Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Lecture I: The technique of...
 Lecture II: The spirit of...
 Lecture III: Liberty, equality,...
 Lecture IV: Is a liberal native...

Group Title: South African native policy and the liberal spirit : being the Phelps-Stokes lectures, delivered before the University of Cape Town, May, 1939
Title: South African native policy and the liberal spirit
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00073384/00001
 Material Information
Title: South African native policy and the liberal spirit being the Phelps-Stokes lectures, delivered before the University of Cape Town, May, 1939
Physical Description: xiv, 190 p. : ; 23 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Hoernlâe, Reinhold Friedrich Alfred, 1880-1943
Publisher: Published on behalf of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, University of Cape Town
Place of Publication: South Africa
Publication Date: 1939
Subject: Indigenous peoples -- South Africa   ( lcsh )
Liberalism -- South Africa   ( lcsh )
Race relations -- South Africa   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Statement of Responsibility: by R.F. Alfred Hoernlâe.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00073384
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: African Studies Collections in the Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 02001485

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Page i
        Page ii
    Title Page
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Table of Contents
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
    Lecture I: The technique of domination
        Whites versus Blacks
            Page 1
        Domination: Political
            Page 2
            Page 3
            Page 4
            Page 5
            Page 6
            Page 7
            Page 8
            Page 9
        Domination: Educational
            Page 10
            Page 11
            Page 12
            Page 13
            Page 14
            Page 15
            Page 16
            Page 17
            Page 18
            Page 19
            Page 20
        Domination: Economic
            Page 21
            Page 22
            Page 23
            Page 24
            Page 25
            Page 26
            Page 27
        Domination: Social
            Page 28
            Page 29
            Page 30
            Page 31
            Page 32
            Page 33
            Page 34
            Page 35
            Page 36
            Page 37
        Domination: Sexual
            Page 38
            Page 39
            Page 40
            Page 41
        Conclusion: The argument for domination
            Page 42
            Page 43
            Page 44
            Page 45
            Page 46
            Page 47
            Page 48
            Page 49
            Page 50
            Page 51
        Appendix I: A race relations case in the appellate division
            Page 52
            Page 53
            Page 54
        Appendix II: Some figures of inter-racial marriages and of convictions under the immorality act
            Page 55
            Page 56
    Lecture II: The spirit of trusteeship
        The tradition of trusteeship in South African history
            Page 57
            Page 58
            Page 59
            Page 60
            Page 61
            Page 62
            Page 63
            Page 64
            Page 65
            Page 66
        Trusteeship in relation to assimilation and segregation
            Page 67
            Page 68
            Page 69
            Page 70
            Page 71
            Page 72
        Trusteeship in the political field
            Page 73
            Page 74
            Page 75
            Page 76
            Page 77
            Page 78
            Page 79
            Page 80
            Page 81
            Page 82
            Page 83
        Trusteeship in the educational field
            Page 84
            Page 85
            Page 86
            Page 87
            Page 88
        Trusteeship in the economic field
            Page 89
            Page 90
            Page 91
            Page 92
            Page 93
            Page 94
        Trusteeship in the social field
            Page 95
            Page 96
            Page 97
        Trusteeship in the race mixture
            Page 98
        What is the ultimate aim of trusteeship?
            Page 99
            Page 100
            Page 101
            Page 102
    Lecture III: Liberty, equality, and the liberal spirit in a race-ridden world
        Liberalism in eclipse
            Page 103
            Page 104
            Page 105
        The liberal spirit in the modern world
            Page 106
            Page 107
            Page 108
        A theory of liberty - first step: Liberty as "Liberties" for individual human beings
            Page 109
            Page 110
            Page 111
        A theory of liberty - second step: Quality of human lives as the liberal test
            Page 112
            Page 113
            Page 114
        A theory of liberty - third step: Liberty in historic contexts never absolute
            Page 115
            Page 116
            Page 117
            Page 118
            Page 119
            Page 120
        A theory of liberty - fourth step: Liberty for groups of human beings
            Page 121
            Page 122
            Page 123
            Page 124
            Page 125
            Page 126
            Page 127
            Page 128
            Page 129
            Page 130
            Page 131
            Page 132
            Page 133
            Page 134
            Page 135
            Page 136
            Page 137
        Appendix: A further note on the race principle in human affairs
            Page 138
            Page 139
            Page 140
    Lecture IV: Is a liberal native policy possible in South Africa?
        A parable
            Page 141
            Page 142
        Racial tension in South Africa
            Page 143
            Page 144
            Page 145
            Page 146
            Page 147
            Page 148
        Once more: The liberal spirit
            Page 149
            Page 150
            Page 151
        Is liberty possible in a multi-racial society?
            Page 152
        A "short-range" programme for liberals
            Page 153
            Page 154
            Page 155
            Page 156
        A "long-range" programme for liberals
            Page 157
            Page 158
            Page 159
            Page 160
            Page 161
            Page 162
            Page 163
            Page 164
        Total assimilation
            Page 165
            Page 166
            Page 167
        Total separation
            Page 168
            Page 169
            Page 170
            Page 171
            Page 172
            Page 173
            Page 174
            Page 175
            Page 176
            Page 177
        "Heartbreak house"
            Page 178
            Page 179
            Page 180
            Page 181
            Page 182
        "Watchman, what of the night?"
            Page 183
            Page 184
            Page 185
            Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
Full Text



Being the Phelps-Stokes Lectures, delivered before the
University of Cape Town, May, 1939

M.A., B.Sc. (OXON.) 4/- -
Head of the Department of Philosophy,
University of the Witwatersrand;
President of the S.A. Institute of Race Relations.

Published on behalf of the Phelps-Stokes Fund ot the
University of Cape Town

Preface .. .. .. .. .. .. .. vii
Introductory Statement .. .. .. .. .. xi


The Technique of Domination.
1. WHITES VERSUS BLACKS .. .. .. .. .. 1
2. DOMINATION: POLITICAL.. .. .. .. .. 2
5. DOMINATION: SOCIAL .. .. .. .. .. 28
6. DOMINATION: SEXUAL ... .. .. .. 38
IMMORALITY ACT.. .. .. .. .. .. 55

The Spirit of Trusteeship.
HISTORY .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 57
SEGREGATION .. .. .. .. .. 67

Liberty, Equality, and the Liberal Spirit in a Race-Ridden
1. LIBERALISM IN ECLIPSE .. .. .. .. .. 103


Lecture III continued. PAGE
7. EQUALITY .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 128
8. "RACE" .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 131
HUMAN AFFAIRS .. .. .. .. .. .. 138


Is a Liberal Native Policy Possible in South Africa ?
1. A PARABLE .. .. .. .. .. .. 141
7. PARALLELISM .. .. .. .. .. .. 160
8. TOTAL ASSIMILATION .. .. .. .. .. 165
9. TOTAL SEPARATION .. .. .. .. .. 168
10. "HEARTBREAK HOUSE" .. .. .. .. .. 178
11. "WATCHMAN, WHAT OF THE NIGHT ? .. .. 183


. 187


IN South Africa, the right ordering of race relations, i.e., of
the relations between the European, or White," group in
the population and the various non-European groups, is a topic
apt to engender, in discussion, more heat than light. In
discussion," I mean, between members of the dominant White
group. What the non-European population feels and thinks is,
on the whole, ignored by the White group in its preoccupation
with itself; and when non-European utterances of discontent or
criticism reach White ears, the first spontaneous reaction of
many Whites is a feeling of resentment, often tinged with fear.
For a member of the White group to be concerned about
the impact of White domination on the non-European popula-
tion of the Union, or for such a one to plead for fuller knowledge,
or more humane consideration, of non-European needs and
interests, is to earn for himself the title of negrophilist,"
kafir-boetie, or-most scathing of all-" liberal." The White
heretic on the subject of race relations is felt by many of his
fellow-Whites to be a traitor to his own group.
In these circumstances, I owe to the University of Cape
Town,under the auspices of which these Lectures were delivered,
to the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, where I
hold the Chair of Philosophy, and to the South African Institute
of Race Relations of which I am President, the explicit declara-
tion that the views expressed in these Lectures are wholly my
personal views, and that none of the Institutions named must be
supposed to be identified with, or to endorse, them. For better
or for worse, I am speaking my own mind, not anybody else's
mind. The responsibility for what I say is mine, and mine

These Lectures form a whole, and are meant to be read and
criticized as a whole. They offer a point of view towards, and
an interpretation of, the inter-racial situation in South Africa,
both of which have been formed by the intersection and fusion
of two lines of thought.


The first line of thought, in Lectures I and II, is an analysis
of present-day Native Policy in the Union, as a system of White
" domination," or supremacy, tempered by what it has recently
become fashionable to call "trusteeship or "guardianship.'
Viewed in historical perspective, trusteeship is the dying echo
of-or, if a less colourful phrase be preferred, let me say it is the
descendant of and the heir to-a concern for Native welfare
which appeared, first, as the Christian humanitarianism of
missionaries like the much-criticised Rev. John Philip, of the
London Missionary Society; and, next, as the liberal humanita-
rianism which became for a time the proud tradition of the Cape
Colony. Philip was inspired by the ideal of a Christian society,
ordering the relations of its members, though they belonged to
different races,on the principle of Christian brotherhood. Cape
Liberalism found its most famous expression in the principle:
Equal rights for all civilized men, irrespective of race. Both
these ideals have been discarded by the majority of White South
Africans. Their ghost stalks the land as "trusteeship "-an
appeal to the dominant White group to be mindful, in the use of
its power, of the welfare of the seven-and-a-half million non-
Europeans in the midst of which it insists on making South
Africa a White man's country." 4
The second line of thought, in Lecture III, is an analysis of
the liberal spirit "and of the meaning of" liberty." Its main
purpose is to argue that liberty must always be understood
as liberties ; and that the two questions, viz. (a) what liberties
to strive for; and (b) who is to enjoy them, have always been
answered in concrete historical contexts, or settings, in such a way
that an absolute claim, in words, for unrestricted liberty for
" all men has, in practice, turned out to be a limited claim for
specific" liberties for a determinate class, or group, of human
beings. Pursuing this line of thought, I argue, further, that the
concrete historical setting in which the classical doctrine of
liberalism was evolved, did not include the setting of a multi-
racial society, such as we have here in South Africa, in which,
moreover, one racial group, and this one a minority group, is,
and is determined to remain, the dominant group. Of such a
setting, the classical thinkers of liberalism had no first-hand


experience. Hence, I hold that liberal ideals have to be re-
examined and re-thought in their application to a society of this
The results of such an attempt at re-thinking are presented
in Lecture IV. They are that either thoroughgoing parallelism,
or total inter-racial assimilation, or total racial dissociation (or
separation), are compatible with the ideals of the liberal spirit,
but that any half-measures in any one, or all, of these directions
reduce in practice to our present system of domination-cum-
trusteeship. In this system, domination will always come an
easy first and trusteeship a poor second, because it will always be
a trusteeship subordinate to the over-riding interests of White
domination ; or, in other words, a trusteeship from which its
wards are not meant ever to escape.
The outcome is, and must be, a caste-society, based on race- one
might even say : a dictatorship of the White minority over the
non-White majority.
Inevitably, the final estimate of the opportunities for the
liberal spirit to work effectively within such a society is a depres-
sing one. Domination of a White race group over non-European
race groups may, as a stage in historic development, be necessary.
It may even by morally justified if, under cover of domination,
Europe brings to, and shares with, non-European peoples the
best it can give them out of the riches of its own culture. Under
domination so used, and intended to be temporary, the liberal
spirit could work, for this would be domination aiming at
emancipation. But, domination intended to be permanent, and
exercised by one racial group over other racial groups in the
form of a fixed and rigid caste-structure ofsociety, is,in principle,
irreconcilable with the liberal spirit.

In conclusion, I acknowledge, gratefully, the honour which
the University of Cape Town has done me in inviting me to
deliver these Lectures, and, thereby, giving me the opportunity
to crystallize sixteen years' experience of, and reflection on, the
problems of race relations in South Africa. I owe thanks, too,
to the University of Stellenbosch for allowing me to repeat the


substance of these Lectures, in Afrikaans, before an Afrikaans-
speaking academic audience.
To my friend, Senator the Hon. J. D. Rheinallt Jones,
Adviser to the S.A. Institute of Race Relations, I am indebted
for reading the first draft of these Lectures and for helping me
with a number of useful suggestions on points of detail. Mr.
J. Rollnick, Librarian to the Institute, has earned my gratitude
by the promptitude with which he has responded to my requests
for references and other information.
That into these Lectures have gone the fruits of much
reading of books,' articles, and newspaperreports, dealing with
race relations ; and also the impressions of countless talks and
discussions with men and women of widely different views, will
be obvious. To list exhaustively the individuals to whom I
know myself to be thus indebted, is impossible; to single cut a
few would be invidious. Perhaps the fairest acknowledgment I
can make is to say that, if there is in these Lectures anything of
value, anything that can be of service to South Africa and beyond
it, I owe it, on the one hand, to the liberal spirit which is the
glory of the English tradition, and, on the other, to what South
Africa herself has taught me.
Only one individual acknowledgment I cannot forbear to
put on record. It is to my wife who, both by her example of
practical activity in the field of race relations and by her help in
the thinking out of principles, is to me always a living embodi-
ment of the liberal spirit at its best.
University of the Witwatersrand,
February, 1939.

SMy debt to the writings of my friend, and former colleague, Professor
W. M. MacMillan-The Cape Colour Question; Bantu, Boer and
Briton; Complex South Africa-will be obvious, even where I do
not see eye to eye with him.


A" LIBERAL," if words mean anything, is a lover of
liberty. Unfortunately, not all lovers of liberty are
liberals." The world is full of individuals and groups who
demand liberty for themselves, but deny it to other individuals
and groups-deny it theoretically in stating their principles;
deny it practically in applying their principles.
The liberty which such men cherish does not extend beyond
themselves and their group. To enjoy the benefit of free
institutions themselves, to be members of a free people," to
be citizens of a State subject to no other State--that is the
liberty they value, the liberty they will strive and fight for. At
the same time, all too often such men refuse to concede liberty
in the same sense to other individuals and groups who come
within their orbit. Their love of liberty, then, shows itself to be
an exclusive, narrow, one-sided love : the very antithesis of the
genuine "liberal spirit."
A man who is full of the liberal spirit values liberty not
only for himself, but also for other human beings; not only for
his own group or people, but for all human groups or peoples.
He regards liberty as essential if human beings are to achieve
humanity. To be a liberal in the sense of having the liberal
spirit, one must love liberty as an ideal of universal application ;
as a value to the enjoyment of which all human beings have an
indefeasible right, simply because they are human. It is an
ideal which we may not restrict in application to men of one race
or creed, of one blood or culture, denying it to all men of other
races and creeds, other bloods and cultures. This does not
imply that the liberal spirit must be blind to such differences and
ignore them where they exist. True, the impetus of the ideals
of universality and non-exclusiveness has carried some thinkers,
in the name of the liberal spirit, on to the dream of the Great
Society of All Mankind, with a world-religion, a world-culture,
perhaps a world-language. Whether this is, indeed, the far.
off divine event to which the whole creation moves," or ought to
move, we have no means of deciding. It may even be argued
that such a development would involve the loss of many differen-


tiations which add richness and colour to human life, and which
we rightly value. However this may be, there is no denying
the fact that, in the world as it actually is, different peoples,
races, religions, cultures, languages, compete and strive to
prevail over each other. In such a world, there is room for
another way of conceiving the ideal of universality, viz., as an
organization of these differences which enables them to tolerate,
instead of destroying, each other ; which makes them co-operative
rather than competitive; which finds room for each in its distinc-
tive individuality; which allows each to make its contribution
to the total achievement of mankind.
The liberal spirit, as conceived in these Lectures, aims at a
world of this latter type. It seeks the realization of liberty in
the lives of all human beings, but, in doing so, is ready to
recognize and respect the values embodied in differences of race
and culture and aims at giving to each a place in the sun of
Our examination of South African Native Policy in the light
of the liberal spirit, which is the subject of these Lectures, will
show us how singularly difficult it is to hold fast to, and to
practise, this conception of the liberal spirit when different
races and cultures come into contact and conflict with each
other, so that each seems to itself to be fighting for its existence.
The White community in South Africa is proud of its love
of liberty. Its Afrikaans-speaking members, on the occasion of
the recent Voortrekker Centenary celebrations, have reminded
themselves in eloquentlanguage of the vryheidsdrang, the vryheids-
liefde, the vryheidsgees, of their ancestors. Many of them have
solemnly re-dedicated themselves to these ideals. The English-
speaking members of the White community are ever mindful of
the ideals of individual and national liberty which they brought
with them from their homeland. Both White groups are at one
in cherishing the embodiment of their ideals of liberty in demo-
cratic institutions, including freedom of speech and thought,
freedom of the press, adherence to the rule of law," religious
toleration. Together, they find themselves in possession of
political power, privileged social status, economic and cultural
superiority, in a land the majority of the inhabitants of which


are non-Europeans, over whom they have gained the mastery by
What have these two liberty-loving White groups made,
what are they making, of their historic task of governing a
multi-racial community ?
In the first two Lectures, I shall attempt to give to this
question a purely descriptive answer. I want to take stock,
under the two headings of domination and trusteeship," of
the place of the Natives in the structure of South African
society as a whole-their rights and their disabilities; the treat-
ment which, according to law and custom, they must expect to
receive from Whites; their opportunities or lack thereof. My
aim will be to draw a faithful picture of the facts : I shall not be
concerned in these Lectures to pass judgment on the facts or to
evaluate them. What the facts are, not what they ought to be,
will be the topic.
Of course, the facts to be described include the value-
judgments of the White community on its own acts and attitudes;
the justification which it offers for the policies adopted. And,
if there is conflict in these value-judgments, or disagreement
concerning this justification, that is itself a most important fact
without which the picture would not be complete or true.
There is, however, a difficulty here against which I can
guard myself and my readers only by pointing it out. It is
almost impossible to describe facts which are heavily charged
with conflicting emotions and value-judgments, without using
words which will seem to betray some bias of approval or con-
demnation on the writer's part, or else which will elicit from the
readersome evaluatingreactions. However sincere and sustained
my own effort to write objectively and dispassionately,"
the danger of which I have spoken will not be avoided unless my
readers help me with an answering effort on their side. They,
too, must try to suspend their feelings of approval or disapproval;
even more, they must resist the temptation of trying to guess at
my approval or disapproval. We must practise intellectual and
emotional self-discipline, if we are to maintain consistently the
distinction between the question, whether the account given is
true, as a description of fact ; and the question, whether the facts


described are to be morally approved or disapproved. It is
human, all too human, to wish that facts concerning one's own
behaviour should be so described that they deserve moral
approbation : it is this insidious danger of wish-thinking that we
must strive to avoid. And so-to the business in hand.



1. Whites versus Blacks.

THE fundamental fact in the South African scene is the
domination of Whites over Blacks-the domination of a
White minority of 2,000,000 (in round figures) over a Black
majority of 6,500,000 (not counting nearly another million of
" non-Europeans," viz., Cape Coloured People and Asiatics).
To maintain this domination is the deepest aim of South
African Native Policy. Certainly, that policy has other aims as
well, as will be shown in Lecture II. But, these other aims are
pursued only subject to the over-riding control of the Great Aim
not to weaken or undermine the predominance of Whites over
Blacks within the political and social structure of the Union.
This is called making South Africa a White Man's Country."
To protect White South Africa against the Native Danger "-
die donker gevaar or die swart gevaar-is, beneath all superficial
complexities, the simple pole towards which the needle of Native
Policy steadily points.1

1,The spirit out of which this policy is born might be illustrated by
hundreds of utterances of leading White South Africans, both
Afrikaans-speaking and English-speaking. Let one suffice, which
is singled out merely because it happens to have been made whilst
these lectures were being delivered. On May 18th, 1939, the
Cape Times reported Mr. J. G. Strydom, M.P., leader of the
Nationalist Party in the Transvaal, speaking in Parliament, on the
previous day, to the Native Affairs Vote, to have said, inter alia,
The European had hitherto been able to maintain himself in
South Africa because he was economically and culturally superior
to the Native. If the Government went out of its way to civilize
and uplift the Native in an unnatural manner, the White man would
not be able to maintain his superiority. We are slowly but surely,
committing suicide,' he said. They must be fair to the Native and
must not oppress him, as that was not in accordance with their
nature or their civilization, but they must not devote their own
energy and resources to developing the Native unnaturally... It
was the duty of the White population to make South Africa safe for
its descendants, and not to tread the dangerous path of sickly,
sentimental negrophilism." This is a typical utterance, reflecting
the prevailing opinion in the rank and file of the White electorate.


The methods used for maintaining White domination-
summarized in this lecture as the technique of domination "-
range from exclusive White control of political and military
power, through preferential educational and economic privileges,
to devices for establishing social distance between Whites
and Blacks as well as preventing miscegenation, or race-mixture.
For convenience, I propose to analyse and describe this
technique under five headings, viz.:-
(i) Political;
(ii) Educational;
(iii) Economic;
(iv) Social;
(v) Sexual.
2. Domination : Political.
The Union of South Africa calls itself a democracy."
And, so it is, provided we agree to limit the denotation of
" demos to the White group which forms just over one-fifth of
the total population. The non-White four-fifths are not
effectively part of the demos which rules.
The White group has endowed itself with manhood and
womanhood suffrage, requiring, apart from a clean criminal
record, no other qualification than the age of twenty-one years.
The educational system, however, is designed to assure that
every White voter shall have been to school at least up to the age of
sixteen years. As a result, out of a total White population of
just over two millions in 1936, nearly a million (991,256 in 1937)
are voters for Parliament. Parliament, of which no non-White
can be a member, is thus the constitutional organ by which the
White group determines policy and makes laws ; it is part of the
machinery for the maintenance of White domination.
This description is not invalidated, it is only slightly quali-
fied, by the reminder that non-Europeans enjoy a strictly limited
measure of representation. So far as representation in the
Lower House, the Assembly, is concerned, the various non-
European franchises are all found in the Cape Province, being
survivals of the more liberal franchise policy which characterized
the Cape Colony before Union. These non-European franchises


at the Cape differ from the Union-wide White franchise in two
important respects,viz. they are limited to men (no non-European
woman has a vote); and they are subject, over and above the
age and clean record qualifications, to education and property or
income qualifications which Whites are not required to satisfy.
The non-European franchises differ among themselves, in that
Coloured and Asiatic voters at the Cape still vote on the same
registers, and for the same candidates, as White voters,1 whereas
the Native voters at the Cape are divided into three purely
Native constituencies, voting for three White representatives.
There were, in 1935, at the Cape 10,628 Native voters (compared
with 16,481 in 1927), and in 1937 there were also at the Cape
1,462 Asiatic voters (compared with 2,429 in 1921), and 25,238
Coloured voters (the only group of non-European voters that
has not consistently shrunk of recent years). All in all, we have
less than 40,000 non-European voters, compared with nearly
one million European voters. When we add that only the
Native voters send their own (White) representatives to the
House of Assembly, viz. three in a House of 153 members, it is
obvious that White domination is securely entrenched there.
Of the forty-four members composing the Upper House, or
Senate, four are now sent there as representatives of the Native
population, being Whites elected by a system of communal
voting. Here, too, there is no threat to White domination.
There are, indeed, four further Senators who, under the Act of
Union, have to be appointed by the Government on the
ground mainly of their thorough acquaintance with ....... the
reasonable wants and wishes of the Coloured races in South
Africa." It is beyond dispute that most of these Senatorships
have been used as "plums with which to reward faithful
Party service: it is not to be expected that the interpretation
given by these Senators to the reasonable wants and wishes "
of the Natives and other non-Europeans will endanger White
1 The Nationalist Party is agitating for the exclusion of Coloured and
Asiatic voters from the registers of White voters, and from casting
their votes in the same polling booths and for the same candidates
as White voters. It proposes to organize the Coloured voters into
separate constituencies on the Cape Native franchise model.


In short, if we look at the Union as a whole, its political
structure is not a democracy: it is a racial oligarchy, which
might even be described, in Professor Hogben's phrase,' as a
" pigmentocracy," if it were not that the absence of pigment in
the skin, rather than its presence, serves as the test of member-
ship of the dominant group. The franchise and the composition
of Parliament are so arranged as to embody the principle of the
dictatorship of the White minority over the non-White majority.
Politically, South Africa is, without dispute, a White man's
Laws, moreover, have not only to be made: they must also
be administered and enforced. For this purpose, South Africa,
like other civilized States, has a Civil Service, Courts of Justice,
a Police Force, and a Defence Force.
These, too, bear the stamp of White domination. There
are no non-Europeans in the Civil Service, except a small number
in very subordinate positions where the administrative work is
concerned exclusively with a non-European public. A member
of the White group will scarcely ever find himself dealt with by a
non-European official: it is, so to speak, one of his caste-privileges
only to be dealt with by a member of his caste.
No non-European presides, as Magistrate, in a Magistrate's
Court; and though a non-European may be admitted to practice
as a barrister (e.g., Mr. M. K. Gandhi was so admitted), no
non-European has been, or can expect to be, elevated to the
Bench. From a practical point of view even more important is
the exclusion of non-Europeans from juries, even in trials in
which only non-Europeans are concerned, or in which Europeans
are engaged against non-Europeans. Thus, the administration
of Justice lies wholly in European hands. Actually, whilst the
High Courts have gained for themselves an honourable reputa-
tion for absolute fairness in inter-racial cases,2 lower judicial
officers,3 and above all juries, have on occasion laid themselves

a See his Preface on Prejudices, p. 10, in Cedric Dover's Half-Caste.
2 See, however, the curious case, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs v.
Rasool, analysed in Appendix I to this Lecture.
s Fully to understand the situation, we have to bear in mind that the
lower judicial officers," mentioned in the text, are the Magistrates
who, even when functioning also as Native Commissioners, still


open to the suspicion that they either share, or are liable to
pressure from, the public opinion of the local White group which
may demand that the verdict should maintain the prestige of the
White group, rather than be in accord with technical justice."
The Defence Force, officers as well as rank and file, is
wholly manned by Whites; and Whites alone, as already
mentioned, are liable for military service. There are no Native
Askaris in the Union : indeed, it is one of the corner-stones of
South African Native policy that Natives should be neither
armed with, nor trained to the use of, European weapons.
White South Africans retain for themselves the use and control
of all modern weapons of warfare, including machine-guns,
aeroplanes, and poison-gas. Recent examples of their use
against non-Europeans are the suppression of the rebellion "
of the Bondelzwarts, in the Mandated Territory of South West
African in 1922, and the assistance given, with aeroplanes and
poison-gas, in putting down the strike on the Northern Rhodesia
Copper Mines at Luanshya, in May, 1935. The possibility of
the South African Defence Force having to defend the Union
against a European enemy in Africa, who may perhaps use
Native troops under European officers, is not to be excluded.
But, the first and last and main function of the White Defence
Force is to defend the White community against a possible up-
rising of the Native peoples. The memory of eleven successive
" kafir-wars," the last of which was the Zulu Rebellion of
1906, makes this function intelligible, even though the danger
of a Native rising has been greatly diminished, both by the
total disarming of the Native population and by the invention,
for exclusive White use, of far more efficient means of
destroying human life.
remain officers of the Department of Justice; and who, in addition
to their judicial duties, are also administrative officials and the
representatives of the Government in their districts. As such,
they are expected to be leaders in many public activities, and their
success depends very largely on their ability to maintain friendly
and harmonious relations with the White community around them,
to which they belong socially and whose instruments of government
they are. In the circumstances, it requires no little courage for a
Magistrate-and many of them have shown this courage-to
decide an inter-racial case with strict justice in the face of a strongly
hostile White opinion.


Then there is the Police Force. It has a Native section to
assist the White Force in dealing with the Native public.' In
performing the familiar functions of a Police Force, viz., to
protect life and property and to maintain law and order, it
serves, in principle, Europeans and non-Europeans alike. What
makes it, however, in addition an instrument of domination, is
the number of speciallaws of a regulatory or restrictive character,
applying exclusively to the Native population, which the Police
has to enforce and administer. I am not now concerned with
the arguments by which Pass Laws, Curfew Regulations, Liquor
Laws, and other discriminatory provisions-like the provision
which compels a Native on a policeman's demand to exhibit his
tax receipt and makes him guilty of a criminal offence, if he fails
to do so,eventhough he has paid his tax-are commonly defended.
I merely point to the fact that their administration involves an
amount of interference with the comings and goings of Natives,
such as members of the White group never experience, can
hardly imagine, and would fiercely resent for themselves.
Inevitably, the attitude of the White public towards the
Police Force is utterly different from the attitude and feeling of
the Native public. The White public regards the Police,
correctly enough from its point of view, as public servants,
charged, on the one hand, with the general task of protecting the
law-abiding citizen against crime, and, on the other, with the
special task of keeping order among, and enforcing White
authority over, the racially-alien Native population in White
towns and country districts. A law-abiding White citizen
expects courtesy, even deference, from a White policeman in
the performance of his Police functions. After all, they are

1 Technically, in terms of the Police Act, Native constables have the same
rights of arrest as White constables, and are, therefore, entitled to
arrest European offenders. In practice, they have been instructed
not to concern themselves with Europeans, except in extraordinary
circumstances. Apparently, the Native Railway Police has been
given no such limiting instructions. The situation recently provoked
Mr. J. G. Strydom to the following characteristic outburst,
reported in the Rand Daily Mail, May 15, 1939: Speaking with a
full sense of responsibility, I hope that, if the Government does
not put a stop to this state of affairs, Europeans when threatened
with arrest by Native policemen, will commit rank murder."


both members of the dominant group. For the Native public,
it is quite different. Perhaps the very word "public" is
inappropriate in this connection. To the White Police officer,
Natives are not public in the same sense as Whites. His
bearing towards Natives will be determined, not only by his
official authority and duty as a policeman, but also by his implicit
consciousness of being a White man over against a Native, and
of having the right to expect, and exact, not only the respect due
to him as an official, but also the deference due, according to the
standards of White South Africa, from any Native towards any
European. Race-difference colours the whole relationship
until it is only superficially similar to the relation between White
citizen and White policeman. The Natives are acutely aware of
this: to them, a White policemen is always, first of all, a member
of the White group, and, next, an organ of the authority and
domination of the White group. As public servants, the Police
Force may also serve the Native community in many ways : but,
still, the Native community can never look upon the Force as its
servants, seeing that it is the White group alone which has
created and maintains the Force.
Moreover, the discriminatory legislation, above referred to,
with the enforcement of which the Police is obliged to harass the
Native population, inevitably colours the feelings of the Natives
with hostility, fear, suspicion. To keep out of trouble with the
Police, especially when it is so easy to become guilty of one of
the many statutory offences which only Natives can commit, is
one of the constant pre-occupations of Natives whether they are
going about their work, or enjoying their leisure. As a White
man, the Police officer can hardly help sharing, in the execution
of his duty, the prevailing conception of the White group con-
cerning the place of the Natives under White domination.
Inevitably, this has a differential effect upon his bearing towards
individuals of his own, the White, group, and towards the
Natives, the alien and inferior group. The Natives are con-
scious of this difference from their side : just because of the
nature of his duties in relation to them, and because of his
bearing towards them, they feel the policeman to be an organ of
White domination.


Under the heading," Domination : Political," it is, further,
relevant to remind ourselves of a fact of which few Whites-
such is the knowledge of Native Affairs among members of
the dominant group-are explicitly aware, viz. that the Govern-
ment has been endowed by legislation, for the purpose of ruling
Natives, with powers which are very largely beyond the effective
control of Parliament itself, and the exercise of which can be
challenged in the Courts only to a very limited extent.
The South Africa Act, section 147, vests the control of the
Native population in the Governor-General in Council, i.e., in
the Governor-General acting on the advice of the Ministry of
the day. By section I of the Native Administration Act of 1927,
the Governor-General is the Supreme Chief" of the Natives.
As such, he exercises his powers, outside the Cape Province,
under the Natal Code of Native Law. This Code may be
amended by proclamation : in other words, it gives the Governor-
General in Council, in effect, unlimited power to legislate for
the Native population of the three Northern Provinces, subject
only to the proviso that all proclamations must be laid on the
tables of both Houses of Parliament, which may repeal or amend
them by resolution. The Act of 1927, in section 25, also
empowers the Governor-General to amend by proclamation any
law applicable in scheduled Native areas, or to introduce new
laws there; and, in section 27, to issue regulations affecting
Natives throughout the Union, as he may think fit for peace,
order, and good government." Subjects specifically mentioned,
in this connection, include the fixing of Pass areas and the
issuing of Pass regulations ; the carrying of dangerous weapons ;
the control of all gatherings or assemblies of Natives. Thus,
e.g., Proclamation 252, of 1928, prohibits, outside the Cape, the
gathering of more than ten Natives in locations or reserves,
except by special permission of the Chief and the Magistrate.
The only gatherings exempted are those for religious, domestic,
and administrative purposes.
Admittedly, these wide powers have, in general, been used
only for the making of regulations similar to those which control
the conduct of Whites in White areas in the public interest.
The point is not that these powers have been abused, but that


they exist at all; and that they can be used without Parlia-
mentary safeguards, and without that appeal to the Courts to
which a European, as citizen, may have recourse against actions
of the Executive. For example, section 8 of the Natal Native
Code permits the Supreme Chief" to issue a Proclamation
for the summary arrest and detention of any Native who, in his
opinion, is dangerous to the public peace, if left at large."
Three months must pass, before a Native thus detained may
apply to the Courts for his release. Another section (10) debars
the Courts from declaring ultra vires acts done by the Supreme
Chief or his representatives in the exercise of their powers.
Unmistakeably, the powers given to the Government are
intended to be exercised, not over citizens to whom the
Government is responsible for the use made of its powers, but
over subjects who have, in principle, no rights, except those
which a Government, beyond their control, chooses to allow
them at its discretion. The whole arrangement subserves one
purpose and one purpose only, viz. domination.
This may be illustrated, further, by such facts as that section
5(3) of the Natal Native Code permits an African to be punished
without trial by an administrative officer for disobeying an order
issued to him in terms of the Code ; that, under section 31 of the
Native Administration Act of 1927, any Native who has been
granted exemption from laws affecting Natives, may have
that exemption taken away from him by the Governor-General
without reason assigned ; that, under section 29 of that Act and
also under section 1(14) of the Riotous Assemblies Act of 1914,
as amended by Act 19 of 1930, the Minister is given large powers
of banishing to a prescribed place of residence any African whose
actions he regards as promoting feelings of hostility between
Whites and Blacks; that, under Act 46 of 1937, the Minister
may exclude from any urban area any Natives regarded by him
as surplus to the reasonable labour requirements of the area."1

1 See, in general, on the Disabilities of the Africans," a paper (under
that title) by Dr. H. J. Simons, of Cape Town University, published
in Race Relations, Vol. vi, No. 2, 1939; also the chapter on Bantu
Grievances, by D. D. T. Jabavu, in Western Civilization and the
Natives of South Africa, edited by I. Schapera; London, George
Routledge and Sons, 1934.


There is no need to give further illustrations. We may
agree with W. P. M. Kennedy and H. J. Schlosberg, in The Law
and Custom of the South African Constitution, when they say
that it is impossible to apply an eighteenth-century European
philosophy of democracy to a population which has hardly
emerged from a twelfth-century system of serfdom." But, we
must also agree when they go on : Nowhere in the world ...
does there exist a system of executive despotism similar to the
executive administration of Native affairs in South Africa. In
other portions of Africa we may see an absolute control of the
Native population; but this control is control by an external
power; there is no pretence to parliamentary government. In
the Union, however, we see all the trappings of parliamentary
government side by side with the absolute and autocratic power
of a despotism."1 The analysis of the situation by these two
experts in Constitutional Law bears out the thesis of this section
of the Lecture, viz. that, politically and legally, race relations
between Whites and Blacks in South Africa are organized on the
pattern of the domination of the Native population by a self-
governing White caste.

3. Domination : Educational.
In the preceding section, it will already have become clear
that domination has to be described both from the side of the
dominating, and from that of the dominated, group. Nowhere
does this distinction afford a more interesting subject of study
than in the field of education, where at first sight we might
perhaps least expect it.
In all four Provinces of the Union, the schools are organized
on racial lines, though in detail there are many minor differences
between the school systems of the four Provinces. Everywhere,
there are separate schools for White, Coloured and/or Asiatic,
and Native children.
Now, education, by imparting essential skills and knowledge,
by training the mind," confers superiority. Of two men with
equal innate ability, the educated one will be superior to the
uneducated one. Hence, throughout South Africa, the main
1 L.c., pp. 459, 460.


aim of White educational policy is to assure to all White children,
as future members of the dominant group, at least that minimum
of superiority which is conferred by primary education up to
the age of sixteen.
It is not part of this policy to deny access to education to
non-European children. But, on the other hand, it makes no
effort to secure education for all non-White children. The
dominant White group does not feel the same responsibility for
educating the non-European children as it feels for educating
its own children. It accepts with comparative equanimity two
facts which are eloquent of race-discrimination in this field, viz.
(1) the fact that only a minority of non-European, and especially
of Native, children receives any formal schooling at all; and (2)
the fact that the institutions for such schooling, though nowadays
often receiving State-aid, owe their existence overwhelmingly to
private (mainly missionary) initiative, whereas a system of State
schools provides for the education of every White child. In
general, it is true to say that, whilst White South Africa does not
shut the door of education in the faces of non-European children,
it does not greatly care how many manage to enter through that
door, or how long they stay inside after entering. In short,
education is treated as a group-privilege in the interests of domi-
Here are some facts in support of this interpretation :-
For all White children, primary education up to the age of
sixteen is both free and compulsory; and in some Provinces
secondary education, though not compulsory, is still free.
Primary schools are either brought within reach of the children,
or the children are brought from outlying districts to some
school centre. In any case, neither distance, nor poverty, are,
in principle, allowed to stand in the way of a White child's
education : even books are supplied free of charge to necessitous
children, and boarding bursaries are made available. The
State offers an education to every White child, whether its
parents are taxpayers or not. Afrikaans-speaking children and
Jewish children almost without exception attend the State
schools. That a small minority of English children is sent to
" private "schools in South Africa (or even to schools in England)


does not affect the principle. For, most of the private schools
are State-aided, and anyhow they educate for membership of the
dominant group no less than do the State schools.
For Native children, on the other hand, education is not
compulsory; not even a minimum of primary education. And
over most of South Africa primary education for the Native
child is not free either. The exceptions to this rule are the Cape
Province, where primary education is free for all sections of the
population (and even secondary education up to the age of
fifteen); and Natal, where Government Native schools may
admit roughly 100/% of the enrolment as free pupils, on a certifi-
cate signed by the Local Committee and the District Inspector
to the effect that the children are indigent.
Further, as has been already stated, there is no State-school
system for Native children. Natal has 130 Government Native
schools; the Orange Free State, none; the Transvaal, one
primary school; the Cape, two secondary and one combined
primary and secondary school. All the rest of the Native
schools-upwards of 3,250 in 1935-are maintained, with
State-aid, either by Missions or by Native organizations, which
contribute from their own funds and also collect fees from the
children ; low fees, no doubt, but still a severe drain on the
limited money-income of the average Native family.'
Some of the results of this system may be mentioned,
merely in order to illustrate the inferior position of the Native
population in respect of education.2 Less than one-third of the

1 In the above account, no account has been taken of a number of Native
schools not recognized or aided by Government. There are said to
be about 800 of these, with an average of fifty pupils each. Depend-
ing sometimes purely on fees, sometimes on fees and private funds,
many of these schools are in financial straits and therefore able to
afford only unqualified teachers. The inadequacy of the education
they offer can be imagined.-Postscript (Oct., 1939): According
to the most recent information (see Race Relations News, No. 13,
July, 1939), the total number of Native schools, registered in the
names of religious denominations, is 3,796.
' For full details, consult the Report of the Interdepartmental Committee
on Native Education, 1935-36, U.G. 29, 1936. For briefer surveys,
see my article on Native Education at the Cross-Roads," in Africa,
Vol. XI, No. 4, pp. 389-411 ; and J. D. Rheinallt Jones's article on
The Crisis in Native Education in South Africa," in The Inter-
national Review of Missions, Vol. XXVIII, No. 110, pp. 191-204.


total Native child population of school-going age receives any
schooling at all. Less than 2% of these scholars advance to any
post-primary stage of schooling. The majority does not get
beyond Standard I, and the average attainment in the standards
of Native primary schools is behind the average of the corres-
ponding standards in White schools. In 1935, the average
enrolment in the twenty secondary schools for Natives in the
four Provinces was only 2,273 pupils, compared with over
330,000 pupils in 3,254 State-aided primary schools. The
South African Native College at Fort Hare had, in 1936, a total
of 165 students of whom, however, only eighty-one did work of
post-Matriculation (i.e., University) standard. In the same
year, seven students from that College obtained the B.A. degree
of the University of South Africa; two, the B.Sc. degree; and
thirteen, the Diploma in Education. To these must be added
an occasional graduand at the Universities of the Witwatersand
and Cape Town, which have no colour-bar against Native
students, and a few Natives who obtain a degree of the University
of South Africa by private study, as so-called external
From these facts, two things appear very clearly, viz. (1)
that the educational pyramid for Natives tapers into a long and
very thin apex, as soon as we look beyond the lowest primary
standards; and (2) that even the basis of this pyramid is very
narrow, in that it includes less than thirty per cent of all
Native children of school-going age. At the same time, it is an
education which, even though the medium of instruction in the

1 Unfortunately, all my attempts to determine the numbers of Native
graduands by "external" study have failed. It is impossible to go
simply by Native names in the graduation lists, because many
Natives have European names. In some Missions, it seems to
have been the practice (and perhaps still is) to endow converts, not
only with a European baptismal name, but even with a European
family-name, by way of marking the transition from a pagan and
tribal to a Christian and civilized life; cf., e.g., Mr. Zachariah K.
Matthews, M.A. (Yale), LL.B. (S.A.), on the staff of Fort Hare
College. Or a Native may himself have abandoned his Native
names and adopted a European set of names, as a compliment to a
White family to whom he feels attached. Thus, there are pure-
bred Natives with English or Afrikaans family names; and no one
can tell them in a list of graduands giving family-names without
information concerning race.


lower primary standards is the vernacular, is in principle of the
European type and can be justified only on a policy of deliberate
acculturation. This is what the Natives themselves wish and
desire above everything else-that their children, so far as they
receive any education at all, should receive the same education
as White children; and that they should thus be given the
opportunity of showing themselves to be as educable as
White children. On the other hand, it seems undeniable that,
if acculturation be the aim and measure of success, Native
education makes a sorry showing. It reaches far too few. It
carries most of these few only a very little way. And, worst of
all, for that handful (at present) who achieve a secondary, let
alone a University, training, there is no proper place in the
structure of South African society. In spite of their cultural
assimilation, they are not integrated into White society; but, on
the other hand, they have, most of them, been irretrievably
divorced and estranged from Native tribal society, into which
they no longer fit, and which does not offer them the economic
openings for the use of their qualifications. They are the tragic
victims of an undirected process of transition.
One reason for the sorry showing of Native education is
lack of funds. The Government contribution per pupil for
European education is ten times as large as that for Native
education, and over forty times as much per head of the European
population as per head of the Native population," points out the
Interdepartmental Committee (Report, section 302). And why
this lack of funds ? At bottom, because the dominant White
community, whilst it does not actually prevent Native education,
is not willing to provide for Native children the same educational
facilities which it provides for its own children. And the reason
for this unwillingness, again, is the tacit recognition that a Native
population educated to the same average level as the White
population can no longer be dominated.1

2 See below, pp. 17,8, for a further comment on the finance of Native
education. The Union Year Book, No. 19 (1938), points out that,
in 1936, expenditure on European education, other than Higher
education, amounted to 7,444,429 for 375,157 European children,
against an expenditure of 741,769 for 359,525 Native children.


In any case, no one in South Africa can deny that the Inter-
departmental Committee hits the nail on the head in saying :
The education of the White child prepares him for life in a
dominant society and the education of the Black child for a
subordinate society."I
The only comment which this statement invites is that the
education of White children for a dominant, and of Black children
for a dominated, society is, in fact, given not so much by the
school and its explicit teaching, as by actual experience of the
established system of race relations ; by the whole social atmos-
phere in which Whites and Natives live under that system.
This reliance on learning by living explains why Whites
succeed in maintaining to their own satisfaction an attitude of
domination in spite of being very largely ignorant of the Natives
whom they dominate. Formal schooling for Whites does very
little to mitigate this ignorance.2
When we consider that the self-governing White community
is also committed to governing a non-European population,
which is, in the aggregate, four times as large as itself; that race
relations are an ever-present feature of South African life; and
that the Native problem is constantly declared to be the major
problem of the Union, it is remarkable that the subject of race
relations, except as tales of wars and Native atrocities (in History
lessons), forms as a rule no part of the curriculum of White
schools. The average White South African child, on leaving
the primary school-or even after leaving the secondary school
or the University--knows very little of the non-European
inhabitants of the Union. He is familiar with their presence,
and has constantly come into contact with individuals as domestic
servants or farm-labourers, etc. But, of Native tribal life, its
religion, its customs, its organization, he knows, as a rule, little
more than distorted fragments that pass by hearsay because they
are odd and strange, or by European moral standards scandalous.
We act, clearly, on the assumption that the best training in

1 L.c. sections 457,8.
' The Southern Bantu, by L. Marquard and T. G. Standing, Oxford
University Press, 1939, was written in the hope of combating this


established race relations is to live in the midst of them; that
domination is best learnt by growing up as a member of the
dominating group. The White child grows up to accept,
without conscious reflection or analysis, the structure of South
African society and the place of non-Europeans in it. He
learns to give orders and to exact obedience; to share the con-
demnation of miscegenation and mixed marriages; to resent
,and resist any behaviour on the part of non-Europeans, and
especially of Natives, which looks like implying a claim to social
equality with Whites, or like an usurpation of rights and privi-
leges reserved for Whites. To act, in general, on the principle
that White persons and White interests have precedence has
become second nature to the properly brought-up White South
African. So equipped, he is ready to play his part in the system
of domination.
Quite different is the atmosphere in which the Native child,
as a member of the dominated group, grows up. As he begins
to understand the structure of the social world into which he has
been born, he soon learns that in this world his family and his
people are at the bottom, and that he must mould his behaviour
to a pattern imposed by a superior group from which he and his
like are excluded. To Whites and their ways and interests,
their laws and regulations, their prohibitions and demands, he
has to adjust himself. Unable economically to escape wage-
labour, yet narrowly restricted in respect of the kinds of work by
which he may earn wages, the Native child learns that he is
destined to be a servant or employee in the lowest-paid kinds of
work ; that in order to give satisfaction to his White masters and
employers he has to learn their languages, to understand their
characters, and the ways their minds work when dealing with
such as he; in short, to conform to their conception of the
fundamental difference between White and Black. The main
lesson which the Native child has to learn in order to be fitted
for its place in a subordinate society," is that every White is a
baas (master, boss); and that it is best to keep on good terms
with a baas.
One of the most illuminating aspects of domination is the
way in which the White group manages to place the financial


burden of Native education mainly on Native shoulders. White
" charity," in the form of contributions to Mission funds (partly
derived from overseas), does of course play a part. But, all
Missions receive contributions also from Native converts and
adherents, and Native-controlled Churches have generally no
other source of income. That the fees paid by Native school-
children come out of Native pockets is obvious. But, the really
significant fact is that the money expended by the State on
Government Native schools and on State-aid to private schools
comes mostly out of Native pockets, too; and that it is now
proposed to draw it wholly from that source. The State-fund,
at present available for Native education, consists of a block-
grant of340,000 from general revenue (to which Natives contri-
bute by indirect taxation), plus two-fifths of the annual proceeds
of direct Native taxation. The total of this State-fund was
estimated to amount for 1939/40 to 840,000,1 so that it will
be seen that the Natives contribute the bigger half of it by
direct taxation and an indeterminate amount of the remainder
by indirect taxation. The Union Government is known to
be planning the transfer of the control of Native Education
from the Provinces to the Union Department of Native Affairs,
and the withdrawal, in that event, of the present block-grant
of 340,000 from general revenue, in return for handing over
the whole of the proceeds of direct Native taxation to the
Native Trust and Development Fund, which is being adminis-
tered by the Native Affairs Department, with the advice of
the Native Affairs Commission, and out of which Native
Education is then to be financed. In other words, except for
such Mission-money as is contributed by White supporters
of Missions, the whole finance of Native Education will then
come out of Native pockets. Whatever charitably-minded
White Mission-supporters may do, the White-controlled State
will follow the official policy: No money from White tax-
1 The estimated expenditure for 1938/9 had amounted to 888,300, the
excess over income being met from reserve funds. For the current
year, an additional one-fifth of the proceeds of the direct Native
Tax has been made available for "Native development, but as
practically none of this extra money can be used for the ordinary
expenses on Native education, all expansion is held up by lack of


payers for Native Education-let Natives pay for their own
education, and let the growth and efficiency of that education
depend on what can be extracted from their poverty. A very
different policy was recommended by the Interdepartmental
Committee on Native Education, viz., that Native Education
should be made free (though not compulsory) throughout the
Union, and that it should be financed by a grant from general
revenue, calculated per head of scholars in average attendance.
This recommendation, being in conflict with the official" segre-
gation policy, has not been, and has no chance of being,
The truth is that the finance of Native Education is deter-
mined by the reflection of race-relations in politics. There is a
not inconsiderable section of White opinion which objects to
Native education as such, on the ground that a Native educated
is a Native spoilt. There is a much larger section which objects,
not to Native education as such, but to White money being
used for that purpose. It would be political suicide in most
constituencies for the Member of Parliament to advocate, let
alone vote for, the proposal that Whites should be taxed in order
that Natives may be educated.
Some critics cry out at this policy on the ground that the
poorest section of the population is required to pay for the
education of its children," whereas in most" civilized societies
the maintenance of a State-system of education for all children
is a charge against the public funds, with the implication that
the wealthy, who contribute more in taxes to the public funds,
thereby pay for educating the children of the poor. But, to put
the stress here in South Africa merely on the difference in
economic condition, to see here but another instance of the
class-conflict between Haves and Have-nots, is to see the facts
in the wrong perspective. The contrast between poor and rich
exists within the White group itself; and wealthy Whites may,

' Postscript (Oct., 1939) : The above account refers to the policy of the
United Party Government, under General Hertzog, which was in
power at the time when these Lectures were delivered. What the
policy of the new Government, under General Smuts, which took
over on the outbreak of war in Europe, will be on the finance of
Native Education, is not known at present.


on occasion, be found protesting at their money being spent
on pampering the poor Whites. But, objection to the
expenditure for Native benefit of funds which are regarded as
having been contributed mainly by Whites, is rooted, not in
economic-class antagonism, but in race antagonism. On lines
of economic-class division, poor Whites ought to make common
cause with poor Natives. Actually, poor Whites side with rich
Whites against all Natives, rich or poor-mostly miserably poor.
For, the poor White is, for all his poverty, still a member of the
dominant group, a man with a vote, with a privileged social
status, with a claim to be supported by the dominant group, lest
his poverty lower the prestige of the group and undermine its
The Natives are part of the population of South Africa,
but they are not part of the people." The people are the
Whites, and they are willing to tax themselves for the education
of White children, recognizing this to be essential to the main-
tenance of White superiority over all non-Europeans, as well as
for citizenship in a White self-governing State. They are not
willing to tax themselves, or to spend the revenues of their "
South African estate (e.g., the millions paid annually into the
coffers of the State by the Gold Mines), for the education of a
racially-alien group, the members of which might become, by
that education, competitors of Whites in the economic field and
demand political rights.
In this light, we may consider once more the phrase, quoted
above from the Interdepartmental Commission's Report, viz.
education for a subordinate (read : dominated) society." In
terms of education, there can be no subordination other than
that of the less educated to the more educated. If the racial
principle did not come into play, both less educated Whites and
less educated Natives would be subordinate to more educated
Whites and more educated Natives. But, owing to the race
discrimination principle, we find the White group pursuing a
policy which secures educational superiority to its members and
thus helps to sustain White dominance, whilst assuring, in fact,
the educational subordination of the Native group. And, when
a Native does succeed in achieving a higher education, and


especially a University education, so that he can no longer be
said in any intelligible sense to have been educated for a
" subordinate society," he none the less continues to be treated
as a member of such a society. Race, not education, is the
decisive factor for his status and privileges. Educated Natives
belong racially to the dominated group, and in that group they
must stay, because the dominant group refuses to admit them
into its ranks or to share its privileges with them.'
It would not be right to leave the subject of Native educa-
tion without an anticipatory reminder that the attitude of White
South Africa in race-relations is ambivalent, being divided
between the spirit of domination and the spirit of trusteeship.
If Native education is steadily going ahead in spite of all obstacles,
the chief credit, no doubt, must go to the Natives' own deter-
mination to achieve education for themselves and their children.
But, White sympathy and help have played, and are playing, an
important part, and many Whites work, as teachers, inspectors,
administrators, devotedly for the progress of Native education.
Still, efforts in the spirit of trusteeship can but qualify the
principle of domination. According to that principle, Natives
are excluded from citizenship : they do not need, therefore, to be
educated for citizenship. The principle destines them to a life
of largely unskilled, or at best semi-skilled, labour in the employ
of Europeans: for such a life they need little, if any, formal
education. The principle requires their habitual submission,
and adjustment, to the superior status of the Europeans: such
submission and adjustment are easier for the uneducated, or
little-educated, than for those who have had ideas put into
their heads by education. A system by which about three-
quarters of the Native child-population receives no formal
schooling ; by which the provision of such schooling as there is,
is largely made dependent on the proceeds of Native taxation,
and the enjoyment of schooling on fee-paying capacity-such a
system serves the purpose of White domination most effectively.

1 It is true that educated Natives may secure exemption from some
of the restrictions which apply to all other Natives. Such an
exempted Native is, for certain legal purposes, a non-Native,
but he still remains a non-European: White society remains closed
to him.


4. Domination: Economic.
The economic position of the Natives in a society in which
the economic interests of the White group are dominant, would
require a lecture to itself to describe in full detail. Here atten-
tion will be drawn merely to certain quite fundamental facts
which illustrate the working of the principle of domination in
the economic sphere.
We know by now, from its exemplifications in politics and
education, the determination of the White group to keep itself
distinct from, closed to, and in power and status above, the
Native group. In the economic sphere, this determination-
appears as the policy of maintaining a superior standard of life
for the members of the White group-the so-called civilized "
standard of life.
No doubt, there is no uniformity of standard of life within
the White group itself. Differences of wealth and income are
very large, and the percentage of poor Whites is distressing.
But, none the less, a certain minimum standard of life is regarded
as, so to speak, the prerogative of every White person. However
low it may be compared with the standard of life of well-to-do
Whites, the important point is that it should be higher than the
standard of life which rural and urban Native workers can
afford. There is a customary conception of what is fit only
for a kafir," and every White demands to remain above that. A
White man's food, dress, housing, etc., should all be of superior
quality, beyond the reach of Natives. Conversely, if a Native
succeeds in earning enough money to dress well, to build himself
a good house, to own and drive a car, these are phenomena
resented by many Whites, and not only by poor ones, as offences
against the proper order of things. The poor White-as is
humanly intelligible-is at once angered and frightened by the
portent of a Native apparently more successful than he in the
struggle for existence. What he resents is not merely the
success of a rival as he might resent the success of a White rival:
he resents the success of a Native rival, of a member of an alien
group, for whom it is wrong to enjoy a standard of life equal to,
or even better than, that of a White man. Even when visible


evidence of economic prosperity or independence in a Native is
not felt by Whites as comparative defeat and degradation for
themselves, they still tend to regard it as the first symptom of a
revolutionary development, threatening to upset the order of a
society in which every White belongs to the master-class, and
every Native should be an actual, or potential, servant.
This order was natural at a certain stage in the history of
South Africa. Before the process of acculturation had begun,
the material culture of Whites and Natives was different. The
White man's house was superior to the Native's hut. The
White man's dress, however simple, did contrast with the
Native's nakedness and skin-wraps. The White man's equip-
ment and style of life were more elaborate than the Native's.
Moreover, by virtue of conquest, every White man became
normally a land-owner and baas," whilst a Native either lived
as a member of his tribe in the traditional way, or else was
attached to a White man as servant, and thus as economic
This order of things has passed or is passing. The indus-
trial development of South Africa, with wage-labour for ever-
increasing numbers of Natives in mines, factories, shops, etc.,
and the formation of a permanent urban Native population, in
varying degrees detribalized," is one aspect of this change :
the transition, on the White side, from subsistence farming to
farming for markets, and the drift of Whites into wage and
salary-earning occupations in the towns, is the other.
As part of this development, the unskilled White, who by
tradition and in his own estimation belongs to the master-class,
but who has ceased to be a land-owning employer of Native
labour (" ek werk nie, maarek laat werk") and has to live himself
now by working for pay, has become a problem with awkward
repercussions upon race relations. If unskilled, he may find
himself driven into competing with unskilled Natives. If
semi-skilled, or even if skilled, he may find that Natives are able
to acquire the same kind and degree of skill, and that they beat
him in competition for employment by being cheaper in
virtue of their lower standard of living. In this battle, the poor
White is psychologically handicapped by his tradition of


membership of the master-class, expressed in contempt for
" kafir-work" and unwillingness to undertake it, especially in
public labour-gangs before the eyes of more prosperous
In order to save him from this condition; in order, also by
saving him, to save the tradition that all Whites stand economi-
cally above all Natives, the White government uses three devices.
The first is the so-called civilized labour policy," deliber-
ately so named in order to avoid all verbal appearance of dis-
crimination on the mere grounds of race or colour, but actually
applied (with negligible exceptions) for the benefit of Whites, as
though there were no civilized non-Whites, or none striving
for higher wages precisely in an effort to enjoy a civilized "
standard of life.
A similar effect may, unintentionally, be produced by wage-
determinations of the Wage Board, when it lays down minimum
scales of wages for various kinds of work, without reference to
the race of the worker. Some determinations for unskilled
work done mainly by Natives have undoubtedly benefited these
Natives. But, other determinations, when high enough to
attract the lowest class of European labourers, have tended to
deprive the Native of the competitive advantage of the cheap-
ness" of his labour. The race-factor can never be safely
ignored in any economic problem in South Africa, because
White South Africans think always in terms of race differences
and race rivalries and let these qualify purely economic considera-
tions. Some White employers deliberately pay more to a
White employee when they could get the work done more
cheaply by a non-European. Many more, when the cost is
equal, give preference on principle to a European applicant.
A second device is for the Government to bring pressure to
bear on mines, industries, and manufacturing concerns, to
employ a certain proportion of Whites, and at higher rates of
pay, in place of the cheaper Coloured or Native workers previous-
ly employed. Municipalities, too, have been subjected to the
same pressure, sometimes supplemented by the offer of a Govern-
ment subsidy towards making good the difference between the
costs of employing White and non-White workers. Manu-


facturers, especially in new secondary and tertiary industries,
have been pressed to adopt a similar policy by the threat to
withdraw the protection of the Customs Tariff. Directly and
indirectly, the White community thus taxes itself (and also the
Native community which may be compelled to buy these more
expensive goods), in the effort to hold, or raise, the poor Whites
above the level of the non-White population, as part of the
policy of preserving the dominating master-position of the
White group as a whole.
That these measures effect their end by keeping the non-
Whites on an uncivilized wage-level, and limiting their
opportunities for employment at "civilized wages, becomes
even more obvious in the third type of policy, the so-called
" Colour-Bar" Act,' which gives the Government power to
reserve certain skilled occupations in the Mining Industry
exclusively for Whites, irrespective of whether, in fact, non-
Whites possess, or are capable of acquiring, the skill necessary
for these occupations. It is true that this Act merely gives
statutory force to a customary exclusion to which the White
Miners' Union had already induced the Mine Managements to
agree. None the less, the Act constitutes a precedent capable
of extension into other fields by further legislation of a similar
Another weapon is the use of the Apprenticeship System,
under the Apprenticeship Act, in such a way as to exclude
Natives from becoming apprentices. True, there is no explicit
Colour-Bar in the Apprenticeship Act. None the less, the Act
operates, in practice, with the effect of a Colour-Bar. For, in
1 The official title of this Act is The Mines and Works Act, 1911, Amend-
ment Act, 1926 (being Act 25 of 1926). It prescribes that certifi-
cates of competency in certain occupations are to be issued only to
(a) Europeans; (b) Cape Coloured and Cape Malay persons ; (c)
Mauritius Creoles and St. Helena persons-thus excluding Natives.
The occupations to which the Colour-Bar may be applied are
listed in Section 4, paragraph (n), of the Mines and Works Act, 1911
(Act 12 of 1911) as follows :-mine managers; mine overseers;
mine surveyors; mechanical engineers; engine drivers; miners
entitled to blast; and such other persons employed in, at, or about
mines, works, and machinery as may be required to be in possession
of certificates of competency. The provinces, areas and places "
in which the Colour-Bar may be applied are to be specified by


the first place, a would-be apprentice has to have passed Standard
VI. This is for a Native youth a relatively high educational
qualification and, after what has been said above about Native
education, it will be obvious that not many Native youths at
present achieve this qualification.
And secondly, even those that do, find themselves barred by
the fact that every apprenticeship contract has to be approved by
an Apprenticeship Committee, composed of an equal number of
European employers and European employees, with a Secretary
who is an official of the Department of Labour. From the fact
that, in twelve years, not a single Native has been apprenticed
on the Witwatersrand, it is not unreasonable to infer that the
Committee uses its powers in accordance with the general
European attitude towards the exclusion of Natives from skilled
There are practically no openings for Natives in skilled
trades, even in the rare cases where there is a Trade Union for
the Native employees in an industry. E.g., the Native workers
in the furniture industry on the Witwatersrand have a Union,
which has even received encouragement from the corresponding
European Union. But, as the members of the Employers'
Association are pledged to employ as skilled workmen only
members of a duly recognized Trade Union, and as the Native
Trade Union does not enjoy recognition," its members are
debarred from obtaining skilled employment. A motion,
introduced during the recent session of Parliament by Mrs. M.
Ballinger, M.P. (one of the three representatives of Cape Native
voters in the Assembly), and asking for the inclusion of Native
Trade Unions within the scope of the Industrial Conciliation
Act, i.e., for "recognition of Native Trade Unions, was
heavily defeated in the House.
Practically the only openings for Natives to be trained as
skilled artisans and craftsmen are provided by certain Mission
Institutions. The men so trained, not many in number and
rarely capable of the highest quality of workmanship, can seldom
make a living in the Native Reserves, where there is not much
demand for their skill. They must, thus, seek employment in
the towns, where the more enterprising set up their independent


workshops. They have, as a rule, a hard struggle: partly
because they lack capital; partly because they have to conform
to the same workshop regulations that apply to White artisans
and workshops; partly because many kinds of work are mono-
polized by White Trade Unions, which do not admit non-
European members and refuse to allow any non-Union non-
White worker to be employed on any job which they claim as
their exclusive preserve.
The typical pattern of relationship which White South
Africa strives to maintain where White and Black are engaged on
the same job, may be illustrated by the White artisan, e.g., a
plumber, who arrives at his job accompanied by a Native who
carries his tools ; hands to the White man as he works the parti-
cular tool required at the moment; in short who has to assist,
hold, fetch, carry, clean up after the job-a well-paid White
craftsman in the master-servant relationship to a poorly-paid
unskilled Native attendant.
Another pattern is that of the White overseer, often greatly
bored, who supervises a gang of Native labourers wielding pick
and shovel. When we add domestic service and farm-labour,
and in towns the multifarious occupations, from delivery-boy to
cleaner and sanitary boy, which are filled exclusively by Natives,
we get a general picture of an economic organization on a racial
basis, such that the members of the dominating race have a
practical monopoly of skill, high wages, authority, high standard
of living (not to mention the political and educational privileges
already discussed), whereas the members of the dominated race
have a practical monopoly of the unskilled, heavy, dirty, un-
pleasant work, with low wages, a depressed standard of life, and
a position in which they have to take orders and do what they
are told. In principle, the Natives are still, and are intended to
remain, the hewers of wood and drawers of water." Indeed,
many pious White readers of the Old Testament believe this
racial division of work to be in accordance with God's declared
will, when he laid his curse for all time on the children of Ham.
A final touch, to complete the picture. It is contrary to
the principle of domination for any White man, let alone a
White woman, to be in a position to receive orders from, or to be


otherwise subordinate to, a non-European and more particularly
a Native. Isolated exceptions may occur, but they are so few
in number, in the aggregate so unimportant, and so emphatically
condemned by public opinion, that they do not affect the principle.
Needless to say, the principle does not operate to prevent the
employment of White professional men, e.g., doctors and
lawyers, by non-Europeans. For, here, though the White
expert is paid by his non-European patient or client for his
professional services, his social status as a professional man,
assisted by the scale of his professional fees, sufficiently preserves
his superiority to his non-European employer. Moreover, to
ask and pay for professional advice and service is not to give
orders or prescribe what is to be done. Thus, the very nature
of the professional's work is an added safeguard of his superior
status, so that his relation to his non-European client is not felt
to infringe the general principle of domination which forbids a
White person to be subordinate to the authority and orders of a
non-European, and more especially a Native.1

1 For fuller details of the economic position of the Natives in White
South Africa (not, however, presented, as here, with the special
purpose of illustrating the principle of domination), the Report of
the Native Economic Commission, 1930-1932 (U.G. 22, 1932),
should be consulted. An analysis of the Report has been published
by the South African Institute of Race Relations, under the title
Findings of the Native Economic Commission, 1930-1932,"
collected and summarized by J. D. Rheinallt Jones and A. L.
Saffery (reprinted from Bantu Studies, Vol. VII, 3, 4, and Vol.
VIII, 1, 2).-A very useful brief survey, under the title of Some
Economic Problems of the Bantu in South Africa," has been written
by D. Hobart Houghton, M.A., Senior Lecturer in Economics,
Rhodes University College, Grahamstown, and published by the
South African Institute of Race Relations as No. 1. of its Mono-
graph Series. A fuller treatment of the Native in industry will be
found in Dr. Charlotte Leubuscher, Der Suedafrikanische Eingeborene
als Industriearbeiter und als Stadtbewohner, Jena, Fischer, 1931.
On the Native farm-worker, No. 2 of the Monograph Series of the
South African Institue of Race Relations, Farm Labour in the
Orange Free State," should be consulted.-An interesting sidelight
on the economic value of Native labour in the Witwatersrand Gold
Mining Industry is afforded by the following calculations of Sir
Robert Kotze, in his report as Chairman of the Johannesburg Con-
solidated G.M. Co. (November, 1938): The average number of
Natives employed by the Gold Mining Industry in the year 1937
on producing mines was 285,000. The heavy income tax on the
mines produced 9,456,000, equal to 33,17 per Native employed.
Government share of profits from leases was estimated at 4,200,000


5. Domination : Social.
That White domination is incompatible with the subordina-
tion of White to non-White is a principle which applies not only
in the economic sphere, but throughout all social relations
between the races.
Inevitably, there are situations in which the principle is
more or less strained, but it is this very strain which brings the
attitude of domination into the clearest light. Such situations
of strain are most commonly found where White officials of low
rank in the official hierarchy, and lowly position within the social
structure of the White group itself, are required by the duties of
their office at once to serve the public and, if necessary, to
exercise authority over the public in administering official
regulations. Examples are Postal officials, tramway conductors,
ticket inspectors and stewards on trains, etc.; also officials in
Pass Offices. Anyone who takes the trouble to watch closely,
will observe that it requires an unusual combination of poise and
sureness of himself for a White official in one of these positions
to treat the Native public with reasonable courtesy, whilst at the
same time maintaining firmly the social distance appropriate to
his membership of the dominant group. To fulfil, as a public
servant," a Native's request whilst at the same time impressing
on him, inoffensively, that one is baas," is a problem which
many Whites solve very poorly.
In many public offices (e.g., Government Offices, Banks,
etc.), where the same official has to serve both Whites and
Natives,thesocialsuperiority ofthe.White clients is acknowledged
by giving them precedence : so long as Whites are waiting to be

equal to 14.73 per Native ; all in all, a direct revenue of 48 per
Native in that year. The report of the Low Grade Ore Commission
which sat in 1930, stated that in the opinion of certain authorities,
the indirect revenue of the State amounted to 6/8 per ton crushed,
equal to 16,900,000 for the year 1937, or approximately 69 per
Native employed on producing mines. Direct and indirect revenue
therefore total approximately 107 per Native employed on produc-
ing mines in 1937." (This argument does not mention the White
management and the White employees without whom the Native
workers could not have produced the gold ; but, on the other hand,
neither could the White management and employees have produced
anything like these totals without the Native workers).


served, the Natives have to wait their turn, which "turn "
depends, not on the order of arrival, but on the racial principle,
" Whites first." There is generally, too, a noticeable difference
between the average official's manner to a member of the White
public and his manner to a Native. To the former, he is normally
courteous and obliging; to the latter he is not uncommonly
off-hand and sharp, and some are rough to the point of bullying
rudeness. There are, no doubt, some Natives who provoke
such a reaction by bearing themselves in a way which the average
White, on the look-out for deference, is accustomed to classify
as impudent, uppish, cheeky (parmantig). But, all too often,
without any provocation on the Native's part at all (or only the
irritation which he may innocently cause by his ignorance of the
White man's language and the required office procedure), a
Native is made to feel his social inferiority by being shouted at
as if he were dirt under the White man's foot.
There is no need to elaborate this. The phenomenon, in
its many forms and degrees, is familiar-probably so familiar
that most South Africans never notice it or give a thought to it;
or, if they notice it, they accept it contentedly as what ought to
be. They recognize it as in accord with tradition: White
Herrschaftsstellung implies White precedence. The Native is
expected to know this; and so far as his membership of a domi-
nated group allows him any feelings of personal dignity and
pride, he is expected to save these by quietly conforming. I do
not wish to exaggerate: many decent-minded Whites treat
Natives considerately and even politely. But, the point is that
the Native has no right to politeness in the sense in which one
White expects from another White the sort of politeness which
acknowledges, if not absolute equality," at least common
membership of the dominant group. Natives are outside that
group ; they are social inferiors, whatever the individual Native's
personal acculturation may be. This difference has to be
marked by a difference in manner and bearing on both sides.
To obliterate that difference would be to admit the Natives to
" social equality," which is the greatest crime in the code of
social behaviour observed by White South Africans in race


The need for asserting social dominance even to the point
of offensive and aggressive behaviour is apt to be felt all the
more, because under modern conditions many of the older
forms of maintaining social distance have broken down. E.g.,
if it were not for the motor-traffic in the streets of our towns, the
old rule of ox-wagon days by which the footpaths and pavements
were reserved for Whites, whilst non-Europeans had to walk in
the roads, would, undoubtedly, still be enforced. There are
not a few Europeans who experience a tinge of resentment at
having to share the footpaths with Natives, or at finding Natives
look at a shop-window which they wish to inspect themselves.
And the equal admission of Natives to the Johannesburg Zoo
gives rise to periodical complaints in the Readers' columns "
of the newspapers from Whites indignant at the racially-mixed
crowds which may gather around the lions' den. Demands are
made that either Natives should not be admitted at all, or else
that they should be admitted only on certain days, which day
could then be avoided by Whites objectingto sharing the Garden
with them.
In general, to maintain social distance in the midst of the
process of cultural assimilation of White and Black-that is the
problem. The urge to communicate itself to all who come
within its orbit is inherent in White civilization. And, anyhow,
we cannot have Natives live in our midst, even if it be only as
servants and labourers, without extending to them many of the
benefits of our civilization, on the assumption that their funda-
mental needs are no different from ours. Thus, the technique
of dominance amidst acculturation demands, (1) that the needs
of each racial group should be satisfied separately ; and (2) that
they should be satisfied in a qualitatively superior way for members
of the dominant group--social segregation plus qualitative
differentiation.1 The various spheres in which these principles

1 Incidentally, it is one of the curiosities of the South African race situa-
tion that these principles apply, not only between Whites and non-
Whites, but also within the non-White group itself, in so far as it
consists of subordinate groups which seek to maintain social distance
between each other. Thus, the Coloured and Asiatic groups strive
to put as great a social distance as possible between themselves and
the Natives, whilst making the social distance between themselves
and the White group as small as may be. In this connection,


are applied afford most illuminating illustrations of the technique
of social domination.
Thus, all human beings, regardless of race, are liable to fall
ill. But, for the treatment of disease we segregate in South
Africa according to racial groups. There are separate hospitals
for Europeans, Coloured, Asiatics, Natives; or, at any rate,
separate wards or wings in the same building or complex of
buildings. And always the provision, in respect of food, bed-
ding, equipment, is superior for Whites to that for non-Whites,
even when both are non-paying patients. The skill and care
devoted to the patients by the doctors are, of course, alike for all,
but the more expensive and prolonged treatments are, as a rule,
available only to Europeans.
Again, death and burial come to all human beings alike.
We, however, segregate even in death, by having separate
cemeteries for each racial group, or separate sections of the same
cemetery, even where there is no difference of religion to compel
such an arrangement. And, needless to add, the European
cemeteries are larger, showier, better kept than the non-
European cemeteries.
In daily life, men of all races require facilities for transport
and travel. On the railways, run by the State, segregation on
racial lines is the rule. The third class is in practice used
almost exclusively by Natives ; non-Europeans who can afford
to travel first or second class, have special coaches or compart-

again, the case of Minister of Posts and Telegraphs v. Rasool is
worth studying; see Appendix I to this Lecture. The Whites,
on their side, seek to widen the gulf between themselves and all
non-Whites ; witness the present demands, in the form of a Petition
to Parliament circulated by the Nationalist Party, for the segrega-
tion of Coloureds and Indians.
1 The statement in the text is correct in fact. As regards official regula-
tions, White passengers may, if they choose, travel third-class in all
Provinces, except the Transvaal. But, when they do, they are
accommodated in separate compartments. For White and non-
White passengers to share the same compartment would offend
against the rule of social distance. In the Transvaal, White
passengers may not be booked third-class, except on a few long-
distance trains for journeys beyond the borders of the Transvaal;
and then they are given separate accommodation. Needless to say,
very few Whites travel third-class.-There is one exception to the
statements in the text, viz. the Agent-General for India who,
though an Indian, enjoys the privileges of a European.


ments reserved for them. Luxury trains, like the Union
Limited, are for Europeans only. The regulations for the use of
Municipal transport facilities (buses and trams) differ somewhat
from Municipality to Municipality and from Province to Pro-
vince. E.g., there is no colour-bar in Cape Town, whereas
Johannesburg provides separate buses and trams for non-
Europeans, whilst elsewhere occasionally special sections of the
same vehicle are allocated to non-Europeans. In some towns,
e.g., Johannesburg, there are second-class taxis exclusively
for non-European use. The principle is almost universal that
no European need sit alongside of, or share a compartment with,
a non-European : Europeans should travel only in each others'
company. As a rule, too, the accommodation for them is of
better quality than that for non-Europeans : the most recent and
up-to-date vehicles are used for the European public first.
All human beings, regardless of race, have to eat. But, for
members of different racial groups to eat together would be
against the principle of social distance. In this respect, of
course, the Indians introduce complications of their own, where
they still observe purdah regulations for their women, or refuse
on religious grounds to eat in the company of, or to consume
food prepared by, adherents of a religion different from their
own. But, so far as Whites erect barriers against members of
different racial groups eating together, it is always on the ground
that the common meal is an implicit admission of social equality.
Hotels, restaurants, tea-shops admit normally only a European
public, though in the large towns there will be eating-houses,
and may even be hotels, for non-Europeans generally, or for
Natives in particular. Non-Europeans practically never use
the dining-cars on trains, but either carry their own food or have
food brought to their compartments from the dining-car. There
is a regulation permitting the Chief Steward, in the exercise of
his discretion, to admit civilized non-Europeans to meals in
the dining-cars, after the European passengers have finished
eating, but non-Europeans rarely, if ever, avail themselves of
this permission.
The consumption of food is part of that physiological
metabolism, identical in all human beings, which involves also


the evacuation of waste products from the body. Such public
sanitary conveniences as are provided for this purpose are,
consistently with the principle of social distance, segregated on
racial lines, and not infrequently there is provision made only
for Europeans, and none at all for non-Europeans.
That the school system is organised on racial lines, has
already been mentioned, but must be recalled here because the
provision of separate schools for the children of the different
racial groups helps to accustom young minds to the principle of
social distance. That, as a rule, the buildings, playing-fields
(if any), equipment, of non-European schools are inferior to
those of schools for White children, is part of the same pheno-
menon. So, too, are the different scales of pay for teachers, a
Native teacher, even though he may possess nominally the same
qualifications, receiving lower pay than a Coloured or Asiatic
teacher, and these, in turn, a lower salary than White teachers.
The difference in salary, through the resultant difference in
standard of living, of itself tends to enforce social distance.
All human beings, regardless of race, enjoy and need relaxa-
tion from work ; recreation, amusement, play. In South Africa,
racial groups go apart from each other to satisfy this need.
Numerous and well-equipped cinemas cater for the Europeans :
few and inferior ones for the non-Europeans, and films are apt
to be badly worn before they reach these lower houses. Partly,
of course, this reflects the poverty of the non-Europeans ; but,
even if they could afford the best, they would still be required to
enjoy that best in halls of their own. Concerts and theatres
are provided by Whites for Whites: if Natives want music, they
must make it for themselves; if they want plays, they must
provide their own stage and actors.1

1 At the Bantu Men's Social Centre in Johannesburg, e.g., concerts with
Bantu choirs, vocalists, and instrumentalists may be heard; and a
Bantu Dramatic Society has performed both She Stoops to Conquer
and, recently, an original drama by R. F. Dhlomo, based on the life
of Moshesh. Incidentally, it deserves here to be recalled that a
translation into TSwana of Shakespeare's Julius Caesar was pub-
lished by the late Sol. T. Plaatje, and re-published (as revised by
Professor G. Lestrade of Cape Town) in the Bantu Treasury Series
of the University of the Witwatersrand, under the title DintBho-
nt~ho tsa Bo-Juliuse Kesara. Plaatje has also translated the Comedy
of Errors into TAwana.


In general, there are places of entertainment for Whites,
and others for non-Whites. With insignificant exceptions,
non-Europeans are not admitted to the former; and Europeans
avoid the latter, all but a few curious sensation-hunters, or social
investigators, or enthusiasts anxious to encourage and assist the
cultural efforts of non-Europeans. Even so-called public "
parks are frequently open to Europeans only, except for Native
nurses of European children.
As for sports and games, cricket, football (both Association
and Rugby), and tennis are played by all races-a tribute to
acculturation I But, Whites, Coloured, Indians, Natives, as a
rule, have their own teams and compete with each other in their
own leagues. Non-European teams may even play in their own
inter-Province competitions, or meet visiting non-European
teams from Portuguese East in matches with something of an
" international flavour. Among non-Europeans, race differ-
ences are occasionally ignored : a team of Native footballers may
meet a team of South African Indians. Only one barrier is
practically absolute: Whites do not meet non-Whites on the
football field or in any other sport. Any Whites taking part in
such a match across the colour-line would probably be debarred
by the Board, or Association, controlling that sport for Whites
from ever again playing for a White team against another White
team.1 Needless to say, the races are segregated in swimming
and bathing. At seaside resorts, the best beaches are reserved
for Europeans: non-Europeans have to use smaller and worse
beaches to one side. Public swimming-baths are for the
only public which counts, viz. the White public; though
Johannesburg is now considering the provision of a swimming-
bath for non-Europeans.
South Africa pushes racial segregation in sport even into
the selection of its teams for the Olympic Games. These Games
are not only inter-national, but inter-racial, so that the South

1 The threat of this action prevented, some years ago, a proposed Asso-
ciation Football match between a team of students from the Univer-
sity of the Witwatersrand and a visiting team from India, composed
wholly of students and graduates of Indian Universities, its captain
being a fully-qualified medical man.


African teams, selected exclusively from White athletes, have to
compete against, and have been beaten by, American Negroes
competing for U.S.A., or by Japanese and other non-European
competitors. This principle that South African sport is the
sport of the White group; that Whites alone may represent
South Africa before the world, is a proclamation of the domina-
tion of the White group which no sportsman can fail to appreciate.
Incidentally, this attitude makes it impossible for South Africa
ever to hold the Empire Games in the Union, because that
would mean the admission of non-European athletes from out-
side the Union to equality of competition with Whites in South
Africa : how thereafter maintain the ban against South-African-
born non-Europeans ? Rather racial segregation in the interests
of racial domination than the comradeship of sport across all
racial boundaries-such is the prevailing South African attitude.
Individuals of all races are liable to break the law and to
suffer the punishments prescribed for criminals. But, the social
distance between the races is maintained in South Africa even in
prisons, reformatories, remand-homes, and similar institutions.
White prisoners receive better food and accommodation, as
befits members of the dominant group; and they are never
marched, like Native prisoners who may not have been guilty of
anything worse than an offence against the Pass Laws, in
manacled gangs under armed warders through the public streets,
nor are they hired out, at 1/6 per head per day, (2/- per day
on the Witwatersrand) in labour-gangs, like Native convicts.
It is part of the technique of domination to safeguard
White prestige and pride by shielding White failures from the
publicity which is the fate of the Native prisoner, whether
guilty merely of a technical offence, or a genuine criminal.
The frequent sight of gangs of Native prisoners being marched
through the streets of Johannesburg undoubtedly helps to
maintain the prejudice that the Native community, as such, is
more liable to crime. It is commonly forgotten that the great
majority of so-called Native "criminals" consists of merely
technical offenders against one of the many laws and regulations
to which only Natives are subject and by which it is sought to
control them in White areas.


In this connection, it is worth recalling that certain classes
of offences are apt to be visited with heavier punishments, if
committed by a Native against a White than if committed by a
White against a Native. For a Native to use, or threaten,
physical violence against a White is a challenge to the domination
of the White group and resented as such; similar action on the
part of a White man against a Native is more readily minimized
as legitimate punishment of insubordination, or as "teaching
the nigger to respect the White man." When a case of assault
between a White and a Native comes before a White jury, the
White accused can generally expect from his White compeers a
sympathy which, on occasion, may gravely strain the weight of
the evidence. The assertion of dominance and social distance
plays its part even here.
Even the Christian Churches have to bow to the demand
for social distance, though they do it with different degrees of
consistency and thoroughness. The Dutch Reformed Church,
in its various branches, is most thorough of all. That race
differences have been established by God and must, therefore,
be treated as fundamental in the organisation of race relations, is
one of the corner-stones of its version of Christian theology. It
has organized its non-European members as a separate Church,
with its own non-European ministers, who in spite of their
spiritual office are not accepted as social equals by their White
fellow-ministers, let alone by the White laity.
The lead of the Dutch Reformed Church, in respect of the
organization of separate non-European Churches, has been
followed by the Baptists who have turned their Missions into
the Bantu Baptist Church, and by the Free Church Missions
which have become the Bantu Presbyterian Church. Appoint-
ment as Moderators of these Bantu Churches is open to Bantu
In the Churches of other Christian denominations, if the
services are open to both Europeans and non-Europeans, the
non-European members of the congregation generally sit apart,
e.g., at the back of the building, or in an aisle, or in the gallery,
thus tacitly carrying into the House of God the principle of
social distance which rules their lives outside its walls. The


Anglican community, in my observation, goes furthest of all in
trying to ignore the principle of social distance in its Churches.
E.g., at the installation of the present Bishop of Johannesburg,
one of the two private chaplains, who walked immediately
behind him, was a Native priest; and Native clergymen walked
side by side with White clergymen in the procession of Clergy
into the Cathedral. All the more significant is it to note the
point at which even the Anglican Church must bow to the
principle of social distance: the Native laity, on that occasion,
occupied a special section of one of the galleries, whilst the rest
of the Cathedral was occupied by White laity. Perhaps the
Natives themselves were happier so ; but this, if true, only helps
to prove how firmly the principle of social distance, as applied
to racial groups, is established in the Union.
One of the most striking illustrations of the difficulties of
race relations for the Churches is afforded by the recent refusal
of three of the four provincial branches of the Dutch Reformed
Church (Die Nederduits Hervormde of Gereformeerde Kerk, to
distinguish it from two other Dutch Reformed Churches in
South Africa) to take part in the World Sunday School
Convention, planned for 1940 in Durban. The fourth branch,
in the Transvaal, by eleven votes against ten on its Synodical
Committee, resolved to ask the organizers of the Convention
not to hold the Convention.
Actually, the invitation to hold the Convention in South
Africa had been twice repeated in the name of all the Protestant
Churches in South Africa, and endorsed by the Prime Minister.
Perhaps the implications of the inter-national and inter-racial
character of the Convention had not been fully thought out in
time. At any rate, the prospective presence of a number of
non-European delegates from other countries, who are not
accustomed to, and would be offended by, the racial discrimina-
tions practised in South Africa, is now raising awkward problems
of social equality "for the Dutch Churches, which are pledged
to the principle of no gelykstelling (equality) between Whites
and non-Whites in South Africa. If there is to be no segrega-
tion of races at meals, in hotels, in transport facilities, etc.,
participation in the Convention will, obviously, lay the represent-


atives of the Dutch Churches open to severe criticism from their
congregations. The other Churches have done their best to
help their Dutch Reformed brethren by offering to make arrange-
ments which would permit the latter to maintain for themselves
such social distances from the non-European delegates as they
might wish. But, meanwhile race relations have once again
become a live question in South African politics. Hence, the
Dutch Churches fear that their participation will seem like
taking sides in a political issue, and be misinterpreted as a
weakening on their part on the principle of no social equality"
between the races.
If the facts which have been enumerated in this section
prove anything, it is surely this : that the maintenance of social
distance between Whites and Natives is part of that same tech-
nique of domination which is also exemplified in the White
monopoly of political and economic power and of educational
superiority. Undeniably, the maintenance of social distance is
facilitated, in relation to the Natives, by the fact that many of
them have not yet advanced very far along the road of accultura-
tion, and that most of them are by their economic weakness
destined to be servants and labourers for White employers.
But, on the other hand, there can be no doubt that the main-
tenance of social distance,takentogether with the other handicaps
imposed on the Native population, will be increasingly resented
by those Natives-not many at present, but steadily becoming
more numerous-who are as well educated as many Whites;
who are no man's servants; and who earn their livings as
independent artisans or professional men. As such, they are in
White society, but not of it. Can such a system endure ?1

6. Domination : Sexual.
The last aspect of domination, and not the least important,
concerns the sex-relations between the dominating and the
dominated groups.

1 On the topic of this section, and of this Lecture as a whole, the reader
should consult also that important book by Dr. I. D. MacCrone,
Race Attitudes in South Africa: Historical, Experimental and
Psychological Studies, Oxford University Press, 1937.


Insistence on social distance, as we have seen, has the effect,
and presumably, therefore, also the aim, of preserving group-
integrity. It keeps aliens in race out of the dominant group.
It is, clearly, in line with this aim, if the entry of aliens in race by
way of marriage is resisted. Similarly, the public condemnation
of miscegenation, or race mixture, in the form of extra-marital
unions, rests on fear of the bastardization of the White
group through children of such extra-marital unions claiming
admission to the dominant group on the strength of the White"
blood in their make-up. After all, the cry for a White South
Africa," which, we have seen, is a cry for a South Africa domi-
nated by the White group, would become meaningless, if there
were no White group to be dominant, owing to its absorption by
wholesale race mixture into the numerically preponderant
non-White group. The avoidance of race mixture, in order to
preserve the integrity of the White group, is thus part of the
technique of White domination.
So much for the principle, or the professed ideal. To
study the actual facts concerning sexual segregation (or the lack
of it) between Europeans and non-Europeans, whether in the
past or in the present, would take us too far afield for the purpose
of this Lecture.1 But three comments of general bearing are in
First, although mixed marriages are not illegal, they have
steadily dwindled in number of recent years under the pressure
of public opinion against them. Whether the same is true of
extra-marital miscegenation, in spite of its being a criminal
offence under the Tielman Roos Immorality Act of 1926,
seems to be open to doubt. At any rate, the recent agitation for
further legislation against miscegenation, so as to make even
'See George Findlay, Miscegenation, Pretoria, 1936; also Ronald
Elsdon-Dew, The Application of Blood-Grouping to South
African Ethnology," S.A. Journal of Science, Vol. XXXIII, March,
1937 ; and J. Hoge, Rassenmischung in Suedafrika im 17ten und
18ten Jahrhundert," Zeitschrift fuer Rassenkunde, Vol. VIII, No.
2, 1938. The first issue of Rassebakens, Pretoria, April, 1937, is
wholly devoted to articles on various aspects of race mixture. A
literary treatment of social problems arising out of race mixture
will be found in Regina Neser's Kinders van Ismail, Nasionale
Pers, Bpk., 1933; also in Sarah Gertrude Millin's well-known
novel, God's Stepchildren, London, Constable, 1924.


marriage between Whites and non-Whites illegal, professes to
aim at strengthening the feeling against sex relations across the
colour line, and thus, by implication, admits that there is more
laxity than there ought to be. Some of the advocates of
" territorial" segregation between the races openly explain that
they want all Native women to be kept in the Native Territories,
and thus out of the reach of those White men who are not race-
proud or strong-minded enough not to offend against the
principle of race-purity.
Secondly, so far as bastardization is concerned, it is the
Native population which suffers chiefly and in the first place.
For, the illegitimate children which Native women bear to White
men remain usually with their mothers and are absorbed into
the mother's group-a result which is being re-enforced by
recent legislation,' defining as a "Native" any person one of
whose grandparents is a pure-bred Native. Thus, a person of
mixed White-Native descent, even though he may be three-
quarters "White," is a law-made Native," and the group
which is bastardized by his inclusion is the Native group. The
White group has protected itself by the legal exclusion of such
persons. It is true that the same legislation provides a certain
loophole for such persons, in that those of them who live like
Whites and are in their local communities not classed with
Natives by their White neighbours, are given the option of having
themselves declared "non-Natives." But, to be a "non-
Native is not the same thing as to be White ": it exempts
from discrimination exclusively applicable to Natives "; it
does not admit automatically to membership of the White "
group or to the legal and customary privileges of Whites.
Thirdly, that there has been in the past, and still is at the
present, a certain amount of infiltration of colour into the
White group appears to be indisputable. This strain of
colour does not come directly from the Native population,
but from the Cape Coloured group in which the non-European
element is predominantly Hottentot and Malay, not African
Native. At any rate, light-skinned members of the Coloured

1 The reference is to the Representation of Natives' Act No. 12 of 1936.


group succeed in passing over into the White group, and
some families in the White group have maintained their position
in spite of being reputed to have a strain of colour in their
However, the fact that the blood-purity of the White group
is not perfect, does not affect the principle. The ideal of blood-
purity,like otherideals, is never completely realized or realizable:
it sets up a standard to which, in practice, only an imperfect
approximation is actually achieved. But, this does not detract
from its value as a factor in group-consciousness and group-
cohesion: indeed, it is sometimes most stressed by those who
know, or have some reason to suspect, a blemish in their own
ancestry. To profess a group-ideal, to strive for its realization,
to reaffirm it against the breaches which inevitably occur-all
this is of value in helping the group to self-conscious integration
of outlook and attitude, and thereby to self-differentiation frcm
other groups. Whether the ideal is, in itself, a worthy or well-
founded one is of minor importance: what is important is that
its acceptance should serve as a mark of group-membership, and
thus assist the group in maintaining its identity as a group and
its continuance as a body of like-minded members. The
objection to race mixture, or, positively expressed, the affirmation
of the value of blood-, or race-, purity, is coming more and
more to fulfil such a group-integrating function; above all,
where groups differing not only in culture, but also in race, live
together in the same country.
There was a time, in South Africa as elsewhere, when same-
ness of religion was regarded as cancelling and over-riding all
other differences, and as making a Black or Yellow Christian
" assimilable into the group of White Christians, even to the
point of inter-marriage. Common Christianity made all differ-
ences of colour, or race, irrelevant. Nowadays, we have changed
all that. The all-but-universal practice is to treat common
Christianity as irrelevant in the face of other differences which
are regarded as making individuals unassimilable into
certain racial groups. In Germany, many persons of Jewish
descent, who know no other language and culture than those of
Germany and who may have even been converted to Christianity


are, none the less, held to be unassimilated and unassimilable-
an alien poison in the German organism. The present theory
of White South Africa in respect of sex-relations with non-
Europeans conforms to the same principle. The first voices
against race mixture were raised in the early years of White
settlement at the Cape, and attempts to curtail and prevent it
were made repeatedly during the eighteenth century by legal
prohibition and penalties.1 If these attempts were only partially
successful-why else should it have been necessary to renew
them again and again ?-one reason, but not the only one, was,
no doubt, the continuing influx of newcomers not yet imbued
with the objection to race mixture. Sailors, soldiers, and other
temporary visitors, all had their share. But, in any case, the
objection to race mixture is, like all other group-standards, most
effectively enforced where there is a compact and vigorous
group-life for men and women to share, in which the individual
is sustained by all his daily contacts in his conformity to group-
ideals. It is least effective where isolated individuals, on the
fringes, as it were, of the White group, are at once most exposed
to temptation and least protected against themselves by the
moral pressure of the group. It is, after all, significant that
Tielman Roos, in introducing his Bill into the South African
Parliament, described it as a measure for the protection of
Black women." This candid acknowledgment of the gravity of
the trouble, as well as all the legislation and agitation against it,
only serve to throw into clearer light the conviction that
continuing race mixture is fatal to the maintenance of White
7. Conclusion : The Argumentfor Domination.
In marshalling, in this Lecture, the facts which illustrate
the will of the White group in South Africa to assert and preserve
a dominating position over against the Natives and all other
1 Cf. the brief, but sensible, summary of the situation in the eighteenth
century, by Dr. P. J. van der Merwe, in Die Trekboer in die
Geskiedenis van die Kaap-Kolonie (1657-1842), Chapter VI, section
6, on Bloedsvermenging met die Inboorlinge (Published by
Nasionale Pers, Kaapstad, 1938).-Appendix II to this Lecture
gives some figures concerning inter-racial marriages and convic-
tions under the Immorality Act.


non-White groups, I have drawn a picture of South African race
relations which is, admittedly, incomplete and one-sided by
reason of the omission of all those facts which illustrate the
counter-principle of trusteeship, to which the next Lecture is to
be devoted.
Without doubt, the White group is not single-minded in its
race attitudes. The old historic quarrel between "colonist "
and missionary continues to be fought, though in a much
more complex setting and with ampler arguments. The sway
of the principle of domination is not absolute. Other values,
other ideals, qualifying domination and even conflicting with it,
have their representatives and are not wholly ineffective, even if
they are outweighed and overborne, more often than not, when
they challenge the White group to an open choice between
themselves and domination.
Subject to this reminder, I have in this Lecture singled out
and put together the most striking evidences of the working of
the principle of domination. The White group is a minority
group in the total population of the Union. But, it holds fast to 2
exclusive political power, legislative, administrative, judicial; it
has a monopoly of military force and armaments for destroying
human life; in economic power and scientific technique it is
supreme ; it jealously guards its social position and prestige ; it
has an overwhelming advantage in the field of education, above
all, secondary, technical, and university education. Consciously
basing itself on the belief in its racial homogeneity, and in the
" superiority of its blood," it asserts and defends against all
non-White groups, and especially against the Native group, its
privileged position as a ruling caste. It proudly calls South
Africa a White man's country," because it maintains, in spite
of numerical inferiority, a social structure in which its own
position is at the top, and in which it allows to the non-European
groups only such status, rights, and opportunities as will not
threaten, or conflict with, its own continued predominance.1

1 Cf. the Conclusion (Chapter X) of Dr. J. S. Marais' recently
published book, The Cape Coloured People, 1652-1937. What Dr.
Marais there says concerning the attitude of the White community
towards the Coloured community applies even more strongly to its
attitude towards the Native (Bantu) community.


The moraljustification of this policy of White self-protection
through domination is usually formulated as the principle that it
is the duty of the White race," settled in South Africa, to
maintain and preserve "White (" European," Western ")
On the face of it, this is both plausible and magnificent.
Few of us who are privileged to share in the benefits of that
civilization will deny that it is, indeed, worth maintaining, and
that its maintenance is a legitimate objective of policy, even a
" sacred obligation."
Nor can we fairly deny that the White civilization of South
Africa was brought here by successive waves of immigrants
from Europe; that it is actively being kept alive by the White
population of South Africa; and that, if we suppose this White
population to be overnight withdrawn or destroyed, White
civilization in all its essentials would be destroyed with it. For,
the Native population of the Union, in its present stage of
acculturation, could not take over the apparatus of White civili-
zation and run it as a going-concern. The whole school and
university system would collapse for lack of a sufficient number
of qualified men and women to take up the teaching, let alone
the research. Practically no trained specialists of any sort
would be left: except for some dozen Native medical men, no
doctors; no scientists of any other kind; no engineers; no
bankers; no businessmen; no experienced administrative
officials. Even the worship and doctrine of the Christian
Churches would, probably, rapidly degenerate, in spite of the fact
that the number of Native priests of one or other Christian
denomination is, with the exception of teachers, greater than the
number of Natives in any other profession requiring an education
of the European type.
Undeniably, then, if European civilization in its present
form is to be maintained in South Africa, the continued presence
of Europeans is necessary. They are necessary, however, not
because of their race," but as bearers of White civilization;
and for this purpose they might conceivably be replaced by the
members of any other race, provided only that sufficient members
of that race were available equipped with the requisite scientific,


economic, and administrative qualifications. Japan, e.g., which
in these three respects has a civilization of the European type,
could take over South Africa to-morrow and run it as well as we
do, or better. Thus, Whites are necessary, not because of the
colour of their skins, but because they have been trained in, and
equipped with, one or other of the many forms of special skill
and knowledge, in the use of which European civilization as a
going-concern consists. We need not here speculate whether,
some day, the Natives themselves will become so completely
accultured and make European civilization so completely their
own, that they can maintain it by their own energies and qualifi-
cations: enough, that they are, with a handful of individual
exceptions, still so far from this goal, that White civilization will
have to continue to come to them through Europeans who will
continue to live in South Africa for as long a future as we can
The presence of Europeans as culture-bearers is, however,
one thing: their dominance is another. Now, even if we grant,
as we reasonably may, that this dominance may well be justifiable
for the present period of culture-contact and acculturation, there
still remains the question whether it need be the permanent and
final relation of the two races. The answer will be Yes, if
it turns out that the Native people, as a people, are unable to
achieve that completeness of acculturation which, e.g., the
Japanese have achieved in essential respects. The answer will
be No," if the process of acculturation, assuming it not to be
artificially checked or slowed up, can raise a sufficient dlite of
Natives to the required level. The future alone can decide
between these alternatives. Meanwhile, however, acculturation
is going on at a rate which, considering the restrictions and
handicaps resting on the Native population under a system of
White domination, can be described only as amazing. The
Natives are, at once, forced by White pressure from above, and
urged by their own aspirations from below, to assimilate the
White man's superior civilization as rapidly as opportunity and
capacity permit. Whether this process, with its double aspect
of disintegration of Native culture and Europeanization, is
desirable or not, it is certainly levelling out the cultural difference


between Whites and Blacks, whilst leaving the racial difference
standing. Thus, it brings White South Africa straight up
against the problem, whether to admit the civilized African,
because he is civilized, to a share in dominance (" equal rights
for all civilized men") or to exclude him from dominance,
however civilized, because he is an African, a member of an
alien, black-skinned race. Which way the choice will go can
hardly be doubtful, especially at the present day when the
" racial" determination of policy is so openly being preached
and practised in parts of Europe the ideological doctrines of
which, as applied to the White-Black situation, only put into
words the tacit assumptions underlying South African race
Looking back, we can distinguish, broadly, three chapters
in the history of the relations of Whites and Blacks in South
Africa: first, years of armed conflict and uneasy peace between
two racial groups with diverse cultures; next, gradual conquest
of Natives by Whites and incorporation of Natives into the
structure of the White State, even if this incorporation took the
form of the preservation of Native islands (locations, reserves)
scattered over South Africa, but under White administration
and police control; thirdly, in this condition of subjection, the
drawing of increasing numbers of Natives into White agricul-
tural and industrial employment, and therewith the beginning
of a steady process of acculturation, far more important in its
aggregate effects even than the efforts of the missionaries. If
this process of acculturation continues on its present lines,
whilst race mixture continues, as at present, to be opposed, the
ultimate result will be two races, but only one type of culture.
The nearer South Africa comes to this result, the weaker,
relatively, will become the argument that the dominance of the
White over the Black population is necessary for, and justified
by, the maintenance of White civilization. If, at that point, it is
still desired to maintain White dominance, it will have to be
done on purely racial, not on cultural, grounds.
At present it is fortunate for the upholders of White domi-
nance that the racial and cultural arguments still go together, so
that they can stress the latter with good consciences, whilst


keeping the former in the background. But, that the two
arguments are logically independent can be tested by the experi-
ment in race relations with which the history of U.S.A. provides
us for our instruction. The American Negroes are, culturally,
in all essentials Americans. In language, religion, education,
economic activities, social classes, profession, etc., the civiliza-
tion of American Negroes is American civilization, or, at worst,
a nuance of American, and thereby of Western, civilization.
Yet, barriers and discrimination, due to racial antagonisms,
continue to persist even in that Transatlantic home of democracy
and freedom ; indeed, they persist in forms perhaps more galling
to the free and educated Negro than was slavery to his
" unfree and uneducated ancestors. The clear lesson of the
American experiment is that, notwithstanding complete cultural
assimilation, race-difference continues to be a powerful influence
in the direction of maintaining various kinds of social distances
between the members of racially-different groups.1 We meet

1 See Heinrich Krieger, Das Rassenrecht in den Vereinigten Staaten,
Berlin: Junker und Duennhaupt Verlag, 1936. Also, John Dollard,
Caste and Class in a Southern Town, published for the Institute of
Human Relations by the Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn.,
1937 (London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press).-
In this connection, it is worth recalling that the Supreme Court of
U.S.A., in its famous judgment in the case of Dred Scott v. Sand-
ford, 1857, laid down that the references to the rights of" man in
the American Declaration of Independence could not be interpreted
as intended to apply to all human beings; and that the authors of
that Declaration could not have meant to include in the people,"
which was declaring its independence, the Negroes in U.S.A., the
enslaved African race."-The utterances of Abraham Lincoln
himself are still deserving of study as those of a high-minded, con-
scientious man, who hated slavery, who treated a slave-dealer as a
social pariah (" Your children must not play with his; they may
rollick freely with the little Negroes, but not with the slave dealer's
children"), who after the Civil War abolished slavery in U.S.A.,
but whose agonisings over race relations may well serve as a picture
of our own. In 1854, we find him saying : When the White man
governs himself, that is self-government; but when he governs
himself and also governs another man, that is more than self-
government-that is despotism. If the Negro is a man, why, then
my ancient faith teaches me that all men are created equal,' and
that there can be no moral right in one man's making a slave of
another. What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern
another man without that other's consent. I say this is the leading
principle, the sheet-anchor, of American republicanism." (Quoted
from Carl Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln : The Prairie Years, Vol. II,
pp. 15, 6.) On the other hand, in a speech delivered at Charleston,


with the same phenomenon among ourselves: educated Natives
are no more welcomed into the White group on a footing of
equality than uneducated Natives. What is decisive is not
education, or the lack of it, but being a Native and thereby a
member of an alien race.
The correctness of this conclusion may be tested by another
line of thought. If the preservation of White civilization were
our sole aim, it is at least arguable that we might achieve that
aim most securely and expeditiously by pushing forward the
acculturation of the Native population by every means in our
power. Actually, such deliberate efforts at acculturation as are
being made, are halting and fragmentary, because they always
come into conflict with that powerful section of White public
opinion which resents expenditure and activity for the benefit of
the racially-alien "out-group," and demands exclusive prefer-
ence for the White in-group." The slogan, South Africa a
White man's country," means only incidentally that South
Africa is to be a home for White civilization : it means, first and
mainly, that in South Africa the White man is to be master. No
one familiar with the way in which South African Whites, in the
mass, think and feel, can really doubt that, among complex and
even conflicting strands of motive, this is the most persistent and
the strongest motive. When White South Africans are pressed
back in argument onto their last defences, the plea of racial self-
protection is offered as, in itself, sufficient. The self to be
protected is the White racial group : hence, the familiar plea that
we have to think of the future in South Africa of our children
and our children's children." It is, moreover, "protection,"
not merely for the sake of mere survival, but for survival under
conditions which enable the White group to preserve at once its
Ill., on September 18th, 1858, we find him saying that he had
never advocated the social and political equality of Whites and
Blacks ; that he was not in favour of giving the franchise to Negroes,
admitting them to public office, or allowing marriage between them
and Whites. He went on to declare that the physical differences
between Whites and Blacks would make it for ever impossible for
them to live together on the basis of social and political equality;
that, therefore, one race had to be superior and the other inferior ;
and that the superior position belonged to the White race. (See
for this speech, and for a general account of Lincoln's views, W. P.
Pickett, The Negro Problem : Abraham Lincoln's Solution.)


integrity as a group and its position of dominance over all non-
Europeans in the Union. The maintenance of European
civilization is, thus, an incidental aspect of the effort of the White
group to secure its own continuance in a position of supremacy.
It is an aspect of domination : it is not the end for which domina-
tion is the means.1
Lest this analysis of the racial situation in South Africa be
misunderstood, I hasten to make, with the utmost emphasis, the
statement that the technique of domination is not synonymous
with ill-treatment in personal relations. The system of domina-
tion, as I have tried to show, is a system by which Whites have a
status superior to that of non-Whites, with rights and privileges
which non-Whites do not share; with obligations, too (e.g.,
military service), from which non-Whites are exempt; with
powers over non-Whites to which the latter are compelled to
submit. But, it would be quite wrong to assume that ordinary,
every-day relations between members of the dominant White
group and the dominated Black group are simply inhuman ; that
rudeness and brutality, violence, abuse, physical ill-treatment,
are so frequent as to be "normal." Human nature is too
complex for that. Its many-sidedness overflows the narrow
pattern of the system of domination, just as it overflowed, and
mitigated the rigours of, slavery. We know that, in many
instances, there were relations of kindliness and mutual trust
and affection between slave-owners and their slaves. Of course,
the fact that the generous impulses of human nature often took
the worst stings out of slavery is as little justification of slavery,
as the fact that there are bad parents who neglect and ill-treat
their children is a good ground for abolishing parental authority.
But it is relevant as a reminder that we must distinguish between
an official system and private relationships between individuals.
From decent and kindly White employers (and they are the
majority) Native employees receive decent and kindly treatment:
not only justice in respect of what they can claim as a right, but
-above all legal and customary rights-respect for character,
consideration of personal interests and needs, care in sickness,
advice and help in trouble, even defence when the Native servant
1 See, above, p. 1, note.



has got into difficulties with the police and the law. These
things belong to the total picture as much as the instances of
White men abusing their superiority, or the fact that, whilst
such abuses are more frequent than they ought to be, White
public opinion often is less sensitive to them than, in view of the
helplessness of the Natives, it should be.
The opposite mistake is to argue in defence of our system
from the alleged" happiness "of the Natives under it. A recent
visitor to Johannesburg wrote to the papers to say that he found
on the faces of nearly all the Europeans he met in the streets a
tense and even strained look, and that almost the only carefree,
smiling faces were those of Natives, and their loud greetings to
each other almost the only evidence of high spirits. A correct
observation, no doubt; but what are we entitled to infer from
it ? That many Natives are blessed with a light-hearted
temperament ? Perhaps. That they are irresponsible ? Well
our system denies them power and the responsibility which goes
with power. Their carefreeness, thus, may be an effect of our
system: it is hardly a justification of it. We may perhaps argue
that the observed high spirits are evidence against the suppcsi-
tion of constant and intolerable abuse and ill-treatment, as the
normal characteristics of personal relations of Whites and Blacks.
But, in any case, if that visitor had been able to look below the
surface, he would have found that all the more thoughtful,
informed, and educated Natives are acutely aware of their
disabilities under a system of White domination and resent
them bitterly.
The average White South African's attitude towards the
Natives who stand to him in a personal relation (who are his "
Natives), is patriarchal, for better and for worse. Certainly,
there is a worse," and it occurs more often than it should.
But, it is downright false to deny that there is a better," too,
and that, in the millions of personal contacts between Whites
and Natives which make up the tissue of daily life, the better
generally prevails over the worse. For this result, however,
Whites cannot claim all the credit, in the name of their own sense
of justice and fair-mindedness. The Natives' tact and skill in
avoiding provocation, themselves qualities nurtured by a system


of domination, deserve at least as great a share of the credit for
personal relations being as good as they are.1
Anyhow, I repeat: my analysis of the system of domination
is not a description of personal relations between individuals.
It is an analysis of differences of status between the members of
two racial groups ; of rights and privileges and opportunities
enjoyed by the one and denied to the other; of handicaps,
restrictions, barriers, etc., by which one type of life is secured to
one group and a much more circumscribed life is conceded to
the other. Above all, it is a system whereby the dominant
White group protects its own cohesion and integrity, resisting
the intrusion into its ranks of any Natives, however well educated
according to European standards, or however aristocratic by
descent or influential in position in Native society; a system
which extends the old principle of the South African Republic,
viz., No equality in Church and State," beyond Church and
State to all realms of life.
However, the saying, Uneasy rests the head that wears a
crown," is verified once more by those who wear the crown of
domination in a caste-society based on race. For, the price
which the White caste pays for its domination is fear-fear for
the continuance of its own superiority ; fear for its future. And
fear is incompatible with the liberal spirit.

1 Lest this reference to qualities nurtured by a system of domination "
be misunderstood, I add that the relationship of superior to inferior
is found in Native society, too ; that the Native commoner is trained
to khonza to his chief ; that some of the forms in which this respect
and submission have to be shown are, according to White notions,
humiliating to a man's self-respect. Certainly, from this point of
view, the transfer of the khonza-attitude from the chief, as its
object, to a White superior has a natural basis in Native tribal tradi-
tion. But, this reminder does not touch the real point. There is
nothing specially significant in an attitude of respect from servant
to master, or from commoner to chief, or from conquered to con-
queror. What is significant for race-attitude is that every member
of the White group expects acknowledgment of his superiority
from every member of the Black group, even now when conquest
has become a historic memory, and irrespective of whether there is
a relation of master and servant between them; nay, even when he
is dealing with Natives who, by the test of civilization, are
cultural equals of the more cultured Whites and the cultural-
superiors of the less cultured Whites. To continue to demand the
khonza-attitude even in circumstances so different, is characteristic
of race domination in a caste society.



A Race Relations Case in the Appellate Division.

The incidence of differences of social status and privilege,
depending on differences of race, is most interestingly illustrated
in the case of Minister of Posts and Telegraphs v. Rascol (1934,
Appellate Division, pp., 167-192).
The Post Office at Pietersburg in the Northern Transvaal
had always segregated the Native public from the White public
and transacted Native business in a special room, labelled
Native Post Office." When the first Indians settled in Pieters-
burg, they, not being Natives," were admitted to the European
counter. But, as their numbers increased, and therewith the
feeling of the White community against mingling with members
of the Indian community in the same Post Office room, White
pressure induced the Postmaster General to authorize a fresh
classification of the Pietersburg public. The room in which
Europeans and Indians had been dealt with was re-labelled
For Europeans only," and the former Native Post Office "
was re-labelled Non-Europeans." The Indians, in terms of
this re-classification, were now excluded from the European "
room and compelled to use the Non-European room in the
company of Natives.
Intelligibly enough, when one considers South African race
feeling, they resented this re-classification by which they were
demoted from association with the dominant White group to
association with the dominated Native group. They felt it to be
a lowering of their social status, a diminution of that equality
with Whites, which, as descendants of peoples with an ancient
and high civilization, they are always struggling to assert. They
sought legal redress for what they regarded as a grave injury,
and urged that the Postmaster General, in issuing these instruc-
tions, had acted ultra vires. A Judge in Chambers issued a
mandamus in their favour, which, on appeal, was sustained by the
Transvaal Bench. The Appellate Division reversed this decision
by a three to one majority.
With the legal merits or demerits of this decision, we are not


concerned.1 Our interest lies in the light thrown by the four
judgments on race relations in South Africa.
Two of the judges composing the majority (A. C. J. Strat-
ford and J. A. de Villiers) limited the issue to be decided to this :
Was the new classification of the Pietersburg public into
" Europeans and Non-Europeans ultra vires on the ground
of" unreasonableness,"i.e.,on the ground of a" discrimination
between classes partialor unequalin its effects;" or,more simply,
on the ground that the postal service rendered in the Non-
European room was inferior in quality to the service rendered in
the European room ? Rasool had claimed no such difference of
treatment, and these two judges held that, in the absence of any
such difference of treatment, a classification of human beings on
grounds of race or colour could not be regarded as intrinsically
" unreasonable," any more than their classification on any other
ground which might be convenient or necessary for the purpose
in hand, e.g., a classification into adults and children ; smokers
and non-smokers; according to initials A to M and N to Z ; or
according to sex, or religion. As Stratford put it : Division into
White and Coloured does not, in itself," run counter to accepted
principle and good sense." (Whether these two judges thought
that the Indian community of Pietersburg was unreasonable "
in feeling injured and offended, is an interesting, but idle, subject
for speculation : at any rate, the Indians had, according to the
decision, no legal ground for complaint.)
The remaining judge in the majority, J. A. Beyers, took
quite a different line, by asserting boldly that the law, when
administered in the Transvaal, must be interpreted and applied
in the historic and social context of the Transvaal, especially the
Transvaal's traditions from Republican times, i.e., the law must
be interpreted in harmony with the traditional policy of race

1 One point of legal interest is, however, worth noting. A. C. J. Strat-
ford who, throughout his judgment, repeatedly emphasizes that
his decision is limited strictly to the facts before us," in one
passage (L.c., p. 175, bottom) throws out the hint that" the respond-
ent (Rasool) is not, by this judgment, precluded from attacking the
instructions on other grounds." It is interesting to speculate what
other grounds for a more successful attack the learned judge had in
mind: the hint does not appear to have been followed up.


discrimination.' In the law so interpreted, there is no equality
between White and Black. Hence, the Postal authorities were
fully within their legal powers when applying the policy of
segregating Europeans from non-Europeans. In support of
his view, he quotes another judge, Etienne de Villiers (in Pitout
v. Rosenstein, 1930, O.P.D., 117), as holding that, in view of the
position of the races in South Africa, it impairs a White man's
reputation to be called a" Hottentot," seeing that non-Europeans
are liable to one or more of a number of discrimination, such as
" pass laws, colour bars, franchise distinctions, liquor law
distinctions, location and other residential segregations, discri-
mination in clubs and societies, in social life, in Church, in
The only judge delivering a minority opinion, A. J. A.
Gardiner, enumerated a list of recent laws to demonstrate the
rapid extension of race discrimination in South African law, but
at the same time in order to make the point that, where such
discrimination has not been specially authorized by Parliament,
it must be regarded as ultra vires. His most interesting argu-
ment bearing on race relations is that all such discrimination,
being introduced by the White group in order to maintain its
own superiority and safeguard its exclusive privileges, involves
the corresponding depression of the non-White race groups to an
inferior position. In fact, he held that South African law was
in process of establishing a separate status for each racial group,
viz. the highest status for the European group, another and
inferior status for Indians and Coloured, yet another and still
lower status for Natives. In view of this, for Indians to be
assimilated to Natives in respect of Post Office facilities was
" humiliating treatment," an injury to their dignitas and status.
In this connection, he quotes Lord de Villiers, C. J., in Moller v.
Kiemoes School Committee (1911, A. D. at 643), as noting the

1 I quote verbatim : Die wet moet verklaar word in die lig van die
historiese, besliste skeidslyn tussen Europeaan and Nie-Europeaan
wat die twee Republieke gekenmerk het. .... Wat die Transvaal
betref, staan dit vas dat Europeane en Nie-Europeane in belangrike
opsigte nog nooit in die o8 van die wet gelyk was nie. Afskeiding
loop deur ons ganse maatskaplike lewe in die hele Unie, b.v. hospital,
begraafsplase, openbare baaie en geriewe, speelgronde, trems, en
taallose ander gevalle (l.c., pp. 176-7).


historic fact that, from the first, the European settlers at the Cape
regarded the aboriginal inhabitants as inferior, and themselves
as entitled to rule over them and to refuse them social and
political equality; and as holding that, however much this
attitude might be regarded as a prepossession or even a
" prejudice from the philosophical and humanitarian point of
view, it is as deeply-rooted as ever among all sections of the
White population, whether of Dutch, English or French descent,
so that we cannot, as judges, who are called upon to construe
an Act of Parliament, ignore the reason which must have induced
the legislature to adopt the policy of separate education for
European and non-European children."
The descriptions which Beyers and Gardiner give of race
relations in South Africa, with a hierarchy of status and dignity
from the dominant White group down to the dominated Native
group, bear out the analysis given in this Lecture. The majority
decision, moreover, makes it clear that there is nothing in the
law of South Africa to prevent the Government from pursuing a
policy of racial segregation, wherever the dominant White
group demands it; and that such segregation need not be
prescribed, or authorized, in so many words by Parliament.
White domination, therefore, is firmly entrenched in South
African law.


Some Figures on Inter-Racial Marriages and Illicit Miscegenation.
The S. A. Institute of Race Relations has compiled, and
published in the January, 1939, issue of its monthly bulletin,
Race Relations News (No. 7), the following Table of Inter-racial
(Compiled from the Report on Vital Statistics of the Union,
1936). The letters in the Table refer to the following types of
marriages :


Male Female
A1-European to Native
B1-European to Asiatic
C1-European to Coloured
D1-Native to Asiatic
Ex-Native to Coloured
F'-Asiatic to Coloured
Year A1 A2 B1 B2 C1 C2
1927 61 3 5 66 18
1928 35 7 5 76 12
1929 15 1 3 64 16
1930 16 1 5 60 15
1931 7 1 1 3 59 14
1932 6 6 63 7
1933 9 7 57 10
1934 7 2 3 47 13
1935 7 2 1 66 15
1936 6 1 6 44 16

Female Male
A2-European to Native
B2-European to Asiatic
C2-European to Coloured
D2-Native to Asiatic
E2-Native to Coloured
F2-Asiatic to Coloured
D1 D2 Ex E2 F1 FI
1 4 180 69 48 3
6 207 90 58 2
1 3 211 91 56 7
3 198 86 62 1
3 179 111 47 5
3 199 119 43 -
4 166 102 47 2
- 7 201 106 48 8
- 4 216 147 54 4
- 8 233 184 62 9

Note.-The mixed marriages at present under investi-
gation by the Mixed Marriages Commission include the A, B
and C columns; the Mixed Marriages Bill of 1936, however,
which was abandoned (and as a result of which the present
Commission was appointed), included within its scope only the
A and B columns.1
Mr. J. Rollnick, the Institute's Librarian, has also obtained
for me the following figures to illustrate the incidence of con-
victions under Tielman Roos' Immorality Act:
Illicit Carnal Europeans Natives Asiatics Other Non- Total
Intercourse Europeans

54 10
42 3

9 59
5 50

-- 63 69
-- 47 53


SPostscript (Oct., 1939): The Report of the Mixed Marriages Commis-
sion (U.G., 30, 1939) has now been published. For a summary
of its findings see Race Relations News, No. 16, Oct., 1939.



1. The Tradition of Trusteeship in South African History.
THE word trusteeship," or guardianship," to name the
proper spirit in which Whites should govern non-Whites,
has come into fashion through the Treaty of Versailles.
When the victorious Allies, instead of annexing the German
Colonies in the good old conquering way, agreed to administer
them as Mandates under the supervision of the League of
Nations, they solemnly laid down that the backward peoples in
these colonies are a sacred trust of civilization." They thus
declared to the world that the chief aim and duty of the Mandatory
Powers should be the promotion of the welfare of the indigenous
inhabitants. Whether the Mandatory Powers should so carry
out this aim as to include the training of their wards for
eventual self-government or independence, was not explicitly
stated.1 Enough that the word trusteeship suggested the
opposite of exploitation and oppression ; enough that it promised
to replace domination in the interests of the conquering and
colonising power by domination in the interest of the conquered;
enough that it called for selfish imperialism to be transmuted
into unselfish devotion to the well-being of the weak and back-
ward, and to sublimate the White man's burden into the
White man's moral opportunity.
Power politics, in the new after-war world, with their
seeking for national prestige, or military strength, or spheres of
economic influence, were to give way to the new ideal of the
White man as the missionary of his higher civilization, bringing
its benefits to those who, in the past, had been the victims, both
of foreign aggression and slavery, and of their own superstition
and ignorance. The task is so vast and the road to its accom-
plishment so long, that the champions of the new ideal may,

x It may, perhaps, be regarded as implied in the not yet of the phrase
peoples not yet able to stand by themselves."


perhaps, be forgiven for not reminding themselves constantly
that it ought to be part of the function of a trustee to help his
wards to grow up, and thus, in the end, to make himself and his
trusteeship superfluous. In fact, trusteeship tends to be
administered as if it were a permanent institution ; as if backward
peoples would always be backward; and as if the relation of
ward to trustee would remain the standing pattern for all time of
the exercise of White authority over non-White protegees.
And yet, it ought to make a world of difference, right down into
the details of policy and administration, whether we think of
trusteeship as temporary or as permanent ; of wards as fit, or to
be made fit, for eventual independence, or as for ever unfit to be
masters of their own fate.
Anyhow, the word trusteeship," and with it something of
the ideal which it names, has spread from Mandates proper to
old-fashioned colonies which have remained Black men's
countries," because for climatic or other reasons no permanent
White population has established itself in them, or seems likely
to do so. Nay, it has spread even to White men's countries,"
like South Africa, where in the midst of a non-White majority
there is a settled White population, regarding the maintenance
of its own privileged and dominant position as essential to its
own self-preservation. Not a promising soil, it may be thought,
for the tender plant of trusteeship to take root in None the
less,it is a sign ofthe times that even our policy of" segregation,"
which its critics so frequently ascribe merely to motives of
repression and domination, is recommended by some of its
advocates as conceived in the true spirit of trusteeship.
When we look more closely into the matter, we find that,
although the word trusteeship is a newcomer in South
Africa's political vocabulary, the spirit for which it stands, even
if it is not as old as White settlement itself, can yet be traced back
very far in the history of that settlement. Friction between
European Colonists and non-European Aborigines began very
soon and increased in range and intensity as White settlement
spread inland, moving North and East from Cape Town. Al-
ready the authorities of the Dutch East India Company,especially
during the 18th century, were forced to pay attention to the


treatment of the Aborigines-at first not yet Bantu, but only
Bushmen and Hottentots--by the Boers," and to issue
instructions for their protection against oppression and violence.
The policy of the Company was to regard the Hottentots as a
free people," in the sense of a people not liable to enslavement,
" who have the legal right of residence in the Colony, and who
must therefore, the same as all other free people, be protected in
their persons, property and possessions." For several years
after 1792, the Company officials at Cape Town supported the
Moravian (Herrenhuter) Mission at Baviaans Kloof(" Genaden-
dal ")-pioneer among Christian Missions in South Africa-
against the hostility of the surrounding Boers.1 Unfortunately,
the Company had very little effective authority in the far-flung
outlying districts; and, no doubt, its motives were mixed: its
policy was inspired at least as much by a desire for inter-racial
good-will, favourable to trade, and inter-racial peace, saving
administrative and military expenditure, as by ideals of justice
and humanity in the dealings of Whites with non-Whites. But,
the latter played their part and prepared the ground for the
introduction, after the English annexation of the Cape, of the
principle of the equality of all men before the law, irrespective of
race (" colour-blind legislation); the abolition of slavery ; and
the emancipation of the Hottentots and Bastards by the
famous Ordinance 50 of 1828, i.e., the gradual improvement in
their economic and legal status, until, by the end of the year
1838, all non-Europeans at the Cape were, in principle, on a
footing of legal equality with the European inhabitants of the
If we are right in seeing in the policy, first of the Company,
and later of the British administration, definite manifestations
of what we now call the spirit of trusteeship," then we shall
also be right in affirming that this spirit is not foreign to the
traditions of the White community in South Africa.
Yet, this affirmation is subject to a very important qualifica-
tion: The spirit of trusteeship is an element in the traditions
1 See J. S. Marais, The Cape Coloured People, 1652-1937, passim ; and
especially p. 111 for the Company's instructions to Maynier, its
last landdrost at Graaff-Reinet; and pp. 134 ff. for the history of
Genadendal in the 18th century.


of White South Africa, not because it is rooted in the soil, not
because it is an indigenous growth out of the experience of
White colonists in contact with non-White peoples, of Chris-
tians in contact with heathens," of civilized men in contact
with primitives, but because it was imported and imposed from
the outside, by officials from overseas, administering a policy
prescribed by an overseas authority, whether Dutch Company
in Amsterdam, or British Government in London. That, none
the less, it should have been so effective during the 19th century
at the Cape as to give rise to the liberalism," with which the
Cape entered the Union and to which the Cape representatives
then hoped to convert the three Northern Provinces, is due, on
the one hand, to the example and educative influence of the
Missionaries, and, on the other, to the Humanitarian Liberalism
which entered the Cape with immigrants from the British Isles
or was brought back to the Cape by South Africans who had
gone to England for their higher education.
Actually, Cape Liberalism was never, in practice, as
completely colour-blind as it was in theory. For, whilst it
could insist that differences of race and colour are, in principle,
irrelevant as determinants of a man's legal status in the com-
munity, in practice culture differences had to be recognized, even
if the recognition was intended to be only temporary and the
need for it expected to disappear with the acculturation of the
non-European population. The principle, equal rights for all
civilized men," did not mean equal rights for civilized and for
primitive men, though, by implication, it laid upon the civilized
the task of civilizing the uncivilized as rapidly and effectively as
possible. Meanwhile, pending this acculturation of the primi-
tives, more particularly of the Bantu, we can note in the legislation
and policy of the Cape during the 19th century an undercurrent
of discrimination on grounds of differences of culture which, in
fact, happened to coincide with differences of race. The most
famous example is the introduction of educational and property
qualifications for the exercise of the political franchise at the
Cape-qualifications defined irrespective of race, but none the
less such that all White men satisfied them normally, and, as it
were, automatically, whilst they excluded the great majority of


Native men who were still raw Kafirs," and made the acquisi-
tion of the right to vote keep step with the slow process of
economic and educational acculturation. That this was a wise
policy is not in dispute : the point here is that it illustrates the
acknowledgment of a difference in level of civilization which, in
fact, coincided with a difference in race. But, it must also be
emphasized that it was still a liberal policy, and that mere
race, as such, was not held to debar a man from rising to the
dignity and privileges of a civilized being, as represented by the
pattern of a European.1
Since Union, 'we have definitely swung away from this
" liberal," in the sense of non-racial, outlook. The increasing
volume of discriminatory legislation in the last thirty years is
based, without exception, on difference of race, not of culture,
and prescribes discrimination to be maintained whatever the
degree of cultural assimilation reached by non-Europeans.
But, we must return to the Missionaries and the Humanita-
rian Liberals who helped, during the 19th century, to create at
the Cape a public opinion at once supporting and supported by
the liberal policy of the Government. Present-day South
Africa owes it to these two bodies of men more than to Govern-
ment policies that there is, as a fact of history, a strain of Libera-
lism in its traditions, however much most South Africans
nowadays resent that strain and strive to disown it.

I How slow the pace of acculturation actually was during the 19th
century, may be illustrated by the fact that the Constitution of the
South African College (now the University of Cape Town), founded
in 1827 as the first institution in South Africa for higher learning
(and for long merely a High School, not a University College),
prescribed that no student was to be refused admission on the
grounds of race, colour or creed, but that the first non-European
student-he happened to be the son of an aristocratic English
father and the daughter of a Xhosa Induna-asked for, and gained,
admission only in 1910. Before this date, however, several non-
Europeans had received a completely European education in Great
Britain-first, and most remarkable of all, Rev. Tiyo Soga, the first
missionary of pure Bantu blood (Gaika tribe); also the first South
African of any race to have his biography written. In fact, he has
had two separate biographers, viz., John A. Chalmers (Tiyo Soga : A
Page of South African Mission Work, 1877) and H. T. Cousins (From
Kafir Kraal to Pulpit : The Story of Tiyo Soga, First ordained
Preacher of the Kafir Race, 1899).


Mission work, though it has to be accommodated at the
present day to the policy of White domination, can from its very
nature be conducted only in a spirit of trusteeship. True it is
that different Missions interpret that spirit differently. Even if
we say that the central core of trusteeship is the paramountcy of
the interests of the wards, it still remains true that it lies with the
White trustee to define what interests are to be made paramount,
and in what way. It is possible-and it is the present practice
of some Missions-to concentrate on the saving of souls," and
to define this "spiritual" interest of the Native wards in such a
way that the system of White domination is not challenged. The
Native Christian is then conceived as remaining a member of a
politically unenfranchised and socially inferior caste. He may
be taught to accept this inferiority humbly as God's will for the
destiny of his race here on earth, whatever may be his status in
the world to come ; though the text In my Father's house are
many mansions," points, according to some, to the practice of
racial segregation even in Heaven.
Other Missions conceive discrimination on purely racial
grounds as incompatible with Christian principles, and interpret
the interests of their wards in the light of the ideal of a Christian
community, governed by the spirit of Christian brotherhood,
for which differences of race count as nothing against common
humanity. On the whole, this has been the predominant
attitude of the great majority of Protestant Missions entering the
South African field from the beginning of the 19th century
The typical representative of this attitude is the famous-
or, as his critics, then and now, say, infamous "-Rev. Dr.
John Philip, of the London Missionary Society. So far as I
know, he never used the word "trusteeship." But, he was
certainly foremost in forcing upon the unwilling attention of
White colonists the point of view which we, nowadays, call
"trusteeship." In championing the cause of the non-European
population at the Cape, both his aims and his methods may have
been open to criticism, though it deserves to be remembered that
he was one of the earliest advocates of territorial segregation,"
recognizing that the friction between Whites and Blacks in his


time was best avoided by keeping the two groups apart and
minimizing contact between them as much as possible. Any-
how, it did not endear him to the White colonists whose attitude
towards the non-White population he criticized so outspokenly,
that his main source of strength lay in an appeal to the public
opinion of another White community, 6,000 miles away, which
was powerful enough to influence the policy of the Government
at Cape Town. None the less, his influence, and that of others
like him, was strong enough to impress on South African history
the stamp of a traditional antagonism between Missionary "
and Colonist "-an antagonism exacerbated by the fact that
the Colonist was a settler and often a descendant of settlers,
whilst the Missionary not infrequently was a newcomer who,
for all that he gave the best of himself for many years to South
Africa, might remain a visitor. The men who had made their
homes in South Africa for good, then as now resented the
criticisms of the uitlander whose heart remained attached to
a home overseas, even if his body did not return there. It has
been one of the misfortunes of South Africa that trusteeship in
the name of Christianity acquired the character of a foreign
importation, alien to the spirit of a White community struggling
for self-preservation by domination against the members of a
non-White race, dangerous by their numbers and their war-like
qualities, and at the same time regarded as unassimilable on the
threefold ground on being black, being pagan, and being un-
The White colonists, especially those of the older stock,
proudly called themselves Christians in a heathen land. In
imagination, as they read their Bibles, they identified themselves
with God's chosen people. As they trekked forth into the
unexplored spaces of the North, they likened themselves to
Israel quitting Egypt for the Promised Land. When confront-
ing a heathen and savage enemy, they drew their inspiration
rather from the battles of Israel against the Philistines than from
the Sermon on the Mount.
The conflict between them and men like Dr. Philip reflected,
at bottom, the difference between an Old Testament and a New
Testament outlook. And, undeniably, the former provided the


apter parallels for White trekkers seeking a place to settle among
men alien in blood, language, culture and religion. It is under-
standable that men, so placed, should think of smiting the
Amalekites hip and thigh," rather than of loving their enemies."
Unfortunately, they did not begin to love their enemies, even
after these had been smitten into subjection, had ceased to be a
military danger, and had begun to become culturally assimilated.
In the midst of such conflicts of races and cultures, the
Missionaries brought to the Natives the gospel of Christ and,
with it, the rudiments of Western civilization. By the example
of their work, and by their appeals for support from White
Christians, they kept alive in the mind of South Africa the
principle that the Native, and not least the Native who has been
Christianized and introduced to civilization of the European
type, is a human being with the rights of a human being. How-
ever irksome it may be to some sections of White South Africa
to be reminded of this principle, and however ill-considered some
of the interpretations given to it, still if there is any response in
present-day South Africa to the moral attitude connoted by
" trusteeship," the Missionaries deserve a large share of the
credit. That we use the secular language of trusteeship, where
they used the idiom of the New Testament, should not blind us
to the reality of this debt.
From the Missionaries, we turn to that other source of the
spirit of trusteeship, viz., the Humanitarianism which the
" liberal thought of the nineteenth century inherited from, and
developed out of, the Aufklaerung of the eighteenth century, as
crystallized spectacularly in the watchwords of the French
Revolution: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. The fact that the
moral roots of Humanitarianism are deep in Christian soil, made
it easy for sincere Christians to respond to the Humanitarian
appeal. None the less, Humanitarianism and Christianity are
logically distinct. It is possible to be a Humanitarian without
being a Christian: men of other religions, even men who would
say of themselves that they had no religion at all, have accepted
the Humanitarian outlook. Epigrammatically, one might say:
the Christian thinks of all men as his brothers in God "-leave
out the words in God," and you have the Humanitarian. The


most famous expression of the Humanitarian spirit is Kant's
second formula for the Moral Law: Treat every rational
being as an end in himself, never merely as a means." Human
beings are rational beings : hence, all human beings are ends in
themselves and to be treated as such. This is the morality of
the New Testament transposed, as it were, from the religious to
the secularplane. On this plane, Christians and non-Christians,
theists and atheists, could meet and co-operate in a campaign for
social reforms, for liberty and justice, for respecting human
nature across all barriers of race and creed and culture. The
Humanitarian, when he came into contact with members of other
races, and especially with non-European races, conquered or in
process of being conquered by White invaders and colonists,
insisted on reminding his fellow-Whites of the claims of common
humanity. The ideal of common humanity was the meeting-
point of Missionary and Humanitarian-the common platform
of all liberals.
Translating the ideals of this liberalism into the present-day
language of trusteeship, we may, not unfairly, say that it sought
to transmute White domination by a sense of moral responsibility
for the development of the non-European peoples which have
come under European rule; that it looked upon domination by
White trustees as essentially temporary and transitory, and
destined to give way either to the admission of the non-White
wards into free and equal partnership with their White trustees ;
or else to their independence in self-governing communities,
released from White over-lordship; that it refused to accept
White domination, unless it could justify itself before White
consciences as a domination exercised in the best interests of the
It is easy to see, in retrospect, that in pressing the claims of
" common humanity," the Humanitarians of all kinds under-
estimated the strength and importance of differences of race,
and, to a lesser degree, of culture. It is easy to see that their
conception of the best interests of non-Europeans under
European rule was based on too facile a belief that the best "
for non-Europeans is to become culturally "Europeanized."
Of course, this interpretation of the best was based on the


tacit assumption that Europeanization, i.e. cultural assimilation
to Europeans, would lead to common citizenship, to equality "
in the social, economic, and political spheres-in short, to an
integrated multi-racial community in which differences of race
would play no greater part than do differences of religion in a
multi-religious State, where liberal" principles take the form
of religious toleration."' In fact, implicitly or explicitly, they
believed in Total Assimilation, including even racial assimilation,
or race mixture. Or, if to believe in," is too strong a phrase,
let me say that, when they thought so far ahead, they do not seem
to have shrunk from that extreme consequence of their attitude ;
that they do not seem to have reckoned it as, in principle, too
heavy a price to pay for the realization of their ideals. Most
probably, however, most of them did not think so far ahead, by
reason, largely, of lack of experience of the awkward and bitter
problems which the living-together of different races within the
same State can raise, especially when an increasingly acute sense
of race differences becomes complicated and exacerbated by the
growth of a class of mixed breeds.
I believe that trusteeship (to use our modern word), as
understood by the nineteenth century Missionaries and Humani-
tarians, tended towards, even if it was not deliberately aimed
at, Total Assimilation, and that the present-day decline and
eclipse of this type of liberal attitude among White South
Africans is the result of a more race-conscious generation realiz-
ing more clearly, and shrinking from, the ultimate consequences
of Total Assimilation. Two powerful motives converge to
harden White opposition to assimilation consistently carried
through: White South Africans want to keep their power and
their dominance ; and they want their posterity to remain White.
If there is to be a fresh dawn for a liberal attitude of mind in
White South Africa, the principles and ideals of Liberalism will
have to be re-thought and re-formulated in the light of this
situation. Meanwhile, even if White South Africa continues in
its present mood of disowning 19th century Liberalism as a
mistaken experiment, nonethe less that Liberalism will have left

1 See further, Lecture III, p. 124


an abiding mark. It will survive in the mind of South Africa as
a whole, because it has become part, also, of the tradition of
educated non-White South Africa, which is drawing the spiritual
weapons for its challenge to White domination mainly from the
armoury of 19th century Liberalism.1
To sum up : Liberalism has been defeated in South Africa
or is, at least, merely fighting rearguard actions as its loses one
position after another, because its representatives, sharing the
limitations of the classical liberal theory, were blind to the spirit
of racial exclusiveness and domination among Whites--which
spirit was strengthened, rather than abated, by the experiences
ofinter-racialcontacts which were so largely inter-racial conflicts.
Looking back, we can discern in eighteenth-century South
Africa the outlines of a caste-society on a racial basis in process
of formation. This development was interrupted at the Cape
under British rule by Missionary and Humanitarian Liberalism,
whilst the Voortrekkers-and also the English settlers in Natal-
renewed the effort to establish a caste-society, with a White
caste at the top. Since union, the caste-society tide has
irresistibly been flowing back over the Cape and overwhelmed
all but a few remnants of the proud old Cape Liberalism.2

2. Trusteeship in relation to Assimilation and Segregation.
Nineteenth-century Liberalism was one of the exports of
Europe to the non-European world. It was carried abroad as
part of that" Expansion of Europe which has led to the greater

1 It is not that the non-Europeans are attracted by, or desire, that ultimate
racial assimilation, or race mixture, which the Whites so much fear.
It is rather that the principles of a Liberalism which has, throughout
its history, fought for the underdog, the disfranchised, unprivileged,
oppressed, inevitably express the aspirations, and evoke the fierce
allegiance, of the unfree under-castes in a caste-society.
SAmong a certain section of Afrikaners, it has become fashionable to
interpret Cape Liberalism as part of British Imperialism; as a
Machiavellian device for defeating the Boers by raising the non-
Europeans of South Africa to the status of equality with Whites.
This grotesque interpretation overlooks that the majority of English
settlers were, and are, as illiberal in race relations as the Boers ; and
that, if Imperialism means White overlordship over Natives
and White appropriation of lands occupied by others, then the
conflict between Boer and Briton was a conflict between Boer
Imperialism and British Imperialism.


part of the habitable surface of the globe being either settled by
European colonists (who in this process most commonly either
extirpated the aboriginal population or fused with them to a
greater or lesser extent); or else, at least, being brought under
European political and economic control.
The sheer vigour of this movement of expansion, continuing
with increasing momentum through three centuries, begat
inevitably a mood of unquestioning confidence in the superiority
of Western civilization, and, by implication, in the superiority
of the carriers of that civilization.
How could it be otherwise ? There was in Europe the
drive of a proselytizing religion, which its Founder had bidden
his disciples to carry to all the peoples of the earth-a religion
claiming to have a message of salvation for all men. That
Christianity is the only true religion, and that a Christianized
and Europeanized Native is a better human being-these are the
fundamental and unquestioned assumptions of the Missionary
and Humanitarian conception of trusteeship ; the very bases of
its conscience. Listen to John Lawrence, of Indian fame:
" We are here by our own moral superiority, by force of circum-
stances, and by the Will of Providence. These alone constitute
our charter of Government: and in doing the best we can for
the people, we are bound by our consciences and not theirs."
White missionary, White teacher, White trader, White colonist,
White administrator-each from his own point of view might
have endorsed this confession of faith with And so say all of

SI add two further illustrations, selected rat random. Sir Philip
Mitchell, Governor of Uganda, is reported to have said recently:
There is only one civilization and one culture to which we are
fitted to lead the people of these African countries-our own: we
know no other, and we cannot dissect the one we know and pick out
this piece or that as being good or bad for Africans. ... Our task,
if we have any faith in our civilization and in ourselves, is boldly to
lead the African peoples forward along the road we are ourselves
following, confident that, if we do that, we shall bring them ever
closer to us in generations to come." And Mr. Charles Roden
Buxton, reviewing W. M. MacMillan's Africa Emergent, in the New
Statesman and Nation (July 9th, 1938),wrote concerning the meaning
of trusteeship : As to the' content which we need to put into the
idea of trusteeship .. it is nothing more nor less than what we
understand by civilization. We cannot teach what we do not know.


By comparison with this confident utterance, we find at the
present day a conception of trusteeship qualified by doubts
concerning the correctness of these assumptions. We are no
longer unanimous, nor one hundred per cent sure, about them.
There is a rift in our consciences, due to the doubt whether
Christianization and Europeanization on the lines of the past
are really in the best interests of the Natives, at any rate within
the framework of a multi-racial society the racial components of
which are, more and more, becoming mutually exclusive castes.
Our old assurance of moral superiority has been badly
shaken. Whether this is the effect of the Great War, and of its
continuance down to the present day under superficially peace-
ful guises ; or of a keener sense that, on every fundamental
question, the White world is divided within itself and disunited ;
or of an uneasy doubt concerning the solidity and value of what
we had become accustomed to call" progress ; or of an aware-
ness of all the evils and imperfections which European civilization
not only has not overcome for its own members, but which
seem inevitably bound up with its very successes and achieve-
ments-whatever it may be, the White world has largely lost
faith in itself. It is no longer confident of the absolute value
of its civilization, and therefore no longer aflame with the mis-
sionary zeal to convert to its religion, or to civilize according to
its pattern, the lesser breeds without the law." In religion,
the hold of the Christian Churches on the White world has
weakened and is weakening. By and large, the White world is
not a Christian world : Christianity is a strand in its tangled web,
but it no longer determines thetotalpattern and design. Neither
its politics--whether national or international-nor its economics
are inspired or shaped by Christian principles. It seems futile,
and even self-contradictory, for Europeans to bring to non-
Europeans a religion which most Europeans themselves make
little effort to practise among each other, and less effort to
practise in their relations to non-Europeans. It seems futile

This applies not only to economics, but to the best system of govern-
ment, the best kind of education, and the best form of religion ....
If we do not know what is best, if we have disturbing doubts as to
whether Western civilization is a good thing or a bad thing, the
sooner we clear out of Africa, the better."


and self-contradictory, in political theory, to profess ideals of
liberty for all men, but in practice to reserve liberty to members
of one race, or one national group, and to deny it to members of
other races and other national groups. It seems futile and self-
contradictory to impose on Natives an economic system which
transforms primitive tribesmen into an industrial proletariat,
when at the same time this system is under violent criticism in
Europe itself, because of the differential advantages which it
confers on different classes within the community and because
of the class-antagonisms which it thereby engenders.
Alongside of these doubts about the value of our own ways
and beliefs, there has developed a new sense of the genuine, if
limited, values in Native and non-European life, which values the
contact with Western civilization almost invariably destroys--all
too often without putting any compensatory values in the place of
those destroyed. There is a new respect among students of
cultures for all forms of culture as expressions of the human
spirit at a given level of development. The objective and
dispassionate study of non-European culture-forms, even if
" primitive," has taught us the inadequacy of the over-simple
argument that whatever is different from European ways and
standards must therefore be inferior, if not downright bad. We
perceive that culture-contact and acculturation are double-edged
processes, more apt to break down than to build up, at any rate
when they take place, as in South Africa and, indeed, throughout
most of Africa, as the result of non-European peoples with
primitive cultures being conquered, and held in subjection by,
European administrators and settlers who combine with their
higher culture a determination to maintain the dominant and
exclusive position of their group, however far the non-Europeans
may progress along the road to acculturation.
To this complex situation there are among members of the
White group complex, and even contradictory, reactions. Some
regard an assimilated culture as nothing better than a sham, a
skin-deep "imitation." Others regret, and even resent, the
destruction of non-European culture forms which, by their
disappearance, seem to impoverish the world, much as the
extinction, or extermination, of some plant-form or animal-form


diminishes the range and variety of the manifestations of life.
Some talk, in semi-mystical language, of destroying the soul "
of a people, or of a culture, by the assimilation of an alien "
culture. Some even give a Christian version of this argu-
ment, viz., that God has created different races and cultures;
that it is His Will that they should maintain and develop them-
selves; that, therefore, the destruction of one race by another,
or the substitution of one culture for another, is an offence
against His Purpose. Others reach the same conclusion, in
non-theological language, from naturalistic premises: there are,
as natural facts, different races and cultures, each race having the
culture uniquely appropriate to its special qualities of mind and
body-let, therefore, each race and culture exist by itself and
" develop along its own lines."1
As a reaction from the arrogant self-confidence engendered
by the immense historic achievement of the expansion of Europe,
this new note of doubt concerning the all-in value of this achieve-
ment, not only for Europeans themselves, but also for other
races and cultures that are feeling its impact, is to be welcomed.
The admission that non-European races and cultures have a
right to exist and maintain themselves ; that they may even need
to be protected against the impact of Europeans and European
civilization, is evidence of a new humility and a new sanity. If
trusteeship in this spirit makes headway, it should make Euro-
peans easier to live with for non-Europeans.
Many, if not all, of the thought currents, analysed above, are
found in South Africa, too. They have produced their most
interesting and significant result when combined with the

2 In its most exaggerated form, this view regards race mixture and
culture mixture as, at once, unnatural and immoral. When acted
on, it leads to attempts to undo the results of such race mixture and
culture mixture as have historically come about. Thus, we get the
present-day German programme of racial and cultural Aufnordung
(promotion of Nordic characteristics)-racially, an attempt to
increase the Nordic components in German blood and stock;
culturally, an attempt to eradicate alien culture-elements, e.g.,
going back in religion to pre-Christian beliefs and rituals; in law,
eliminating the influence of Roman Law and restoring the concepts
and traditions of German law; in culture, fostering all that is
"Aryan" or "Nordic" and casting out all that is Jewish, Asiatic,
Negroid-in one word, un-German.


special experience of the Afrikaans-speaking people. Some of
the keenest minds among the younger Afrikaners have thus been
led to apply to the problem of the relations of Whites and Blacks
in South Africa some of the lessons which they have learned
from the struggle of their own Afrikaner-volk for the preservation
of its identity-its language, its special outlook and traditions,
its soul." Afrikaners know from their own experience what
it is to fight against the loss of all that is their own in the
realms of culture-to fight against influences that came upon
them by conquest and threatened to overwhelm them by their
intrinsic quality and power. For Afrikaners to be willing to
concede to, and indeed claim for, the Natives the same right to
" develop along their own lines which Afrikaners have been,
and are, asserting for themselves, involves a profound revolution
of the traditional Afrikaner outlook on race relations. Tradi-
tionally, the Afrikaner has looked upon the Natives as both alien
and inferior. It would never have occurred to him to see any
parallel between his position and problems and those of the
Native, let alone that he should give the Native the benefit of the
same ideals as those for the realization of which he is fighting in
his own life. The Native to many Afrikaners was a schepsel
(" creature ") not wholly human; standing intermediate, as it
were, between the game and the livestock, on the one side, and
White humanity, on the other. For men who are heirs to this
tradition to advocate segregation in order to secure to the Natives
a fuller recognition of their rights as men, and a fuller opportu-
nity to develop unchecked by the over-riding pressure of White
self-interest under White domination, is surely a phenomenon
at once novel and important.
In the last Lecture, I shall have more to say on this line of
thought. Here I would only-plead with those, both Whites
and non-Whites, who shy off at the very mention of segrega-
tion," not to refuse to examine on its merits this novel Afrikaner
attitude merely because itis expressed in the language of segre-
gation." Segregation has acquired unpleasant associations
for many of us, because all too often we have met, under cover of
it, with the advocacy of measures conceived solely in White
self-interest, and utterly devoid of the spirit of trusteeship.


But, it may be necessary to recognize that there is more than one
interpretation of segregation ; and perhaps it would be better to
select a fresh name in this novel contest, and to speak of separa-
tion rather than of segregation." At any rate, it is a fact
which we must recognize for what it is worth, if we would get a
complete view of South African thought on the problem of race
relations, viz., that there are those who feel driven to explore the
possibilities of segregation, or separation, even at the price of
great sacrifices to be made by White South Africans, because
they are so profoundly convinced that the present system of
domination of Natives by Whites, under which the Native
peoples outside their Reserves are becoming a racially-alien
bottom-caste in the social structure of South Africa, is contrary
to the best interests of Whites and Natives alike ; because they
see in a disentangling from each other of the two races the only
escape from the continuance of a system which, the longer it
lasts, will the more embitter and poison the relations between
Whites and Blacks ; and because they believe that only as self-
contained groups on their own land will the Native pecples be
able to make their own the best that Western civilization has to
offer them, and to enjoy the benefits thereof, in place of the
obstacles and handicaps which must ever hamper their progress
under White domination. This may, paradoxical though it
sounds, be described as trusteeship seeking to realize its ends
through separation; indeed, as separation conceived in a liberal
Perhaps after the shock of this paradox, it will be best to
give ourselves a breathing-space from the theory of trusteeship,
and turn to reviewing some of the manifestations of the spirit of
trusteeship in the Native policy and the current race relations of
South Africa. For better comparison with the manifestations
of the spirit of domination, we shall marshal the facts of trustee-
ship under the same five headings.

3. Trusteeship in the Political Field.
That the provisions of the Natives' Representation Act of
1936 can be fairly brought under this heading, appears perhaps
most clearly from the opposition with which that Act still meets


in certain sections of the White community. It has been shown
in the first Lecture that the representation which the Natives
enjoy under this Act is powerless to affect White domination.
None the less, there are Whites who, if they had the power,
would abolish even this limited system of Native representation
on the ground that it is too great a concession of" equality to
the Natives; and that Natives, so far from being consulted "
or given an opportunity to express their views through spokes-
men of their own choosing, ought merely to accept the decisions
of their White masters and obey orders.
How the new representation will work, and what the Natives
will gain from it, it is too early to tell. The experiment has not
been tried out long enough. Already, Native grievances and
aspirations have been voiced in Parliament more eloquently and
with more knowledge than ever before. In the long run, this
must help to a better understanding of Native needs both in
Parliament and outside it. But, vigorous and competent
advocacy also arouses, and may stiffen, opposition; and so far
the representatives of the Natives, whilst they have had some
successes in securing amendments of proposed legislation, have
had no successes with any important motions of their own.
The most recent motion, in favour of the incorporation of Native
industrial workers in Trade Union organisation and the machi-
nery for wage determination, was voted for by only four
members of the Assembly in addition to the three Native
The exclusion-in the name of "segregation "-of the
Cape Native voters from the White electoral registers may be
regarded as a loss by those who cherish the ideal of equal citizen-
ship, irrespective of differences of race. But, those who face
the fact that there was no prospect at all of an extension of that
ideal to the rest'of the Union, and that meanwhile the continu-
ance of the old Cape Native franchise had an embittering effect
on majority opinion in the White group, cannot but pin their
hopes to the possibilities for good in the new scheme of Native
Under this scheme, the Natives gain two things. First,
the Natives of the three Northern Provinces who have never had


any representation at all, now have two Senators of their own
choice to speak for them, whilst another two Senators are
elected by all those Natives of the Cape who do not vote for
members of the Assemby. And, secondly, the Native voters at
the Cape have now three members in the Assembly whose sole
mandate is to voice the Native point of view and to watch over
Native interests, and who, in doing so, are not, like the represent-
atives elected under the former system by mixed White-Native
constituencies, under any obligation to consider the possible
reactions of their White constituents to their advocacy of the
Native cause.
To these two gains, we must add, as a third under this Act,
the new Native Representative Council, the sixteen members of
which consist of twelve elected by the Natives of the whole
Union, whilst four are nominees of the Government. True,
the functions of the Council are purely advisory: its resolutions
do not bind the Administration; its recommendations may be
ignored by Parliament. On the other hand, the Act provides
that all legislation affecting Natives must be submitted to the
Council before it is introduced into Parliament, and so must the
estimates of expenditure out of the Native Development and
Trust Fund. Thus,the Council has an important constitutional
function to perform, and may well develop into an organ for the
expression of Native opinion fully as valuable to the Natives as
are their White representatives in Senate and Assembly.1 Of
both the Council and the representation in Parliament it must be
said that their usefulness depends very largely on the good-will
with which their statement of the Native case is received, and
1 The Council, too, is still in the experimental stage. The Government
itself still has to learn how to make the best use of it. The mental
pace of the Native representatives in discussion is slow and delibe-
rate, both by reason of Native tradition in unhurried Native tribal
councils, and because the details to be discussed are put before the
members of the Council in the technical terms of a European
language. There have been complaints, too, that documents,
anyhow difficult for the members to understand and master, have
not been circulated in time for full study before meetings of the
Council, let alone in time for the contents of such documents to be
made known to, and discussed with, other Native leaders. There
is room still for improving the efficiency of the Council as a link
between the Administration and the public opinion of the Native


that they can render to the Natives no greater service than to
create and maintain this good-will.
In view of what was said in the first Lecture concerning the
autocratic powers which the Government has for dealing with
the Native population by Proclamations, it is only fair to say that,
with few exceptions, the officials of the Native Affairs Depart-
ment show a genuine spirit of trusteeship-within the limits, of
course, prescribed for them by the established policy, the avail-
able funds and the ever-present thought of criticism in Parlia-
ment and in the White press. It would be absurd to minimize
these limits: but it would be equally absurd not to acknowledge
that, even within these limits, sympathetic administration of the
law, in a spirit of trusteeship, can do a great deal. The autocratic
powers which the Government has on paper, and which in an
atmosphere of bad race relations it would certainly use for the
maintenance of White domination, are in an atmosphere of good
relations frequently used for Native benefit, in accordance with
the wisest, rather than with the least wise, tendencies in White
public opinion. Natives themselves often fail to realize this,
mainly because the general policy for the administration of which
the Department is responsible, is so unpopular, not least among
the educated Natives, that the Department does no always get
the credit which it deserves. It could not well be otherwise in
a system in which the interest of White domination restricts the
opportunities for the spirit of trusteeship to do its beneficent
work more freely.
Again, notwithstanding the sweeping terms of the laws
which arm the Government with power to suppress subversive
and seditious propaganda-of which, incidentally, there is much
less, and that little much less effective, than scare-mongers would
have the White public believe-among the Native population,
in fact the Native press, printed very largely in one or more of
the Native languages, is farless restricted in its utterances than
might have been expected. A survey of the chief Native news-
papers will soon show that to a very considerable degree they
enjoy the benefit of the freedom of the press." One can find
there astonishing examples of sharp outspokenness in comment
on, or criticism of, the actions of the Government or the attitudes


of the White community in race relations. To this extent, the
educated section of the Native community, which is most
concerned here, does enjoy rights of free speech and free press
which, under a system of domination, are definitely to be set
down on the credit side of the ledger. The trustee, at any rate,
does not prevent his wards from grumbling aloud No
doubt, this liberal attitude is made easier by the facts that
even the most popular of Native papers has only a limited
circulation; that it does not touch the mass of raw," i.e.,
uneducated, Natives ; that its influence, therefore, is not danger-
ous; and that most Europeans never see a Native paper and
could not read most of it, if they did see it, so that they can take
no offence at what they do not know. Still, the fact remains
that the Native press enjoys under White domination in South
Africa a much greater freedom than would be allowed to it under
any totalitarian form of Government.
With public meetings and speeches at such meetings the
police interferes more readily, but the Government has shown
little desire to use against the Native press the ample powers of
suppression which it has in reserve. Even when we make every
allowance for tact and discretion on the part of the editors and
managers of Native papers; still, it remains true that denial of
free speech and free press is not one of the disabilities and
handicaps imposed on the Native peoples by White domination.
May we not put this down to the spirit of trusteeship ? Even
granting that the White trustees do not pay much attention
to their wards' opinions, at least they allow them to have opinions
and to utter them-a privilege which White men in many White
countries have completely lost at the present day.
Turning more directly to the evidences of trusteeship in
recent legislation and Government activity, one may refer, by
way of illustration, to the recommendations of the Departmental
Commission on the administration of the Pass Laws, which, if
adopted by Parliament, will go some way towards removing, not
indeed the grievance of the Pass Laws itself, but at least the
many grievances incidental to the administration of the Laws as
they now stand. E.g., it will be a great relief if tax-defaulters
are enabled to work off their arrears on public works, instead of


the present system by which they are sent to prison for non-
payment and, on release, are still liable for the tax, without any
certainty of employment by the wages from which they might
discharge their liability. The Pass Laws are an instrument of
domination; but the desire to make the burden of these laws as
light as possible, and to minimize the friction which now con-
stantly arises from their enforcement, may be fairly put down to
the spirit of trusteeship. After all, it is incompatible with that
spirit that South African prisons should be filled to overflowing
with Natives who are punished for an offence which carries no
moral stigma in Native minds,so that they merely feel themselves
to be the victims of the White man's machinery for keeping them
in subjection.
The chief evidence, however, for the spirit of trusteeship is
the Native Trust and Land Act of 1936. No doubt, it is part of
the Country's segregation policy, and as such objectionable to
all who, in principle, object to segregation. But, as has already
been suggested in connection with domination," the situation
is rarely so clear and simple as some critics see it. The policy
of establishing Native Reserves has in the past been approved by
many liberal thinkers as a measure of trusteeship. In these
areas, the settlement of Europeans and the acquisition of land by
them is possible only with Government permission, which in
principle is given only when, and where, such permission can be
shown to be to the advantage of the Natives concerned, e.g., for
a mission station and school, or for a trader's store. Land
included in a Reserve is, thus, guaranteed to the Natives and
protected against European acquisition: had sale in the open
market been permitted, there can be no doubt that all the best
land would by now have passed into European possession.
There is also a not negligible sentimental value in preserving for
a tribe the land to which it is attached because that land contains
the graves of the ancestors, especially those of the chiefs family.
Further, preservation of the land also helps to maintain tribal
cohesion, and thus slows up the disintegrating process of
" detribalization." If all Native lands had been broken up and
dispersed among European owners, the mass of Natives would
have become either labour tenants on European-owned farms,


or drifted into the towns to accelerate the growth of an urban
Native proletariat, living in slum conditions. The steadying
influence of tribal traditions and discipline, severely strained as
it is even now, would long ago have been completely lost under
the alternative policy. Lastly, the existence of Reserves in
which tribal organization is still a living thing, makes it possible
to give the Native population a share in the local government of
their area. The Bunga, or Transkeian General Council, is the
most conspicuous example, and sets a standard for Councils
With the growth of population, the existing Reserves have
long been overcrowded, and more land has been for years
the most pressing demand put forward by leaders of Native
opinion. In that the Act authorizes the Government to enlarge
the existing Reserves, which total about 10J million morgen, by
the purchase of an additional 71 million morgen, it may, in view
of the considerations just set out, fairly be claimed as a measure
conceived, in part at least, in the spirit of trusteeship. We may
whittle down this judgment as much as we like, by pointing out,
e.g.,thatthese 7millionmorgenaredeclaredto be the maximum
beyond which no further land purchases for Native use are to be
allowed ; that so far only about one million morgen has actually
been added to the existing Reserves; and that, for the current
year, the funds for further purchases have been reduced from
the two million pounds allowed in each of the last two years to one
million pounds; that, in view of the high prices paid for the land
so far acquired, the total scheme will cost far more than had been

1 There exists, unfortunately, no adequate description of the working of
the Bunga as a basis for a critical evaluation of the system. The
brief chapter devoted to the Bunga (Ch. II), in Abraham J. van
Lille's The Native Council System, with Special Reference to the
Transvaal Local Councils (Pretoria: J. H. de Bussy, 1938), hardly
fills the gap. This little book, however, is useful as the only con-
venient account of the Transvaal Councils, their organization and
functions, and of the work actually accomplished by them in respect
of such local matters as water supply boreholess, windmills, etc.);
agriculture (fences, dams, plantations, soil erosion); dipping facili-
ties and measures for stock-improvement; public works, public
health; education; transport; stores; mills; licences; and other
miscellaneous items. (The Sekukuniland Council has even established
a library, stocked for the present mainly with legal works bearing
on Native Law and Administration).


originally calculated ; that it is, therefore, open to doubt whether
Parliament will really see the scheme through; etc. Still, it
remains true that the spirit of trusteeship was one of the most
powerful motives for conceiving this policy and putting the Act
on the Statute Book.
This view may be further supported by reminding ourselves
that the Act makes provision, not only for the purchase of suitable
land, but also for its development. The Act creates a Trust
Fund out of which improvements of the land are to be financed,
both in the old Reserves and in the new additions. By sinking
wells,building dams,constructing roads,preventing soil-erosion,
etc., the land is to be made at once more usable and more
productive, so as to carry a larger population than it does at
present. In addition, the Fund is authorized in general "to
assist and develop the material, moral and social well-being of
the Natives residing in the old and new Reserves (see section
9 of the Act). The income of the Fund is to be derived, partly
from grants made to it from general revenue, and partly from
rents paid for the land, from prospectors' fees and other licenses,
and a few minor sources. It will be noticed that the income
from the land bought does not go back into general revenue, but
flows into the Trust Fund and thus becomes available for the
promotion of the welfare of the Native residents on the land. In
determining how this money is to be spent, the new Native
Representative Council must be consulted; and, whilst the
ultimate decision rests with the Government, as advised by the
Native Affairs Commission, there is clearly scope here for Native
welfare and development to be advanced in the spirit of trustee-
ship, and in consultation with the chosen spokesmen of the
Native wards.
Whilst giving credit where credit is due for evidences of
the spirit of trusteeship at work, we must not, as sober students
of race relations, surrender ourselves to sweet illusions by
thinking that the spirit of trusteeship will not have to battle with
formidable obstacles. After all, the whole land-purchase
scheme depends on Parliament voting the large sum necessary
for carrying it through; and Parliament depends on the White
voters who may not remain steadfast to their declared purpose.


Already, the opposition in Parliament is attacking the spending
on Natives of money which, it claims, ought rather to be spent
on redeeming Poor Whites from their admitted plight. Already
it is complaining of Native land being increased, instead of more
land being made available for White occupation. Already
there are mutterings of fearlest the improvement of the economic
condition of the Reserves will, by removing economic pressure
on the Natives, lead to a reduction of the Native labour-supply
for White farms and White mines, White industries and White
homes. Whether the apostles of trusteeship will be able to hold
their own againstpoliticalpressure of this sort, remains to be seen.
From another point of view, it may be urged that, however
much the spirit of trusteeship may achieve within the framework
of the Native Trust and Land Act, the ideal professed by the
Native Affairs Commission, in its last Annual Report (U.G.
48/1937), viz. the creation of a contented and prosperous Native
peasantry in the Native Reserves, is unlikely to be realized.
The phrase suggests peasant families, winning an adequate
living from the soilby subsistence farming, with perhaps sufficient
cash crops to pay taxes and buy the European goods to which
Natives, in their aspiration after a civilized standard of life,"
have become accustomed. It does not suggest the sort of
peasant life which is so common now among Reserve Natives,
viz. the father and husband being absent from land and family
for prolonged periods for the purposes of earning money wages
in European employment, whilst the farming operations are
being carried on, most inadequately, by his wife and children.1

1 The assumption that every married Native who comes out of a Reserve
to earn wages in White employment, leaves behind him a plot from
which his family is drawing subsistence, is in actual fact very wide
of the truth. E.g., the Native Economic Commission, 1930-1932,
in its Report (U.G. 22, 1932), states At present the general rule in
the Transkei is One man, one lot.' In actual practice this means,
with the scarcity of arable land, and the extensive use of excellent
arable soil as grazing, that individual holdings are from three to five
morgen in extent and sometimes even smaller. On top of this,
there are many married men who have only residential sites, and no
lands whatever. In the seven surveyed districts of the Transkei it
was estimated from the tax records that, in 1928-1929, 11,000
married hut owners had no arable plots. In Victoria East, there
were 1,700 surveyed allotments in 1928, as against 2,776 adult male
Natives (sect. 140).


In short, a prosperous, self-sustaining peasantry, the male
members of which do not need to come out for wage-earning
into the White man's world, is incompatible with the present
economic structure of South Africa which is based on Native
labour, migratory or permanent, and which wants that labour
cheap and abundant. The dilemma before White South Africa
seems inescapable. Prosperous Reserves ought to mean econo-
mically self-sufficient Reserves. But, such Reserves will not
supply a large and constant stream of migratory labourers.
Even as it is, Native workers are scarcer in good seasons than in
The same argument applies to the development of Native
industries in the Reserves, on which a Commission has reported
(Board of Trades and Industries, Report No. 219). If these
industries were really to prosper, they would keep Native
labourers at home in the Reserves, let alone that the products of
these industries might compete with those of the secondary
industries which White South Africa is busy building up, behind
the shelter of tariff walls and, needless to say, with cheap "
Native labour. It is no wonder that, in these circumstances,
the Commission could not see much prospect of success for
Native industries in the Reserves.
I repeat: the dream of prosperous, i.e., economically self-
sufficient, Reserves is in the spirit of true trusteeship. But, itis
a dream which is realizable only at the price of a heavy diminu-
tion, if not a stoppage, in the flow of Native workers into the
White labour-market. Reserves economically insufficient, i.e.,
Reserves in which the inhabitants do not and cannot prosper,
but from which they are forced out to earn money, are alone in
harmony with the requirements of the economic system of
White South Africa.
This is our present system. It suits us. But, it has dis-
advantages for the Natives which, if we could afford to be
guided solely by the spirit of trusteeship, we should assuredly
wish to avoid. On the one hand, the prolonged absences of
actual and potential husbands disintegrate family life; lead to
laxity of sex-morals; deprive the children of paternal guidance
and discipline; weaken the cohesion of tribal life, with many


customs and traditions dying out for lack of men to participate
in them or to sustain them, and with the young men often
returning unsettled, insubordinate, and spoilt by their acquaint-
ance with the excitements of town-life for the duller life of the
kraal or the village. On the other hand, the competition in the
labour-market of the Reserve Native whose wages supplement
the subsistence (however partial) gained by his family from the
land, tends to depress the income of the permanently urbanized
Native who has nothing but his wages from which to house,
feed, clothe himself and his family in some urban location, not
to mention expenses for education, health, recreation.
Thus, whilst acknowledging freely that the policy embodied
in the Native Trust and Land Act is conceived, in part at least,
in the spirit of true trusteeship, we must also recognize frankly
that the path of true trusteeship is beset by many obstacles and
hindrances, and that in the conflict between trusteeship and
dominance, dominance usually prevails.1
Subject to this qualification, it must, however, be put on
record that the Native Affairs Department is spending the
Native Trust and Land Fund, so far as the available money
permits, on such measures as these:-(a) the acquisition of
additional land for the enlargement of existing Reserves;
(b) for the improvement of existing Reserves, soil-reclamation,
checking soil-erosion, veld-improvement, conservation and

1 The Act could never have been passed through Parliament, if it had
not contained provisions appealing to the White farmer by further
regulation, in his interest, of Native farm-labour. Chapter IV,
more especially, empowers the Minister by proclamation, at the
request of the White farmers of a given district, to fix the terms of
service of a Native labour tenant at 180 days per year (not necessarily
consecutive). Inasmuch as in many districts the customary period
of service for a labour-tenant is only ninety days per year, in return
for which he is allowed to build a hut, cultivate a plot of ground,
and run a few head of stock, it will be seen that this allows the rent,
which the Native pays in the form of so many days of work, to be
doubled without any increase in the benefits received by the Native
worker. The first proclamation under this Chapter was made,
last year, in the Lydenburg area of the Transvaal. It led to great
discontent and bitterness among the Native farm-workers, the more
so as those who were unwilling to renew their contracts on the new
terms, were offered only a trek-pass," entitling them to seek a
position on another farm in the district, instead of the accommodation
in the new Reserves to which they thought themselves entitled.


development of water-supplies, etc., (c) The education of
Natives:-better methods of agriculture, so as to increase the
production of food-stuffs: (d) introduction of better breeds of
cattle, so as to increase the milk supply; (e) improvement of
the strain of sheep, so as to increase the wool supply and the
cash income from wool. There is even being established, at
Alice, C.P., a depot for the free supply of milk to Native school
children and hospitals. Undeniably, an excellent "trusteeship "
programme But its realization on a scale appreciably affecting
the lives of all the Natives living in the Reserves will take
many years.

4. Trusteeship in the Educational Field.
That Native education, under a system of White domina-
tion, is, on the whole a poor and inadequate thing, has been
shown in Lecture I.
Here, for the reverse side of the medal, let us remind our-
selves that, if it had not been for Whites filled with the spirit of
trusteeship, whether in its Missionary or in its Humanitarian
form, there would be very little Native education, perhaps none
at all, except what Natives managed to get for themselves on
their own initiative and at their own expense. By education,"
in this context, is meant, of course, education of the European
type-" schooling," given literally in a school," whether it be
training in the three R's, or in simple agriculture and handicrafts,
or in languages, or in geography, history, nature-study, Bible-
study, and other recognized school-subjects. The word does
not refer to the traditional tribal education which the Native
child received by being integrated from an early age into the
domestic and economic activities of the tribe, such as herding
and hunting for the boys, cooking, fetching water, and other
tasks about the huts for the girls, commonly followed by initiation
into manhood and womanhood through participation in an
Initiation School-the only stage in this tribal education during
which the boys and girls were very literally and completely
segregated from the common round of daily life in the tribe.
No doubt, in a sense, this tribal education deserves the praise


bestowed upon it by the Interdepaitmental Committee1 as being
" full of educative experiences." But, however well-adapted
it may have been to the needs of children destined for tribal life,
untouched by the impact of Western civilization and unburdened
by the pressure of White domination, it produced men and
women who from the White point of view were raw and
" uncivilized," and who, if they were to be useful servants and
workers in White employment, had to be re-educated or further
educated. In order to be useful to the White man, the Native
has to learn one or both of the White man's languages, at least
sufficiently to understand orders and instructions; he has to
learn White domestic and agricultural methods ; the handling of
White tools and implements, from pick and spade and plough to
motorcar. The very methods of White government, with their
printed Notices, Regulations, and Proclamations, and their
official letters, presuppose for their smooth working a public
which can at least read. The illiterate Native who cannot read
street-signs and traffic-directions in a White town is at once a
danger and a nuisance.
It was not, of course, for these utilitarian reasons that
education of the White type was first brought to the Natives,
though it is for these reasons that it meets with such grudging
support as is accorded to it by dominant White opinion. The
earliest White educators of the Natives sought to educate them
in order to save their souls. They taught them to read in order
that they might read the Bible for themselves. The Mission-
aries were the first to put the Native languages into writing, in
order that they might translate the Bible into the vernaculars
and thus reach the Natives' hearts through their own languages.
They began the process of detribalization," by insisting on the
sharp distinction between "heathen," or pagan," and
" Christian" morals, and by organizing their converts into
Christian communities, both for better discipline in the ways of
a Christian life, and because, in fact, the convert was a misfit in
tribal society, a rebel, a non-conformist. In evangelizing they
inevitably also Europeanized. The transition from a heathen

1 L.c., section 485.


to a Christian life for the individual, from a heathen to a Christian
community, implied acculturation: it was not only a change of
religion, but a change also in fundamental social institutions,
like the adoption of monogamy for polygyny, not to mention
lesser things, like dress, housing, food. '
Mission schools began as private enterprises, financed for a
long time exclusively from private and voluntary subscriptions.
State-aid came in only much later; and even now the White
State is content to accept the Missions as the main agents, under
its supervision, in Native education. The Interdepartmental
Committee, in its Report, has made an attempt to estimate the
capital sums which have been raised, to-date, by Mission efforts
for Native education.1 The totallisted for thirty-one Missions,in
addition to a small" unclassified "group, amounts to 934,461,
of which Natives themselves have contributed over 41%;
White South Africa, not quite 22% ; and overseas supporters of
the various European Missions, the rest. In short, about
three-fifths of the capital expenditure has come from White
sources. Actually, this calculation by no means represents the
total of White effort. Restricted, as it is, to capital sums, it
apparently omits the very considerable annual contributions
made to running expenses, concerning which no accurate figures
are available. Moreover, it lies in the nature of Missionary
work that much of it is done, either voluntarily without any pay
at all, or in return for mere maintenance of the worker, not for a
salary on the usual professional scale (e.g., the Mission Orders
of the Roman Catholic Church; or Anglican Orders, like the
Community of the Resurrection). And even where the Mission
worker does receive a salary, it is invariably much smaller than
the salaries paid in State schools for corresponding work.
All this goes to show how much Native education owes to
those who devote themselves to it in the spirit of true trusteeship.
Moreover, it would be wrong to stress merely the economic
contributions or sacrifices. What really matters is the devotion,
the enthusiasm, the selfless and unstinting effort and concern
for Native welfare and progress. Work in Native schools does

1 L.c., section 411 ; see Table on p. 79 of the Report.

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