most nearly akin
to the English. There is every reason to believe that this
form of government, in which every man had a place,
though some had a greater place than others, was really
one of the possessions which we have in common with
the whole Aryan family. We see then that our common
Aryan forefathers, in the times when they were still one
people, times so long ago that we cannot hope to give
them any certain date, had already made advances in civiliza-


tion which placed them far above mere savages. They
already had the family life ; they already had the beginnings
of religion and government ; and they already knew most
of those simple arts which are most needed for the comfort
of human life.
6. The Semitic Nations.--Such then were the original
Aryans-that one among the great families of mankind to
which we ourselves belong, and that which has played the
greatest part in the history of the world. Still the Aryan
nations are only a small part among the nations of the earth.
It is not needful for our purpose to speak at any length ot
the nations which are not Aryan ; but a few words must be
given to the two great families which have always pretty
well divided Europe and Asia with the Aryans, and with
whom the history of the Aryans is constantly coming in
contact. Next in importance to the Aryans we must place
those which are called the Semitic nations, among whom
those with whom we have most concern are the Hebrews,
the P/hunicians, and the Arabs. And in one point we must
set them even above the Aryans ; for the three religions
whichh have taught men that there is but one God-the
7ewish, the Christian, and the Mahometan-have all come
from among them. But those among the Semitic nations to
whom this great truth was not known seem often to have
fallen into lower forms of idolatry than the Aryaos, Now the
Semitic nations have, so to speak, kept much closer together
than the Aryans have. They have always occupied a much
smaller portion of the world than the Aryans, and they
have kept much more in the same part of the world. Their
chief seats have always been in south-western Asia; and
though they have spread themselves thence into distant
parts of the world, in Asia, Africa, and even Europe, yet
this has mainly been by settlements in comparatively late
times, about whose history we know something. Their


languages also have parted off much less from one another
than the Aryan languages have ; the Semitic nations have
thus always kept up more of the cha, acter of one family than
the Aryans.
7. The Turanian Nations.-The rest of Asia, which is not
occupied either by Aryan or by Semitic people, is occupied
by various nations whose tongues differ far more widely
from one another than the Aryan tongues do. Still there
is reason to believe that many of them at least were
originally one people, and at all events it is convenient for
our purposes to class together all those nations of Europe
and Asia which are neither Aryan nor Semitic. The people
of the greater part of Asia are commonly known as the
Turanian nations. In the old Persian stories Turan, the
land of darkness, is opposed to Iran or Aria, the land of
light; and it is from this Iran, the old name of Persia, that
it has been thought convenient to give the whole family the
name of Aryans. And besides that large part of Asia which
is still occupied by the Turanians, it is plain that in earlier
times they occupied a large part of Europe also. But the
Aryans have driven them out of nearly all Europe, except a
few remnants in out-of-the-way corners, such as the Fins and
Laps in the north. The Basques also on the borders of
Spain and Gaul, whether akin to the Turanians or not, are
at least neither Aryan nor Semitic, so that for our purposes
they may all go together. Except these few remnants of the
old races, all Europe has been Aryan since the beginning
of written history, except when Semitic or Turanian invaders
have come in later times. But in Asia the nations which
are neither Aryan nor Semitic, the Chinese, Mongols, Turks,
and others, still far outnumber the Aryan and Semitic nations
put together.
8. The Aryan Dispersion.-We have seen that there was
a time, long before the beginning of recorded history, when


the forefathers of the various Aryans dwelled together as one
people, speaking one language. And the advances which
they had made towards civilization show that they must
have dwelled together for a long time, but a time whose
length we cannot undertake to measure. Nor can we
undertake to fix a date for the time of the great separation,
when the families which had hitherto dwelled together
parted off in different directions and became different
nations speaking tongues which are easily seen to be
near akin to each other, but which gradually parted from one
another so that different nations could no longer understand
each other's speech. All that we can say is that these are
facts which happened long before the beginnings of written
history, but which are none the less certain because we learn
them from another kind of proof. The various wandering
bands must have parted off at long intervals, one by one,
and it often happened that a band split off into two or more
bands in the course of its wanderings. And in most cases
they did not enter upon uninhabited lands, but upon lands
in which men of other races were already dwelling, among
whom they appeared as conquerors, and whom, for the most
part, they drove out of the best parts of the land into out-
of-the-way corners. First of all, there are the two great
divisions of the Eastern and the Western, the Asiatic and
the European, Aryans, divisions which became altogether
cut off from one another in geographical position and in
habits and feelings. From the old mother-land one great
troop pressed to the south-east and became the forefathers
of the Persians and Hiindoos, driving the older inhabi-
tants of India down to the south, into the land which is
properly distinguished from Hindostan by the name of the
Deccan. The other great troop pressed westward, and,
sending off one swarm after another, formed the various
Aryan nations of Europe. The order in which they


came can be known only by their geographical posi-
tion. The first waves of the migration must be those
whom we find furthest to the West and furthest to the
South. But, in order fully to take in the force of the
evidence furnished by the geographical position of the
various Aryan nations in Europe, it is needful to say a
few words as to the geographical aspect of the continent
of Europe itself.
9. Geographical Shape of Europe.-A glance at the map
will show that, of the three continents which form the Old
World, Europe, Asia, and Africa, the first two are far more
closely connected with one another than either of them is
with the third. Africa is a vast peninsula-in our own day
indeed it may be said to have become an island-united to
the other two by a very narrow isthmus. But Europe and
Asia form one continuous mass, and in some parts the
boundary between the two is purely artificial. Some maps,
for instance, make the Don the boundary; others make it
the Volga. The most northern and the most central parts of
Europe and Asia form continuous geographical wholes; it is
only the southern parts of the two continents which are quite
cut off from one another. And it is in these southern parts
of each that the earliest recorded history, at all events the
earliest recorded history of the Aryan nations, begins. Cen-
tral Europe and central Asia form one great solid mass of
nearly unbroken territory. The southern parts of each con-
tinent, the lands below these central masses, consist of a
series of peninsulas, running, in the case of Europe, into the
great inland sea called the Mediterranean-the sea which
brings all three continents into connexion-in the case of
Asia into the Ocean itself. Europe thus consists of a great
central plain, cut off by a nearly unbroken mountain range
from a system of islands and peninsulas to the south, which
is again balanced to the north by a sort of secondary system


of islands and peninsulas, the Baltic being a sort of northern
Mediterranean. We might almost say the same of Asia, as
the mouths of. the great rivers which run to the north form
several peninsulas and inland seas. But then this part of the
world has always been, so to speak, frozen up, and it never
has played, nor can play, any part in history.
10. The three great European Peninsulas.-We thus
see that the southern part of Europe consists mainly of three
great peninsulas, those of Spain, Italy, and what we may
roughly call Greece. Of these, the two eastern peninsulas
are purely Mediterranean, while Spain, from its position at one
end of the Old World, could not help having one side to the
Ocean. So Northern Europe may be said to consist of the
two Scandinavian peninsulas and of our own British islands,
which in a certain way balance Spain, and which, in a
general glance, seem peninsular rather than insular. Now
of the three southern peninsulas, it will be seen at once that
the eastern one has a character of its own. Though the
nearest to Asia, it is in its geographical character the most
thoroughly European. As Europe is, more than either of
the other continents, a land of islands and peninsulas, so
Greece and the countries near to it are, more than any other
part of Europe, a land of islands and peninsulas. It is
therefore hardly more than we should expect when we find
that the recorded history of Europe begins in this eastern
peninsula, that is to say, in Greece; that for several ages the
history of Europe is little more than a history of this and
the neighboring peninsula, that is to say, of Greece and
Italy; that the third peninsula, that of Spain, first appears
in European history as a kind of appendage to the other two;
and that the historical importance of central and northern
Europe belongs to a later date still.
II. The Aryan Settlement of Europe. The Greeks and
Italians.-This does not however necessarily prove that the


two peninsulas of Greece and Italy were positively the first
parts of Europe which received Aryan inhabitants. There
can be no doubt, from the close likeness of the Greek and
Latin languages, that the Aryan inhabitants of those two
peninsulas branched off from the original stock as one
swarm, and parted most probably at the head of the great
Hadriatic Gulf. They thus became two nations, or rather two
groups of many nations; but the fact that the Greek and
Latin languages agree so closely together shows that there
was a time when the forefathers of the Greeks and the fore-
fathers of the Italians had already parted off from the fore-
fathers of the Hindoos and Germans, but had not yet parted
off from one another. Now the time when they occupied
these two peninsulas must have been long before the be-
ginnings of recorded history, so that it is impossible to give
any details of the way in which the land was conquered.
Still it is not in the least likely that they found the land un-
inhabited. They may have found earlier inhabitants who were
not Aryans, as the Aryans certainly did in many other parts
of Europe, or they may even have found Aryan settlers earlier
than themselves. The exact relations between the Greeks
and the other ancient nations of south-eastern Europe are in
some respects very hard to make out, and the little that can
be said about it in such a sketch as this had better be said
when we come to speak of Greece somewhat more par-
ticularly. But of the people whom the Italians found in the
middle peninsula of the three, we must say something more.
12. The Italians and Celts.-In the case of the Italians,
we know a little more of the nations, both Aryan and other-
wise, whom they seem to have found in their peninsula. In
some parts they most likely found a non-Aryan people, and it
can hardly be doubted that, if they entered their peninsula by
land from the head of the Hadriatic Gulf, they already found
a Celtic people in the northern part of it. The Celts were

r.] THE CELTS. 13

the first wave of the Aryan migration in central Europe, and
we therefore find them the furthest to the west of any Aryan
people. In historical times we find them in Gaul, in the
British Islands, in parts of Spain and Italy, and in the border
lands of Italy and Germany south of the Danube. Now it
is not likely that they found any part of these lands quite
uninhabited; it is far more likely that they found an earlier
people dwelling in them, whom they slew or drove out. In
Spain indeed and in Southern Gaul we know that they did
so, because, as has been already said, there is a small district
on each side of the Pyrenees, where a non-Aryan tongue is
still spoken by the Basques. These, we cannot doubt, are
remnants of the earlier people who inhabited Spain and
Southern Gaul, and most likely other parts of Western
Europe, before either the Celts or Italians came. And we
can hardly doubt that the Italians found people of this
race, perhaps in their peninsula itself, and at any rate on its
borders. But the Italians never settled far west of their own
peninsula; the first Aryans who pushed their way into
Western Europe as far as the Ocean were the Celts. But we
must now mark that, as the Aryans pressed upon and slew or
drove out the Turanians and other earlier settlers whom they
found in the lands into which they came, so presently other
Aryan swarms came pressing upon the first Aryans, and
dispossessed or drove them out in like manner. Thus, in
Western Europe, while the earlier inhabitants have been
driven up by the Celts into very small corners indeed, the
Celts themselves were in the end also driven up into corners,
though not into quite such small corners. Thus, out of all
the lands where the Celts once dwelled, their languages,
of which the British or Welsh, the Breton, and the
Irish tongues still survive, are now spoken only in certain
parts of Gaul, Britain, and Ireland. This change is partly
because, as we shall see as we go on, a large part of the


Celts were conquered by the Romans, and learned to speak
their language. But it is also partly because another wave
of Aryan settlement presently came into Western Europe,
pressed upon the Celts from the east, and drove them out ot
a great part of the land, just as they had driven the earlier
people. And so in later times, other branches of the Aryan
family have pressed backwards and forwards, and have
conquered and displaced other Aryan nations, just as much
as those that were not Aryan. But there can be no doubt
that the Celts, whom we find the furthest to the west of any
Aryan people, were the first Aryans who made their way into
the western lands of Spain, Gaul, and Britain.
13. The Teutons or Dutch.-The second Aryan swarm in
Western Europe, that which came after the Celts, is the one
with whose history we are more concerned than with that ot
any other; for it is the branch of the Aryan family to which we
ourselves belong. These are the Teutons, the forefathers of the
Germans and the English, and of the Danes, Swedes, and Nor-
wegians in Northern Europe. They do not appear in history
till a much later time than the Celts, and then we find them
lying immediately to the east of the Celts, chiefly in the land
which is now called Germany. From this they spread them-
selves into many of the countries of Europe; but in most
cases they got lost among the earlier inhabitants, and learned
to speak their language. The chief parts of Europe where
Teutonic languages are now spoken are Germany, England,
and Scandinavia. In the last-named country we cannot
doubt that the present Teutonic inhabitants were the first
Aryan settlers; for it is plain that they found a Turanian
people there, some of whom still remain, by the name of
Laps and Fins, in the extreme north of Sweden and Norway
and on the eastern coast of the Baltic. But in most places
the Teutons, as the second wave, came into lands where
other Aryan settlers had been before them. Sometimes they


may have simply come in the wake of the Celts as they were
pressing westward; but sometimes they found the Celts in
the land and drove them out, as was especially the case in
our own island. Of the first coming of the Teutons into
Europe we can say nothing from written history, any more
than of the first coming of the Celts. But many of their
chief settlements, and among them our own settlement in
Britain, happened so late that we know a good deal about
them. The true name of the Teutons is Theodisc or Dutch,
from Theod, people, as one might say "the people," as op-
posed to foreigners. The Germans still call themselves
Deutschen in their own language, and not so long ago the
word Dutch was still used in English in a sense at least as
wide as this, and did not mean only the one people to whom
alone we now commonly give the name.
14. The Slaves and Lithuanians.-The third wave ot
Aryan settlement in the central parts of Europe consisted of
the Slaves and Lithuanians, whom for our purpose we may
put together. It must not be thought that the word Slave,
as the name of a people, comes from slave in its common
sense of bondman. It is just the other way, for the word
slave got the sense of bondman because of the great number
of bondmen of Slavonic birth who were at one time spread
over Europe. This third swarm forms the Aryan inhabitants
of the central palt of Eastern Europe, of Old Prussia and
Lithuania, of Russia, Poland, Bohemia, of parts of Hungary,
and of a large part of the countries which are subject to
the Turks. They thus lie to the east of the Teutons, who in
after-times turned about and greatly enlarged their borders at
their cost. And it is also among these Slavonic people that
we find the only instances in Europe of a Turanian people
turning about and establishing themselves at the cost of Aryan
nations. One of these is the Hungarians or MaLyars, a
people allied to the Fins who pressed in as conquerors, and


founded a kingdom which still lasts, and where the old
Turanian tongue is still spoken. The other case is that of
the Ottoman Turks, who still bear rule over many of the
Greeks, Slaves, and other Aryan and Christian people in
south-eastern Europe. And as we go on, we shall find other
cases in eastern Europe of Turanian nations invading or
ruling over Aryans ; but it is only the Hungarians and the
Ottoman Turks who founded kingdoms which have lasted to
our own time. The last Aryan people to be mentioned in
this survey of Europe are the Lithuanians, whose language
and history is closely connected with that of the Slaves.
They are the smallest, as the Slaves are the largest, of the
great divisions of the Aryan settlers in Europe. But they
are of great importance, because their language is in some
sort the very oldest in Europe, that is, it is the one which
has in many things undergone the least change from the
common Aryan tongue from which all set out. But it is only
in a very small part of Europe, on the south-east corner of
the Baltic, that the Lithuanian tongue is still spoken.
15. Rome the Centre of European History.-Such is a
very short sketch of the settlement of the chief Aryan
nations in Europe. The history of these nations forms
European history. But, even among these Aryan nations in
Europe, some have played a much more important part than
others. Thus the Lithuanians and Slaves have always
lagged behind the other nations. Nor have -the Celts
played any great part in history, except when they have
come under either Roman or Teutonic influences. The
nations which have stood out the foremost among all
have been the Greeks, the Romans, and the Teutons. And
among these it is the Romans who form the centre of the
whole story. Rome alone founded an universal Empire in
which all earlier history loses itself, and out of which all
later history grew. That Empire, at the time of its


greatest extent, took in the whole of what was then the civil-
ized world, that is to say, the countries round about the
Mediterranean Sea, alike in Europe, Asia, and Africa. The
Romarn Empire was formed by gradually bringing under its
dominion all the countries within those bounds which had
already begun to have any history, those which we may call
the states of the Old T'orla. And it was out of the breaking
up of the great dominion of Rome that what we may call
the states of the New World, the kingdoms and nations of
modern Europe, gradually took their rise. Thus through the
whole of our sketch we must be ever thinking of Rome, ever
looking to Rome, sometimes looking forward to it, sometimes
looking back to it, but always having Rome in our mind as
the centre of the whole story. In the former part of our
sketch we have to deal with kingdoms and nations which are
one day to come under the power of Rome. In the latter
part of our sketch we have to deal with kingdoms and
nations, many of which actually formed part of the Roman
dominion, and all of which have been brought, more or less
fully, under Roman influences. In this way Rome will never
pass out of our sight.
16. Division of Periods.-We may thus say that the
history of the civilized part of the world falls into three
parts. There is the history of the states which were in
being before the Roman dominion began, and out of whose
union the Roman dominion was formed. Then there is
the history of the Roman dominion itself. Lastly, there
is the history of the states which arose out of the break-
ing up of the Roman dominion. But we shall have much
more to say about the states which grew up out of the
breaking up of the Roman dominion than about the
states which were brought together to form it. There
are two reasons for this. History which we can fully
trust, history which was written down at or soon after the


time when things happened, begins only a few hundred years
before the Roman power came to its full growth. But a
far longer time has passed since the days when the Roman
dominion began to break in pieces. Thus the portion
of trustworthy history which comes after the days of the
Roman dominion is much longer than the portion which
comes before it. And in these later times we have to deal
with many great and famous states, among which are those
which have grown into the chief powers of Europe in our
own day. But in the earlier time, the time before the Roman
dominion, we know very little of most of the European
nations : the history of most of them may be said to begin
at the time when the Romans began to conquer them. Of
most of them therefore the little that we have to say will be
best said when we come to speak of the Roman conquests.
But there is one European country which has a history of its
own before its conquest by the Romans, and a history longer
and nobler than that of the Romans themselves. This
country is Greece. Of Greece then, and of Greece alone, we
must give a separate sketch in the next chapter, before we
begin to trace the steps by which Rome won her universal



Connexion between the Greeks and Italians (I)-their relation to other
neighboring nations (i)-their early advances oer their kincdrea
(I)-meaning of the name Hellas (2)-geographical character ol
the country (2)-number f islands and peninsulas (2)-consequent
number of small states (2)-early political superiority of Greece (3)
-relatoions between the Greeks and Phaenicians (4)-extent of the
Phienician Colonies (4)-extent of the Greek Colonies (5)-dis-
tinction between Greeks anid Barbarians (6)-relations of the Greeks
to the kindred nations (6)-relations among' the cities of Greece (7)
--relations of the colonies to the mother citiess (7)-early consti-
tutions of the Greek cities; likeness of those to other Aryan
nations (8)-K'ingslip, Aristocracy, Democracy (8)-7j'ranny (9)
-Greek religion and mythology (Io)-the Homeric poems (I )-
the Dorian migration (II)-the Mlessenian wars (l I)-reforms
of Soldn at Athens (II)-growth of the Persians (12)-their con-
quests of Lydia and the Greek cities of Asia (12)-first Persian
invasion of Greece; Battle of blarathon (13)-second Persian
invasion of Greece; Battles of Saalamis, P/ataia, and Alrkali" (13)
-greatness of Athens (14)-bg1inning of the Peloponnesian H'Ca
(15)-Athenian expedition to Sicily (15)-Athens overcome by
Sparta (15)-the dominion of Sparta (16)- the Peace of Antal-
kidas (16)-rise of Thebes (7)-ise of lacedonia under Philip;
his supremacy in Greece (18)-conquests of Alexander the Great (19)
-efects of his conquests ; spread of Greek civilization in Asia (20)
-the Successors of Alexander in Asia and Egypt (21)-the later
Kings of Macedonia and Epeiros (22)-character of the later
history of Greece (23)--prevalence of FederalZ Governments in later


Greece; Leagues of Acdhia, Etolia, and elsewhere (24)-greatness
of Sparta under Aleomnens (25)-interference of Rome in Greek
affairs (25)- Summary (26).
I. The Greek People.-Whether the Greeks were the first
Aryan people to settle in Europe or in Eastern Europe we
cannot tell for certain. But we do know for certain that they
were the first Aryan nation whose deeds were recorded in
written history; and there never was any nation whose
deeds were more worthy to be recorded. For no nation ever
did such great things, none ever made such great advances in
every way, so wholly by its own power and with so little help
from anay other people. Yet we must not look on the Greeks
as a nation quite apart by themselves. We have already
seen that the Greek people were part of a great Aryan
settlement which occupied both the two eastern peninsulas,
and that the forefathers of the Greeks and the forefathers
of the Italians must have kept together for a good while
after they had parted company from the other branches
of the Aryan family. There is some reason to think that
some of the other nations bordering nea-r upon Greece,
both in the eastern peninsula and in the western coast of
Asia, in Illyria, Tlhrace, Phrygia, and Lydia, were not only
Aryan, but were actually part of the same swarm as the
Greeks and Italians. However this may be, it seems quite
certain that most of the nations lying near Greece, as in
Epeiros and Macedonia, which lie to the north, in Sicily
and Southern Italy, and in some parts of the opposite coasts
of Asia, were very closely akin to the Greeks, and spoke
languages which came much nearer to Greek even than the
languages of the rest of Italy. The people of all these
countries seem to have had a power beyond all other people
of adopting the Gclek language and manners, and, so to
speak, of making themselves Greeks. The Greeks seem, in
fact, to have been one among several kindred nations which


shot in advance of its kinsfolk, and which was therefore able
in the end to become a sort of teacher to the others. And
one thing which helped the Greeks in thus putting themselves
in advance of all their kinsfolk and neighbours was the nature
of the land in which they settled.
2. Geographical Character of Greece.-Anyone who turns
to the map will see that the country which we call Greece,
but which its own people have always called Hellas, is
the southern part of the great eastern peninsula of Europe.
But we must remember that, in the way of speaking of the
Greeks themselves, the name Hellas did not mean merely
the country which we now call Greece, but any country where
Hellenes or Greeks lived. Thus there might be patches, so
to speak, of Hellas anywhere; and there were such pati.hes
of Hellas round a great part of the Mediterranean Sea
wherever Greek settlers had planted colonies. But the first
and truest Hellas, the mother-land of all -Iellenes, was the
land which we call Greece, with the islands round about it.
There alone the whole land was Greek, and none but Hellenes
lived in it. It is, above all the rest of Europe, a land of
islands and peninsulas ; and that was, no doubt, one main
reason why it was the first part of Europe to stand forth as
great and free in the eyes of the whole world. For in early
times the sea-coast is always the part of a land which is first
civilized, because it is the part which can most easily have
trade and other dealings with other parts of the world. Thus,
as Greece was the first part of Europe to become civilized, so
the coasts and islands of Greece were both sooner and more
highly civilized than the other inland parts. Those inland
parts are almost everywhere full of mountains and valleys, so
that the different parts of the land, both on the sea-coast and
in the inland parts, were very much cut off from one another.
Each valley or island or little peninsula had its own town,
with its own little territory, forming, whenever it could, a



separate government independent of all others, and with the
right of making war and peace, just as if it had been a great
3. Character of Grecian History.-The geographical
nature of the land in this way settled the history of the
Greek people. It is only in much later times that a great
kingdom or commonwealth can come to have the same
political and intellectual life as a small state consisting of
one city. In an early state of things the single city is always
in advance of the great kingdom, not always in wealth or in
mere bodily comforts, but always in political freedom and
in real sharpness of wit. Thus the Greeks, with their many
small states, were the first people from whom we can learn
any lessons in the art of politics, the art of ruling and
persuading men according to law. The little common-
wealths of Greece were the first states at once free and
civilized which the world ever saw. They were the first
states which gave birth to great statesmen, orators, and
generals who did great deeds, and to great historians who
set down those great deeds in writing. It was in the Greek
commonwealths, in short, that the political and intellectual
life of the world began. But, for the very reason that their
freedom came so early, they were not able to keep it so long
as states in later times which have been equally free and
of greater extent.
4. The Greeks and the Phcenicians.-Whether the Greeks
found any earlier inhabitants in the land which they made
their own is a point on which we cannot be quite certain, but
it is more likely that they did than that they did not. But
it is certain that, when they began to spread themselves from
the mainland into the islands, they found in the islands
powerful rivals already settled. These were the 'PhInicians,
as the Greeks called them, who were a Semitic people, and
who played a great part in botl, Grecian and Roman history.


Their real name among themselves was Canaanites, and
they dwelled on the coast of Palestine, at the east end of
the Mediterranean Sea, especially in the great cities of
Sidoen, Tyre, and Arados or Arvad. They were a more
really civilized people, and made a nearer approach to free
government, than any other people who were not Aryans.
They were especially given to trade and to everything which
had to do with a seafaring life. They had thus begun to
spread their trade, and to found colonies, over a large part of
the Mediterranean coast, before the Greeks became of any
note in the world. They had even made their way beyond
what the Greeks called the Pillars of HIttrakls, that is,
beyond the Strait of Gibraltar, and had sailed from the
Mediterrnanean Sea into the Ocean. They had there founded
the city of Gades, which still keeps its name as Cadiz, and
they founded other colonies, both in Spain and on the north-
west coast of Africa, of which the most famous was Cartlage.
They had also settlements in the islands of the iEgMnan Sea,
as well as in the greater islands of Cyprus and Sicily, and it
was in these islands that they met the Greeks as enemies.
But, even before the Greeks had begun to send out colonies,
they had a good deal of trade with the Phoenicians. And as
the Phoenicians were the more early civilized of the two
nations, the Greeks seem to have learned several things of
them, and above all the alphabet. The Greeks learned the
letters which the Phoenicians used to write their own lan-
guage, which was much the same as the Hebrew, and they
adapted them, as well as they could, to the GLeek language.
And from them the alphabet gradually made its way to the
Italians, and from them to the other nations of Europe, with
such changes as each nation found needful for its own tongue.
The Phoenicians did much in this way towards helping on
the civilization of the Greeks : but there is no reason to
believe that the Phoenicians, or any other people of Asia or


Africa, founded any settlements in Greece itself after the
Hellenes had once made the land their own.
5. Foundation of the Greek Colonies.-From the main-
land of Greece the Greek people gradually spread them-
selves over most of the neighboring islands, and over a
large part of the Mediterranean coast, especially on the
shores nearest to their own land. In fact, we may say
that the Phoenicians and the Greeks between them planted
colonies round the whole coast of the Mediterranean, save in
two parts only. One of these was Egypt on the south; the
other was Central and Northern Italy, where the native
inhabitants were far too strong and brave to allow strangers
to settle among them. The Greeks thus spread themselves
over all the islands of the ,Ecrean Sea, over the coasts of
Macedonia and Thirace to the north and of Asia Minor to
the east, as well as in the islands to the west of Greece,
Korklyra and the others which are known now as the Ionian
Islands. A great part of this region became fully as Greek
as Greece itself, only even here in some parts of the coast
the Greek possessions were not quite unbroken, but were
simply a city here and there, and nowhere, except in Greece
itself, did the Greek colonists get very far from the sea.
Other colonies were gradually planted in Cyprus, in Sicily
and Southern Italy, and on the coast of Illyria on the eastern
side of the H-adriatic. And there was one part of the
Mediterranean coast which was occupied by Greek colonies
where we should rather have looked for Phoenicians; that
is, in the lands west of Egypt, where several Greek cities
arose, the chief of which was Kyrine. These were the only
Greek settlements on the south coast of the Mediterranean.
But some Greek colonies were planted as far east as the
shores of the Euxine, and others as far west as the shores of
Gaul and Northern Spain. One Greek colony in these
parts which should be specially remembered was Massalia,


now Marseille. This was the only great Greek city in the
western part of the Mediterranean, and it was the head of
several smaller settlements on the coasts of Gaul and Spain.
In the southern part of Spain, and in the greater part of
northern Africa, the Greeks could not settle, because there
the Phoenicians had settled before them. And no Greek
sailors were ever bold enough to pass the Pillars of Hera-
k!ls and to plant colonies on the shores of the Ocean.
6. Greeks and Barbaliarns:? -e'hate'.ttgS seep the extent
of country over whi '11 lhe,. Grtek people* prela telemelselves.
There was theita' n64d*c't country and the island.~paarssf to
it, where t iiy".a'le occupied the whole land ; arM.'dlEr'.
were alsoa te.more distant co~lanik wheri9rieek cities wef '
plante'.ljNee and there,:on.:tIM.'. sts. f 'ndc which were.*
occupitl'by men of other nations, or-, al tlhe creeks called
them, Barbarians. This word Barbarians, in its first use
among the Greeks, simply meant that the people so called
were people whose language the Greeks did not understand.
They called them Barbarians, even though their blood and
speech were nearly akin to their own, if only the difference
was so great that their speech was not understood. It fol-
lowed that in most parts of the world it was easy to tell
who were Greeks and who were Barbarians, but that along
the northern frontier of Greece the line was less strongly
drawn than elsewhere. Along that border the ruder tribes
of the Greek nation, the Eitolians, Akarnanians, and others,
lived alongside of other tribes who were not Greek, but who
seem to have been closely allied to the Greeks. If you turn
to the map, you will see along this northern border the lands
of M[acedonia, Epeiros, and Thessaly. Macedonia was ruled
by Greek Kings, but it was never counted to be part ot
Greece till quite late times. ., on the other hand,
was always reckoned as part of Greece, though the people
who gave it its name seem not to have been of purely Greek


origin. In Eei.ros again the same tribes are by some writers
called Greeks and by others Barbarians, and it was only in
quite late times that Epeiros, like Macedonia, was allowed
to be a Greek country. So, among the colonies, though all
were planted among people whom the Greeks looked on as
Barbarians, yet it made a great practical difference whether
the people among whom they were planted were originally
akin to the Greeks or not. Thus, in many countries, as in
the lands rotLnd.tl'E'*a eatt.pCl also in Italy and Sicily,
the Greewl Mttlcl' cjaefl' atog.'.epJe who were really
veQy lieMir 4 tlem in blood and's'psec;t an .who gradually
ac pd the Greek language and manncis,-''hus both Sicily
'icd" Southern Jtul bEca!pe qjitt Ggeek cour.tries,though in
.*..-Sicily the G kleE aalto ite.p a lung struggle It*inst the
* Phoenicians off Oarthage, wvhd 'ts'll) noted several' cloi'es in
that island. In Cyprus also the same struggle went on, and
the island became partly Greek and partly Phoenician. But
in those of the /Egean Islands where the Phoenicians had
settled, the Greeks drove them out altogether. For there
was no chance of the Phoenicians taking to Greek ways as
the Italians and Sicilians did.
7. The Greek Commonwealths.-Greece itself, the land to
the south of the doubtful lands li:-e Macedonia and Epeiros,
was the only land which was wholly and purely Greek, where
there was no doubt as to the whole people being Greek, and
where e we find the oldest and most famous cities of the Greek
name. Such, in the great peninsula called Pelo/ponnisos, were
Sparta and Argos, and, in early times, Alyi,'ni; Cor)-ini
too on the Isthmus, and beyond the Isthmus, rgleara,j
Atl/ens, Thjcbis, and, in very early times, Orchiomninos. Each
Greek city, whenever it was strong enough, formed an inde-
pendent state with its own little territory ; but it often hap-
pened that a stronger city brought a weaker one more or
less under its power. And in some parts of Greece several


towns joined together in Leagues, each town managing its
own affairs for itself, but the whole making war and peace
as a single state. Thus in Peloponnesos, first AMykLne, then
Argos, and lastly Sparta, held the first place, each in turn
contriving to get more or less power over a greater or
smaller number of other cities. And it would almost seem
that in very early times the Kings of Myken6 had a certain
power over all Peloponnesos and many of the islands. Still,
even when a Greek city came more or less under the power
of a stronger city, it did not wholly lose the character of a
separate commonwealth. And when the cities of Old Greece
began to send out colonies, those colonies became separate
commonwealths also. Each colony came .forth from some
city in the mother country, and it often happened that a colony
sent forth colonies of its own in turn. Each colony became
an independent state, owing a certain respect to the mother
city, but not being subject to it. And, as the colonies were
commonly planted where there was a rich country or a posi-
tion good for trade, many of them became very flourishing
and powerful. In the seventh and sixth centuries before
Christ, many of the colonial cities, as Mil'tos in Asia, Sybt-
ris in Italy, and Syracuse in Sicily, were among the most
flourishing of all Greek cities, far more so than most of
the cities in Greece itself. But the colonies were for the
most part not so well able to keep their freedom as the cities
in Greece were.
8. Forms of Government.-In the earliest days of Greece
we find much the same form of government in the small Greek
states which we find among all the Aryan nations of whose
early condition we have any account. But both the Greeks
and the Italians were unlike the Teutons and some of the
other Aryan nations in one thing. That is because they were
gathered together in cities from the very beginning, while
some of the other nations were collections, not so much of


cities as of tribes. Still the early form of government was
much the same in both cases. Each tribe or city had its
own King or chief, whose office was mostly confined to one
family, for the Kings were commonly held to be of the blood
of the Gods. The King was the chief leader both in peace
and war; but he could not do everything according to his own
pleasure. For there was always a Council of elders or chief
men, and also an Assembly of the whole people or at least
of all those who were held to have the full rights of citizens.
This kind of kingship lasted in Greece through the whole of
the earliest times, through what are called the Heroic Ages,
and in the neighboring lands of Epeiros and Macedonia a
kingship of much the same kind lasted on through nearly the
whole of their history. But in Greece itself the kingly power
was gradually abolished in most of the cities, and they be-
came commonwealths. At first these commonwealths were
aristocracies; that is to say, only men of certain families
were allowed to fill public offices and to take part in the
assemblies by which the city was governed. These privi-
leged families would in most cases be the descendants of the
oldest inhabitants of the city, who did not choose to admit
new-comers to the same full rights as themselves. Some of
the Greek cities remained aristocracies till very late times;
but others soon became democracies; that is to say, all citizens
were allowed to hold offices and to attend the assemblies.
But it must be remembered that everyone who lived in a
Greek city was not therefore a citizen. For in most parts
of Greece there were many slaves; and if a man from one
city went to live in another, even though the city in which
he went to live was a democracy, neither he nor his chil-
dren were made citizens as a matter of course. In a few
cities the name King, in Greek Basileus, remained in use
as the title of a magistrate, though one who no longer held
the chief power. And in Sparta they always went on having


Kings of the old royal house, two Kings at a time, who re-
tained much power both in military and in religious matters,
though they were no longer the chief rulers of the state.
9. The Tyrants.-All the three chief forms of government,
3Monarchv, Aristocracy, and Democracy, were held in Greece
to be lawful; but there was another kind which was always
deemed unlawful. This was 7)raliny. It sometimes hap-
pened, especially in cities where the nobles and the people
were quarrelling as to whether the commonwealth should
be aristocratic or democratic, that some man would snatch
away the power from both and make himself 7)Trant. That
is to say, he would, perhaps with the good will of part of the
people, seize the power, and much more than the power, ot
the old Kings. The word T7yrant meant at first no more
than that a man had got the power of a King in a city where
there was no King by law. It did not necessarily mean that
he used his power badly or cruelly, though, as most of the
Tyrants did so, the word came to have a worse meaning than
it had at first. The time when most of the Tyrants reigned
in Greece was in the seventh and sixth centuries before
Christ; and the most famous of them were Peisistratos and
his sons, who ruled at Athens in the sixth century. In the
colonies, and especially in Sicily, Tyrants went on rising and
falling during almost the whole time of Grecian history. But
in old Greece we do not hear much of them after the sons ot
Peisistratos were driven out,about the end of the sixth century,
till quite the later times of Grecian history, when Tyrants
again were common, but Tyrants of quite another kind.
10. The Greek Religion.-The religion of the Greeks was
one of those forms of mythology which have been already
spoken of as growing up among most of the Aryan nations.
All the powers of nature and all the acts of man's life were
believed to be under the care of different deities, of different
degrees of power. The head of all was Zeus the God of the


sky, and he is described as reigning on Mount Olyimpos in
Thessaly, where the Gods were believed to dwell, with his
Council and his general Assembly, much like an early Greek
King on earth. The art and literature of the Greeks, and
indeed their government and their whole life, were closely
bound up with their religion. The poets had from the begin-
ning many beautiful stories to tell about the Gods and about
the Heroes, who were mostly said to be children of the Gods.
And when the Greeks began to practise the arts, it was in
honour of the Gods and Heroes that the noblest buildings
and the most beautiful statues and pictures were made.
II. The Early History of Greece.-Of the earliest times
of Grecian history we have no accounts written down at the
time ; we have to make out what we can from the tradi-
tions preserved by later writers, and from the notices of the
poets. For composition in verse always goes before- com-
position in prose, and the earliest Greek writings that we
have are those of the poets. The poems which go by the
name of Homer, the Iliad and Odyssey, give us a picture of
the state of things in the earliest days of Greece, and allusions
and expressions in them also help us to some particular facts.
But scholars no longer believe that the story of the war of
Troy is a true history, though the tale most likely arose out
of the settlements of tho Greeks on the north-west coast ot
Asia. These settlements were among the earliest of the
Greek colonies, the very earliest probably being the settle-
ments in the southern islands of the AEgman, which Homer
himself seems to speak of. These were so early that it is
vain to try to give them any exact date. Presently we get
glimmerings, which seem to have been preserved partly by
poets and partly by tradition, of a great movement by which
the Dorians, a people of Northern Greece, came and con-
quered the Achaians in Pelofonn&sos and reigned in'their
chief cities, Argos, Sparta, Corinth, and others. The other


chief division of the Greek nations was the lonians, whose
chief city was Athens, and who are said to have planted many
colonies in Asia about the same time when the Dorians came
into Peloponnisos. And, when we get down to times to
which we can give something more like exact dates, we
have remains of several poets which sometimes help us
to particular facts. Thus we learn something of a war in
which Sparta conquered her neighbours of Messink from
the poems of the minstrel Tyrtaios, who made songs to
encourage the Spartan warriors. This was in the seventh
century before Christ ; and in the next century, Sol/n, the
famous lawgiver of Athens, made laws for his own city, and
first gave the mass of the people a share in the government,
which was the beginning of the famous "democracy. Solin
was also a poet, and we have some remains of his verses,
which throw light on his political doings. So again, the
poems of Theognis of Iegfara throw some light on the dis-
putes between the nobles and the people in that city. But
from fragments like these we can get no connected history,
so that most of what we know of these days comes from
later writers, who did not live near the time, and whose
accounts therefore cannot be trusted in every detail. It is
only when we come to the Persian Wars, in the beginning of
the fifth century before Christ, that we begin to have really
trustworthy accounts. For those times we have the his-
tory of H/rodotos, who, though he did not himself live at
the time, had seen and spoken with those who did. By this
time the chief cities of Greece had settled down into their
several forms of government, aristocratic or democratic.
And most of the colonies had been founded, especially those
in Italy and Sicily, which were at this time very flourishing,
though.many of them were under Tyrants. Greece had now
pretty well put on the shape which she was to wear during
the greatest times of her history, and she had now to bear


the trial of a great foreign invasion and to come out all the
stronger for it.
12. The Persians.-The people of Persia, though they lived
far away from the shores of the Mediterranean, in the further
part of Asia beyond the great rivers Eufhrates and Tiris,
were much more nearly allied to the Greeks in blood and
speech than most of the nations which lay between them.
For they belonged to the Eastern branch of the Aryan family,
who had remained so long separate from their kinsfolk in
Europe, and who now met them as enemies. The Persians
first began to be of importance in the sixth century before
Christ, when, under their King Cyrus, they became a con-
quering people. He took Babylon, which at that time was
the great power of Asia, and also conquered the kingdom of
Lydia in Asia Minor, a conquest which first brought the
Persians across the Greeks, first in Asia and then in Europe.
For the Greeks who were settled along the coast of Asia had
been just before conquered by Crwsus, King of Lydia, the first
foreign prince who ever bore rule over any Greeks ; and now,
as being part of the dominions of Croesus, they were con-
quered again by Cyrus. The Greek cities of Asia, which had,
up to this time, been among the greatest cities of the Greek
name, now lost their freedom and much of their greatness.
And from this time various disputes arose between the Persian
Kings and the Greeks in Europe. The Athenians had now
driven out their Tyrants and had made their government
more democratic. They were therefore full of life and energy,
and they gave help to the Asiatic Greeks in an attempt to
throw off the Persian yoke. Then the Persian King Darius
wished to make the Athenians to take back Hifpias, the son
of Peisistratos, who had been their Tyrant. At last Darius
made up his mind to punish the Athenians and to bring the
other Greeks under his power; and thus the wars between
Greece and Persia began.


13. The Persian Wars.-The first Persian expedition
against Greece was sent by Darius in the year 490 B.C. A
Persian fleet crossed the Egaean, and landed an army in
Attica. But, far smaller as their numbers were, the Athe-
nians, under their general MAilliadis, utterly defeated the
invaders in the famous battle of MIarathdn. In this battle
the Athenians had no help except a small force from their
neighbours of Plataia, a small town on the Boeotian border,
which was in close alliance with them. This was the first of
all the victories of the West over the East, the first battle
which showed how skill and discipline can prevail over mere
numbers. As such, it is perhaps the most memorable battle in
the history of the world. Ten years later, in 480 B.C., a much
greater Persian expedition came under King XerxTs himself,
the son of Darius. He came by land, and all the native
kingdoms and Greek colonies on the north coast of the
iEgaean, and even a large part of Greece itself, submitted to
him. Some Greek cities indeed, especially Thebes, fought
for the Barbarians against their countrymen. But Athens,
Sparta, and several other Greek cities withstood the power
of Xerxes, and in the end drove his vast fleet and army
back again in utter defeat. In this year 480 were fought
the battle of Thermopylai, where the Spartan King Lelnidas
was killed, and the seafight of Salamis, won chiefly by the
Athenian fleet under T/emsistoklis. After this Xerxes went
back; but in the next year his general Mardonios was defeated
by the Spartans and other Greeks in the battle of Plataia,
and the same day the Persians were also defeated both by
land and sea at Mykall, on the coast of Asia. These three
battles, Salamis, Plataia, and Mykall, decided the war, and
the Persians never again dared to invade Greece itself. But
the war went on for several years longer before the Persians
were driven out of various posts which they held north of the
}Egaean. Still they were at last wholly driven out of Europe,


and they were even obliged to withdraw for a time from the
Greek cities of Asia.
14. The Growth of Athens.--Atthebeginningofthe Persian
\Vars Sparta was geeral!y looked up to as the chief state of
Greece ; but, as Athens was much the stronger at sea, it was
soon found that she was better ab!e than Sparta to carry on
the war against the Persians, and to recover and protect the
islands and cities on the coasts. Most of the cities therefore
joined in a League, of which Athens was the he ad, and which
was set in order by the Athenian Arr/ieiies, surnamed the
7zust. But after a time Athens, instead of being merely the
head, gradually became the mistress of these smaller states,
and most of them bec ime her subjects, paying tribute to her.
Athens thus rose to wonderful degree of power and splendour,
beyond that of any of the other cities of Greece. The chief
man at Athens at this time was Perik//s, the greatest states-
man of Greece, perhaps of the world, under whose influence
the Athenian government became a still more perfect demo-
cracy. In his time Athens was adorned with the temples
and other public buildings which the world has admired
ever since. This was also the time of the great dramatic
poets, Esschylus, So/hiokl.s, Euritridds, and Aristophanl&s.
lEschylus had fought in all the great battles with the Persians.
Euripidis and Aristophanes were younger men who lived on
through the next period. Oratory, which was so needful in a
democratic state, began to be cultivated as an art, and so
were the different forms of philosophy ; in fact, there never
was a time when the human mind was brought so near to
its highest pitch as in these few years of the greatest power
and splendour of Athens.
15. The Peloponnesian War.--But the great power of
Athens raised the jealousy of many of the other Greek cities,
and at last a war broke out between A/hens and her allies
on the one side, and .Sa.-na and her allies on the other.


This war, which began in the year 431 B.C. and lasted for
twenty-nine years almost without stopping, was known
as the Peloponnesian TWar, because it was waged by the
Athenians against Sparta and her allies, among whom
were the greater part of the cities of Peloponnlsos, besides
Thebes and some other cities in other parts of Greece.
Of this war we know all the even's in great detail, because
we have the history'of it from writers who lived at the time.
The history of the greater part of the war was written by
Th7/icydidis, who was not only living at the time, but himself
held a high command in the Athenian army. And the history
of the latter years of the war was written by Xcnojl/dn, another
Athenian writer, who also lived at the time. This war might
be looked on as a war between lonians and Dorians, between
democracy and oligarcJhy, Athens being the chief of the Ionian
and democratic states, and Sparta the chief of the Dorian
and aristocratic states. But the two parties were never
exactly divided either according to descent or according to
forms of government. It is perhaps more important to re-
mark that Sparta had many free and willing allies, while
Athens had but few, so that she had to fight mainly with
her own powers and those of the allies who were really her
subjects. During the first ten years of the war, down to the
year 421, the two parties contended with nearly equal success,
the Athenians being much the stronger by sea, and the
Spartans and their allies by land. A pi ace was then made,
but it was not very well kept ; so that Thucydidis says that
the years of peace ought to be reckoned as a part of the war.
Then, in 415, the Athenians sent a fleet to attack the city of
Syancuse in Sicily. The Syracusans got help from Sparta,
and so the war began again ; but, after two years of fighting
and siege, the Athenians were altogether defeated before
Sylacuse. The allies of Athens now began to revolt, and
the war during the later years was carried on almost


wholly on the coasts of Asia. The Persians now began to
take a share in it, because they were eager to drive away
the Athenians from those coasts, and to get back the
Greek cities in Asia. But they did more in the way of
giving, and sometimes only promising, money to the Spartans
than by actually fighting. Several battles, chiefly by sea, were
fought in these wars with varying success ; and it is wonder-
ful to see how Athens regained her strength after her loss
before Syracuse. At last, in the year 405, the Athenians
were defeated by the Spartan admiral Lysandros at Aigos-
poiamnos in the Hellespont. Athens was now besieged, and
in the next year she had to surrender. She now lost all
her dominion and her great naval power, and was obliged to
become a member of the Spartan alliance. Her democra-
tical government was also taken away, and an oligarchy of
thirty men was set up under the protection of Sparta. But in
the next year, 4d3, the oligarchy was put down, and Athens,
though she did not get back her power, at least got back
her freedom.
16. The Dominion of Sparta.-At this time, at the end of
the fifth century before Christ, Sparta was more than ever
the greatest power of Greece. From this time Athens has
no longer any claim to be looked on as politically the first
power of Greece. But she still remained one of the greatest
among the Grecian cities, and, as her political power grew
less, she became more and more the acknowledged chief in
all kinds of literature and philosophy. Her loss of any-
thing like an equal power with Sparta led to great changes
in the course of the next century. New powers began to
come to the front. We shall, first of all, see the foremost
place in Greece held for a while by Thebes, the chief city of
Bceotia, which had always been reckoned one of the greater
cities of Grcec, but which during the Peloponnesian war had
played only a secondary part as one of the allies of Sparta.


We shall next see the power over all Greece fall into the
hands of a state which had hitherto not been reckoned to be
Greek at all, through the victories of the great AMacedonian
Kings, Phi/i and Alerander. But for a while the Spartans
had it all their own way. No state in Greece could stann
up against them ; the government of most of the cities passed
into the hands of men who were ready to do whatever the
Spartans told them, and in many of them there even were
Spartan governors and garrisons. A few years after the end
of the Peloponnesian war, the Spartans made war upon
Persia, and their King AgTsilaos waged several successful.
campaigns in Asia Minor. But by this time several of the
Greek cities had got jealous and weary of the Spartan
power, and the Persian King Artaxe:rks, against whom the
Spartans were fighting, was naturally glad to help them
with both money and ships. So in the year 394 Agesilaos
had to come back to withstand a confederacy formed against
Sparta by Athens, Argos, Corinth, and Thebes. Several
battles were fought ; and, though the Spartans commonly
had the victory, yet it was shown that the Theban soldiers
were able to do great things. In the former part of this
war the Persian King sent his great Phenician fleet to help
the Athenians ; but afterwards he was persuaded to change
sides, and in 387 a peace was made, called the Pence of
Antalkidas, by which the Greek cities of Asia were given up
to Persia, and those of Europe were declared to be every one
independent. But in truth the power of Sparta now became
greater than ever, and the Spartans domineered and inter-
fered with the other cities even more than before. Among
other things, they treacherously seized the Kadmeia or citadel
of Thebes, and put a Spartan garrison in it. They also put
down a confederacy which the people of Olynthos were
making among the Greek cities on the coasts of Macedonia
and Thrace, and thus took away what might have been a


great check to the growing power of the Macedonian
17. The Rise of Thebes.-It was now that the power of
Sparta was at its very highest that it was overthrown. The
T/hebans, who had shown in the former war that they were
nearly as good soldiers as the -Spartans themselves, now
rose against them. In 379 the Spartans were driven out
of Thebes; a democratical government was set up, and
Thebes, under two great citizens, Pelofidas and Epamei-
ndndas, became for a while the chief power of Greece.
The Spartans were defeated in 371, the first time they had
ever been defeated in a pitched battle, at Leuktra in Beeotia.
After this Epamein6ndas invaded Peloponnesos several
times. He greatly weakened the power of Sparta by restor-
ing the independence of Mcssni,, which the Spartans had
long ago conquered, and by persuading the Arkadians to
join in a League and to found Megalof)olis or the Great City,
near the Spartan frontier. During the first part of this war
the Athenians took part with Thebes, and in the later part
with Sparta; and in the course of it they won back a great
deal of their power by sea, and again got many of the islands
and maritime cities to become their allies. At last, in 362,
Epamein6ndas was killed at Manlineia in a battle against the
Spartans and Athenians, and after his death, as there was
no one left in Thebes fit to take his place, the power of the
city gradually died out.
18. The Rise of Macedonia.-We have already seen that,
though the Macedonians were probably closely allied to the
Greeks, and though the Macedonian Kings were acknow-
ledged to be of Greek descent, yet Macedonia had hitherto
not been reckoned as a Greek state. Its Kings had not
taken much share in Greek affairs, but several of them
had done .much to strengthen their kingdom against the
neighboring Barbarians, and also to bring in Greek arts


and civilization among their own people. Just at this time
there arose in Macedonia a King called Plhili the son of
Amyntas, who did much greater things than any of the Kings
who had gone before him. His great object was, not exactly
to conquer Greece or make it part of his own kingdom, but
rather to get Macedonia acknowledged as a Greek state, and,
as such, to win for it the same kind of supremacy over the
other Greek states which had been held at different times by
Mykene, Argos, Sparta, Athens, and Thebes. He artfully
contrived to mix himself up with Grecian affairs, and to
persuade many of the Grecian states to look upon him as
their deliverer, and as the champion of the god Apolldn. The
great temple of Delphi had been plundered by the Phdkians,
and Philip put himself forward as the avenger of this crime,
and got himself acknowledged as a member of the Amfihi-
ktionic Council, the great religious assembly of Greece, which
looked after the affairs of the Delphian Temple. This was
much the same as formally acknowledging Macedonia to be a
Greek state. Philip also conquered the Greek city of Olynthos
in the neighbourhood of his own kingdom, and made the
peninsula called Clialkidiki, which runs out as it were with
three fingers into the AEgaxan, part of Macedonia. This he
might perhaps not have been able to do, if the Spartans had
not already destroyed the great Greek alliance which the
Olynthians had begun to make in those parts. Philip was
several times at war with Athens, and it was during these
wars that the great orator Dtmosthenis made himself famous
by the speeches which he made to stir up his countrymen to
act vigorously. Philip's last war was against Athens and
Thebes together, and in 338 he gained a victory over them
at Chairdnleia in Boeotia, from which the overthrow of Grecian
freedom may be dated. After this, all the Greeks, except the
Spartans, were partly persuaded, partly compelled, to hold a
synod at Corinth, where Philip was elected captain-general of


all Greece, to make war on Persia and avenge the old inva-
sions of Greece by Darius and Xerxes. But, while he was
making ready for a great expedition into Asia, he was mur-
dered in the year 336 by one of his own subjects.
19. Alexander the Great.-Philip was succeeded by his
son Alexander, known as Alexander the Grcat. He was
presently acknowledged as the leader of Greece against the
Persians, as his father had been. Thebes however, where
Philip had put a Macedonian garrison, now revolted, but it
was taken and destroyed by Alexander. In the next year,
334, Alexander set out on his great expedition, and he never
returned to Macedonia and Greece. In the course of six
years he completely subdued the Persian Empire, fighting
three famous battles, at the river Granikos in Asia Minor in
334, at Issos, near the borders of Cilicia and Syria, in 333,
and at Arbila or GaugamIla in Assyria in 331. In these last
two battles the Persian King Darius was present, and was
utterly defeated. Between the two last battles Alexander
besieged and took Tyre, and received the submission of
Egy'pt, where he founded the famous city which has ever
since borne his name, Alexandria. Soon after the battle of
Gaugam6la Darius was murdered by some of his own officers,
and Alexander now looked upon himself as King of Persia.
He afterwards set out, half exploring, half conquering, as far
as the river fHybhasis in northern India, beyond which his
soldiers refused to follow him. At last he died at Babylon
in 323, having made greater conquests than were ever made
by any European prince before him or after him. And there
was no conqueror whose conquests were more important, and
in a certain sense more lasting ; for, though his great empire
broke in pieces almost at once, yet the effects of his career
have remained to all time.
20. Effects of the Conquests of Alexander.-The con-
quests of Alexander, though they were won so quickly, and


though a large part of them were soon lost again, made a
great and lasting change throughout a large part of the world.
Both he and those who came after him were great builders of
cities in Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, and as far as their con-
quests reached. In each of these cities was placed a Greek or
Macedonian colony, and in the western part of Asia most of
these cities lived and flourished, and some of them, like Alex-
andria in Egypt and Antiocl in Syria, soon took their place
among the greatest cities in the world. The Greek language
became the tongue of all government and literature through-
out-many countries where the people were not Greek by birth.
It was thus at the very moment that Greece began to lose
her political freedom that she made, as it were, an intellec-
tual conquest of a large part of the world. And though, in
the cities and lands which in this way became partially
Helleniz/ed, there was neither the political freedom nor the
original genius of the great statesmen and writers of old
ecce, yet mere learning and science flourished as they had
never flourished before. The Greek tongue became, the
common speech of the civilized world, the speech which men
of different nations used in speaking to one another, much
as they use French now. The Greek colonies had done
much to spread the Greek language and manners over a
large part of the world. The Macedonian conquests now
did still more; but they did not, as the old colonies had done,
carry also Greek freedom with them.
21. The Successors of Alexander.-The great empire of
Alexander did not hold together even in name for more than
a few years after his death. He left no one in the Macedo-
nian royal family who was at all fit to take his place, and
his dominions were gradually divided among his generals,
who after a little while took the title of Kings. Thus arose
the kingdom of the Ptolemies in Egyvt, and that of the de-
scendants of Sel/cikos in the East, which gradually shrank


up into the kingdom of Syria. In the countries beyond
the Tigris the Macedonian power gradually died out; but
various states arose in Asia Minor, which were not strictly
Greek, but which had a greater or less tinge of Greek culti-
vation. Such were the kingdom of Pergamos and the League
of the cities of Lykia. These arose in countries which had
been fully subdued by Alexander, and which won their
independence only because the descendants of Seleukos
could not keep their great dominions together. But Alex-
ander's conquests had been made so fast that some parts
even of Western Asia were not fully subdued. Thus out of
the fragments of the Persian Empire several kingdoms arose,
like those of Pontos and Bithynia, which were ruled by native
Kings, but which also affected something of Greek civilization.
And some real Greek states still contrived to keep their inde-
pendence on or near the coast of Asia, as the city of Byzan-
lion, the island of Rhodes, and the city of Hiraklcia, whJih
last was sometimes a commonwealth and sometimes unaer
tyrants. Of many of these states we shall hear again as they
came one by one under the power of Rome. But we are now
more concerned with what happened in Macedonia and in
Greece itself.
22. The later Macedonian Kings.-The death of Alexander
was followed by a title of great confusion i.n Macedonia and
Greece. Even while Alexander was away in Asia, the Spar-
tans, under their king Agis, had tried to throw off the Mace-
donian yoke, but in vain. After Alexander's death another
attempt was made by several of the Greek states, especially
the Athenians, who were again stirred up by Demosthenes,
and the AEtolians. These last were a people of western
Greece, the least civilized of all the Greek states, but which
now began to rise to great importance. This was called
the Lamian Wlar. In the end the Athenians had to yield,
and they were obliged by the Macedonian general Antipatros


to change their constitution, making it much less democratical
than before, and depriving many of the citizens of their
votes. For many years there was the greatest confusion in
Macedonia and Greece and all the neighboring countries.
And things were made worse by an attack from an enemy
with whom the Greeks had never before had anything to do.
Greece and Macedonia were invaded by the Gauls. By these
we need not understand people from Gaul itself, but some of
those Celtic tribes which were still in the east of Europe.
After doing much mischief in those parts, the Gauls crossed
over into Asia, and there founded a state of their own which
was called Gala/ia, and, as they too began to learn some-
thing of Greek civilization, Gallo-grcecia. Meanwhile Kings
were being constantly set up and overthrown in Macedonia,
and each of them tried to get as much power and influ-
ence as he could in Greece itself. At this time too Epei-
ros, a country which hitherto had been of very little im-
portance, became a powerful state under its King Pyrr/hos,
who at one time obtained possession of Macedonia. He also
waged wars in Italy and Sicily, which will be spoken of in
the next chapter, and he had a great deal to do with the
affairs of Peloponnlsos, where he was at last killed in be-
sieging Argos in 272. From this time things became rather
more settled; a second time of freedom, if not of great-
ness, began in Greece, and a regular dynasty of Kings fixed
itself in Macedonia. The old royal family was quite extinct.
and the second set of Macedonian Kings were the descen-
dants of A.4tigonos, one of the most famous of Alexander's
generals. His son Dinlitios, surnamed Poliark/eis or the
Besieger, got possession of the crown of Macedonia in 294.
Both he and his son Antigonos Gonatas were driven out more
than once, but in the end Antigonos contrived to keep the
Macedonian crown, and to hand it on to his descendants, who
held it till the Macedonian kingdom was conquered by Rome.


23. The later History of Greece.-The last days of Gre-
cian history, before the country came altogether under the
power of the Romans, are distinguished in several ways from
the times which went before them. The states which are
most important in these times are not the same as those
which were most important in the old days of the Persian
and Peloponnesian Wars. First of all we must remember
that Macedonia and Efeiros must now be reckoned as Greek
states, and that a large part of Greece, especially in the north,
was now always, till the Roman conquest of Macedonia, more
or less subject to the Macedonian Kings, or at least under
their influence. And, among the states of Greece itself, the
division of power was very different from what it had been
in earlier times. In the days which we have now come to
neither Athens nor Thebes was of very great account, and,
though Sparta was of great importance during part of the
time, yet its greatness was only, as we may say, by fits and
starts. We may say that the chief powers of Greece now
were Macedonia, Ac/aia, Eltolia, and Splarta. Achaia and
Aitolia are states of which but little is heard in Grecian
history since the heroic times, and the strength which they
had now chiefly came from a cause which must be explained
a little more at length.
24. The Achaian and AEtolian Leagues.-What chiefly
distinguishes this part of Grecian history from earlier times
is that we have now but little to do with single cities, but
with cities and tribes bound together so as to make states of
much greater size. With the exception of Sparta, the Greek
states which play the greatest part at this time were joined
together in Leagues, so as to form what is called a Federal
Government, such as there is now in Szwitzerland and in the
United States of America. That is to say, several cities
agreed together to give up part of the power which naturally
belonged to each city separately to an Assembly or Council or


body of magistrates, in which all had a share. In a govern-
ment of this kind the central powci commonly deals with
all matters which concern the League as a whole, while each
city still acts much as it pleases in its own internal affairs.
There had been several Leagues of this kind in Greece from
the beginning, but they were chiefly among the smaller and
less famous parts of the Greek nation, and they did not play
any great part in Grecian affairs. The only one which was
of much note in earlier times was the League of Ba'otia, and
that could hardly be called a League with any truth, for
Thebes was so much stronger than the other Boeotian cities
as to be practically mistress of all of them. But now the
Federal states of Greece come to be of special importance,
because it was found that, as lor. as the cities stood one by
one, they had no chance of keeping their freedom against
the Macedonian Kings, and that their only chance of doing
so was by several cities acting together in matters of peace
and war as if they were one city. The greatest of these
Leagues was that of Ac/aia, which began with the ten
small Achaian cities on the south side of the Corinthian
Gulf. These cities had been joined together in a League
in early times, but in the times of the Macedonian power
they had gradually fallen asunder, and in the days of
Antigonos Gonatas several of them were in the hands of
Tyrants, who reigned under Macedonian protection. This
was the case with many other cities of Greece also, and it
was the great object of the League, as it grew and strength-
ened, to set free these cities and to join them on to its own
body. It was about the year 280 that the old Achaian
towns began to draw together again, the chief leader in this
work being Aartkos of Keryncia. About thirty years after,
in 2.51, the League began to extend itself by admitting the
city of Sikydan as a member of its body. Siky6n had just
been set free by Aratos, who now became the leading man in


the League, and, under his administration and' that of Philo-
foimnil who followed him, the League took in one city after
another, Corinti, legalorfolis, Argos, and others, at first
only with their own good will, but afterwards sometimes
by force. At last all the cities of Peloponn6sos and some
cities beyond the Isthmus became members of the League.
The EAlolian League on the other side of the Corinthian
Gulf did not bear so good a character as the Achaian,
though its formof government was much the same. For the
JEtolians, though a brave people and always stout in defend-
ing their own freedom, were ruder and fiercer than most of
the Greeks, and were much given to plunder both by sea
and land. The /Etolian League thus greatly extended itself,
and became more powerful than that of Achaia, but its policy
was not so just and honourable as that of Achaia commonly
was. There were also smaller Leagues in Phdkis and
Akarnania, besides the League of Epeiros, which was now
counted as a Greek land, and which had got rid of its Kings
and had changed itself into a Federal commonwealth. Thus,
except Sparta at one end and Macedonia at the other, by far
the greater part of Greece was parted out among the dif-
ferent Leagues.
25. The last Days of Independent Greece.-For a long
time the great object of the Achaians was to set free the
cities which were more or less under the Macedonian power.
But at last they became jealous of Sparta, which was again
becoming a great power, and in 227 a war broke out between
Sparta and the League. Sparta had now a great King called
KlAeoment's, who had upset the old oligarchy and had greatly
increased the power both of the Kings and of the people. By
so doing he put quite a new life into his country, and he
pressed the Achaians so hard that at last, in 223, they asked
help ofAntigonos Ddsdn, King of Macedonia, which they only
got by giving up to him the citadel of Corinth. The Mace-


donians and Achaians together defeated Kleomenis, and
Sparta's second time of greatness died with him. The
next King of Macedonia, P/hi/i, kept on the alliance with
Achaia, and the Achaians and Macedonians fought together
in a war with JEtolia; but, though the League gained in
extent, it lost in real power and freedom by joining with a
prince who was strong enough to be its master. Peace was
made over all Greece in 216, but by this time the Romans
had begun to meddle in Greek affairs, and from hence the
history of Greece and Macedonia chiefly consists of the steps
by which they were swallowed up in the Roman dominion.
This last stage of their history will therefore best be told in
our sketch of the history of Rome..
26. Summary.-The history of Greece which we have thus
run through, though it is the history only of a small part of the
world for a few hundred years, is worth fully as much study
as any later and wider part of history. It is, as it were, the
history of the world in a small space. There is no lesson to
be taught by history in general which is not taught by the
history of Greece. The Greeks too, we should never forget,
were the first people to show the world what real freedom
and real civilization were. And they brought, not only politics,
but art and science and literature of every kind to a higher
pitch than any other people ever did without borrowing of
others. In all these ways Greece has influenced the world
for ever. Still the influence of Greece upon later history has
been to a great degree indirect. Greece influenced Rome,
and Rome influenced the world. But with the history of
Rome an unbroken chain of events begins which is going
on still. We will now try and trace it from the beginning.



Anient extent of Italy (I)-Gauls, Venetians, and Ligurians within
its modern boundary (r)-ifec't of the gSography of the country on
its history (I)-inuhablian,; of Italy; the Etruscans and t/h
Greek colonists (2)--Io chief branches of the Italian race, Oscans
and Latins (2, 3)-la.nguage, religion, and government; tendency
to Ite formation of LeaNges (4) -ori in of Rome; characteristics
of its history (5)-the Roman Kings (6)-dynasty and expulsion
of the 7arquinii (6)-the powers of the Kings transferred to the
Consuls (7)--disputes bZetween Patricians and Plebeians (7)-v-ars
of Rome uith her neighbours; taking of Veil (8)-taking of Roume
by the Gauls (8)--wars with the Samnites and Lalins; gradual
conquest of taly (9)-state of Italy under the Romans; distinction
of Romans, Latins, and Italians (1o)-war with Pyrrhos (i I)-.
ort/iin and istory of Cartiage (12)-First Punic Var(13)-cession
of Sicily; nature of the Roman Provinces (14)-Second Puni4
Wiar; campaigns of lHannibal and Scipio (15)-Third Punic
WTir; destruction of Carthage (I6)-first dealings of the Romans
with Greece ( 7)-- ihrst tcedonian WTar ( 7)-Second Macaonian
WIar; alliance of Rome with REtolia and Achaia i i -
of Antiochos in Greece; Roman conquest of A /olia (19)-Third
Malcedonian Wlatr; dismemberment of the 7lacedonian Kingdom
(20)--0Furl /ti Macedonian Tar ; faerdon/ia beoames a Province
(21)--ar wihi Achalia; dstlruclion of Corinth (21)-the 13ace-
donian states in Asia ; revolt of the Partlhiins (22)-Z-ear with
Antiochos; and extension of Roman influence in Asia (22)-forma-
tion of the Province of Asia (22)-conquest of Cisalpine Gaul (23)
-conqu'est of Spain (24) -inihabitants of Transalpine Gaul (25)--
afairs of Alassalia; formation of the lRoman Province in Gaul


(25)- invasion of the Cimbri aid Te'tones; their defeat by
Marius (26)-Ronice dominant round the Zedi'errainean; her
relations with Egypt (27)-internal diu/iths at lRomle; her relations
to her allies; murder of the Gracchi (27)--he Social H ar; final
conquest of the Samnites (28)-Civil Wl(ar of A11rius and Sul/a,
Dictatorship of Sulla (28)-wrar with Alithridates; canptains of
Sulla and Ponpeius (29)-Roman conquest of Syria; dealings with
Parthia (3o)--disputes at Rome; rise of Gesar (31)-C-esar's con-
quests in Gaul; his campaigns in Gernmany and Britain (32)- -
Civil IVar of Pompeins and Ctesar; Dictatorship and death of
Ccisar (33)-Second Civil 1;ar ; Battles of 'hilidi and Akttion ;
Eg'pt becomes a province (34)---te younger CcEsar becomes
Augustus; beginning of the Roman Empire (35)-
I. The Geography of Italy.-- e now come to the history
of the second of the three great peninsulas, that of Italy.
But we must remember that in Carly times the name of Italy
did not take in so large a country as we now understand by
that name, and that a great part of its inhabitants did not
belong to the race of whom we shall have to speak of as
Italians. The greater part of Northern Italy, all north of the
Pa and a good deal to the south of it, was counted as part
of Gaul, and was inhabited by Celtic people akin to those on
the other side of the Alps. Thus there was Cisal/inie Gau:l,
Gaul on this side-that is the Italian side-of the Alps, as
well as Transalfine Gaul, or Gaul beyond the Alps. Milan,
Verona, Bologna, and other famous Italian cities thus stand
in what in early times was part of Gaul. And the country
in the extreme north-west was held by the Venetians, a
people whose origin is not very clear. They gave their name
to the province of Venetia; but it must be remembered that
they had nothing to do with the city of Venice, which did not
begin till many ages later. And the land between the Gulf
of Genoa and the Po was held by the Lzgo-rians, a people
who were most likely not Aryans at all, but a remnant of the
older inhabitants, like the Basques. And people akin to the


Ligurians seem also to have held the islands of Sardinia
and Corsica, and part of Sicily. None of these lands were
counted as part of Italy in the earliest times, so that the
name of Italy belonged much more strictly to the peninsula
than it does now. The name seems to have been first given
to quite the southern part only, and to have gradually spread
itself northwards. The map will at once show that the
peninsula of Italy, though it is so long and narrow and has
so great an extent of sea-coast, is not so broken up by bays
and arms of the sea, nor has it so many islands round about
it, as the other peninsula of Greece. And though some parts
of Italy are mountainous, and though the great chain of the
Alennines runs from one end of the peninsula to the other,
yet the whole land is not cut up into little valleys in the way
that the more part of Greece is. Two things came of this
difference between Greece and Italy. First, the Italians
never became a seafaring people in the same degree that the
Greeks did, nor did they in the same way send out colonies
to all parts of the world that they knew. Secondly, in Italy
itself there never were so many great cities as there were in
Greece, and the small Italian towns were less jealous of their
separate independence, and more ready than the Greek cities
to join together in leagues.
2. The Inhabitants of Italy.-Setting aside those coun-
tries which were not then reckoned as part of Italy, we find
at the beginning of history three chief nations dwelling in the
peninsula. The part of Italy between the Arno and the
Tiber was called Fitrzria, the land of the Rasena as they
called themselves, otherwise called TyrrT-henians, Tuscans, and
Etruscans. The exact origin of the Etruscans is a great
puzzle, but most likely they were an Aryan people, though
their tongue was quite different from that of any of the
other nations of Italy. In early times they seem to have
spread over a much larger country both northwards and




southwards, but in trustworthy history they appear only in
the lands already spoken of on the western coast, where they
formed a confederation of twelve cities. They were great
builders and skilful in many of the arts, and they were held
to be specially wise in divination and all other matters
belonging to the worship of the Gods. The Etruscans, like
the Gauls and Ligurians, were settled in what we now call
Italy before authentic history begins. At the other end,
quite in the south, the Greeks planted many colonies, but
these belong to a later time, when we may say that trustworthy
history was beginning among the Greeks, though it had not
yet begun among the Italians. The map will show that this
part of Italy is much more like Greece, much more broken
up by bays and peninsulas, than the rest of Italy. The Greeks
were, as we have already seen, therefore able to found many
colonies here, some of which flourished so greatly in early
times that the country was known as Great Greece. But at the
time when history begins, all Italy in the older sense (that is,
not reckoning Liguria and Cisalpine Gaul), except Etruria,
was inhabited by people whom we may specially call Italians.
These, as we have already said, belonged to the same Aryan
swarm as the Greeks, and their common forefathers must
have stayed together after they had branched off from the
forefathers of the Celts, Teutons, and others. The greater
part of Italy was occupied by tribes sprung from this one
swarm, some of whom however were more closely allied to
the Greeks than others. But all may be looked on as coming
nearer to the Greeks than to any other branch of the Aryan
family. But, long before history begins, the Greeks and the
Italians had parted off into distinct nations, and the Italians
had also parted off into distinct nations among themselves.
3. The Latin and Oscan Races.-We thus see that, set-
ting aside the Etruscans and the Greeks who settled in later
times, all the other nations of ancient Italy were allied to one
E 2


another, and all were more remotely allied to the Greeks. But
they had parted far more widely among themselves than the
different tribes of the Greek nation ever did. The Italian
nations fall naturally into two great classes, which we may
call roughly the Oscans, lying to the north-cast, and the
Latins, lying to the south-west. Of these the Latins were
those who were more closely allied to the Greeks. The
Sicuni or Sikels especially, in Southern Italy and in Sicily, to
which island they gave their name, and some other of the
tribes in the south, seem to have been as near to the Greeks,
and to have been as easily Hellenized, as their neighbours
in Epeiros and on the coast of Asia. The Oscan tribes,
Sabines, Umbrians, and others, were far more widely re
moved from the Greeks, and presently the Oscan races began
to press southward at the expense both of the Latins and of
the Greek colonies. It was these Oscans of the south, the
Samnites, Luicanians, and others, whose incursions gradually
destroyed the greatness and freedom of the Greek colonies
in Italy.
4. Language, Religion, and Government.-Our know-
ledge of the ancient nations of Italy, besides the Romans, is
very scanty, but it would seem that the differences between
the Latin and Oscan races answered rather to the differences
between the Greeks and their most nearly allied neighbours
than to the differences of Dorians and lonians among the
Greeks themselves. Still we cannot doubt that they always
had much in common in language, religion, and govern-
ment. The old languages of Italy all gradually gave way
to the Latin, and we have only a few fragments remaining of
any of them. And of their religion, even of that of the Latins,
we know very little, because, when the Greeks and Romans
came to have dealings with one another, they began to call
each other's Gods by the names of those among their own
Gods which seemed most like them. Thus the Greek Zeus


and the Latin 7upiter got confounded, and the other Gods in
the like sort. But one thing we can see, that none of the
Italian nations had so many stories to tell about their Gods
as the Greeks had. As for their government, we can see the
same elements as among the Greeks and other Aryans,-the
King or other chief, the nobles, and the ordinary freemen.
In fact, owing, as we have already said, to the nature of the
country, the common form of government in ancient Italy
was much the same as that common in the ruder parts of
Greece, several kindred districts or small towns joining
together in a League. Of these Leagues the most famous
in history was that of the Samnites, an inland people of the
Oscan stock, and that of the thirty cities of the Latins on
the west coast south of the Tiber.
5. The Origin of Rome.-But there was one Latin city
which was destined to be mighty and famous above all, and
to become the mistress of Latium, of Italy, and of the world.
This was the town of Rome on the Tiber. There were all
manner of traditions in ancient times, and all manner of
conjectures have been made by ingenious men in later days,
as to the origin of this greatest of all cities. Into these we
cannot go now. The story most generally believed by the
Romans themselves was that Rome was founded by Romulus,
a son or descendant ofEnueas (in Greek Aineias), one of the
Trojan heroes who was said to have escaped after the taking
of Troy, and to have taken refuge in Italy. But Romulus or
Romus is merely one of those names which were made up
because people fancied that every city and nation must have
taken its name from some man. The tales about the
foundation of Rome and about its early Kings are mere
legends which cannot be trusted. There can be little doubt
that Rome was at first a city of the Latins, founded on the
river Tiber as a Latin outpost to guard the march or border
against the Etruscans on the other side of the river. And


there seems reason to believe that hard by the Latin town of
Rome was the Sabine town of Curium, and that the two towns
made a league, and that their people gradually became two
tribes in one city, instead of two distinct cities. Even if this
tale should not be true, it is at least very well made up. For
it sets forth the way in which Rome became the greatest of
all cities, namely by constantly granting its citizenship both
to its allies and to its conquered enemies. Step by step, the
people of Latium, of Italy, and of the whole civilized world,
all became Romans. This is what really distinguishes the
Roman history from all other history, and it is what made the
power of Rome so great and lasting.
6. The Roman Kings.-There can be little doubt that
Rome, like the Greek cities, was at first governed by Kings,
who ruled by the help of a Senate and an Assembly of the
People. But the Roman Kings, unlike those in Greece, were
not hereditary, nor were they even chosen from any particular
family. It is said, and it is not at all unlikely, that the old
rule was to choose the King in turn from the Romans of Rome
and from the Quirites of Curium. The legend giv-s us the
names of seven Kings, and it is most likely that the two or
three last names on the list are those of real persons. These
are the dynasty of the Targuinii, about whom there have
been many opinions, but who most likely were Etruscans, and
who seem to have adorned Rome with buildings and works
of Etruscan art. At all events they greatly extended the
power of Rome, so that she became the greatest of all Latin
cities. The last King, Lucius Tarquinius, called Superbus or
the Proud, is said to have acted as a cruel tyrant, and to
have had no regard for the laws of the Kings who had gone
before him. He was accordingly driven out with his family,
and the Romans determined to have no more Kings, and they
ever after hated the very name of King. This is said to have
happened B.C. 510, about the same time when the Tyrant


Hippias son of Peisistratos was driven out of Athens. There
can be no doubt that the driving out of the Kings of Rome
is a real event, but, as we have no accounts of it written at
the time or for ages after, we cannot be certain as to the
details of the story or as to the exact time when it happened.
7. The Roman Commonwealth.-The Roman history is,
for want of contemporary accounts, very uncertain for a
long time after the driving out of the Kings. Much of
what commonly passes for Roman history is really made
up of legends, which are often most beautiful as legends,
but which still are not history. Much of it also comes
from what is worse than legends, namely, mere inventions in
honour of Rome or of some particular Roman family. We
must wait for two hundred years and more after the Kings
before we come to history of which we can fully trust the
details. Still we can make out something, both as to the
internal constitution of Rome and as to the steps by which
she made her way to the headship of Italy. The chief thing
to be remembered is that Rome was a city bearing rule over
other cities. The government of the Roman commonwealth
was the government of a city ; and so it always remained,
even after Rome had come to be the head of Italy and even
of the world. When the Kings were driven out, the powers
which had belonged to the Kings were entrusted to two
magistrates, who were at first called Pretors and afterwards
Consuls, and who were chosen for one year only. The Senate
and the Assembly of the People went on much as they had
done under the Kings, but soon after the Kings were driven
out there began to be great dissensions within the Roman
Commonwealth. For there was a very old division of the
Roman people into Patricians and Plebeians or Commons, of
whom the Patricians for a long time kept all the chief powers
of the state in their own hands. Most likely the Patricians
were the descendants of the first citizens, and the Plebeians


were the descendants of allies or subjects who had been after-
wards admitted to the franchise. This division must have
begun in the time of the Kings, as it began to be of great
importance very soon after they were driven out. At first
the Consuls and other magistrates were chosen from among
the Patricians or old citizens only, though the Plebeians
voted in choosing them. There were long disputes between
the two orders, as the privileges of the Patricians were
felt to be very oppressive, and gradually the Plebeians
obtained the right to be chosen to the consulship and other
high dignities. The first plebeian Consul was Lucius
Sextius in B.C. 366, about the time when Epameinondas was
warring in Peloponn6sos. After this the two orders were
gradually reconciled, and many of the greatest men in the
later history of Rome were Plebeians.
8. Wars of Rome with her Neighbours.-At the time
when the kingly government of Rome came to an end, she
was strong enough to make a treaty with Carthage, in which
she contracts, not only on her own behalf, but also on that of
all the Latin cities of the coast as her subjects or depen-
dent allies. But she seems to have lost a good deal of her
power after the Kings were driven out. Her chief enemies
were the Etruscans on the one side of her, and the
various Oscan nations, especially those called the /Equians
and Vaoscians, on the other. With the Latin cities she was
for a long time in close alliance, Rome, as a single city, being
one party to the treaty, and the other Latin cities, as a
League, being the other party. About B.C. 396 Rome greatly
extended her power by the conquest of Veii, the nearest of
the great Etruscan cities. This was taken by Marcus Furius
Camillus, who was then Dictator; that is, he was invested for
six months only with greater powers than the Consuls them-
selves, as was often done in times of special danger and diffi-
culty. But soon after this the Roman power received a great


check, for in B.C. 390 the Romans were defeated at the river
Allia by the Gauls, who, it will be remembered, held most of
the northern part of what is now called Italy. They were
now pressing southward, and invaded Etruria. The city of
Rome itself was taken, but the Gauls were soon either driven
out or paid to go away, and it is wonderful how soon Rome
got over this great blow. And from this time the Roman
history becomes somewhat more trustworthy, for we at all
events have the lists of the Consuls and other magistrates,
even though there is still much falsehood and exaggeration
in our accounts of their actions. The Romans had still to
withstand several invasions of the Gauls, and they had
many wars with their neighbours, in which, on the whole,
they went on increasing their territory, and ever and
anon admitting those whom they conquered to their own
9. The Roman Conquest of Italy.-At last, about B.C. 343,
there began a series of greater wars in Italy, in which the
Romans may truly be said to have been fighting for the do-
minion of the whole land. And in the space of about sixty
years they gradually won it. The Samnites, an Oscan nation,
were now the chief people in the South of Italy, a brave and
stout people, quite able to contend with the Romans on equal
terms. The first war with the Samnites did not last long,
and it was followed in 340 by a war between Rome and her
old allies the Latins. The Latins wished for a more com-
plete union with Rome and for one of the Consuls to be
always a Latin; but to this the Romans would not agree.
The end of the war was that the Latin League was broken
up and he cities were merged in the Roman state one by
one. Then, in 326, began a second Samnite War which
lasted eighteen years, and a third which lasted from 298 to
290. In these two latter wars the Samnites were helped by
the Etruscans and Gauls, but all were gradually subdued,


and by the year 282 Rome was pretty well mistress of all
Italy except some of the Greek cities in the South.
10. The Italian States under Rome.-The condition of the
Italian states under the Roman dominion was very various,
but we may say that the free people of Italy now formed
three main classes, Romans, Latins, and Italians. Many of
the allied and conquered states were altogether merged in
Rome at a very early time, their people becoming Romans
and forming tribes in the Roman Assembly. Rome in the end
gradually admitted all the people of Italy to her own citizen-
ship. But, till an Italian city which was subject to Rome
received the Roman citizenship, its people had no voice at all
in the general government, in choosing the magistrates, or in
matters of peace and war. And, after such a city received
the Roman citizenship, the only way in which its citizens
could influence such matters was by themselves going to Rome
and giving their votes in the Roman Assembly. This should
be carefully borne in mind throughout, as it was the natural
consequence of the Roman government always being the
government of a city. Among the states whose people did
not at once become Romans, some had the Latin franchise,
as it was called, the franchise which was at first given to the
cities of Latium and afterwards to others in different parts.
This did not give full Roman citizenship, but it made it much
easier to obtain it. Lastly, the Italians or Allies kept their
own independent constitutions in all internal matters, but
they had to follow the lead of Rome in all matters of peace
and war. Thus it was that the Roman dominion in Italy
was a dominion of a city over cities.
I The War with Pyrrhos.-We now come to the beginning
of the wars of Rome with the nations out of Italy, beginning
with one in which they had to fight for their newly won
dominion in Italy itself. Soon after the Roman power had
reached inio Southern Italy, the people of the Greek city of


Taras or Tarentum contrived to offend the Romans, and they
then asked Pyrrhos, King of Epeiros, to come and help them
as the champion of a Greek city threatened by Barbarians.
Pyrrhos came over in 281, and the Romans had now to try
their strength against a way of fighting quite different from
their own, and that under the most famous warrior of the age.
Pyrrhos was joined by some of the lately conquered nations
in Southern Italy, who were glad of a chance of throwing off
the Roman yoke. He defeated the Romans in two battles,
but with so much loss on his own side that he was glad to
make a truce and to go over into Sicily, where some of the
Greek cities had asked him to help them against the Cartha-
ginians. In 276 he came back to Italy, but in the next year
he was defeated at Beneventum and left Italy altogether.
In the next few years the small part of Italy which still held
out against Rome was subdued.
12. Carthage.-Rome was now mistress of Italy, and she
soon began to be entangled in wars beyond its boundaries. The
greatest power besides Rome in the western Mediterranean
lands was the city of Carthage on the north coast of Africa.
This, as we have already said, was a Phianician city, one of
the colonies of the older Phoenician cities of Tyre and Sidon.
Carthage, like Rome, was a city bearing rule over other cities;
for she had gained a certain headship over the other Phoenician
cities in Africa, much as Rome had over the Latin and other
cities in Italy. And besides the kindred Phoenician cities,
Carthage bore rule also over many of the native tribes
whom the Phoenician settlers found in Africa. And, unlike
Rome up to this time, she had, as trading cities and countries
always strive to have, large dominions beyond the sea. Car-
thage at this time bore rule over the islands of Sardinia and
Corsica, and she had also large possessions in Sicily. But in
Sicily a constant warfare was kept up between the Phoenician
and the Greek settlements, in which the Tyrants who at dif-


ferent times reigned in Syracuse specially distinguished them-
selves. Such were Gel/n, who reigned at the time of the Per-
sian War, Dionysios, who reigned at the time of the war be-
tween Sparta and Thebes, and Agathoklss, who lived in the
time of Pyrrhos. As Tyrants in their own city, these men
did many evil things; still they deserve some honour as
champions of the Greek nation against the Phoenicians.
These wars also bring out another point of difference between
Carthage and Rome. For, while the Romans waged their wars
by the hands of their own citizens and allies, the wars of
Carthage were mainly carried on by barbarian mercenaries,
that is, soldiers serving simply for pay, whom they hired from
Gaul, Spain, Africa, anywhere in short. A state which does
this can never hold up for good against one which uses native
armies; and it is a sign of the great wealth and power of
Carthage, helped still more by a few very great men who
appeared among her citizens, that Carthage could hold up so
long as she did. Carthage had indeed one other great advan-
tage, namely that, as a trading city, she was very strong by
sea, while the Romans had as yet had hardly anything to do
with naval affairs. Thus Carthage and Rome were the two
great states of the West, and it could hardly fail but that war
should spring up between them about something. And it
was the more likely, as the island of Sicily lay between them,
where the Carthaginians had large possessions, and where the
Greek cities were closely connected with the Greek subjects
of Rome in Southern Italy.
13. The First Punic War.-A cause of quarrel was soon
found in the disputes among the different towns in Sicily.
Rome, as the head of Italy, undertook to protect the Mamer-
tines, a body of Campanian mercenaries who had seized the
town of Alessnt on the strait. Their enemies were Hierdn,
King of Syracuse-for those who were formerly called Tyrants
now called themselves Kings-and Carthage. Thus arose the


first Punic War, so called from the Latin form of the name
Phwanician. This war went on between Carthage and Rome
for twenty-four years, beginning in B.C. 264, and Hier6n had
soon to change the Carthaginian alliance for the Roman.
During so long a time the two great cities contended with
very varied success, the war being chiefly carried on in
and about Sicily, though at one time the Roman Consul
Marcus Atilius Regulus, who is one of the most famous
heroes of Roman legend, carried the war into Africa. For a
long time the Carthaginians had greatly the advantage at
sea ; but gradually the Romans came to be their match at
their own weapons, and at last a great naval victory was
won by the Consul Caius Lutatius Catulus, which made the
Carthaginians ask for peace. The First Punic War ended
in B.C. 241.
14. Beginning of the Roman Provinces.-This victory over
the Carthaginians was the beginning of a new state of things,
and gave Rome quite a new class of subjects. For, when
peace was made, Carthage had to give up her possessions
in Sicily, and the island, except the part which belonged
to Hier6n, became a Roman province. This was the be-
ginning of the Roman provinces, that is the dominions of
Rome out of Italy. Their condition was much worse than
that of the Italian allies, for the provinces were ruled by
Roman governors, and had to pay tribute to Rome. The
Provincials in fact were mere subjects, while the Italians,
though dependent allies, were still Allies. Though they were
bound to serve in the Roman armies and to follow Rome in
all matters of war and peace, they still kept their old consti-
tutions and no Roman governors were sent to rule them.
15. The Second Punic or Hannibalian War.-Twenty-
three years passed between the end of the first Punic War
and the beginning of the second. But in the meanwhile
the Romans got possession rather unfairly, of the islands of


Sardinia and Corsica, which Carthage had kept by the peace.
On the other hand a Carthaginian dominion was growing up
in Spain under HamilcarBarkas, one of the greatest men that
Carthage ever reared, his son-in-law Hasdrubal, and his son
Hannibal, the greatest man of all, and probably the greatest
general that the world ever saw. Another quarrel arose
between Carthage and Rome, when Hannibal took the Spanish
town of Saguntum, which the Romans claimed as an ally.
War began in 218, and Hannibal carried it on by invading
Italy by land. This was one of the most famous enterprises
in all history. Never was Rome so near destruction as in
the war with Hannibal. He crossed the Alps and defeated
the Romans in four battles, the greatest of which was that of
Cannae in B.C. 216. Many of the Italian allies revolted
against Rome, and the war went on in Italy till B.c. 203. By
that time the Romans had taken Syracuse, which, after
Hier6n's death, had forsaken their alliance, so that all Sicily
was now a Roman province. They had also, while Hannibal
was in Italy, conquered the Carthaginian possessions in Spain.
Lastly, the Roman general who had been so successful in
Spain, Publius Cornelius Scipio, crossed over into Africa, so
that Hannibal had to leave Italy and go back to defend Car-
thage itself. He was defeated by Scipio in the battle of
Zama in B.C. 202. Peace was now made, Carthage giving
up all her possessions out of Africa, and binding herself not
to make war without the consent of the Romans. That is
to say, Carthage now became a dependent ally of Rome.
The Semitic races could no longer dispute the dominion of
the Mediterranean lands with the Aryans.
16. The Third Punic War.-The last war with Carthage
began about fifty years after the second. The Carthaginians
were always at variance with their neighbour Alassinissa
King of Nunidir, who had been an useful ally of Rome in
the former war. The Romans constantly favoured Massi-


nissa, and in B.C. 149 war broke out again between Rome
and Carthage. Three years later Carthage was taken by the
younger Scipio, Publius Cornelius Sciio AEmilianas, the
city was destroyed ; part of its territory was given to Massi-
nissa, and part became the Roman province of Africa. This
is an example of the way in which Rome advanced step by
step. By the First Punic war Carthage lost territory, but it
remained quite independent. The Sccond made it a dependent
ally of Rome, but left it free in its internal government. The
Third destroyed the city and made the country a province.
It is perhaps hardly needful to say that Africa, as the name
of a Roman province, does not mean the whole continent,
but only the immediate territory of Carthage.
17. The First Macedonian War.-We see the same way
of advancing step by step in the next great conquest made
by Rome, which was going on at the same time as the Punic
Wars. This was the conquest of Aacedonia 'nd Greece. Many
things were beginning to bring the Romans and the Greeks
together, and, when any people began to have anything to do
with Rome, however friendly their dealings might be at first,
it always ended in the other nation being sooner or later
swallowed up in the Roman dominion. The Romans already
had Greek subjects in Italy and Sicily. They were now
beginning to know something of the language and literature
of Greece, and to imitate them in writings of their own. For
it is about this time that the Roman literature which we now
have begins. The Romans now began to have dealings with
the Greeks in Greece itself; but their first dealings were quite
friendly. A war broke out with Illyria in B.C. 229, which ended
in the island of Korkyra and the cities of Apolldnia and
Epidamnos submitting to Rome. These were Greek cities
on the Illyrian coast, and they welcomed the Romans as
deliverers. But Rome had now got possession on the Greek
side of the jEgman, and the conquest of those lands had


really begun. In 215 Philip King of Macedonia made a
league with Hannibal, and in 213 the First Macedonian War
began, while the second Punic War was still going on.
In this war Philip was helped by the Leagues of Achaia,
Akarnania, and Epeiros, while Rome found allies in the
League of AEtolia, in Attalos King of Pergamos in Asia,
and Nabis Tyrant of Sparta. Since the fall of Kleomenes
Sparta had been in a state of great confusion, and she had
had several wars with the Achaians, in which Philopoim;n,
the last great -general of Greece, greatly distinguished him-
self. Peace was at last made in 205, and some changes of
frontier were made; but the chief result of the war was that
Rome had now begun steadily to interfere in Greek and
Macedonian affairs.
18. The Second Macedonian War.-The first war with
Macedonia did not affect the position of that kingdom, or of
any other of the Greek states, as independent powers. The
Second Macedonian War, which began in B.c. 200, marks
another stage in the progress of conquest. The Romans
now stepped in to help the Athenians, who were their allies,
and who had been attacked by Philip. The E-tolians took the
Roman side from the beginning, and the Achaians joined
them in 198. In 197 the war was ended by the defeat of
Philip at Kynoskephale in Thessaly, and the next year, 196,
the Roman Consul Titus Quinctius Flamininus proclaimed
the liberty of all those parts of Greece which had been under
his power. Philip thus lost a large part of his territory, and
had to become a dependent ally of Rome. And from this
time we may count the Greek allies of Rome, though nomi-
nally free, as practically dependent.
19. The Conquest of JEtolia.-The -Etolians now invited
the Seleukid King Antiochos the Great to cross over from
Asia and attack the Romans in Greece. He crossed over in
192, and several Greek states joined him, but the Achaians


held steadily to Rome. In 191 Antiochos was defeated at
Thewrmaoylai by the Consul Manius Acilius Glabro, and his
allies the Etolians were presently, in 189, obliged to become
a Roman dependency, being the first within the borders of
Greece itself. Rome also took the islands of Zakyn/tcs and
Kefhallenia and the Achaian League was extended over all
Peloponn&sos. Rome was now really mistress of Greece, and
Grecian history from this time consists mainly of her dealings
with the states which had become practically her subjects.
20. The Third Macedonian War.-The ThirdMacedonian
War, waged with Perseus the son of Philip, began in 171.
Most of the Greek states were now on the Macedonian side,
as it had become plain that Rome was much more dangerous
than Macedonia. But the Achaians remained allies of Rome,
though they were from this time treated with great insolence.
The war ended with the victory of Lucius AEmilius Paullus
at Pydna in 168. The Macedonian kingdom was now cut up
into four commonwealths, all dependencies of Rome. Epeiros
was subdued and most of its cities destroyed.
21. Final Conquest of Macedonia and Greece.-TheFourth
Macedonian War happened at exactly the same time as the
Third Punic War, in 149. The Macedonians rose under one
Andriskos, who called himself Philip, and gave himself out as
the son of Perseus. He was successful for a time, but he
was overthrown in 148, and Macedonia, after so many stages,
at last became a Roman province. There were also many dis-
Iputes between Rome and Achaia, which now grew into a war,
and in 146 the Achaians were defeated by Lucius Mummius,
and Corinth was destroyed in the same year as Carthage. The
League was dissolved for a while, and the Achaian cities
became formally dependent on Rome. But Alhens and
several other Greek cities and islands still remained nomi-
nally independent. The history of these times was written
by Polybios, a leading man in the Achaian League, but who,


being a prisoner at Rome, formed a close friendship with the
younger Scipio and other chief Romans. He was thus able
to look with his own eyes at two different stages of the
world's history in a way that perhaps no one else ever could.
22. The Romans in Asia.-Macedonia and Greece formed
easy stepping-stones for the Romans to meddle in the affairs
of Asia. By far the greatest of the Macedonian kingdoms
in Asia was that of the descendants of Seleukos, which for
a while took in all Alexander's conquests in Asia. But this
great dominion was cut short in the East about B.C. 256
by the revolt of the Partlians in Northern Persia. They
established a kingdom under the descendants of their first
leader Asfhk or Arsakis, which in after times was the chiet
rival of Rome. The eastern provinces of the Seleukid Kings
thus fell away one by one, but at the time of the Second
Punic War they still reigned from the AEgmean to far beyond
the Tigris. But it must be remembered that there were
several states in Western Asia, both native and Macedonian,
like the kingdoms of Perganos and Bithynia, which did not
form part of their dominion. All these states were more or
less tinged with Greek culture. We have already seen how
Antiochos, called the Great, had crossed over into Greece
and had been there defeated by the Romans. The Romans
of course then crossed into Asia, and Antiochos was defeated
by Lucius Scifio at Magnesia in 189. Antiochos had now to
give up all his dominions west of Mount Tauros, and the
great dominion of the Seleukid Kings shrank up into a mere
Kingdom of Syria. But their capital Antioch on the Oront&s
still remained one of the chief seats of Greek culture, and one
of the greatest cities of the world. The Romans now became
really masters of all Western Asia, though, after their manner,
they did not as yet formally take any part of the land to
themselves. What Antiochos gave up they divided among
their allies, giving the largest share to Eument's King of Per-


gamos. The kingdom of Eumenes thus became the greatest
state in Western Asia, and his capital, like Antioch, became
a great seat of Greek culture and learning. And a little later
the cities of Lykia joined together in a free and most wisely
managed Confederation, much after the pattern of the Achaian
League. But from this time Pergamos, Lykia, and all these
Macedonian or Hellenized states looked up to Rome, just as
the Greeks in Greece itself had already learned to do. At last
in 133 Attalos, the last King of Pergamos, left his dominions
to the Roman People, and the greater part of them were
made into a Roman province, by the name of the Province of
Asia, the first province that Rome held beyond the /Egaean.
23. The Romans in Western Europe. Conquest of Cis-
alpine Gaul.-In all these wars with Carthage, Macedonia,
and Syria Rome had to struggle with enemies who met her
on something like equal terms. All were civilized states, and
the Macedonian Kings, both in Macedonia and in Asia, had
kept up the military discipline of Philip and Alexander.
We must now see how Rome dealt with the people of the
ZWest, the forefathers of some of the chief nations of modern
Europe, but who then were only brave barbarians. Her first
conquest among these was naturally that of those lands within
the Alps which are now reckoned part of Italy, but which
were then known as Cisalpine Gaul. The Gauls, it will be
remembered, had once taken Rome itself, and they had shown
themselves dangerous enemies to Rome by helping the Sam-
nites and Etruscans against her. It was no wonder then
that the conquest of Cisalpine Gaul began almost as soon as
the conquest of Italy was over. The lands south of the Po
were won before the First Punic War, and in the time between
the First and the Second Punic Wars the conquest went on,
and several colonies were planted beyond the Po. The Gau ls
greatly helped Hannibal in his invasion of Italy, but they
presently paid dearly for so doing. For, as soon as the
F 2


Second Punic War was over, the conquest of Cisalpine Gau!
went on, and was ended by about 191. The land was now full
of Roman and Latin colonies, and it soon became a Roman
land and began to be reckoned part of Italy. Liguria and
Venetia were conquered soon afterwards, so that the Roman
power took in all within the Alps, all that we now call Italy.
24. The Conquest of Spain.-Meanwhile the third and
most western of the three great peninsulas, that of Spain, was
being added, like Greece and the neighboring countries, to
the Roman dominion. Spain was the only one of the great
countries of Europe where the mass of the people were not
of the Aryan stock. The greater part of the land was still
held by the Iberians, as a small part is even now by their
descendants the Basques. But in the central part of the
peninsula Celtic tribes had pressed in, and we have seen
that there were some Phac'ncian colonies in the south and
some Greek colonies on the east coast. In the time between
the First and Second Punic Wars Hamilcar, Hasdrubal, and
Hannibal had won all Spain as far as the Ebro for Carthage.
But during the Second Punic War, between the years 21I
and 206, the Carthaginian territories in Spain were all won
for Rome by the Scipios. Rome thus became the chief power
in Spain, even before the Second Punic War was over, and
before she had conquered all Cisalpine Gaul. But Spain has
always been a hard country to conquer, and the Romans
had constant wars with the native tribes. Still we may look
on the Roman dominion in Spain as finally established in
B.C. 133, when the younger Scipio took Numantia. This, it
will be remembered, was in the same year as the bequest
of Attalos which gave Rome her first Asiatic possession, and
Numantia was taken by the same general who had taken
Carthage. From this time all S, ain was a Roman province,
except sorre of the mountainous parts in the north, where
native tribes still remained free.


25. Beginning of the Conquest of Transalpine Gaul.-
The conquests of Rome in Transalfine Gaul, Gaul beyond
the Alps, began a little later. Gaul in the geographical
sense, the land between the Rhine, the Alps, the Pyrenees,
and the Ocean, was then, as now, peopled by different races,
speaking different languages. In the south the old non-Aryan
inhabitants still held their ground. The districts near the
Alps were chiefly held by Lzgurians, while Aquitaine, a name
which then meant the land between the Pyrenees and the
Garonne, was Iberian. In the centre the Aryan Celts had
settled, but the next wave, the Teutons, were most likely
already pressing upon them, though when our kinsfolk first
crossed the Rhine it would be hard to say. The Mediter-
ranean coast of Gaul was fringed by that group of Greek
cities of which Massalia was the head. Massalia was a great
trading city, and it became an ally, at first a really equal
and independent ally, of Rome. This was in 218, at the
beginning of the Second Punic War. The Romans had once
or twice to cross the Alps to defend their Greek allies, and
at last, in 125, a Roman province was formed in Transalpine
Gaul, in the land which has ever since kept the name of Pro-
vence. At the same time the colony of Aque Sextic, now
Air, was founded. As usual, the Roman dominions advanced,
and twenty years later the Roman province reached as far as
Geneva to the north and Tolosa or Toulouse to the west.
26. The Cimbri and Teutones.-It is not unlikely that the
Romans would now have gone on and conquered the whole
of Gaul, if an event had not happened which put a stop for
some time to their further progress in those parts. For about
this time Gaul was invaded by a vast host of barbarians called
Cimbri and Teutones, who came from the North, but about
whom there has been much doubt whether they really were
of Celtic or of what we call Teutonic race. They defeated
several Roman commanders in Gaul, but in 102 the Teutones


were utterly defeated by the Consul Caius Marius near
Aqure Sextie, and in the next year the war was finished by
the two Consuls Marius and Quintus Lutatius Catulus over-
throwing the Cimbri also at Vercelle in Cisalpine Gaul. This
was the same sort of danger from which Rome had been saved
long before by Camillus, the danger of being overthrown, not
by the chief of a civilized people like Pyrrhos or Hannibal, but
by a people who were still altogether barbarous. If any
men of our own race had a hand in this invasion, it gives it a
special interest for us ; but, at all events, as saving Rome
from this great danger, the defeat of the invaders was
one of the greatest events in Roman history, and Caius
Marius is one of Rome's most famous men. But, fully to
understand the condition of Rome, and especially to under-
stand the position of Marius, we must look back a little at the
state of things in Italy while these great conquests were going
on abroad. It will however be better to keep the details ot
the internal affairs of Rome, as far as may be, for the special
History of Rome, and to speak chiefly of those things which
concern the relations of Rome to her allies and subjects.
27. Rome and her Allies.-We have thus seen that, in
the space of about two hundred years, from the beginning of
the Samnite Wars to the conquest of Numantia and the
inheritance of the Province of Asia, Rome had come to be
the mistress of all the lands round the Mediterranean Sea.
The whole was not as yet fully annexed and made into
provinces, but no power was left which had the least chance
of holding out against Rome. The only great power with
which Rome had had no war was the kingdom of Egypt.
There the descendants of the first Ptolemy, all of whom
bore his name, still reigned, and Egypt was the richest
and most flourishing of the Macedonian kingdoms, and its
capital Alexandria was the greatest seat of Greek learning
and science. But when the Romans began to be powerful in


Asia, even the Ptolemies, who often had wars with the Seleu-
kids, began to look to Rome as a protector. It was this
vast dominion, while it made Rome so great in the face of
other nations, which led to the corruption of her constitution
within, and at last to the utter loss of her freedom. The
form of government which had done so well for a single city
with a small territory did not do at all for the government
of so large a portion of the world. Throughout the Roman
dominions the Roman People was sovereign ; the Assembly of
the People made laws and chose magistrates for Rome itself,
and sent out generals and governors to conquer and rule
in the subject lands. The provincials, and even the allies,
had no yoice in settling the affairs of the vast dominion of
which they had become a part, and they were often greatly
oppressed by the Roman officers. Meanwhile in Rome
itself the great offices had been gradually thrown open to the
Plebeians as well as the Patricians, and hardly any legal
distinction was left between the two orders. The constitution
was therefore really democratic; for the sovereign power lay
in the Assembly of the whole People, which made the laws
and chose the magistrates. And in choosing the magistrates
they also indirectly chose the Senate, as it was mainly made
up of men who had held the different magistracies. Still
the constitution had a great tendency to become practically
aristocratic. For the men who had held great offices, whether
patricians or plebeians, began to form a class by themselves,
and their descendants, who were now called nobles, began
to think that they only had a right to hold the offices which
their forefathers had held. Then again the old citizens of
Rome were largely cut off in the endless wars, and many freed-
men-that is, men who had been slaves-and strangers got
the citizenship, so that the character of the Roman People
was greatly lowered. And, as every citizen who wished to
vote had to come to Rome in his own person, the Roman


Assembly had become far too large, and gradually turned
into a mere mob. Then again many citizens were wretchedly
poor, while rich men had made themselves great estates out
of the land which rightly belonged to the commonwealth.
Thus, instead of the old political strife between patricians
and flebeians, there had come, what was a great deal worse,
a social strife between the rich and the poor. While Rome
had still powerful enemies to strive against, these evils did
not make themselves so much felt ; but, when Rome had
nothing more to fear, they began to be very glaring, and men
had to seek for remedies for them. And, along with all this,
the Italian states, which had not been raised to Roman
citizenship but which had borne a great part in the wars of
Rome, now demanded to be made Romans. The cause of
the poor against the rich was taken up by Tiberius Semniro-
nius Gracchus, in the year 133 ; and the cause both of the
poor and of the allies was taken up by his brother Caius in
123. But both of them were murdered by the oligarchs, who
wished to keep all power and wealth in their own hands.
28. The Social War.-After the death of the Gracchi the
ill will between the nobles and the people, and the further ill
will between the Romans and the Italians, still went on.
The next great leader of the popular party was Caius Marius,
of whom we have already heard as the conqueror of the
Teutones. He was not of any high family, but was born at
Arpinum, an old town of the Volscians, whose people did
not obtain the full Roman citizenship till 188. His sympa-
thies therefore lay with the people against the oligarchs, and
still more with the Italians against either the nobles or the
mob of Rome. He was an excellent soldier, and first began
to distinguish himself in the war with 7nuurtha, who had
usurped the kingdom of Numidia, whose King Massinissa
had been so useful to Rome in the Punic War. This war
began in ilI, and in o16 Marius brought the war to an end


and led Jugurtha in triumph. Very soon after came the inva-
sion of the Cimbri and Teutones and Marius' great success
against them. He was now the chief man in Rome and
the leader of the popular party. But the complaints of the
Italians still went on, and in the year 90 most of them rose
in arms. This was called the Social War, that is the war
with the Socii or Allies of Rome. It was ended in the
course of the next year by all the allies, except the Samnites
and Lucanians in the south of Italy, submitting and being
made Roman citizens. The Samnites, whom it had cost
Rome so much trouble to conquer two hundred years before,
still held out. Marius held a command in this war, and so
did Lucius Cornelius Sulla, who had been his lieutenant in
the war with Jugurtha; but Marius did little or nothing, and
went far to lose his old credit, while Sulla showed himself
the rising man of Rome. Presently a Civil War, the first
in Roman history, broke out between Marius and Sulla, in
which the Social War, which had never quite come to an
end, merged itself. At one stage of this war Sertorius, a
Roman general on the Marian side, held .Spain almost as a
separate power, having a Senate of his own, which he said
was the real Roman Senate. In 83 Sulla came back from
his wars in the East, of which we shall speak directly, and
the Samnites, who had never laid down their arms, joined
with the Marian party, and began openly to declare that
Rome must be destroyed. Rome had never been in such
danger since quite the old times, and there can be no doubt
that Sulla, who now saved Rome and crushed the Samnites
and the Marian party, fixed the future history of the world
far more than Casar or anyone else who came after him.
Sulla now took to himself the supreme power at Rome, with
the title of Peretlual Dictator. But, when he had quite
rooted out the Marian party, and had passed a series of laws
to confirm the dominion of the aristocracy, he gave up his


power, and lived as a private man till he died soon after.
Rome had now passed through her last trial within her own
peninsula. The Samnites, who had withstood to the last,
had been utterly cut off, and the other Italians had become
29. The Mithridatic War.-While Rome went through this
great trial at home, she had to undergo another almost as
great abroad. She had to wage a war greater than any that
she had waged since the conquest of Carthage and Mace-
donia. One of those states in Asia Minor which had arisen, as
was before mentioned, out of the ruins of the old Persian Em-
pire, was Pontos, the Kingdom of the Euxine Sea-Pontos in
Greek meaning the Sea, and specially the Euxine Sea. Its
Kings were of native blood, but, like all their neighbours,
they made a certain pretence to Greek culture, and the
acquisition of the province of Asia by the Romans made
them neighbours of Rome. Pontos was now ruled by
Mithridatis the Sixth or the Great. A war with him broke
out while the Social War was going on in Italy, and Mith-
ridates succeeded in winning all Asia. He then ordered
all the Romans and Italians who were settled in Asia to be
massacred in one day, which the people everywhere did very
willingly-they had made themselves so hateful. Then his
generals, like Antiochos, crossed over into Greece, where
many of the Greeks took his side. Sulla then, in 87, came
into Greece, stormed Athens, won two great battles at Chai-
rdneia and Orchomenos in Boeotia, and then, being called
home by the news of the successes of Marius, patched up
a peace by which Mithridates gave up all his conquests.
Such a peace was not likely to last, and, as soon as he
had a good opportunity, Mithridates began the war again.
This was in 74, and the second war between him and
the Romans, first under Lucius Licinius Lucullus and then
under Cnaeus Pompeius, called Magnus or the Great, lasted


ten years. It ended in the overthrow of the Pontic kingdom,
which was split up in the usual way, and in the complete
re-establishment of the Roman power in Asia.
30. The Conquest of Syria.-In the history of Rome one
conquest always led to another, and, after the overthrow of
Mithridat&s, the Roman arms were carried by Pompeius
much further towards the East than they had ever gone before.
Tigrands, King of Armenia, who had helped Mithridat&s, was
utterly humbled ; Syria, the remains of the great Seleukid
kingdom, was partly made a Roman province, partly divided
among dependent princes. Pompeius also took Jerusalem
in the year 63, and Palestine was henceforth under the Roman
power, though it was often held by vassal Kings, like the
Herods in the New Testament. The Roman power now
reached from the Ocean to the Eufplrates, and the Roman
Commonwealth may now be looked on as having taken the
place of Alexander and his successors in Asia, as the cham-
pions of the West against the East. But each increase of
dominion laid it open to fresh enemies. The Parthian Kings
became formidable enemies, and indeed rivals, of Rome.
We shall hear a great deal of the wars and other dealings
between Rome and Parthia. But the first attempt of the
Romans against Parthia, which was made by Marcus Lici-
nius Crassusin the year 54, was utterly unsuccessful. Crassus
was defeated and killed, and the more part of his army were
made prisoners.
31. State of Things at Rome.-Meanwhile it was being
shown more and more how unfit the government of the
single city of Rome was to rule all Italy and the world. New
discontents arose out of the admission of the Italians to
the Roman citizenship, and the commonwealth was torn in
pieces by the disputes of the leading men. We now come
to the famous men of the last days of the Commonwealth,
-Pomfeius and Crassus, of whom we have already heard,


Marcus Tullius Cicero the great orator, Marcus Porcius
Cato, and the most famous of all, Caius 7ulius Ccesar. We
shall say more of their doings at home in our special History
of Rome. It may here be enough to say that, as far as
natural gifts wint, Caesar was perhaps the greatest man that
ever lived, being great in all ways, equally as soldier, states-
man, and scholar. He was of an old patrician house, but he
was connected with the family of Marius, and he took up
the cause of the people not honestly, like the Gracchi, but
to serve his own ends. The whole commonwealth was now
utterly corrupt ; still Pompeius and Cicero, though there were
plenty of faults on their side, did strive to defend the law
and constitution such as it was, while the Roman people had
sunk into a mere mob, which men like Casar could use as
they chose.
32. Cmsar's Conquests in Gaul.-In the year 59 Caesar was
Consul, and in the next year he went into Gaul, which had
been given him as his province, and where he spent about
seven years in conquering the whole of the country. Instead
of a small part of southern Gaul, the Roman dominion now
reached to the Rhine and the British Channel. In this war
the Romans first began to have to do with people of our own
race and wi:h the land in which we now live. Our own
people, the English, were still in their old land by the Elbe,
and Caesar never came near them. But there were several
Teutonic tribes :n north-eastern Gaul, and in the year 55
Casar crossed into Germany itself, but he did not conquer
any part of the land. In the same year 55, and again in 54,
he crossed over into Britain, but he made no lasting conquest
and left no Roman troops behind him. Britain was then
inhabited by a Celtic people, the Britons, who gave their
name to the island, and whom our forefathers, when they
came into Britain long after, called the Welsh or strangers.
Both the German and the British expeditions were made


rather to show the power of Rome than to make conquests
which it would have been hard to keep. The .Rhine thus
became the boundary of the Roman province of Gaul; that
is to say, the Germans on the left bank of the Rhine became
subjects of Rome, along with the Iberian and Celtic inhabi-
tants of Gaul, while the Germans on the right bank remained
free. This conquest of Gaul by Caesar is one of the most
important events in the history of the world. It is in some
sort the beginning of modern history, as it brought the old
world of Southern Europe, of which Rome was the head,
into contact with the lands and nations which were to play
the greatest part in later times, with Gaul, Germany, and
33. The Civil War of Pompeius and Caesar.-Caesar had
been all this time winning fame and power in Gaul, in order
to make himself master of his country. Things got into
great confusion while he was away, which was just what he
wanted. At last, in the year 49, Caesar openly rebelled, and
another Civil War now began, Pompeius commanding the
armies which were faithful to the Commonwealth. But now
that the Roman dominion took in so large a part of the
world,, a civil war between Romans was not necessarily
fought in Italy. The power of Pompeius lay chiefly in the
IUnds east of the Hadriatic; so, while he was gathering his
forces there, Caesar marched to Rome and got the People to
make him first Dictator and then Consul for the year 48.
Then he crossed over to Epeiros, and presently defeated the
army of Pompeius and the Senate at Pharsalos in Thessaly.
Pompeius was presently murdered in Egypt, and in about
three years' time Casar was able to overcome all who with-
stood him in Africa, Spain, and elsewhere. The battle of
Pharsalos is one of the most important battles in history,,aq
it really ended the Roman Commonwealth, and began the-
Roman Empire, which we may almost say has gone on ever


since. The forms of the Commonwealth lasted long after,
but from this time the Roman world always had a master.
Caesar was now master of the Roman dominions, and was
made Dictator for life. He was also called Impi'rator (the
word which is cut short into Emperor), a title which in
some sort belonged to every Roman general, but which
Caesar was allowed to use in a special way. But he was not
satisfied with being Dictator and Imperator; he wished to be
King and to wear a diadem. This was more than men could
bear ; so many of the senators, among whom the chief were
Caius Cassius and Marcus 7unius Brutus, conspired and
slew him in the senate-house (March s1th, B.C. 44). Caesar
was a Tyrant; he had overthrown the freedom of his country
and had seized a power beyond the laws. But it should
not be forgotten that for the provinces it was a distinct gain
to get one master instead of many. The real lesson to be
learned from the overthrow of the Roman Commonwealth is
that states which boast themselves of their own freedom
should not hold other states in bondage.
34. The Second Civil War.-After the death of Cesar
followed a time of great confusion, lasting for thirteen
years. Brutus and Cassius, who had killed Caesar, stood
up for the Commonwealth, and there was a war between
them and Marcus Antonius, one of Caesar's officers, and
Caesar's great-nephew, Cains Octavius. Caesar had adopted
Octavius as his son; so his name became Caius 7ulius
Caesar Octavianus. These two, along with Mlarcus /Eni-
lius Lefidus, formed what was called a Triumvirate for
settling the affairs of the Commonwealth. Meanwhile
Brutus and Cassius, like Pompeius, had gone to the East,
and in 42 was fought the battle of Plilippi in Macedonia
between them and the Triumvirs, in which the hopes of
the party of the Commonwealth were crushed. Presently
Antonius professed to make war upon the Parthians, but


he did nothing great, for he was utterly bewitched by
Klcopatra, Queen of Egypt, the last of the dynasty of the
Ptolemies. War presently followed between Casar and
Antonius, and Antonius and Kleopatra were altogether de-
feated in a sea-fight at Aktion, near Ambrakia, on the west
coast of Greece (31). Antonius and Kleopatra presently
killed themselves, and Egypt became a Roman province.
All the lands round the Mediterranean had now come under
the Roman dominion, though here and there there were prin-
cipalities and commonwealths which had not been formally
made into provinces.
35. The Beginning of the Empire.-There was now no
one left to withstand Casar, and the Senate and People gra-
dually voted him one honour and office after another, which
made him practically master of the state, though the outward
forms of the Commonwealth went on as before. But he was
never called King, or even Dictator, like his uncle, for that
title had become almost as hateful as that of King. But the
new title of Augustus was voted to him, and all who succeeded
him in his power called themselves CGesar and Augustus.
But he is specially known as Augustus Ccesar. This is the
beginning of the Roman Empire, for, of the various titles
borne by Augustus and his successors, that of Emperor
(hmperator) or chief of the army was the one which pre-
vailed in the end. The rest of the history of Europe is the
history of the Roman Empire in one shape or another, and
we shall see that the title of Roman Emperor went on almost
to our own times. The first Emperor then was Caius 7ulius
Cessar Octavianus, and we may count the Empire as beginning
in B.C. 27, when he received the title of Augustus. The last
Emperor was Francis, King of Germany, who gave up the
Empire in A.D. I806. The differences between the early and
the later Emperors we shall see as we go on, but there was a
continuous succession between them without any break.



Extent of the Roman Empire; distinction of the Latin, Greek, and
Oriental Provinces (r)-nature of the Roman dominion; all the
inhabitants of the Empire gradually become Romans (2)-reign of
Augustus ; stealthy introduction of Monarchy (3}-wars with the
Germans; victory of Arminius (3)-Roman Literature and Art
(4) -the Claudian Emperors; conquest of Britain ; the Empire
passes from the Ciesarian family (5)-the Flavian Emperors;
wars with the Jews, Batavians, and Dacians (6)-the Good
Emperors; origin of the Roman Law (7)-Emperors chosen by
the army ; distinction of Romans and Barbarians; the Illyrian
Emperors (8)-the Tyrants (9)-restoration of the Kingdom of
Persia; wars between Persia and Rome (o1)-wars with the
Teutonic nations; first appearance of the Goths (Io)-origin of
Christianity; its advance and persecutions (II)-reign of Dio-
cletian ; his division of the Empire (12)-last persecution of the
Christians; Constantine embraces Christianity (I2)-Summary
I. Extent of the Roman Empire.-At the time when the
government of Rome was practically changed from a
commonwealth to a monarchy, the Roman power had
spread over all the lands which could be looked on as
forming the civilized world. These lands fall naturally
under three heads, the distinction between which will be
found to be of great importance as we go on. In the
Western provinces, as Gaul and Spain, to which we may
add Africa, where Carthage had been restored by Caesar
as a Roman colony, the Romans appeared, not only as a


conquering, but as a civilizing people. Roman customs and
the use of the Latin language took firm root; the whole
civilization of these lands became Roman, and the native
tongues and customs lived on only in out-of-the-way corners,
such as the mountain land of the Basques in Spain and
Southern Gaul. But in Greece, and in those lands whither
the Greek speech and customs had been carried by Greek
colonists or by Macedonian conquerors, the Greek civiliza-
tion, the older and the higher of the two, still held its ground.
These lands became politically Roman, but they remained
socially and intellectually Greek, and Greek still went on as
the language of literature and polite life. But in the further
East, in the lands beyond Mount Tauros, in Syria and
Egypt, though they had been ruled by Macedonian Kings,
and though great Greek cities had arisen as their capitals,
the native languages and religions and general habit of
thought never died out, nor were they driven, as in the West,
into out-of-the-way corners. It is only in a very superficial
sense that these lands can be said to have ever become
either Greek or Roman. This distinction between what we
may call the Latin, the Greek, and the Oriental provinces
must be carefully borne in mind throughout. It was not a
distinction made by law, but it was one which had most im-
portant practical results. Speaking roughly, the Roman
dominion was bounded by the Rhine, the Danube, the
Euphrates, and the great deserts of Africa. It did not reach
quite so far as this at the very beginning of the Empire, but
the few outlying lands which were needed to bring it to those
boundaries were added during the reigns of Augustus and
the other earlier Emperors. And within those boundaries
we may look on the Latin provinces as reaching from the
Ocean to the Hadriatic, the Greek as reaching from the
Hadriatic to Mount Tauros, and the Oriental as taking in
the lands beyond.


2. Nature of the Roman Dominion.-It must always be
remembered that the establishment of the Roman Empire
was not a formal revolution. The old republican forms
went on in Rome, and the relations between the ruling
city and the allied and subject states were in no way changed.
But as the Empire, as the power of one man, became step by
step more firmly established, the tendency was to break down
the old distinctions. Particular families, and sometimes
whole cities and regions, were admitted to the Roman
franchise, till at last all the free inhabitants of the Empire
were declared to be Roman citizens. From this time all the
subjects of the Empire were legally equal, and all who spoke
either Latin or Greek began to look on themselves as
Romans. The Empire, which had once been a collection of
cities and provinces in different degrees of subjection to one
ruling city, gradually changed into a vast dominion, all the
inhabitants of which were alike fellow-subjects of the Em-
peror. Rome, instead of being the ruling city, thus became
merely the capital or seat of government. And we shall see
that, as time went on, Rome ceased even to be the seat of
government, and other cities took its place.
3. The Reign of Augustus.-Counting the reign of
Augustus to begin when he received that new and special
title, it lasted forty-one years, from B.C. 27 to A.D. 14.
During all that time he was practically master of Rome
and of the whole Empire. He became so by the means of
uniting various great offices in his own person, and by having
special grants of authority made to him by the Senate for
periods of ten years. Men thus became gradually used to
the rule of one man, and, though all the old magistracies and
the old forms went on, they gradually sank into mere forms.
The legions were kept up as a standing army, and the
government gradually became a military monarchy. Au-
gustus however never took on himself anything of the


pomp of royalty, but behaved simply as the first magistrate
of the commonwealth. He did not seek to make any
great conquests; still several wars, both successful and un-
successful, were carried on during his reign. The small part
of Spain which remained independent was subdued, and the
lands south of the Danube were all added to the Empire.
There were also wars at this time which more concern us, for
the two Claudii, the stepsons of Augustus, first Drusus and
then Tiberius, waged long wars with the Germans beyond the
Rhine, and it was hoped that Germany would be subdued as
well as Gaul. Had this happened, the future history of the
world must have been utterly changed. And every one who
speaks English or any dther Teutonic tongue ought to
honour the name of the German hero Arminius, who in A.D. 9
cut off three Roman legions under Publius Quinclilius Varus,
and stopped all fear of Germany becoming a Roman pro-
vince. Drusus had in some of his wars reached the Elbe, so
that it is quite likely that he may have come across some of
our own forefathers.
4. Roman Literature and Art.-The reign of Augustus is
also famous as the time when many of the best-known Latin
writers lived. There is nothing in the Latin language which
at all answers to the native literature of Greece. Before
the Punic Wars we have only a few scraps. From that time
the existing Latin literature begins. But the Latin writers,
especially the poets, were too much given to imitation of
Greek models to produce anything at all equal to them. But
there were many great Latin writers in the time of the Civil
Wars, as Cicero and Ccesar, who were so famous in other
ways, and the poets Lucretius and Catullus. But the
Auguslan Age, as it is called, became specially famous for
the number of poets, such as the well-known names of Virgil,
Horace, and Ovid, who lived at that time, and sang the praises
of Augustus and of their great patron his minister Cains


Cilnius Mlfacenas. Livy also (Titus Livius), the historian of
Rome, lived at this time. But both he and the greatest of
the Augustan poets had grown up under the Commonwealth.
Horace, for instance (Quintus Horatius Flaccus), had fought
against Augustus at Philippi, having been an officer in the
army of Brutus and Cassius. The most truly original Latin
writers, the satirist 7uvenal and the historian Tacitus, to
whom we may fairly add the great Roman lawyers, belong to
a later.time. In the same way the Romans of this age greatly
imitated the Greeks in their buildings and in their works of
art generally, and it was only gradually that a really genuine
and national form of Roman architecture was worked out.
5. The Claudian Emperors.-As Rome was not legally a
monarchy, it is plain that the supreme power could not pass
at the will of the last Emperor. But the stepson of Augustus,
Tiberius Claudius Nero, whom he had adopted, and who
therefore became his son according to Roman law, succeeded
without any difficulty, the Senate voting him all the honours
which Augustus had held. The Empire thus passed into a
new family, that of the Claudii. But, according to the law
of adoption, they counted as Ca'sars, and the Caesars became
a kind of artificial family, for no Emperor at this time was
ever succeeded by his own son. Four Emperors reigned
by this kind of succession, Tiberius, Caius, Claudius, and
Nero. All of these were Cesars by adoption, though not
by blood, and Caius, Claudius, and Nero were really de-
scended from Augustus in the female line. The first of
these four, Tiberius, reigned from A.D. 14 to A.D. 37. The
Empire was on the whole prosperous in his time; but he
did many jealous and cruel things, causing the death of
all of whom he was in any way afraid, especially of his
nephew Germanicus, the son of Drusus, and Germanicus'
wife Agri6iina. Germanicus took his name from his
wars in Germany, where he advanced as far as the


Weser, but he was happily recalled by the jealousy of Tibe-
rius. Caius, commonly called Caligula, the son of Ger-
manicus, succeeded Tiberius, and reigned four years, from
37 to 41. He seems to have been quite mad, and did the
wildest and wickedest things in every way, and at last he
was killed by some of his officers. The soldiers then chose
Claudius, the brother of Germanicus and uncle of Caius,
and the Senate had to confirm their choice. This was the
first time that an Emperor was chosen by the army. Claudius
was a well-meaning man, but he was constantly led astray by
his wives and favourites. It was in his time that the Roman
conquest of Britain began, and Claudius himself came for
a short time into Britain in the year 43. He reigned till
54, when he was poisoned by his last wife Agrzipiia, who
was the daughter of Germanicus and his own niece. She had
made him adopt her son Nero, who then succeeded, and
reigned well for a while, but gradually became the worst of
the whole family for every form of vice and cruelty. At last
the soldiers in the distant provinces began to rebel, and Nero
was deposed by a vote of the Senate, and died by his own
hand in the year 68. The Empire now passed quite away
from the Cesarean family; those who followed no longer
pretended to belong to that family even by adoption; yet all
who succeeded to the Empire still went on calling themselves
Casar and Augustus to the very end.
6. The Flavian Emperors.-A time of confusion followed
on the death of Nero. The armies in various parts of
the Empire chose their own generals to be Emperors, and
several of them obtained possession of Rome, and were
acknowledged by the Senate and People for a little while. i
Thus Galba, Ot/lo, Vitellius, succeeded one another very
quickly, each reigning a little time and being killed. At
last, in the year 70, a more permanent power was established
by Titus Flavius Vespasianus, who kept the Empire till his


own death in 79, and was succeeded by his sons Titus and
Domitian in succession. Vespasian made a much better
ruler then any of the Emperors who had gone before him,
and a long time of comparative peace and good government
now began. In Vespasian's time the Jews, who had rebelled
in the time of Nero, were subdued by his son Titus, and
Jerusalem was destroyed. And during the times of con-
fusion, the Batavians, a people near the mouth of the
Rhine, very nearly akin to ourselves, had revolted and
tried to set up an empire of their own in Gaul. This move-
ment too was put down about the same time as that of the
Jews. The power of Vespasian and his family was now
firmly established, but it is to be noticed that the Flavian
Emperors did not, like the 7ulian and Claudian, spring from
any of the great and ancient families of Rome. This is a sign
of the way in which old distinctions were breaking down. Titus
reigned but two years after the death of his father ; he was
called the Delight of Mankind, but his brother Domitian,
who succeeded him and who professed to be a careful and
severe assertor of the laws, gradually became as great a tyrant
as any of the Claudii. In his time the conquest of Britain was
completed by Agricola, and Rome found a new enemy to
strive against in the Dacians beyond the Danube.. Domitian
was killed in 96, and the Flavian dynasty ended with him.
7. The Good Emperors.-We now come to a time which
. in some sort continues the Flavian dynasty. The Roman
world had now got thoroughly used to the rule of a single man,
and there can be no doubt that the provinces were better off
under the rule of the Emperors than they had been under
the Commonwealth. And, from the accession of Vespasian
onwards, there was a great feeling in favour of legal and
regular government, of strict observance of the law and ot
respect f(y the authority of the Senate. It was about this
time that Law began to be a matter of special study, and


that the great Roman lawyers began to put together that
system of Roman Law, known as the Civil Law, which has
been the groundwork of the Law of most parts of Western
Europe except England. Several famous writers, both in
Greek and Latin, flourished at this time, especially the great
historian Tacitus. The Emperors of this time, who are often
called specially the Good Emperors, formed a kind of artifi-
cial family, like that of the first Caesars, each man being
succeeded, not by his real son, but by one whom he had
adopted. Five thus reigned in order, Nerva from 96 to 98,
Trajan from 98 to I 17, Hadrian from 117 to 138, Antoninus
Pius from 138 to 161, and Marcus Aurelius from 161 to 180.
He was succeeded by Commodus, who was his own son and
not merely a son by adoption; Commodus was the first
Emperor who was born during the reign of his father. Of
these Trajan was the first Emperor who was born out of
Italy, being a native of Spain. Marcus Aurelius was a
philosopher, who left some excellent moral writings behind
him. With him the time of the Good Emperors ended. His
son Commodus was, for vice and cruelty, one of the worst
princes that ever reigned, and was at last murdered in 192.
8. Emperors chosen by the Army.-A time now followed,
lasting for nearly a hundred years, from 192 to 285, during
which there is no need to go through all the Emperors by
name. Many of them reigned but a very short time. The
soldiers set up and slew Emperors as they chose, and the
Senate was obliged to make the usual votes in favour of those
who were thus set up. It was quite a rare thing for the
Empire to pass from father to son, or by fair election by the
Senate, or in any other peaceful and lawful way. The nearest
approach to founding a dynasty or succession of Emperors
in the same family happened in the family of Septimius Seve-
rus, who reigned from 193 to 211. He and his sons called
themselves Antoninus, though it does not seem that they were


descended from, or even adopted by, any of the Emperors of
that name. Under Severus the government became still more
military than it had been before. He was succeeded by his
wicked son Antoninus, who is commonly called Caracalla.
And, after he was murdered in 217, two Syrian youths,
Elagabalus and Alexander Severus, who were said to be
Caracalla's sons, were set up in succession, who both took the
names of Aurelius and Antoninus. Of these Elagabalus was
one of the worst, and Alexander one of the best, -of the
Emperors. In the time of Caracalla the old distinctions of
Romans, Latins, Italians, and Provincials were quite wiped
out. Roman citizenship was now given to all the free inha-
bitants of the Empire, so that a man in Britain or Greece
or anywhere else called himself a Roman, as in the East
men have done ever since. It therefore happened that
many of the best and bravest Emperors, especially towards
the end of this time, were what would before have been
called Barbarians. That word now meant those who were
altogether outside the Empire. Many of the best of these
later Emperors came from Illyria. Claudius, Aurelian, and
others, brave and wise men who rose by their merits, fol-
lowed one another in swift succession, and had much fighting
with the different enemies of Rome. At last one of the
greatest of their number made a complete change in the con-
stitution of the Empire, which we must presently speak of.
9. The Tyrants.-While Emperors were thus set up and
put down by the soldiers, it often happened that there were
several Emperors or claimants of the Empire at once; that is
to say, the armies in different parts of the Empire had each
set up their own general to be Emperor. And towards the
end of this period it often happened that one of these pre-
tenders contrived to keep some part of the Empire for several
years, so that there were Emperors reigning in Gaul or
Britain or some other province or provinces only. But these

iv.] THE TYRANTS. 89

local Emperors must not be mistaken for national rulers
of the provinces where they reigned; they claimed to be
Roman Emperors, and they of course aimed at getting the
whole Empire, if they could. Sometimes the reigning Em-
peror found it convenient to acknowledge them as colleagues;
if they were unsuccessful, they were called Tyrants. As in
old Greece a Tyrant had meant a man who unlawfully seized
on kingly power in a commonwealth, so now it meant a man
who called himself Emperor, but who was held not to have a
lawful right to the title. In the time of Gallienus, who reigned
from 260 to 268, the whole Empire was split to pieces among
various pretenders of this kind. One of these should be
specially noticed, because it is the only case among all these
divisions of anything like a real national state being founded.
This was at Palmyra in Syria, where one Odenathus was
acknowledged as Emperor, and after him his wife Zdnobia,
one of the most wonderful women in history, reigned as Queen
oftheEast. But this new kingdom was put down by Aurelian,
one of the ablest of the Illyrian Emperors, in 271.
Io. Wars with the Persians and Germans.-Most of the
Emperors from the time of the Flavian family onward had to
wage constant wars against the enemies of Rome in different
parts of her long frontier. And, what marks the beginning
of a new state of things, they had now constantly to fight,
not, as in former times, to make new conquests, but to keep
what they had got already. Yet some new provinces were
still for a while added to the Empire. Thus Trajan was a
great conqueror : he won several provinces in the East from
the Parthians, and also formed the province of Dacia beyond
the Danube. But these distant conquests were not long
kept; the new provinces in the East were given up almost
at once by Trajan's successor Hadrian, and Dacia was
afterwards given up by Aurelian. In the East the Romans
had presently to fight with a new enemy, no longer the


Parthians, but the real old Persians. They had been kept in
bondage ever since the time of Alexander, but they rose up
about the year 226 and founded a new Persian kingdom
under Ardeshiror Artaxerxes, whose descendants, call-d the
Sassanidce, ruled over Persia more than four hundred years.
Many of the Emperors had to wage war with the Persians,
and among them Alexrandecr Severus and Valerian, the father
of Gallienus, who reigned from 253 to 260. He was taken
prisoner by the Persians, and died in captivity. But the
wars which the Romans had to wage in the West have a
more special interest for us, as from about the time of Marcus
Aurelius the various Teutonic tribes began really to threaten
the Empire. Marcus had much to do in fighting with our
kinsfolk along the Danube, and, before long, Teutonic nations
began to press into the eastern part of the Empire also. We
now first bear of the famous nation of the Goths, a people
whose speech was very nearly akin to our own, and also of
the Franks, whose name has in later history been more
famous still. The great Illyrian Emperors had much to do in
fighting both with the Persians and with the Goths and other
Teutonic people. And Claudius, who reigned before Aurelian
from 268 to 270, won a great victory over the Goths, who
for some time kept somewhat more quiet. We now come to
a time of great changes in the internal state of the Empire.
II. The Growth of Christianity.-All this while, almost
from the very beginning of the Empire, a new religion had
been growing up in the world. Our Lord Jesus Christ
was born in the reign of Augustus and was crucified in the
reign of Tiberius. Ever since that time Christianity had
been gradually preached in most parts of the Empire,
and the Christians were now a large and important body.
The Christians were often cruelly persecuted, but it should
be carefully noticed that, as a rule, it was not the worst
Emperors who most persecuted them. The truth is that


the heathen religion of ancient Rome was looked on as
part of the constitution of the state. Other Gods might
be worshipped, if only the old Gods did not lose their
worship, but a religion which taught that the Gods of Rome
and of all other nations were alike false, and which strove
to win over all mankind to that belief, was looked on as
dangerous to the Empire. Those Emperors therefore who
were most zealous to keep up the old laws and customs of
Rome were commonly the most anxious to put down the new
faith, and we therefore find that the Christians really suffered
most under good and reforming princes like Trajan and
Marcus Aurelius. Still the Church constantly advanced and
made converts, for men had now but little real faith in the old
Gods, and their worship was mainly kept up as a matter of
state policy. And Christianity also had no small influence
even on those who did not accept it as a religion. A higher
standard of morals and higher notions of the divine nature
became common even among the heathens, and many a phi-
losopher who professed to hate and despise Christianity was
a better man for Christianity having been preached. At last
it became plain that a deadly struggle must come between the
old faith and the new. Those who held that the greatness
and glory of Rome were bound up with the worship of the
old Gods of Rome saw that the time was come when a stand
must be made. The Christians were now grown so powerful
that several of the later Emperors, especially Decius and
Valerian, looked on them as dangerous to the state, and
severe persecutions went on during their reigns. After that
time, there was a lull; the Christians were not molested for
a long time, and their doctrine spread among all classes of
people everywhere. At last, at the time which we have now
reached, among many important changes, came the last and
greatest persecution.
12. D:ocletian and his Successors.-During all this time


the notion of the Roman Commonwealth, the forms of which
had been so carefully kept up under the earlier Emperors,
had almost wholly died out. The Empire had become a
military monarchy, in which the power of the prince rested
mainly on the support of his soldiers. And another change
gradually happened. All the inhabitants of the Empire
were now equally Romans, and the Emperors had to move
about wherever the needs of constant warfare called them.
Italy therefore ceased to be any longer distinguished from
the rest of the Empire, and even the importance of Rome
itself, as the centre of the Empire, was greatly lessened.
These great changes, which had already taken place in fact,
were now formally acknowledged. In the year 284 the
Empire fell to Diocletian, another of the able Illyrians of
whom so many had risen to the throne. He began quite
a new order of things. "There were to be two Emperors,
with the title of Augustus, reigning as colleagues, with two
Casars under them. Speaking roughly, this fourfold division
answered to Italy itself and the neighboring countries, the
Western provinces (Gaul, Spain, and Britain), the Greek,
and the Oriental provinces. Many of the forms of royalty
which had been unheard of before were now brought into
use, though even now no Roman prince dared to take the title
of King, and the Senate and Consuls still went on in name.
But Rome was now quite forsaken as a dwelling-place of the
Emperors, who found it better to live near the frontiers,
whence they could keep watch against the Persians, Germans,
and other enemies of the Empire. Thus Diocletian and his
colleague Maximian lived respectively at Nikomddeia in Asia
and at Milan, while one of the Cesars was commonly placed
in Gaul or Britain, at Trier or at York. In 303 Diocletian
abdicated, and compelled his colleague Maximian to abdicate
also. But towards the end of their reign they put forth a
series of cruel edicts against the Christians, and the heaviest


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