VOCATIONAL NEEDS OF
PUERTO RICAN MIGRANTS
SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH CENTER
UNIVERSITY OF PUERTO RICO
The number of Puerto Ricans in New York City is un-
known, but estimates have reached as high as 35,00J0. Their
problems have be n the ccn :eri of both insular and continental
social workers for manar yearss. The :o-umber has been scoring in
the recent past. Records or persons ent.cring and leaving the
island are available since 19 8. There has been a net ciuf.flow
of 140,333 persons from that y a. until Septe.3ber 30; 1946.
The past three years and three months account for 63,908 or
45.7 percent of the total. Undoubtedly the majority go to the
world's largest city.
Emigration as one of the solutions to the problem of
overpopulation has long been discussed. The difficulties en-
countered by those who leave the island are sometimes forgot-
ten in the debate. The troubles of the migrant should not
interfere with further emigration, but they should be utilized
in formulating a program to grapple with these problems.
The Social Science Research Center believes that the
data herein presented and the analyses and recommendations
made by Dr. Ruiz will aid in the drafting of such a program.
The recommendations are presented as the judgment of a care-
ful student and not as an expression of University policy.
The summaries of material on vocational guidance and educa-
tion will be valuable to many workers in this increasingly
Dr. Ruiz obtained her B.S. degree at the University of
Puerto Rico after attending high school in Aguadilla and
elementary school in Aguada. This report is based on the dis-
sertation submitted as part of her Ph.D. requirements at
Fordham University in 1946.
This is the third publication of the Social Science
Research Center. Nutrition Studies in Perto Rico by Ana
Teresa Blanco and E1 Estudio de il Comunidad by Caroline F.
Ware have already proved their value in aiding research. A
bibliography of Puerto Rican social science material, an
estimate of the sources and distribution of the insular in-
come, a report on the Puerto Rican migrant in St. Croix, an
anthropological study of Lajas and suggestions for an emigra-
tion program are scheduled for publication early in 1947.
SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH CENTER
Clarence Senior, Director
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FOREWORD .... ... .
LIST OF TABLES .
I. INTRODUCTION ...
II. SITUATION AND NEEDS OF PUERTO
RICAN MIGRANTS .
III. SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS .
BIBLIOGRAPHY.. . . .
A. DEFINITION OF TERMS .
B. SURVEY OF RELATED LITERATURE .
THE SUBJECTS, METHODS AND PROCEDURES .
INTERVIEWER'S CHECK LIST .. .
OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF WORKERS
ACCORDING T TTHE C'AS-S.IFYCAT:ON OF
OCCUPATIONS IN THE DITT:ONARY OF
OC0JPATIONAL TITLES, WAR MANPOWER
COMMISSION.. . . .
* S eS
* w a 00
0 0 0
* 0 S
LIST OF TALES
I Reasons why Puerto Ricans migrated to New
York City . . . 5
II Comparison of wages in Puerto Rico and in the
United States. . . 5
III Distribution of subjects according to occupa-
tional groups, .. . ......... 7
IV Distribution of ages . . . 9
V Age according to occupational group. .. . 9
VI Marital status according to occupational status. 10
VII Distribution of employment stability . 11
VIII Employment stability according to occupational
group. . . . 12
IX Analysis of variance of employment stability 13
X Distribution of the religious affiliation of
subjects . . . . 13
XI Distribution of the number of yearsof
schooling. . .. . . . 15
XII Schooling according to occupational status of
individuals. . . . 16
XIII Supplementary training received by subjects.. 16
XIV Supplementary training relation to present job 17
XV Distribution of maximum weekly income . 17
XVI Average maximum weekly earned income according
to occupational group. . . 18
XVII Analysis of variance of income .. . 18
XVIII Knowledge of the English language . 19
XIX Distribution of individuals having a previous
prison record. . . . . 21
LIST OF TABLES Continued
XX X-Ray Diagnosis of 7,140 individuals in
XXI Distribution of preferred activities 25
XXII Distribution of cccupations of fathers and
sons according to occupational.level 26
XXIII Proportion of sobs on the occupational
levels of fathers. . .. .
XXIV Proportion of fathers on the occupational
level of sons. . . 27
XXV Distribution of subjects according to
occupational preferences . . 29
XXVI Women and men placed by the Puerto Rican
employment service ,5 .3..... .. ,. 3 53
XXVII Major occupational groups. . .75
Figure 1. . . 3
According to the reports of the United States Census,1
there were few Puerto Rioans residing in the United States
previous to the year 1910, The number remained comparative-
ly small up to the time of the 1920 census, However, since
1920, Puerto Ricans have migrated to New York in increasing
numbers each year. This movement is a part of the general
migration of workers to urban centers which was started by
the demand for industrial workers during the first world war
and was stimulated later by restrictions placed on European
immigration. 'Although a small number of Puerto Ricans
returned to the island during the depression, the high wages
offered in American industry during the period of the second
world war again accelerated the movement of Puerto Ricans
to the City of New York.
According to an investigation conducted by Chenault,3
most of the Puerto Rican migrants in New York City were labor-
ers in the lower income brackets who had been attracted by
high wages. Many of these came without previous information
concerning the cost of living in the area. About seventy per
cent of them have located in a section of Harlem.4 Like other
similar movements of large masses of people coming from agri-
cultural areas to urban communities, these migrants created
many problems both in the section from which they came and in
the community in which they strived to establish new homes.
This investigation was stimulated by a desire to assist
in the solution of some of the'problems arising from this
Puerto Rican migration. Accordingly, the investigator sought
to ascertain the following:
1. Why individuals from Puerto Rico migrate to the
city of New York.
2. The occupational status of this group of migrants.
3. To what extent age is a factor in occupational
4, The relationship, if any, existing between marital
status and dependents and occupational status.
5. Employment stability as an influence in occupation-
6. Whether religion is a factor which influences
7. The relationship between occupational status and
education or skills obtained in the schools of
8. How occupational status is influenced by cooio-
9. Whether a better knowledge of the English language
is found among the Puerto Rican migrants holding
highly paid jobs.
10. Whether a previous prison record influences the
occupational opportunity of the Puerto Rican
11, Whhether occupational status is influenced by health.
12. The relationship between occupational status and
13. Whether occupational status is in accord with fathers'
14. Whether occupational status is in accord with
In general, the study was designed to determine the
occupational status and to discover the vocational social,
and educational needs of 3,024 white, male Puerto Aicans
who had migrated to the city of New York to work during the
years 1940 to 1944.inclusive, and who live in the area
shown in Figure 1. The terms used are defined in Appendix A.
CHAPTER I.- Footnotes:
United States Bureau of the Census, Birth of the Native
Population, (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Printing Office,
1920), p. 679.
Jo L, Rice Health Problems Among Puerto Ricans in New
York City (New York, unpublished study, 1934), p. 1.
L. R. Chenault, The Puerto Rican Migrant in New York
Cty. (New.York: Columbia University Press, 1928), 180 pp.
Ibld,, pp. 58-60,
Fig. 1 of Puerto Rican Settlement in Harlem, by ensus
''-l" -1'i 1-,-1
random for collecting the sample for this study.
I a ; I I \
Fig. 1. Area of Puerto Rican Settlement in Harl.em, by Census
Tracts. Tracts marked with x were the ones chosen, at
random for collecting the sample for this study,
SITUATION AND NEEDS OF PUERTO RICAN MIGRANTS
This chapter is devoted to an analysis of the results
of the investigation. In order to answer the questions
formulated in the statement of the problem, this analysis is
presented in fourteen sections. The first deals with the
reasons why the Puerto Rican migrants came to the city of
New York. The occupational status of the Puerto Rican is
considered in the second section. Age as a factor that might
determine the occupational status is treated in the section
that follows. The fourth section deals with the relationship
between marital and occupational status. The various impli-
cations involved with employment stability is considered in
the fifth section. Religion, as a factor that might have
bearing on employment status, follows in section six. This
is followed by analysis of the educational background of each
worker in relation to occupational status. The eighth section
includes a careful analysis of the migrant's socio-economic
status. The worker's command of 'the English language as an
influence on his employability is considered in section nine.
The possible influence of a prison record on the employment
of the migrant is considered in section ten. Health, as a
factor which might affect both the life of the migrant as
well as the welfare of the community; is discussed in section
eleven. The migrant's recreational interests are dealt'with
in the section that follows. Section thirteen is an attempt
to trace relationship between the migrant's occupational
status and his father's occupation. The last section deals
with occupational preferences.
The data contained in these sections were derived from
responses made.by the subjects to questions asked during the
Reasons Why Puerto Ricans Migrate
To The City of New York
In order-to determine the reasons why Puerto Ricans
migrate to the city of New York, the following question was
asked to each of the subjects interviewed for this study:
"Why did you leave the community where you lived in Puerto
Rico Ito come to New York City?" A summary of the answers to
this question is presented in the following table.
An inspection of the data presented in Table I reveals
that coonoric distress was by far the most imporant of the
.basic reasons for migration. As can be observed from the
table, seventy-two per ceint of the individuals were in eco-
nomic difficulty through unemployment, seasonal work, rela-
tives who were unable to continue support, reduced wages,
migration of industry, locality too small and inadequate
earnings. Accordingly, the most important reason for the
REASONS WHY PUERTO RICANS MIGRATED TO NEW YORK CITY
: : Per
Reasons for Migration : Number : Cent
Econmmic disrAe?-' 41, 2,177 72
Unemployment.............. ........ ... 392 : 13
Full-time job of definite duration...: 302 10
Seasonal work only...................: 302 10
SRelatives unable to continue support.: 303 : 10
Reduced wages... ..... .. .. ..: 241 : 8
Forced. into lower occupational status: 182 6
Inadequate earnings...................: 152 : 5
Migration of industry, ..............: 120 : 4
Locality too small......... ,.......: 91 : 3
_ Miscellaneous economic difficulties..: 81 : 3
Personal distress.....................: 605 : 20,.
Domestic difficulties ...............: 272 9
To join relatives.................: 242 8
Death of head of family...........: 61 : 2
Other personal difficulties..... ..... 30 : 1
Other reasons......... ... ....... : 242 : 8
TOTAL.............. 3 024 100
migration of the Puerto Rican laborers to the city
York was a search for a higher or steadier income
becomes apparent from an-exaManuio~-niTages paid
Rico. Table II presents a comparison of the wages
Puerto Rico with those paid in the United States.
COMPARISON OF WAGES IN PUERTO RICO AND IN THE UNITED STATES1
: Average Earnings : Average Full-Time
Industry : Per Hour : Weekly Earnings
: P. R, : U, S. : P. R. : U. S
Males. ............. $.147 $: .553 $926 : 30.42
Females............: .187 .298 : 900 : 14.93
Cigarette factories : :
Male~s,............. .345 .378 :1556 : 18.86
Fem.es............: .189 : .268 : 6.76 :13.37
Foundry, machine and
M&ales.............: .16 t .601 : 843 : 0-.23
Males and females.. .145 .701 5,70 : 31.05
In a survey of the wages earned by 70,395 workers, the
Department of Labor of Puerto Ric found that the most -com-
mon wage rate was between twelve and thirteen cents per
hour.2 A little more than fifty-four per cent of these
70,395 workers received wages of ten cents per hour, and
only about one per cent received more than forty cents per
hour. In terms of weekly wages, this means that more than
fifty per cent of these workers earned about five dollars
per week. The poor economic condition of the Puerto Rican
worker, may be easily understood from these facts. If the
high wages prevailing in the United States have in the past
attracted workers from Europe, it would seem that this
attraction would be doubly effective in the case.of the
In addition, many Puerto Ricans have migrated to New
York to escape personal difficulties. From the group select-
ed for this study, as can be observed from an inspection of
Table I, twenty per cent chose New York City as their place
of destination because they had some domestic difficulty
such as death of head of family, divorce, separation from
husband or wife, or the problem of joining relatives.
Relatives and friends already in the United-S-tatee-have
exert' d tTongn-eup o ntji~hea- Purt -tRican -labo r e r- m i-
grants. Almost everyone h-ad some friend 0or relative, or had
known someone whco had gone ..to. the United. States ah'nric secure
employment. It is not difficult to imagine the effect--of-a-
letter from a boy in New York to his friend in the city of
San Juan who is receiving little or no wages at all, telling
him that he has secured a factory Job which pays thirty
dollars a week. It is to be expected that many of these
letters would tend to exaggerate the success of the migrant
who has just 'come to New York. Many of the people in the
island think that if they could get to a place where they
might earn four or five dollars a day, all of their poverty
and distress would be at an end. As might be expected,
slight consideration is given tb the amount of goods this
money would buy, to the taxes which must be paid, and to the
requirements of the climate and life in a large city.
Another reason for the migration of Puerto Ricans to
New York may be found in the transportation facilities from
Puerto Rico to New York. The most important trade routes
are between San Juan and New York- rather than between San
Juan and other ports such as Tampa, Galveston or New Orleans.
The cost of passage in the small boats as a rule is low and
there are several boats each week which bring passengers.
Workers frequently secure passage by working on the boats.
On the faster boats, the travelling time is only about
three and a half days. The lowest cost of passage is forty
Occupational Status of the Puerto Rican Migrants
The 3,024 individuals studied in this investigation were
distributed according to the classification of occupations
contained in the Dictionary of Occupational Titles.0 Table
III presents this distribution.
DISTRIBUTION OF SUBJECTS ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS
Group :Description :Number:Cent
I : Professional and managerial 121 : 4
II : Clerical and sales occupations: 212 : 7
III :Service occupations : 635 : 21
IV : Agricultural, fishery, forestry: 30 : 1
V Skilled occupations : 33 : 11
VI : Semi-skilled occupations :846 : 28
VII : Unskilled occupations .847 : 28
TOTALS............ 3,024 .100
Of the total group studied, only four per cent could be
classified within professional and managerial group of occu-
pations. This group was made up of musicians, pharmacists',
teachers, photographers, and nurses.4 According to a commer-
cial directory5 published in 1940, there were about sixty
physicians, fifty-four lawyers, forty-one dentists and some
other Puerto Ricans engaged in professional occupations,
living in New York. This group, however, lives outside the
boundaries of the area studied in this investigation.
According to the data presented in Table III,.seven per
cent of the subjects were engaged in clerical and sales oc-
cupations. In the commercial directory6 mentioned above,
the grocery business is a frequent choice of many individuals
within this group. About 250 grocery stores, known as
bodegass", are listed in this directory. In addition, Puerto
Ricans were working in fifty-six meat markets, forty-five
tailor shops, sixty-six drug stores, seventy restaurants,
forty-five barber shops and twenty-two cigar stores. The
postal service in New York is reported to have 203 Puerto
Ricans employed in its various departments.7
Twenty-one per cent of the 3,024 subjects studied were
working within the service occupations group, in such jobs
as waiter, porter, doorman, cook, silver-man, bus boy, dish
washer, elevator man and messenger,8 while only one per cent
was engaged in the agricultural, fishery,and forestry group
Only eleven per cent of the total number of the indivi-
duals studied in this investigation were engaged in skilled
occupations, while fifty-six per cent were engaged in occupa-
tions classified Within the gemi-skilled and unskilled group
of occupations4 The Puerto' Rican laborer is a newcomer in
the American labor market and experiences his greatest 'handi-
cap in his lack of skill and vocational training.2-
During the war, because of the demand for labors the
majority of the workers from the island found it comparative-
ly easy to secure work of some sort. Before the wart the two
chief employers of Puerto Rican laborers ih New York were a
biscuit company and a pencil factory,9 Puerto Ricans have
also'been engaged in laundry and handicraft work. Before the
depression period., the salary of the Puerto Rican WOrker was
usually small In one investigation conducted in 1925, it
was corcltded that
The average Wage of the group o' Spanish-
speaking workers, including Puerto Ricans, in;
New York City was around twenty-one dollars per
week. There were some men working for as little
as ten or twelve dollars per week, and women and
girls were earning in some instances as low as ,
eight dollars pei week,
Before 1930 unemployment was common among the group,
There were at that time few agencies which took an interest
in the problems of the Puerto Rican worker. He was allowed
to drift and did not, in many instances, know where and how
to find work4 In practically all cases he was forced to
take the first job that was offeredihim; The depression
greatly complicated his problem. Pome of the racial groups
who gave up their jobs to the Puerto Rican have now c6me
back to reclaim their former jobs,
TO the totai group Of 3,024 ind4iduais studied in this
investigation, forty.-dne per cent obtained their present
jobs through t e United States Employment Servie, twenty-
fodXi per 4ent through friends and relatives, twenty-two per
cent through hewspape addvertisemeht, twelve per cent through
social and private agencies and ohe per cent thr6dgh recom-
mendation of previous employerbi
Age as a Factor in Occupationhi,.$gth
In age, the 3,024 individuals studied in this investiga-
tion ranged from fifteen to sixty years, Table IV presents
DISTRIBUTION OF AGES
Age Grouping in Years Number : Per Cent
60-64 34 1
55-59 31 1
50-54 : 241 8
45-49 302 10
40-44 62 12
35-39 1209 40
30-34 544 18
25-29 181 6
20-24 30 1
15-19 : 91 3:
TOTAL...... 3024 100
Seventy per cent of the subject studied were between
thirty and forty-four years of age, indicating a group not
within military draft age. Of the 302 individuals between
the ages of fifteen and twenty-nine, ninety-one had not yet
been drafted at the time of the investigation, and 211 had
been rejected due to physical handicap or to failure to meet
the minimum intelligence requirements of the Army.
The ages of the subjects within each of the seven groups
of occupational status were determined. Table V presents the
distribution of ages of the subjects according to their occu-
AGE ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL GROUP
Occupational : Number of : Mean Age : Standard
Group Subjects = Deviation
I 121 : 38.69 : 3.21
II 212 : 2770 : 3,06
III 635 : 34.11 : 7.61
IV 3 50 : 3286 : 42
V 333 : 48.46 4.42
VI 846 : 37.62 4,78
VII 847 : 35.36 : 3.56
An inspection of Table V reveals that the individuals
in Group V, the skilled occupations group, were the oldest.
The mean age for this group was 48.46 years. The indivi-
duals in Group I, the professional and managerial group,
ranked second in age. The mean age for this group was
3P.69 years. Third in age were the individuals classified
within group VI, the semi-skilled occupations group. The
mean age of this group was 37.62 years. The individuals in
group VII, the unskilled occupations group, come next with
a mean age of 35.36 years. Fifth in age were the subjects
classified within group III, the service-occupations group.
The mean age of this group was 34.11 years. The individuals
in group IV, the agricultural, fishery and forestry group of
occupations ranked sixth in age. The mean age for this group
was 32.86. The youngest individuals were found within group
II, the clerical and sales group. The mean age of this group
was 27.70 years.
When the coefficient of correlation was computed be-
tween age and occupational status, the resulting coefficient
was -.19. This low negative relationship indicates that no
direct relationship existed between the age of the subject
and his occupational status.
Relationship Between Marital Status AkD Dependents
ad -Occupational Status
For the purpose of analyzing the data on this aspect
of the study, the individuals in the investigation were
divided into two groups:
(a) single men having no dependents,
(b) married men with dependents.
Table VI shows the number of each class within the var-
ious occupational groups.
MARITAL STATUS ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL STATUS
Occupational :Number :Per :Number :Per :Total Number
Group :Single :Cent:Married:Cent :Single / Married
I 18 2 129 6 147
II 105 12 107 5 212
III 61 7 580 27 641
IV 18 2 18
V 343 16 343
VI 184 21 666 31 850
VII 491 56 322 15 813
Totals 877 100 2,147 100 3,024
Of the total of .,1i4. ffmar.d ed men, the largest per-
centage, that is thirty-one per cent, is found within Group
VI, the semi-skilled occupational group; the second largest
-- twenty-seven per cent -- is found within Group III, the
service occupations group. Seventy-seven per cent of the
single men were employed in Groups VI and VII, the unskilled
and semi-skilled occupations. In Group I, the professional
and managerial group, there were six per cent of the married
men, while there were only two per cent of the single men.
No single men were found within the skilled occupations group
and no married men within the agricultural, fishery and
To determine whether a significant relationship existed
between occupational status and marital status, the Chi-
Square technique was applied. The Chi-Square result of 33.12
was obtained, while the degrees of freedom were six. For six
degrees of freedom, Chi-Square equals 16.81 and the observed
Chi-Sauare is so much larger that the null hypothesis that
occupational status is independent of marital status, is
rejected. Therefore it is possible to state that occupation-
al status is related to the marital status of the individual.
The index of employment stability of each person was
found by dividing the length of time on the job held longest
by-the total possible length of work experience. A single
occupation held during the entire working life of an indivi-
dual would be rated 100 per cent, while the frequent changing
of Jobs would lower the index of stability.
Table VII presents the data concerning the employment
stability of the subjects of this investigation. It can be
observed from an inspection of the table that thirty-nine
per cent of the individuals held one job less than one-fourth
DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYMENT STABILITY
Index of Employment
Stability : Number : Per Cent
95-100 30 1
85-94 30 1
75-84 91 5 3
65-74 : 30 1
55-64 91 3
45-54 151 5
35-44 i 544 : 18
25-34 876 29
12-24 635 21
4-14 L 546 : 18,
TOTALS........ 3,024 1 00
of their totel 'orhing life. Twenty-nine per cent of the
group had an index of stability between twenty-five and thirty-
four, eighteen per cent between thirty-five to forty-four,
five per cent between forty-five to fifty-four, three per cent
between fifty-five to sixty-four, one p-er cent between sixty-
five to seventy-four, three per cent between seventy-five to
eighty-four, while one per cent had an index of stability
between eighty-five to ninety-four. It can be observed also
that of the total number of casEs, only one per cent had an
index of employi:ient stability of 100 per cent.
Various degrees of stability were found to exist among
individuals within the several occupational groups. This
fact can be observed fror.i an inspection of Table VIII which
presents the data concerning stability of employment accord-
ing to occupation.
EMPLOYMENT STABILITY ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL GROUP
Occupational IIum ibr of Mean Index of Em- Standard
Group : Cases ployment Stability :Deviation
I 121 80.86 45
II : 212 :47.74 : 17.@3
III 635 28.01 : 14.75
IV : 30 44.79 : 1.21
V 333 34.80 : 9.21
VI 846 21.55 : 17.28
VII 847 :25.58 : 12.44
The individuals within Group I demonstrated the highest
stability, while among the subjects in Groups VI and VII
there was less stability. Possible reasons for this difference
in stability are the lack of vocational training and absence
of vocational guidiPice 'runcng the individuals oi these groups.
A coefficient of correlation of .35 between employment
stability and occupational status was found. This correla-
tion is low and indicates th'At t.:ie: employment stability of
the individuals studied in this investigation has little rela-
tionship to occupational status.
The- analysis of variance proc-d'dure was used to test the.
significance of the variation of the means of the group.
Table IX presents the results of the application of this
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF EMPLOYMENT STABILITY
Variation : Degrees of : Sums of the Variance
Among groups...: 6 5,452 1090.4
Within groups...: 3017 : 1,452,608 :
TOTALS...... 3023 1,458,060 9
F equals 1,69
The analysis of variance indicated that the differences
in the means signify real differences in the population and
that they are not due to chance alone or to errors in sampling.
This means that the employment stability of an individual is
associated with variation in the occupational status of the
person. It is concluded that employment stability might be
considered to be a source of variation in determining the
occuuation.al status of the individuals studied in this inves-
The individuals studied in this investigation were grouped
according to their religious affiliation. Table X presents
the data concerning the religious affiliation of the 3,024
DISTRIBUTION OF THE RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION OF SUBJECTS
Religious Affiliation Number Per Cent
Catholics,........,, 2,206 73
Protestants ........: 695 : 2
TOTAL,.......... 2,901 96
Data not obtained... 123 4
Of the group of 3,024 subjects studied in this investiga-
tion, seventy-three per cent were Catholics, while twenty-
three per cent were members of various Protestant denomina-
tions. Four per cent refused to give any information concern-
ing their religious affiliation. As can be observed, the
Puerto Rican rmig.ra.nt is usually Catholic in his religion, but
!Lainy of these migrants have no forrml affiliation with the
Catholic church in New York.3 Many of the priests and ministers
of the churches located in the section of New York in which
the subjects resided have stressed the lack of contact with
the church on the part of a large number of the group.1,
Catholic workers have found that a greater need for religious
instruction existed among the Puerto Ricans than among other
Spanish-speaking groups. They have found likewise that many
couples nominally Catholic have been married only by civil
ceremony, and it is not uncommon to discover among the Puerto
Ricans a child of four or five years of age who has not been
baptized.' One Puerto Rican social worker who has lived for
many years in the Harlem section in which the investigation
was conducted and who is in almost daily contact with one
hundred and fifty Puerto Rican families12 believes that this
lack of contact with the Catholic church in New York is due to
the zeal of Protestant and non-sectarian organizations which
are working among the Puerto Ricans, and perhaps to the lack
of contact by Catholic agencies. Another social worker13 ex-
plained the lack of religious influence by the many attrac.-
t1ons of a large city which tend to divert the Puerto Rican
from religious service and an interest in church affairs.
When the Chi-Square test was computed between the occu-
pational group levels I to VII, and religion divided into two
.categories -- (1) Catholics and (2) Protestants -- the follow-
ing results were found:. Chi-Square equaled 9.192 and the
degrees of freedom equaled 2.
Two degrees of freedom in the Chi-Square tables is equal
to 9.21 and the observed Chi-Square computed between the occu-
pational status of the group and religion is 9.192, These
results indicate that the hypothesis that the relationship
between these two factors is zero is retained and that the
two factors are independent of each other. It can be con"
eluded, therefore, that religion is not related to occupation-
al status, but that the two distributions are independent.
Education consists of building up in the individual an
organization of knowledge and skills, of habits and attitudes,
of virtues/and ideals which will aid in fulfilling life's pur-
poses. The chief aim of education is to help each person to
make of himself the best that it is possible for him to become.
To help toward the achievement of this aim, the school is or-
ganized into different levels such as elementary school, high
school, and college.
Table XI presents the distribution of the subjects
studied in this investigation according to the number of years
of formal schooling received, The distribution shows that
only one per cent of the group studied in this investigation
graduated from college, while one per cent completed one year
in college, eight per cent grPduated from hiFh school, twenty-
four per cent attended high school for one or more years but
did not gred'inte, five per c,-nt g~ir'F.at-d from elemintr'r
school, Pnd rjxty-one per cent attended elementary school,
completing grades ranging from the first to the seventh. The
aver~.'Le nu.mbF-r of yePr! of schooling of the 3,024 individuals
studied rengEca from four to six yeers.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE IlUMI-ER OF YEARS OF,SCHOOLIING
,Number of Years : Per
Schooling Attended School ': umber Cent
College graduate.......... ,16 30 i 1
Three years in college....: 15 -
Two years in college.......: 14 -
One year in college.......: 13 : 30 : 1
High school graduate.......: 12 :242 : 8
Three years in high school. 11 : 241 8
Two years in hi;h school,..: 10 :183 : 6
One year in high school,...: 9 302 : 10
Elementary school L.rbdiate.: 8 : 156 : 5
Seven years in elementary..: 7 : 182 : 6
Six years in elementary..,.: 6 484 : 16
Five years in elementary...: 5 489 : 17
Four years in elementary...: 4 211 : 7
Three years in elenimntary., : 3 242 : 8
Two years in elementary....: 2 172 : 5
One year in elementary.....: 1 : 60 : 2
TOTAL,.......: 3024 100
When the schooling of the individuals was listed accord-
ing to their occuo-,tional status, there was an evident gradual
incVrease in th= nli,iber of years of formal school training at
each group level. The smallest amount of formal. school train-
ing had bFen received by the subjects in the unskilled occu-
pations,Group VIII, namely 5,57 years. The mean of the years
of schooling increased at each of the successive levels and
the largest, that is 12.72 years, is fo-nd among the Jbjects
of the professional and nantgerial occupations GCroup 1.
Table XII presents the data concerning '.his distribution.
An obtained coefficient of correlation of .66 between
occupational status and cd1ucntion indicates that a hi-i; re-
lationship exists between these two factors of occupational
status and formal training.
SCHOOLING ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF INDIVIDUALS
Occupational Number of Mean of Years Standard
Status Individuals of schooling Deviation
I s 121 12.72 1.52
II 212 11.30 : 1.00
III 635 8.08 2.52
IV 30 8.01 .41
V 333 9.67 1.22
VI : 847 :6.19 : 2.23
VII 845 : 5.57 : 2.14
In addition to the number of years of schoolin,' 663 in-
dividuals indicated during the interview that supplementary
training had been received. This supplementary training in-
cluded vocational and trade courses within the fields of me-
chanics, masonry, drafting, painting and tailoring. Two
hundred and three individuals had received this training while
attending night schools in Puerto Rico while 460 received it
while attending night schools in New York. Table XIII presents
the data concerning this supplementary training.
SUPPLEMENTARY TRAINING RECEIVED BY SUBJECTS
Months in Training Number of Individuals Petr
12-17 146 : 22
6-11 279 :42
0-5 171 : 26
TOTALS...... 663 100
Only 275 individuals of this group, having some supple-
mentary training in vocational subjects, indicated that at the
time the investigation was conducted they were working in jobs
related to the supplementary training they had acquired,
Table XIV presents the data concerning this distribution.
SUPPLEMENTARY TRAINING RELATION TO PRESENT JOB
Name of Occupation Number of Individuals
Mechanics....... 151 60
Painters.......: 82 29
Tailors ........ 31 9
Draftsmen......: 11 2
TOTAL....... 275 100
.-. ., ,l *i, .;:i, ,, I- r 1 ; -
In general this section of the-study, concerning the re-
lationship of education to occupational status, indicated that:
1. There exists a high degree of relationship between
education and occupational status.
Most of the individuals were in the semi-skilled and
unskilled.occupational groups and in these groups the
average nu:.ber of years of schooling ranged from four
to six years of schooling in the elementary grades.
3. Six hundred and sixty-three individuals indicated that
supplementary training in such vocational subjects as
mechanics, masonry, drafting, painting and tailoring
had been received. Two hundred and seventy-five indi-
viduals of this same group stated that they were work-
ing in jobs related to the supplementary training
The economic status of the 3,024 subjects studied in this
investigation was determined by the weekly wage received from
the jobs which they held. Table XV shows the distribution of
weekly income of the subjects.
DISTRIBUTION OF MAXIMUM WEEKLY INCOME
Highest Weekly Wages :Number of Individuals: Per Cent
7079 20 .72
60-69 20 .72
50-59 117 4.28
0-49 323 : 10.73
30-39 792 : 27.13
20-29 1466 : 47.00
10-19 195 : 6.42
Data not given.....: 91 3.
TOTAL....... .. 3024 100,00
Of the 5,024 subjects participating in this investigation,
1,466 or 47 per cent of the .rcoup earned between $20 and $30
weekly; 792 or 27 per cent, between $30 and $3e; 480 or 16.5
per cent above $40; 195 or 6.42 per cent between $10 and $19.
Ninety-one subjects or three per cent of those studied refused
to give this information during the interview.
When the 5,024 subjects in this investigation were dis-
tributed according to occupational status, there was evidence
of an increasing income accompanying a rise in occupational
status. Table XVI presents this data.
AVERAGE MAXIMUM WEE::.L EARNED INCOME
ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL GROUP
Occupational Nur:ber of Mean Income. Standard
Status Group : Individuals : in Dollars :Deviation
I : 147 41.56 : 15.06
II : 205 32.2 9.35
III : 655 : 29.12 : 7.65
IV : 21 32.11 2.13
V : 351 37.57 : 8.63
VI 791 29.65 : 6.15
VII 762 : 25.12 : 7.61
A coefficient of correlation of .46 between weekly income
and occupational status indicates that there exists a low re-
lationship between the income and the occupational status of
the 5,024 subjects studied in this investigation.
The analysis of variance procedure when applied,-showed
that the differences in means signify rpe.l differences in the
population, which were not due to chance alone. Table XVII
presents the analysis of variance data for income.
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF INCOME
Variation Derees of Sums of Squares Variance
Among groups....: 6 1.6,087.8 :22,631.3
Within groups...: 2926 : 1,274,585.2 : 401.3
TOTAL.....; 29352 1,410,675.0
F equals 56.12
o ; :----\
According to the statistical tables for 2,;32 degrees of
freedom, F equals 56.12. Since the obtained F is significant-
ly larger than 1, the null hypothesis that the relationship
between these two factors is zero, is discarded. The differ-
ences in the means signify real differences. Therefore, income
might be considered to be a source of variation in determining
the occupational status of the subjects of investigation.
Knowledge of the English Language
During the interview with each of the individuals parti-
cipating in this investigation, several questions in relation
to knowledge of the English language were asked. Table XVIII
presents the data concerning the knowledge of English of the
subjects, listed according to the occupational status.
KNOWLEDGE OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE
Knowledge of English Language Number Per Cent
1. Speak, read and write..........: 635 : 21
2. Read and write with much
difficulty in speaking.......: 1059 : 35
3. Speak and read (with :
difficulty)..................: 668 : 22
4. Speak only a few words........:. 662 : 22
TOTAL...,........ 3024 100
The Chi-Square technique was used to determine the rela-
tionship between knowledge of the English language according
to the classification presented in Table XVIII and the occu-
pational status of the subjects. The following results were
*found: Chi-Square equaled 211 and degrees of freedom equaled
Sixteen degrees of freedom in the Chi-Square tables is
equal to forty-five and the observed Chi-Square compufd between
the occupational status and the knowledge of English is 211.
These results indicate that the hypothesis that these two
factors are independent of each other, is rejected. It can be
concluded that knowledge of the English language and occupa-
tional status are related to each other in the study of this
group of subjects.
According to the data presented in Table IV, 1,964 indi-
viduals-o of the group studied for this investigation ranged
in age from twenty to thirty-nine years. Of this group, about
1,600 were drafted into the Armed Forces during the time the
study was being conducted. According to unpublished informa-
tion of the New York Induction Center, ten per cent of this
group were classified as illiterate in the English language
according to Army classification tests. Two hundred and one
individuals were rejected for medical reasons while ninety-
two failed to meet the minimum intelligence standards required
by the Army.
A*Many of the Puerto Ricans who have migrated to New York
speak or understand little English.U The opportunities for the
Puerto Rican migrant to learn English in a high school are
very limited. It appears that the average laborer, in order
to acquire a working knowledge of English, depends upon his
work, newspapers and his association rather than upon a regu-
lar course of instruction. The Puerto Ricans, except for the
student group in colleges, cling strongly to their own lan-
guage. Many of them when asked during the interview, gave as
their -ain reason for this the pride in their own language and
customs which pride they profess to have to a very marked
Many Puerto Rican children who enter the public schools
in New York spenk or understand very little English. The
children who are transferred from schools in Puerto Rico to
those in New York are usually retarded in their class work so
that as a result they are two or three years over-age for the
grade in which they are placed.
Overcrowding in slum areas is one of the most difficult
problems confronting the Puerto Ricans living in the Harlem
section of New York. Accompanying overcrowding are other so-
cial evils, for overcrowding may be as injurious to morals as
it is to health. It is difficult to observe the common de-
cencies in an overcrowded tenement flat which lacks adequate
sleeping and toilet facilities. Lack of sufficient space in
and about the crowded home drives the people onto the street
where saloons, poolrooms, and disreputable "hangouts""are
usually the only relief from dirty, squalid dwellings, facto-
ries, and junkyards.-
Court statistics of arrests and convictions show that the
sections in which the Puerto Ricans have settled haye high
crime and delinquency rates.15 Halpern and others1 made a
study of the relationship of slum areas to crime. The authors
drew the following conclusions concerning the number of offen-
ses in these slum areas:
Four Manhattan areas contain the densest offender
concentrations. They are Areas 6 end 8 in Harlem, and
3 and 4 on the Lower East Side. Areas 6 and 8, both
.in Harlem, it will be noted lead in all but one, the
petty offender group. In that respect, Area 3 assumes
first place. The most juvenile delinquents resided in
Arra 6 which also had the third highest number of ar-
rests, and ranks second in petty offenders and misde-
According to the Halpern study, the boundaries of Areas
6 and 8 are as follows: Area 6, East 12$th Street and East
119th Streets to 98th Street, East River to Fifth Avenue; Area
8, West 126th Street to West 110th Street, and Fifth Avenue to
Eighth Avenue. Area 6 has been settled predominantly by
Spanish-speaking people while the people of Area 8 is predo-
The Halpern study brings out a fact that is generally
recognized; namely, that the areas of settlement of the Puerto
Rican, if judged by court records of crime and delinquency,
are areas in which there is a high amount of anti-social be-
havior. There are no statistical records which indicate to
what extent there is a problem of anti-social behavior among
the Puerto Ricans, Since, however, Puerto Ricans constitute
an important group in such a section as Harlem, there exists,
of course, the implication that they are responsible at least
for a part of the anti-social behavior reflected in the stud-
ies made of this particular section.
In the present study, however, only fifty individuals
answered "yes" to the question concerning a previous prison
record. Table XIX presents the distribution of men having a
DISTRIBUTION OF INDIVIDUALS HAVING A PREVIOUS PRISOII RECORD
Cause of imprisonment : Number of individuals ; Per Cent
Murder in self-defense.: 2 4
Rape..... ... : 3 : 5
Robbery, burglary......: 22 44
Damage to property..... 15 1
EigamL y. .... ............ .: : 5
Smuggling..............: 5 : 11
TOTAL.........:.. 50 100
When the fifty subjects acknowledging a prison record
were distributed according to occupational status, it was
found that all were working at semi-skilled and unskilled
levels, Groups VI and VII. Six of the Individuals stated
that they were working at present in occupations learned
while in prison. Only one out of the whole group of fifty
stated that he was working at the same type of work which he
was doing before going to prison.
Out of the total of fifty, only three reported that they
had had somp difficulty in getting work on account of their
prison record. Owing to the small number of casee,,generali-
zations cannot be formulated with regard to the individuals
in this investigation acknowledging a prison record.
Tuberculosis is the outstanding health problem of the
Puerto Rican in New York.17 This fact is related directly
to the high prevalence of the disease and mortality rates in
Puerto Rico. The mortality rates for tuberculosis among the
Puerto Rican group in New York appear to be as high as among
other racial groups. Based upon small numbers, and therefore
perhaps unreliable, the mortality rates per 100,000 popula-
tion for all forms of tuberculosis arong Puerto Ricans living
in New York during the years 1930 to 1936 were as follows:18
Mortality rate......... 434
Average number of
deaths annually...... 195
The figures above, if taken without considering the fact
that they are based upon these snsll nurimbrs, would indicate
that the mortality rate from tuberculosis among Puerto Ricens
living in New York is about one-third higher than that on the
island which was 304 deaths per 100,000 of population, for
the years 1936 and'1937.19
The prevalence of tuberculosis among the Puerto Ricans
in New York is also shown by the X-ray examinations conducted
by the Department of Health of New York City. Table XX pre-
sents the results of the examination of 7,140 persons living
within the area in which this investigation was conducted.
X-RAY DIAGNOSIS OF 7,140 INDIVIDUALS IN HARLEM20
Total X-rayed : 2505:
nosis : 2048:
tion : 134:
nosis to be
suspects : 56:
Etiology un- :
known : 28:
3897 : 738
170 : 42
79 : 24
56 : 12
28 : 2
78.5 : 79.9
4.4 : 5.7
2.0 : 3.2
1.45 : 1.6
.05 : -
.7 : .3
I- -- -X---l--- -11-T-~I-...~.~..rii-~Y-i ;i--i--~~i~i~.---- --i--~~ i~j-~l ___
The conclusion drawn by the Department of Health from
the data presented in Table XX was "that positive cases of
tuberculosis were much more prevalent among the Puerto Ricans
than among the whites and colored, and that the same condi-
ti.on prevailed regErding suspecte-d case of tuberculosis".21
The percentages given in the table are based upon small mem-
bers and also upon an unequal number of cases, This may
affect their comparability.
In July 1935, the Department of Health established a case-
finding program for Puerto Ricans at the Meinhard Clinic,
located at 130 East lOlt Street, and the work has continued
up to the present time. During the period comprised since
the establishment of the program to December 1939 3788 pere
sons were examined. Of these, 244 had tuberculosis, seventy-
eight in the active stage. It was also found that from sev-
enty to eighty per cent of the diseased were in the early
stages of tuberculosis.
There are at the present time no assembled data to show
whether the prevalence of tuberculosis among the Puerto Ricans
in New York is increasing or decreasing, The results of re-
cent X-ray examinations made by the Department of Health have
not been tabulated.
--With a group of people such As that of the Puerto Ricans
in New York, there are many factors of varying significance,
which might explain the high prevalence of the disease. The
change in climate is one factor of importance. Higher mortal-
ity rates from this disease might be expected from any group
which has changed its environment of a tropical island for
that of New York. Puerto Ricans who, have migrated to New York
come from the laboring class. They live amid extremely crowd-
ed conditions, and the disease spreads rapidly among these
people whose poor economic status gives them insufficient vi-
tality to resist the disease.>
Other diseases commonly found among the Puerto Rican in
New York are: dysenteries, malaria, filariasis, and various
worm infestations such as hookworm, ascaris, tape-Torm, pin-
worm and schistosome mansoni.22 Amoebic dysentery is a dis-
ease which may result in invalidism or death, and is more
common in tropical climates than in temperate zones. Conta-
minated water is usually the source of this disease. The
bacillary type is sometimes fatal to children and to old peo-
ple. Hookworm is known to be especially detrimental to child-.
ren, causing them to be undersized, thin, pale, and backward
in their school work. In adults both of these diseases
affect the capacity for work, and often cause a condition
described as lack of ambition.
Dr. F. W, O'Connor23 of the Department of Medicine, Pres-
byterian Hospital, Columbia University, in discussing the
problem of parasitical diseases.caused by migration from the
various countries, commented as follows:
The Puerto Ricans offer a special problem.
They are heavily infested with parasites', which
by causing serious invaliding, interfere with
their economic progress.
Further recognition of the problem of these diseases is
evidenced by the establishment of special facilities in the
Puerto Rican settlement. At the Meinhard Memorial Health
Center, the Departrment of Health has established a laboratory
with trained technicians who have been accumulating data for
several years, although it is not yet available for perusal.
Other large hospitals coming in contact with the group are
also doing special work in this field.
Diseases which can be spread by "carriers" would be of
special significance because of the large number Qf Puerto
Ricans who are employed in domestic, hotel, and restaurant
The securing of proper food is a problem directly con-
nected with that of health. In Puerto Rico, it is often said
that the man of the poorer economic class is striving to se-
cure calories rather than vitamins. Malnutrition is common
among people of the low-income group on the island. New York
nutritionists have criticized the Puerto Rican diet and have
pointed out that it lacks calories, that it is low in
essential minerals, particularly calcium and that it is
especially deficient in vitamins A and D.24 Because of this
fact, diet and proper nutrition form an important part of a
health program among the group.
Certain social barriers found on the island continue to
exist among the Puerto Ricans living in the Harlem section.
In Puerto Rico, the worker of the low-income group lives
under a class system of discrimination. People of the
"second class", or laborers and colored persons, do not
attend "-first olass" or professional, white and rich persons'
social function. The social status of an individual is
known and accepted both by him and by all the people of his
community. This attitude continues to exist in New York, and
has affected social relations between the educated and success-
ful Spanish-speaking individuals and the people living in
Harlem. Many Puerto Ricans in New York refuse to identify
themselves with the Harlem group in any way. The ipper-class
Latin-American, whether he be from Puerto Rico, Colombia, or
any of the Latin-American countries, refers to the Harlem
settlement as one of "working people".
Language difficulty, poverty together with the concen-
tration and isolation of the settlement, has tended to con-
fine the social activities of the Puerto Rican worker largely
within his own group, Dances and music in Harlem as in the
island, hold an important place, and guitars are found in
many of the homes.
Table XXI presents the data secured during the interview
concerning the preferred activities performed during the lei-
sure time by the 3,024 subjects studied in this investigation.
These data are grouped into four categories,
DISTRIBUTION OF.PREFERRED ACTIVITIES
Category Leisure Time Activity PreferredJNumber
I Study, read-: Reading....... .... ...... ... .: 290
ing, scien- : Studying ................. ..: 109
tific work : Visiting museums, concerts......; 30
:Doing science experiments.......: 11
II Creative : Acting, singing, dancing........" 251
and artls- : Playing musical instrument......: 100
tic work : Composing music.......... ...... 77
: Drawing, painting..............: 39
: Inventing things................: 38
III Work with : Working with tools, repairing...: 305
tools, : Selling things................. 259
mechanics : Housework............... ... 125
and house-; Taking care of children........; 84
IV Recreation,: Attending movies,.............: 706
sports : Athletics...........,.........: 561
:Dating. . ...... .. .....: 125
; Photographing. ........... .. ..: 4
A majority of the group are interested in activities
relating to recreation and sports. The preferred leisure
time activities of individuals within this category include
the following: attending movies, attending and playing base-
ball and basketball games, "dating"' and photography. Acti-
vities relating to mechanics v'nd housework vie for second
place according to the data presented in Table XXI. Indivi-
duals within this category preferred such activities as work-
ing with tools, selling things, taking care of children, and
housework. Work of a creative, artistic and scientific nature
is preferred by a smaller number of individuals. These sub-
jects were interested in such daily activities as singing,
dancing, composing, reading, studying, visiting museums, draw-
ing and inventing things.
A coefficient of correlation of .33 was found between
preferred leisure time activities and the occupational status
of the individuals studied. This correlation is considered
to be low and indicates that the preferred leisure time acti-
vities of an individual have little relationship to his occu-
For the purpose of analyzing the data on this aspect of
the study, the occupations of the fathers of the individuals
of this investigation Were ranked on the sate occupational
scale as the occupations in which the sons were engaged,
Table XXII presents the distribution of occupation of fathers
and s-on according to occupational level.
DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONS OF FATHERS AND SONS
ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL LEVEL
Occupational : Number of : Per Cent : Number : Per Cent
Status Level Fathers : of Sons
I 121 : 15.7 : 108 13.8
II 171 : 21.8 : 131 : 16.7
III 94 : 12.0 : 236 : 29.7
IV 14 1.0 : 9 : 10
V 278 : 35.5 68 : 8.7
VI 65 : 8.3 : 105 : 13.4
VII : 44 : 5.6 : 131 : 16,7
TOTAL,..: 787 : 99,9 787 100.
According to the data presented in the above table, the
greatest shift in occupational status is from that of Group
V, or skilled occupations of the fathers, to Group III, or
domestic service occupations, on the part of the sons. It
may be concluded that when the occupations of the fathers of
the individuals of this investigation were distributed accor-
ding to the occupational level of the sons there exists a
shift in occupational status from that of skilled occupations
among the fathers to domestic service occupations among the
When each occupational level of the sons is studied to
determine its origin in parental occupations, striking differ-
endes become apparent. While parents from each level are re-
presented by sons in all occupational ranks, there is a ten-
dency for each parental level to contribute a large share of
ts sons to the same or adjacent ranks.
Table bkXIII presents the data:concerning the proportion
of tons in the various occupational levels of their fathers.
PROPORTION OF SONS ON THE OCCUPATIONAL
Occupational : c cupEL onal evelTo-T FT a ers
Level of Sons: I: II I: _I'_ IV: V : VI : VII
I : 28.8: 16.0: 13.9: 6.0: 6.5: 3.6: 3.5
II : 25.2: 21.6:.13.9: 2.5: 14.1: 4,6: 4.0
III 25.2: 37.0: 32.0: 31.0: 27.1: 32.53 27.3
IV 2.0: 3.4: 3.2: 3. : 4. : 2.3: 1.5
V 5.3: 6.0: 3.0: 14.0: 11.6: 12.0: 6.8
VI : 3.8: 8.0: 19.1: 27.1: 13.3: 27.7: 29.5
VII : 9.7: 8.0: 149: 16.4: 23.4: 18.5: 27.3
TOTAL...:100.0 100.0 :00.0 :100. :10 00.0 :1 :100.0
Nuinbt-r of : : : : : :
Fathers. ....:(12) :(171):( 94)' (14):(278):(65) .(44)
Of the 121 fathers in the professional
level 28.8 per cent had sons on the
same level, 25.2 per cent had sons on
level II, etc.
Reversing the relationship between the proportion of sons
on the occupational levels of fathers, it is possible to com-
pare the proportion of fathers represented on the various
occupational levels of the sons. Table XXIV presents these
PROPORTION OF FATHERS ON THE OCCUPATIONAL
LEVEL OF SONS
Occupational: Occupational Level of Sons
Status Level: -p
of Fathers : _. I ... I ; _IV: ... : VII
I 35.1: 25.2: 13.8: 10.3: 4.8: 4.8: 3.8
II : 25.9: 28.2: 26.1: 17.6: 12.3: 13.3: 12.3
III : 13.0: 9.7: 12.0: 3.3: 16.0: 16.1: 17,0
IV 4.0: 2.3: 1.9: 3.4: 1.1: 3.0: 2.1
V : 18.4: 31.1: 32.5: 50.5: 35.2: 34.2: 33.2
VI 28 2.0_ 8.7. 10,8: 17.1: 6.1: 12.4
TOTAL.. 100.Q:100.0:100.0 100.0100.0 100.0 100.0
Number of :
^ ^- -.-.-J gp(10A. _C,11:( (236) (TQ. ): ( .1?1
Interpretation: Of 108 sons on the professional level,
35.1 per cent had fathers on the same
level; 25.9 had fathers on level II,
Regarding the "transmission" of occupational status from
father to son, Davidson25 and Anderson have stated:
As the social-economic differences between the
occupational levels used are not sharp but present
considerable overlapping, the percentage of sons on
the same level as their fathers is combined with
the two percentages adjacent or nearest to it in
In Davidson and Anderson's26 study, the following measures of
"transmission", result when the occupational rrnks of the
fathers are compared with the occupational levels of sons:
Occupational level Percentage of sons on same
of fathers level or adjacent levels
Professional................... .. 61.1
Proprietors, etc....... ........ 60.1
Clerks, etc ........... ......... 61.5
Skilled.. .*....... .. .. ...... 7.. .5
Semi-skilled... ................. 68.1
Unskilled ,. .... .... ..... 71.9
It can be seen that a similar relationship exists in
this investigation when the occupational ranks of the fathers
are compared with the occupational levels of sons. On the
same and adjacent levels, the following proportion of fathers
Son's occupotionnl Percentage of Fathers on same
status level level qnd ed.1cent levels
I.......................... 76 .0
II.. ....... .............. .. 64.1
III......... .. ....... ....... 72.5
IV........... . . 2, 0
V ............... ............ 6 .7
VI. .......................... 64. 7
VII ........................ .... 67.0
While in Anderson and Davidson's study, "from sixty to
seventy-three per cent of the. recorded regular occunations of
sons fall upon or are adjacent to the level of their fathers'
regular occupations",27 in the present study from 64,1 to 76
per cent of the fathers' occupations fall upon or are adja-
cent to the level of their sons' occupations. Despite the
differences in occupational classification used by Anderson
and Davidson there is an apparent similarity of transmission
of occupational status in both groups.
During the interview, each subject was requested to
answer the following questions: "What are your present oc-
cupational ambitions? and "What positions would you like to
hold ten years from now?"
The categories of occupations used for classifying the
occupational preferences was the same as those used in deter-
mining the occupational status levels of the subjects. When
the subjects'were classified according to occupational pre-
ferences, there was evident a considerable shift upward in
the occupational scale. Table XXV presents these data.
DISTRIBUTION OF SUBJECTS ACCORDING TO
Occupational:Number of:Per :OccupationalNumber of: Per
Status Level: Subjects:Cent: Preferences; Subjects: Cent
I 121 : 4: I 631 :24
II 212 7: II 242 : 8
III 635 21: III : 125 : 4
IV 30 : 1 IV : 63 : 1
V 333 11: V 1147 58
VI : 817 :28: VI 635 :21
VII 847 : 28 VII : 200 : 7
TOTAL...: 3024 100 3024 1 00
Interpretation: From 121 subjects, or four per cent in
the professional group in the occupational
status, there is a rise to 631 or twenty-
four per cent in the occupational prefer-
ence level, from 212 or seven per cent in
the clerical and sales occupations group,
etc. ......... ..
It can be observed from an inspection of Table XXV
that there is an increase in the occupational preference
level accompanied by a rise in the level of skill of the
scale. This is clearly shown in grouTpsV V, V, and VII,
From four per cent in the occupational status level of group
I, there is a rise to twenty-four per cent in the same group
in the occupational preference level. In the service occu-
pations, that is group III, there is a decrease in percent-,
ages from the occupational to the preference level, Only
200 subjects or seven per cpnt of the group reported them-
selves as being satisfied with their jobs and as desiring
to continue working as unskilled laborers.
The -igration of the Puerto Rican to NtaL ra.onaists
of a movement of a grouper individuals from a rural to an
urban center. The Puerto Rican migrants have come to New
York with-.theJQop- f Jiprvinav their enomc o tnnation
The Puerto Ricans studied in this investigation migrated to
the United States because of economic difficulties, unem l..
me~lt, inadequate earnings, reduced wages, seasonal work and
The Puerto ~_ican m gran sa chose New York as their
place of-__destaJ~ J lan.-4hJ-n tteJs be ecauLs e they were
attracted by the high wages paid by industries located within
the city of New York. Another reason for their migration may
be found in the transportation facilities from Puerto Rico to
New York. The cost of passage in the small boats is low and
there are several boats making the trip each month.
The age distribution of the 3,024 individuals of this
investigation ranged from fifteen to sixty years. Seventy
per cent of the grcup was between ages thirty to forty-four.
When age was distributed according to occupational group, a
gradual progression of increase in age was found with
increase in occupational status.
The data of this study show evidence that the Puerto
Rican laborers have several handicaps in obtaining work in
New York. The most important handicap is lack of industrial
training. Only eleven per cent of the group studied in this
investigation are in the professional and clerical group of
occupations, while fifty-six per cent are working in semi-
skilled and unskilled occupations. The employment stability
of the group is very low. This means that the majority of
this group of individuals, due to their lack of industrial
skill, are shifting continually from one job to another,
The Catholic religion predominates among the group.
Seventy-eight per cent of the group claiming connection with
it. A Chi-Square test indicated that no relationship exist-
ed between religion and occupational status of the group
Two per cent of the 3,024 subjects of this investigation
attended college, thirty-two per cent attended high school,
sixteen per cent graduated from elementary school, while
fifty per cent had attended elementary grades that ranged
from the first to the seventh. A coefficient of correlation
of .63 between occupational status and education indicated
that a high degree of relationship exists between these
The migrant from Puerto Rico is at a disadvantage as
compared with the American laborer, on account of his health.
The Puerto Rican worker in New York has a low economic status.
According to this investigation, fifty per cent of the group
earned between twenty and thirty dollars weekly; forty-four
per cent above thirty dollars,'and seven per cent, below
twenty dollars. Due to this low income, the worker settles
in a highly congested area and lives under very crowded con-
ditions. These and such other factors as poor diet, in-
adequate recreation, and lack of fresh air and sunshine
affect his ability to resist infection. The presence of
tuberculosis and parasitical diseases causes serious econo-
mic loss, possible danger of infection to others, and
Little knowledge of the English language and only a few
years of schooling constitute important reasons why the
Puerto Rican laborer has to accept poorly paid unskilled
occupations in New York.
Of this group of individuals only fifty admitted having
a prison record. Nearly all of these fifty learned some
trade while in jail and their present occupations have some
relationship to that training received in prison.
Language difficulty, poverty, and the. concentration and
isolation of the settlement confines the social activities
of the Puerto Rican worker largely within his own group, A
majority of the group are interested in activities relating
to recreation and sports; activities relating to mechanics
and housework vie for second place, while work of a creative
artistic and scientific nature is preferred by fewer.
When the occupations of the fathers were distributed
according to the occupational level of the sons, there was
found a shift in occupational status from that of skilled
occupations among the fathers to domestic service occupa-
tions among the sons.
When the group was classified according to occupational
preference, there was found a considerable shift upward in
the occupational scale from unskilled to skilled occupations.
In addition to a difficult climatic adjustment, a new
environment, a language handicap, a lack of industrial skill,
and his low physical vitality, the worker and his family are
exposed to conditions which have been recognized as harmful
to the happiness and well-being of all people.
CHAPTER II Footnotes:
1 Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor of Puerto Rico,
Department of Labor, San Juan, P.R., 1939, p. 42.
2 Ibid., pp. 40-41.
I. Lorge and R. D. Blau, "Broad Occupational Grouping by
Estimated Abilities", Occupations, 20:419-23, June, 1942.
4 See Appendix E, pp. 82,
Guia Hispana, Directorio Gula Hispana (New York: Guia
6 Hispana Publishing Co., 1940), p. 18.
Ibid., p. 123.
Ibid., p. 131.
SSee Appendix E, pp. 82.
L. R. Chenault, The Puerto Rican Migrant in New York City
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), p. 72.
10The Catholic Charities the Arghdiocese of New York A
Study of the Spanish-speakin People of the Archdio6ese
of New York (New York: an unpublished report, 1925),
1This information was obtained through interviews with
social workers on the staff of the East Local Settlement
1House, located at 237 East 104th Street, New York, N. Y.
14See p. 9.
15S. M. Robinson, Can Delinquency be Measured? (New York:
SColumbia University Press, 1936), p. 71.
L. W. Halpern, J. N. Stanislaus, and B. Botein, The Slum
and Crime (New York: Polygraphic Company of America,
published for the New York City Housing Authority, 1934)
17p. 91. .
Department of Health New York City, Health Problems
Among Puerto Ricans in New York City TNew York: unpublished
Data taken from a special unpublished study made by G.J.
Drolet for the New York Tuberculosis and Health Associa-
Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Health of Puerto
RiRo, Department of Health, San Juan, P.R., 1937, pp.68-69.
20Department of Health, New York City, op., ._ j, p. 23.
2Ibid., p. 24.
22Ibi p. 82.
2F. W. OConnor, "Animal Parasitism in Connecticut and Ad-
joining States," Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine, 20:
619-35, July, 1935.
Data concerning diet were secured from a mimeographed
study, "The Puerto Rican Diet," prepared by New York nutri-
tionists for the use of social workers, (Louis Draus Addiss
Charity Organization Society, Chairman, 1939).
CHAPTER II Footnotes (Contld.):
25P. E. Davi-son and H. D. Anderson, Occupational Mobility
in an AmFrican Community (California: Stanford University
2Press, Stanford University, 1937), p. 172,
Ibid, p. 173.
Ibid,, p. 174.
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The migration of the Puerto Rican to New York is another
example of the old and never-ceasing movement of people who
hope to better their economic condition. It constitutes an
important part of the well-known and larger general movement
of people to New York and other large industrial cities that
has been taking place during the past twenty years. The
Puerto Rican laborer, finding himself unemployed and in a poor
economic condition, has for some-time begun to look to the
United States as a possible means of escape from economic dis-
tress and poverty. He has come to New York, &s have the peo-
ple of other cultural groups, to earn the high money wages
paid in this country and to take the place of the European
immigrant groups now restricted.
Like similar movements of large masses of people from
agricultural areas to urban communities, the Puerto Rican
migrants have created many problems both in the section from
which they have come and in the community in which they are
striving to establish new homes. The Puerto Rican worker
usually has little industrial training and is confronted by
a language difficulty. Furthermore, economic and health pro-
blems are involved in the adjustment to the climate of New
York. Health is affected by a lack of sunshine and fresh air,
and likewise by the insanitary conditions found in the slum-
areas in which he usually locates. The moral life of the
family is affected by associations in slum neighborhoods and
by overcrowding in the family quarters.
Obviously, all of the Puerto Rican migrants' problems
concern the educational social and health agencies both of
New York and of Puerto Rico. This study was designed to de-
termine the occupational status and to discover the vocational,
social, and educational needs of 3,024 white, male Puerto
Ri'an subjects who had migrated to New York to work during
the five years beginning in 1940 and ending in 1944. The
investigation has endeavored to discover whether or not a
relationship exists between occupational status and such fac-
tors as age, education, marital status, use of the English
language, economic and social status, wages, recreation,
prison record, and occupational preferences among the Puerto
4IThe data obtained in this investigation indicated that
the Puerto Rican migrated to the United States because of
economic difficulties due to unemployment reduced wages,
inadequate earnings and domestic difficulties, The migrants
usually choose New York as their place of destination in the
United States because they were attracted by the high wages
paid by industries located in New York. Another reason may
be found in the transportation facilities from Puerto Rico to
New York. The cost of passage is low and there are several
boats making the trip each month.
The age distribution of the 3,024 individuals of this
investigation ranged from fifteen to sixty years. Seventy
per cent of the group was between thirty to forty-four years.
The analysis of the data in this study indicated that
the Puerto Rican laborer has several handicaps in obtaining
work in New York. $ His chief handicap is his lack of indus-
trial training. Only eleven per cent of the group studied
were in the professional group of occupations, while fifty-
six per cent were working in semi-skilled and unskilled occu-
pations. The employment stability of the group was very low.
The majority of the group were shifting continually from one
job to another owing to their lack of industrial skill.
,. The migrant from Puerto Rico is at a disadvantage when
compared with the continental laborer, on account of his lack
of education, his poor knowledge of the English language, his
low economic status and his poor health condition. Analysis
of the data in this investigation indicated that the Puerto
Rican worker in New York has a low economic status. This in-
vestigation revealed that approximately fifty per cent of the
group earned between twenty and thirty dollars weekly; forty-
four per cent above thirty dollars; and seven per cent below
twenty dollars. Owing to this low income, the worker lives
in a highly congested area under very crowded conditions.
These and such other factors as poor diet, inadequate recrea-
tion, and lack of fresh air and sunshine affect his ability
to resist infection.. The presence of tuberculosis and para-
sitical diseases causes serious economic loss, possibility of
infection to others, and suffering which in turn undermines
The areas of settlement of the Puerto Rican, when judged
by court records of crime and delinquency, are areas in which
there is a high amount of anti-social behavior. In the pre-
sent study, however, only fifty individuals admitted having'a
prison record. Nearly all of these fifty learned some trade
while in jail and their present occupations are directly re-
lated to the vocational training received in prison.
Language difficulty, poverty and the isolation of the
settlement cause the social activities of the Puerto Rican
laborer to be centered entirely within his own group. The
fact that the Puerto Rican mil:rants have settled in a parti-
cular neighborhood and are able to continue the customs and
social activities of the island lessens their problem of so-
cial adjustment in the new community. A majority of the group
was interested in activities relating to recreation, sports
and music, while work of a creative, artistic and scientific
nature is preferred by a few.
The results of this investigation seem to indicate that
the future of many of the Puerto Ricans who migrate to New
York may he determined by the educational and vocational guid-
ance of the rural population in Puerto Rico, The island has
a supreme stake in the-efficiency and success of the rural
school, for from these rural areas the population is replen-
ished and manpower is recruited, Education for occupational
adjustment is not, then, merely an urban problem.
Rural migrants, deficient in educational opportunity and
lacking in experience with modern technology will be unable to
to make any worthwhile contribution in an era in which the
number of unskilled jobs in cities is declining. They may
fill not jobs, but the relief offices unless they hare had
sufficient educational opportunity and receive an intensive
Since the passage of the Selective Service Act, and par-*
ticularly since December 7 1941, there has been a dramatic
and tragic proof of the islands neglect of rural children in
vocational education, Thousands of Puerto Ricans in the
poorer areas have been rejected for military service both in
Puerto Rico and New York, because they were functionally
Puerto Rico cannot condemn some thousands of its chil-
dren to poorer schools and poorly trained teachers without
paying the penalty. During the second world war, at the time
of national peril, the penalty was being exacted inexorably.
Little can be done about this now, but in vocational training
and education for occupational adjustment, Puerto Rico can
now begin to remedy this past neglect. Democracy can and
must terminate inequality of educational opportunity, not out
of charity, but out of national self interest, After the
losses of the late war Puerto Rico, as well as other Allied
countries, will need the full power of every child. Most of
these children are, end will be, the rural children who are
in great need of vocational training and guidance,
It is recommended that a larger appropriation of money
be assigned by the legislative bodies for education, and that
greater emphasis be placed on vocational training. It is
true that Puerto Rico's immediate problem consists in the
industrialization of the island but the vocational training
of the workers of these future industries cannot be neglected.
Industrialization of a country cannot succeed without well-
trained, and skillful laborers.
It is suggested that more schools be constructed in
different parts of the island, especially in rural areas;
that an intensive training in vocational education be provid-
ed for children and adult groups. Such courses as agricul-
ture, home economics manual training mechanics, ceramics,
plumbing, etc, must be widely intensified on all levels.
More emphasis should bE placed upon the enforcement of
the law of compulsory 6cb'ocCL attctEi',.1r-Thi.i P for cIa.ld~ren oxf school
age. Alsoon'x~: c...jiir.s : be i:''.~.c 1 n hd: Ce,:!C. of
the En&liioh This can be done through-the gulaiance
All schools S9ojlr.ae be provided wirlth An e csticJn1l ser-
vibce to as-i-s-t F; y-ci;th jy ni -11. (n o evP.rir-T h1.s o L:i:n,?n O ra
pOS SIb1l ..t --e s a-d A.i a C ;1. rg h', Q J)v_.to co s N .ote chiannr.els1
This servi .e, rl (i j:d. to. Tru:LLL wi.tSh brr LEFr tneOY :ri-
ties to ac&;> -. i' L.:U r vth
facts abcui; t il a..bn or!r 4,k the Jji. o, &a,,,,,d rz.entaj and
er-'uc tional r e qiu.renis e 'ti, s t be Mn e6 t o secure employ-
There should be wdv*Cll-.t7raI,;eI. cou-nselors i.n .911 Junior
and senior hi sc~co13 to ihri't :
school] asn(I at rji es' c. tc.x*~I5 di.litC. and
before lCtv!.fl aLod I-ri : a i 2 v t"', I ;h) d i- J. 0 f upon
their -VC )(;a*'A 6 ".)U I P, C! I c, r q o ",O I e t :~ei ~.'. .5(";
vooatic naI. A,.c :3 t I'a .e' i:. F e a 4.L.- Ff It y .uld oot tbe-
tween clho1oe83, o0 p0tIt o rYi L', 6. *1 L? d. o, &) I" d berests.
The counsell,, cr 5 hcl2. the hS1J p*J_) i, ':i 3.:' chW cc on the
basis of I:r.'ti24, f rerdo the
E.-eatest servlc6 to ul toL;y. L shouJ.cI L ? '?& as
far as poiZ.hi~ to el.elt onch1e avCcij.i or ams in A:t h they
are likely to 'be ouc(e~sstul.. fr'A :,; 5i.2:L pre~tige,
financial rerrOe]Ttion asjr3 h3bi r 1T y5Cltjfl ou"Id not
necessarily rece.ve I, ,e con
You th s sh-ujd. be aidekdl in dJagn~osl,rng their own abilities
and interests and shoulr9.0 be he lp,- t) --eE.r e thle "mil.II-. c a-
tions of I i.n VVt1.. dj iIri .cp c tl tudas; also ro .r-alize
that o~ouput--~~o:5. ts ?; :crva.:tle.btej on".y to thcse wh-io have
the necessary ;cla1.'t.
Cou,*selcrs rand p':n t oFr' shotlid. explore. the re-
latlioiish.! p La :.T;,P'i.,)j :3.~3i. ~ij 3'~(I~ %d 'back-
F-r..:u,' lactors or.x: -I3, I"', I a t1..3 1)Co X 3 0
st acus, ha.3 c o ';. e 1. 0 n ay deY ~ or (C Yrr nc r- : _a ch
.aozo can' be iT.tJ. cat o. c '. ot his
immediUte social er~v29?cJert ~O WE. J D.e ~'y u J:i.aL n.edn,
Since all oCo~:y~t~icfl7. 2~tA.tirl'/XlleH a~re~ r~Ar, eci.e on I~n a
complex and i~nt'dYC?' ri~l1Bioen ser.9.!:l s o'B.B';!.,ijl re'a o nte
should be placed on t-.,- ba2Iic ri uCl t2 of 2,0;:& -rntation
and social rel ontvonsn.ins a fwracrk around which detCLiled
instruction can be orrartnized.
The war has demonstrated that the youth of a nation is
its greatest asset on the field of battle. In like manner,
the nation's youth is its greatest Psset in peace. A program
of education for vocational training and adjustment must be.
intensified and extended to meet the requirements of youth.
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Scientific treatment of any problem requires consistent
use of carefully defined terms. It is, therefore, necessary
that attention be given to the meaning of terms to be em-
ployed in tnsi study. In an effort to eliminate any possible
confusion, the following definitions are presented:
Migrant. The term tnigrant, is used throughout this
study to designate the worl:er who was born in Puerto Rico
Dnd has come to work in New York City with the intention of
esteblishine either a permanent or temporary home. It has
set-nd advisable to substantiate this definition of migrant
by rn illustration of the way in which this term has been
employed in p previous investigation.
Webb rind Brown,l in an investigation which studied the
characteristics and behavior of migrant families receiving
relief from the transient program during the operation of
the Fe.deral Emergency Relief Administration, formulated the
fc.ll cwln definition:
The term migrantt" as used in this study is to
designate the individual that moves from one section
of the country to another in search of more favora-
ble conditions, such as employment opportunities and
Basically, migration represents population move-
ment in response to real or fancied differences in
opportunities. Migration is obviously the response
to a greater opportunity in some community other
than the one of residence,
Harlem area nhabited oy Puerto Rlcans. For the pur-
pose of this inve-tigacion, the following description will
clarify the term. This expression is used to indicate a
section of Ilei. Yorl bounded by a line from 100th Street up
to and along 110th Straet, acrosss the northern part of Cen-
tral Park north to about 126th Street, and extending ap-
proximately frcirn Third Avenue on the East to Eighth and Man-
hattan Avenues on the West.
Chfnpult2 has designated this area as follows: "In
Manhattnn the Puerto Rican laborers are found chiefly in the
Hnrlem section. This is an area which adjoins the northern
portion of Central Park, the southern boundary being on the
east side Pbout 93rd Street and the northern boundPry about
Vocation. The term 'vocation' as employed in this study
is p-plled to all gainful cccupations including profesLions
as listed in the United States Census of Occupations.3
Vocatic- nal gWioance. For the purpose of this inve-tiga.-
tion, the definition of vocational guidance formulated by the
representative organization4 within this field has been
Vocational guidance is the process of assist-
ing the individual to choose an occupation, prepare
for it, enter upon and progress in it.
It is concerned not with doing things for the
individua.1 but with helping the individual to do
certain things for himself.
A clear-cut picture of vocational guidance has also been
presented by Myers. He has described it "as the process of
helping individuals to make decisions and choices necessary
in effectin" scatisfactory vocational adjustment".5
The term as employed in the present study refers to the
process of assisting an individual who possesses certain
assets, liabilities, and potentialities, to select from many
occupations the one thpt is suited to his capacities and ap-
titudes, end then to aid him in preparing for i.t, entering
upon and progressing in it.
Educational guidance. There exists a wide diversity of
opinions concerning the definition of this term. Prewer
has defined it as follows:
Educational guidance may be defined as a
conscious effort to assist in the intellectual
growth of an individual... Anything that has to
do with Instruction or,with learning may come
under the term educational guidance,
Again in a later work,.Brewer7 expressed the same point
of view when, more specifically, he indicated that education-
al guidance includes guidance in the following matters:
How to study; using the common tools of learn-
ing; adjusting school life to other activities; re-
gularly attending on school and to school tasks;
learning to speak, interview, composition in writing,
taking examinations, and use libraries; and making the
important educational decisions at each of the many
forks in the road.
Myers8 has defined educational guidance as:
The process concerned with bringing about
between an individual pupil with his distinctive
characteristics on the one hand, and differing
groups of opportunities and requirements on the
other, a favorable setting for the individual
development or education.
In the present study, the term has been employed to
indicate the conscious effort to assist in the intellectual
and personal growth of the individual. Since preparation
for an occupation involves decisions in the choice of studies,
in the choice of curriculum and in the choice of schools and
colleges, it becomes evident that vocational guidance cannot
be separated from educational guidance.
Vocational education. This term includes the summation
of all thE experiences of an individual which enable him to
carry on a painful occupation successfully,
Because vocational guidance and vocational education are
confused in the minds of many, a statement of their relation-
ship is necessary. Vocational guidance is concerned with the
entire problem of adjusting the individual to occupational
life, while vocational education is concerned.with training
him in the skills, the related knowledge, and the social
understanding for a specific occupation or for groups of
Unemployment. This term is used to indicate any invo-
luntary idleness on the part of those who, while having lost
their latest jobs, are both able to work and seeking employ-
Unemployment within enmply.omnt. This expression is used
to indicate wcrlers who while retaining their standing --
jobs in their trades or industries A- are idle throughout
certain periods during the year, as in the sugar-cane industry.
Wafe rates. For the purpose of this investigation, this
term is employed to indicate the amount of money which is
paid per hour, per week,.or per piece of work produced within
the various occupations on the labor market.
Daugherty9 has defined this term as:
The share of business income going to all
workers below the rank of superior. It thus
covers the remuneration of production employees
and office workers in all industries.
Profession].al group of occupations. As used in this
study, this term designates those occupations, the practice
of which depends upon a well-orgPnized body of scientific
knowledge, Moreover the professions recessitate that each
practitioner be at all times a potential contributor to the
refinement, enlargemr.?nt and experimental verification of
that knowledge. These occupations require a high level of
intelligence in addition to formal training, usually beyond
the collegiate level, These occupations also require abili-
ty for creative and directive work.
Paterson, Schneider, and CarlsonlO have described two
distinct groups of professionaloccupations.
Hijh professional occuptiionss: This group of
occupations requires very superior intelligence with
training equivalent to that of a college graduate
from a first-class institution. Ability for direct-
ive and creative work is required. SomE of the
professions that belong to this group of occupations
are the professions of lawyer and of college president.
Lou professional occupations: .This group
requires training equivalent to two or three years
of college. Less creative achievement than for
the high professional group is required, but also
demanding executive and leadership ability such as
high school teacher and veterinary doctor,
Skilled occupations, This term is employed throughout
this investigation to designate those occupations which re-
quire average mental ability and the equivalent of some train-
ing beyond the eighth grade level. The term includes mech-
anicl. work demanding specialized skill and knowledge; tasks
of a complicated but concrete nature requiring particular
technical training, such as auto mechanic, file clerk, typist
and the like.
Brinfhamll has described skilled trades as follows:
Skilled trades are manual and mechanical occupa-
tions for which more than two years of special train-
in.! and experience are ordinarily prerequisite; for
example, carpenter, mason, painter, weaver, and the
like. The usual period of apprenticeship is four
Semi-skilled occupations. This term is employed to
designate jobs which require only low average or slightly
below average intelligence, and formal schooling equivalent
to sixth, seventh or eighth grade. These occupations demand
a.minimum of special abilities, such as dexte~rty in the per-'
foriyrnce of repetitive ane routine work, as for- e:
packers in factories. Such operators do not necessarily un-
derstanrl principles and usually are unable to' repair or set
up the machine,
Unskilled cccupations. This term is used to designate
the Jobs which require only inferior intelligence and little
or no formal educational training. They often involve rou-
tine manual work performed under supervision and requiring
no skill or technical knowledge, such, for example, as the
work done by a laborer.
Part-time school. This term is employed to describe a
type of vocational preparation often conducted by public
school systems which reaches a considerable number o youths
after employment begins. Such preparation aims at helping
young workers to make any n-eded adjustments to employment as
well as to provide them with training for particular jobs.
These services are classified by the United States Office of
Educational as trade extension and general continuation, the
latter serving youths whose occupations require little skill
or technical knowledge.
Slu. This term has been defined by Wood13 in the follow-
A slum is most simply defined as housing (on
whatever scale) so inadequate or so deteriorated
as to endanger the health, safety or morals of
Living conditions. This term is employed to designate
the dietary sufficiency, or insufficiency, of the food eaten
by the worker and his family; to designate the housing con-
ditions and arrangements under which they live;, to designate
the general community environment; and to designate any other
factors which influence their plan of living, such as recrea-
tional facilities. The quantities and qualities of these
things which a wage earner can enjoy depend, of course, upon
the amount of the wage which he receives and these in turn
are dependent upon occupational opportunities and skills,
Stanificance of the Problem
The migration of the Puerto Rican to the city of New
York causes two major problems. One involves the Puerto-
Rican himself, and the other concerns the community in which
he seeks to establish his new home. The migrant's problem
results from an abrupt change in environment from a tropical
island, Erfely rural, to that of a complicated industrial
city. The Puerto Rican worker usually has little industrial
trnininr and is therefore not equipped to enter the new labor
market. He is confronted by a language difficulty. Further-
more, economic and health problems are involved in an adjust-
ment to the climate of New York. Health is affected by a
lIok of sunshine, fresh air, and the insanitary conditions
found in the slum areas in which he usually locates. In
short, almost every important aspect of the Puerto Rican's
former way of living is suddenly changed. These changes
exercise a significant influence on his entire life parti-
cularly upon his economic status due to the limitation of
his occupational opportunities,
The housing of the migrants is extremely important both
to the worker and his family as well as to the city. The
moral lifo of the family is affected by associations in slam
neighborhoods and by overcrowding in the family quarters..
The devastating effect of the slum upon children may almost
offset the work of educational programs. People living in
houses without sunlight, infested with vermin and without
necessary sanitary conveniences may well fall to carry out
their duties of citizenship. The city as a whole is also
affected by the condition existing within these areas, Dis-
ease germs have little regard for the imaginary lines of the
ward or the health area.
The worker's physical well-being is influenced by other
factors in addition to housing. His living conditions, or
community environment, are also important, for they consti-
tute part of his total situation and directly affect his
health and efficiency, a fact that has long been recognized
Obviously, all of the Puerto Rican migrant's problems
concern the educational, social and health agencies both of
New York and Puerto Rico. In view of this fact this study
tries to fill the need for a comprehensive examination of
relationships between such factors as occupational status,
age, economic status, health, education, religion and recrea-
tion in the life of the Puerto Rican, and his adjustment to-
the industrial social and economic conditions which he faces
in the city of New York,
Knowledge of the social, educational, and economic con-
ditions obtained while supervising the public schools of
Puerto Rico, together with information gained while a faculty
member of the University of Puerto Rico has given the inves-
tigator an understanding of the Puerto .ican at home. Since
there has be-n no recent study of the Puerto Rican migrant
in New York, this study has e'lded significance and the data
gatherere mirht be of considerable value in the following
a) The information can be used as a basis for the
solution of problems related to the vocational
education and adult education of Puerto Ricans
especially those in the laboring class.
b) The data should aid in the planning of an
efficient vocational guidance program for the
schools of Puerto Rico,
o) The data may also aid in curriculum planning in
the schools of New York City which enroll adult
d) The data could be used in the preparation of
teaching units of work in courses in Occupational
Information in the high schools of Puertb Rico
and in high schools in the sections in the city
of New York in which Puerto Ricans have settled,
e) This study might be of value as an impetus to
future studies under the auspices of such govern-
mental and private agencies as the United States
Employminnt Service the National Urban League the
Welfare Council anA the Ci~u Health Department.
It may also be useful in stimulating educational
and social organizations both in New York and in
Puerto Rice to undertake similar studies.
Limitations of the Investigation
This investigation was limited in purpose, scope area
and method. It was limited in purpose to a study of the
vocational and educational needs of 3,024 Puerto Rican migrants
In terms of their occupational status. It was limited in scope
to a survey of the occupational status of 3,024 white, male
Puerto Rican migrants who had come to New York to work within
the five year period from 1940 to 1944 inclusive., It was
limited in area to a geographical section of the City of New
York located within the region known as Harlem, in which Puerto
Ricans have settled in large numbers and in which all of the
3,024 subjects resided. It was limited in method by the
technique employed to obtain the data, namely, the interview
and particularly by the questions asked of the subjects in the
process of interviewing. Furthermore, since the investigation
was restricted to the 3,024 Puerto Rican migrants studied, no
conclusion may be drawn regarding the occupational status of
rmigfranrts generally, or even Puerto URcan mni&rants who have
settled in other parts of the United States or in other sec-.
tions of the City of New York.
APPENDIX A Footnotes
1 J.N. Webb and M. Brown, Migrant Families, Research Mono-
graph XVIII, Division of Social Research, Works Progress
Administration, Washington, D.C., 1937, pp. 17-18.
2 L.R. Chenault, o2. cit., p. 4.
3 United States Bureau of the Census Alphebetical List of
Occupations. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Printing Office,
1937) p. 6,
4 Committee of the National Vocational Guidance Association
"The Principles and Practice of Educational and Vocational
Guidance," Occupations, 15.'772-778, April, 1938.
5 G.E. Myers, Principles and Techniques of Vocational Guidance
(New Yor:: McGraw-Hill Bcok Co., Inc., 1941), p, 5.
6 JM, Brewer, The Vocational Guidance Movement (New York:
The Macmillan Company, 1932), p. 11-1.
APPENDIX A Footnotes (Cont'd.)
J M, Brewer ducaton as Guidance (New York: The Mac-
millan Company, 12)a p 1?14
G.E.Myers Principles and Techniques of Vocational
Guidance (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1941), p, 19.
C.R. Daugherty, Labor Problems in American Industry
(New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1938), p. 133.
0*S. Paterson, G. Schneider, and J.S. Carlson, Minnesota
Occupl.tional Rating, Scales (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota, 1936), p. 8.
11W.V.D. Bingham, Aptiturde .n-' Aptitude Testing (New York:
Harper and BrothPrs, 1937), p. 125,
1U.S Department of the Interior, Vocational Education and
Changing Conditions (Washington, D. C.: U.S. .Government
Printing Office, 1934), p, 112.
E.E. Wood, Slums and Dlighted Areas in the United States,
Bulletin No. I, Federal Emergency Administration of
Public Works, Housing Division, Washington, D.C., 1935,
SURVEY OF RELATED LiTERATUBE.
Almost every investigator who has worke-d in the field
of guidance has commented upon the extent of guidance lite-
rature, Although investigations of vocational needs have
taken a prominent place among guidance studies, only such
studies as are closely related to this investigation have
been included in this appendix.
The selection was made with the purpose of assisting
the future investigator in the field, and from this point
of view, the studies are classified under the following
I. Studies of the occupational status of adult groups.
II. Studies of the vocational choices of youth.
a) Reasons for making a vocational choice,
b) The relation between vocational choice
and vocational proficiency,.
c) The relation between vocational choice
and socio-economic status.
d) The relation between vocational choice
and employment opportunities.
e) The relation between vocational choice
and job satisfaction,
f) Permanence of vocational choice.
Studies of the occupational status of adult groups
Kaufman1 made an investigation of the Puerto Rico Em-
ployment Service. This agency was established in July 1930
for the purpose of assisting Puerto Rican migrants to obtain
employment in the city of New York. According to Kaufman's
study, from the time the agency was opened until the end of
the fiscal year, June 1936 a period of a little less than
six years, approximately 16,500 persons were registered at
the agency and more than 5,600 workers were placed in employ-
ment through its efforts. Of the total number of approxi-
mately 5,600 laborers who were -laced in positions, about
2 000 were men and 3,600 women. The number of men and women
placed, by years, is shown in Table XXVI. It is to be noted
that notwithstanding the improvement of general business con-
ditions which took place in the later years, the number of
placements declined. Kaufman2 offered an explanation for
this decline in the following statement:
The majority of applicants appealing to this
office for employment do not compare favorably with
the requirements in demand by the employers.
WOMEN AND MEN PLACED BY THE PUERTO RICAN
Year Total Men Women
1930-131 : 1,070 : 200 : 870
1931-1932 : 1,097 : 23 774
1932-1933 : 1,028 307 721
1935-1934 : 1,11 : 653 498
1934-1935 : 718 274 444
1935-1936 : 574 240 :_ 354
TOTAL..., 5,618 1,977 3,641
... ...- ""----- ;;-- ..--~ :Ii~~~~---..----~c..- .
According to this investigation, the office registered
from July 1930 to December 1936 a total of 16,500 Puerto
Ricans and placed 5,618 on jobs during the same period.
Approximately twenty per cent of the men who secured posi-
tions through this agency were placed as laborers and cons-
truction workers; sixteen per cent as laundry workers; eight
per cent as porters, errand boys and domestics; and six per
cent were placed as hotel workers. Less than three per cent
of the total number employed were placed in office or cleri-
cal positions. In 1940, this employment agency was discon-
tinued by the Department of.Agriculture and Commerce of
Puerto Rico. Its records and files were then sent to Govern-
ment offices in Puerto Rico.
Chenault3 made a study of the migration of the Puerto
Ricans to the United States. The main purpose of this study
was to show that a large increase in the population of Puerto
Rico will result in a further movement of people from the
island to New York, and to suggest some of the problems which
such a movement might entail.
This study deals with Puerto Rico itself only insofar as
the island constitutes a necessary background for an under-
standing of the qualities and previous environment of the peo-
ple who come and the causes of their migration. Data are
presented to support the opinion that the movement of people
from the island is likely to be much larger in future years
than in the past. This background and discussion of the
move-,ent of people makes up one part of the study. Another
part deals with the Puerto Rican workers and his family in
the city of Uew York. This discussion included such topics
as anti-social behavior, the effect of migration upon the
family, and housing and employment problems.
In his conclusions about the employment and economic
security problem, Chenault4 made the following statement:
From the standpoint of employment and economic
security the migration of the Puerto Rican worker
to New York is at best, only a partial solution to
his problem, He is a newcomer in the labor market,
has little skill or industrial training, suffers a
language handicap, and is often still affected by
the poor health conditions found on the island.
Having moved, to New York to earn the high money
wages of which he has been told, he now finds that
what he terms "prejudice" and "discrimination" pre-
vent the fulfilment of his expectations, Facing
these difficulties the worker, if he is employed
at all, usually has to do unskilled labor at wages
which are notoriously low.
With few resources and unequipped to enter the
new labor market, the Puerto Rican worker often
becomes dependent. This situation suggests the
additional problem which could result from an in-
creased migration from the island in the near future.
Further in this same investigation the author concluded:
One of the greatest handicaps of the Puerto
Rican worker in New York is his lack of skill, The
need for industrial training in practically all
lines of work should have been met some time before
the migrant left the island. New comers from Puerto
Rico at present and for a long time to come, will
not be able to earn their living at decent wages if
they are not well trained to compete in this labor
The Fortune Magazine6 conducted a study to determine the
reasons for the unemployment found among the persons on re-
lief. The investigation was carried on in three "boom" com-
munities: Flint, Michi.gan; Peaumont, Texas; Scott County,
Minnesota; in two chronically depressed localities; Shamokin,
Pennsrylvania, and Ac.iii Oou0nty, 1Mi sssisppi; and six cities
lyinl in between tLhe. tUo e: .tLernesc: Thomaston, Connecticut;
Sen F'irncisco; EDltJi''-E-; Ke e, Illinois; Greenville,
South Carolina; and Thayer Ccunty, Nebraska, The following
were the results of this investigation:
1, Presence of considerable job stability. Two-thirds
had held their longest jobs more than five years; one-quarter
had worked on a job between ten and twenty years; and one-
fifth had been employed on the scma job tirenty years or more,
Only one-tenth had b-tn dishonorably discharged.
2. Absence of much education. The majority of recipients
had not progressed beyond grammar school, and ten per cent
were entirely uneducated. Only fifteen per cent had ever
attended high school.
3. Absence of unreasonable demands for relief. Income
desires ran only slightly above what was received, with stand-
ards of living very low, especially in the South.
4. One-half of the persons on relief had been reemployed
at the time the investigation was conducted. Most of these
were skilled or semi-skilled laborers. There were evident
indications of a shortage of skilled lbor, while there was
a notable abundance of unskilled labor.
5. Existence of many unfit for employment. They are un-
fit because of lack of training, old age, or disability.
In conclusion this study recomme-nded that national coor-
dinating labor exchanges be set up throughout the nation, and
that there be instituted federal vocStioLn.l training for un-
skilled youth along the lines of business training programs
or state training programs.
Hartson7 mrde a study of the alumni of Oberlin College,
the purpose of which was to mea-sure the permanence of the
vocational choices of th, adult college graduates. The data
for this study were derived from materiel gathered from the
1926 Alumni Cntrlogue. A questionnaire was spnt to each of
the alumni and returns were received from all but twenty-nine
of the 2,960 living alumni, The classes chosen for this
study were those which hnd been graduated in the p-riod from
1914 to 1922, The questionnaire sought originally to obtain
a vocational history of each graduate in the classes of 1914
to 1927. Classes graduated since 1922 were omitted from con-
sideration in'the report of the survey.
The following are some of the most significant generali-
zations drawn from this investigation:
1. The average time required by these college men and
women to find the occupation into which they finally settled
was less than a year and a half.
2. Half of the men and two-thirds of the women who had
not married have remained in the vocation first chosen.
3. Changes of 'vocation have apparently not been made
without thorough trial of the field first chosen.
4. In the case of men and women alike, the choice of
the specific field for a career in business has been made
only after a relatively large number of preliminary
5. Some of those who tried more than one occupation
(fourteen per cent) returned to the field of their first
6, The occupations which have more than seventy-five
per cent holding power have been law, teaching, medicine
and other professional occupations,
Studies of the vocational choices of youth
RBjaonag for making a vocational choice. MengerS en-
deavored to determine the significance of the vocational
choices of school children'and college students, The purpose
of the investigation was to present a picture based on the
selection of choices of boys and -irls in many sections of
the colurtry th&t would show what is typical of, or peculiar
to, the children of each grade, age, and sex. For this in-
vestigation a large-sized random sample of 19,159 individuals
of whom 9 425 were boys and 9,734 were girls, was gathered
from children and youths of all grades in the elementary
school, in high school, and in college, within the age range
of six to twenty-three years. This was accomplished by soli-
citing the cooperation of teachers and administrators interest-
ed in the vocational choices of their pupils. Educators in
many sections of the country responded. Each pupil was re-
quired to answer this qul-stion: When you finish school, what
vocation do you -xpect to follow? Each pupil was required
also to give his or her age, grade and sex. In some cases,
this information was already on file with the vocational or
personnel director, and in this event'it was taken from' the
The vocation that was chosen by these children was ex-
amined according to these criteria: intelligence requirements,
social standing among vocations, and the conformity of voca-
tional choice to the distribution of workers shown by the
United States Census.
The following conclusions were stated:
1. Social status and intelligence were closely .asso-
ciated in the opinions of girls and young women regarding
their future occupations.
2. From the seventh grade in elementary school to the
fourth year of college, a general interest in vocational
choice was evident,. The highest percentage of youths who
did not make choicees were ae..:un high school students. In
grades nine throw, tw:eve the percenLtge without choice
varied from thi. d- n to elghteen for boys, and from eleven
to twenty-one for c-rls, while in nc othcr grades for either
boys or girls did it exceed nine per cent,
.3 Only 199 occupations of those listed in the Census
were mentioned by the boys. Twenty-six occupations were
nemed by eighty-six per cent of the total group of boys.
Many of cheese jobs were those in which only a relatively
small number of workers are employed, as for example, medi-
cine, law and education. Two occupations were named by ten
per cent of the group: engineering and aviation. Three
occupations were popular with boys from third grade through
college level, those bf engineer, physician and lawyer,
4. At every grade level, ninety per cent of the girls
chose occupations in the professional or clerical groups,
with teaching outstandingly popular. There was more concen-
tration of choices by girls at the lower school levels than
at the college level, and there was a more decided concen-
tration among these girls than among boys at the early
5. When the distribution of choices was compared with
the distribution of workers as shown in the United States
Census, the chances that these students will find employment
of the sort they are anticipating appear indeed very small,
Menger concluded that in general, choices were ill-
considered and ill-advised. She recommended a good program
of vocational guidance that would help youth to supply its
deficiencies regarding information about the vocations as a
remedy for this situation.
Bradley9 attempted to determine the correlates of voca-
tional preferences among high school and college students.
The correlates considered were occupation of parent, intelli-
gence, course of study pursued, and marks in school subjects.
The subjects studied included 1,500 junior and senior high
school students enrolled during the years 1941 and 1942 in
six schools within, and adjacent to, the Philadelphia area,
and 4 .500 college students enrolled within the years 1932-
1942 at Temple University. The data were secured from
school records and from the-pupils' own reports on the topics
under consideration. From the data, Bradley drew the follow-
1. As determined by ability and occupational opportunity,
high school pupils appear to aim "too high" in their occupa-
tional choice, a tendency which is more in evidence at the
junior than at the high school level.
2. Girls are less apt to choose one of the professions
than are the boys,
3. The "higher" the pupil's mental ability, the "higher"
is his choice of vocation, and the "higher" his marks, the
"higher" his vocational preferences,
4. The "higher" the levels of the parents' occupations,
the "higher" on the average are the aims of the offspring;
and likewise, the "lower" the level of the parents' occupa-
tions, the "lower" on the average are apparent vocational
Hurlock and JansinglO conducted an investigation in which
they sought to discover the vocational attitudes of 1,132 high
school boys and girls attending schools in Kentucky. In ma-
king this study, the following points were considered:
1. Does race or environment affect the child's choice
2. What dominant motives prompt the choice?
3. Does the child reason about his aptitude for the
vocation chosen, or his ability to attain his desire?
4. To what extent are parent interested in the
5. Does the child choose the same vocation as that
followed by his parent?
This study was carried out by the use of the following
questionnaire, given without comment to the pupils
1. What vocation or -profession would you like most to
follow? Give reasons for your choice.
2. What vocation or profession are you most likely to
follow? Explain why you expect to follow it,
3. What vocation or profession do your parents want
you to follow? Why?
4, Give name, age, father's vocation and mother's
The teacher was then requested to rate each pupil's
schol.,tic ability by the use of the grades excellent, good,
fair, and poor. The results of this survey indicated:
1o That n.ineering was first choice of vocation of
the boys, while teachirn was first choice of the girls,
2, That 63.39 per cent of the boys and 72,22 per cent
of the girls expected to follow their first choice of voca-
3. That the most frequent reasons for choice given were
"like it" and -"money" (by the boys), and "personal fitness"
(by the girls).
4, That more than three-fourths of the boys chose pro-
fessions other than those in which the parents were engaged.
5, That scholastic achievement seemed to have little
bearing on the adolescent's selection of a vocation.
6. That the modern parent is interested in the vocation
of both boy and girl.
7. That when the parent disagreed with the son's choice,
he gave as his reason that more money could be made in another
In conclusion, this study of vocations selected by the
different types of students found in Americ&.n secondary
schools seemed to demonstrate also that race and environment
affect the students' selection. The majority of boys and
girls .did not consider their abilities or talents in select-
ing an occupation. The investigation stated further thEt
there exists definite need for wise and careful guidance pro-
grams to meet the needs of secondary school stu.'-nts.
,iltion between vocational choice and vocational rrofi-
ciency, Sp &rlinT7: made a study of the vocational choices of
college students in Long Island University. he administered
two questionnaires and an intelligence test to 1,000 students.
These vere checked and sui.prlementer by interviews .,ith hey
students anrl by -1ata secur,'i:i fro i the personnel department
and from the rer-;istrar's office, He used also a vocational
fitness scalp which mart.e it ,possible to compare ability with
the r quirem-'ints for a particular Job. From the data gather-
td, he ca~r.e to t.h. following conclusions:
1. The i;,ajority of the students expect to enter a voca-
tion in which they will have an intelligence handicap.
2. A large proportion of the students --,thirty-seven
per cent -- is preparing to enter vocations involving sub-
jects in which their grades are very low.
3, Of the students who intend to be physicians, fifty
per cent do not have grades high enough to admit them to a
medical school in the United States; of those who intend to
be teachers, seventy-five per cent have grades below 80% in
the subjects which they intend to teach.
4, Serious discrepancies exist between the types of
work the student likes to do and the types of work required
by the chosen vocation.
The relation between vocational choice and socio-economic
status, Davidson-^ endeavored to determine the personality
characteristics and social backgrounds of a selected group of
children, all of high intelligence, living in the same general
culture area but differing in their socio-economic backgrounds.
She sought also to determine how much of the variation in
these personality traits may be attributed to conditioning
by economic circumstances.
The group consisted of 102 children, sixty boys and
forty-two girls, ranging from nine to fourteen years of age,
having I.Q.'s of 120 to 200, attending two schools -- a
public school, Public School #500 in the city of New York, and
a private school, Lincoln School of Columbia University4 but
coming from diverse envimaroa~l backgrounds. Inoome level -
was used as the measure of soco-economic status. The 102
children of this study were classified into seven income
groups. Twelve families were on home relief or living in
poverty while the income of twenty-one families was mere
than $10,000 a year.
To obtain a description of the personality structure of
each individual,. the Rorschach method was used. This is a
projective technique which permits the individual to react in
his own way to a semistructured field. Information as to
attitudes, interests, activities and vocational choice were
obtained through the use of the following tests and question-
naires: The Minnesota Scale for the Survey of Opinions, The
Hildreth Personality and Interest Inventory, New Stanford
Achievement Test, Interest Index (P.E.A. Test 8.2a) and a
The major conclusions stated in this study were:
1. There was very little relationship between socio-
ecnomic background as measured by income and certain aspects
of personality, In general, in this small population of
bright children, no significant differences were found among
the income levels in such traits as attitudes toward one's
family, choice of occupation feelings of morale and infe-
riority, interest and accomplishment in the school subjects,
preference for certain daily activities, or for certain type
of books, and choice of college.
2. It appears that many of these bright children were
looking forward to vocations not in keeping with their
superior mental capacity. On'the basis of the chi-square
test, choice of occupation was not related to income,
5. There was no evidence that indicated a relationship
between income and such patterns of personality as intro-
version or extroversion, constructiveness or childishness
or degree of adjustment, either social or personal.
Bradley,13 in an investigation of the correlates of vo-
cational preferences among high school and college students,
reported "that an analysis of variance showed vocational
choice to be significantly related t.o socio-economic and edu-
cational levels of the individual studied."
A study of the influence of social background in voca-
tional choices of men and women rwa conducted by Ncleon.14
The material for this investigation was obtained through a
survy of the vocational choices of 5,211 men nnd women at-
tencing-' eighteen colleges and universities. The question-
naire method was used for gathering the data. Nelson in his
conclusion stated: "Agriculture and labor seemed to act as
feeders for other vocations, notably those of medicine jour-
nalisL, and teaching. Few farm students selected farming."
He discovered also that these college students selected the
occupations of their fathers more frequently than could be
accounted for on the basis of chance.
Hurlock and Jansing,15 in their study of vocational at-
titudes of high school boys and girls, concluded "that seven-
ty-five per cent of the boys in their investigation had se-
lected vocations different from those of their parents, and
that family situation or tradition ,,as not a frequent reason
for choice of vocations,"
ThIe relation between vocational choice and employment
op-oor'tunit ies. S outhwi ~C;1 de C ae cccupcttionrl survey of
the :'raduntes from Wooster College. The primary objective
of this study was to assemble information which might be use-
ful in th counseling of undergraduates on questions such as
1. What is the occupational distribution of Wooster
2. How soon after graduation did these graduates secure
their first employment in line with their vocational
3. To what extent are the graduates now engaged in the
vocations that they had in mind while they were in college?
4. Hhw well satisfied are they with their present jobs?
5. What occupational conditions in the opinion of the
aluuni have hindered their progress since graduation from
Southwick concluded that approximately one-half of the
students in the liberal arts curriculum should study their
vocational plans and problems more carefully and that one-
fifth should consider more carefully their choices of a major.
Employment data indicate that for many graduates the first
year out of college is one of temporary employment or changed
plans in the form of further study.
Hawleyl7 analyzed the relationship between undergraduate
specialization ond after-graduation vocation. He sent
questionnaires to 85? graduates of Massachusetts State
College from the classes of 1895 to 1930, Of these graduates,
453 replied. Of those who replied, 49.48 per cent were
following vocations which had a direct relationship to the
field of their undergraduate specialization, 22.95 per cent
had an indirect relationship, while 27,6 per cent had no
relationship. He also studied the class of 1912 of Williams
College. Of the 97 men who replied to his questionnaire,
51.5 p.r cent hod followed an entirely different vocation
from that originally selected and prepared for; 21.6 per cent
stated that tiey had not decided on a vocation at the time
of graduation. Hawley concluded that specialization, though
valuable, should be moderate in view of the 51.5 per cent
who did not follow the field of specialization directly into
The relation between vocational choice and Job satis-
faction. Hulll sought to determine the attitudes of office
employees under present conditions by circulating an attitude
questionnaire to an unspecified number of office employees
who were asked to check one of five answers to various
questions. For example, one item on this questionnaire was,
"Generally speaking, how does the Company compare as a place
to work with other cor,mpanies that you know about or have
worked for?" Another typical question asked was, "How much
doeL thF manager:.,nt care about the welfare of the people in
Jobs such as yours?" In answering the first question, one
per cent of thre employees checked "one of the very worst";
threat per cent, "worse than average"; forty-one per cent,
"better thrn average"; and thirty-four per cent, "one of the
very best." The author felt that the seventy-five per cent
checklinq the latter two answers indicated the preponderance
of satisfied employees. In the second question the distri-
bution amnion the five possible answers was: Less than any
other company, one. per cent; less than most other companies,
four per cent; about the same as most other, thirty-two per
cent; more than most of the others, forty-six per cent; and
more than any of the others, seventeen per cent, Hull
emphasized the fact that ther- were three ma.Jor factors in-
fluencing attitudes of employees, viz., personality and
social adjustment social and psychological satisfactions
experienced hour by hour on thp job, and the company's per-
Super19 investigc.ted the relationship of avocations to
job satisfaction. He secured his data by circulating a
questionnaire to 273 men ranging in age from twenty to sixty-
eight, with a mean age of thirty-eight. All were members of
hobby groups of some kind, They were asked, among other
questions, why they chose their present job; which they had
a greater preference for, their vocation or avocation; and
whether they were satisfied or dissatisfied with their pre-
He found that men who believed that they had chosen
their jobs for economic reasons tended to derive more satis-
faction from their avocations than their vocations, whereas
those men who believed that they had chosen their Jobs be-
cause of their interest in them derived more satisfaction
from their vocations, Men whose major avocations resembled
their vocations were found to be satisfied with their jobs,
whereas those whose major avocations did not resemble their
vocations tended to be dissatisfied with their jobs.
He concluded that job adjustment was not so much depen-
dent upon a balance of activities in vocations and avocations
but was more dependent upon the existence of outlets for dom-
inant interests in one's major activities and particularly
inoone 's work.
Cole20 made a survey of "workers" of different ages and
of "all classifications" in Philadelphia, to determine what
employees thought about their jobs and why. A series of
twenty questions to be answered by "yes" or "no" was pre-
sented to a sampling of workers in five groups: trade,
clerical, transportation, communication, public service, and
manufacturing. In answer to the question of whether they
liked their work, sixty-five per cent of the group replied
"yes" and thirty-five per cent, "no".
Cole analyzed the problem of employee attitude toward
pay in particular by means of such questions as "Do you
think your employer can afford to pay better wages to all
out of the profits the company makes?" Sixty-nine per cent
said "yes" while twenty-five per cent said "no". AWould
you be interested in knowing approximately how much money
the company made or lost last year?" Twenty-nine per cent
replied "yes" while seventy-one per cent said ino'1
Cole concluded that the "dissemination of financial in-
formation increases a man's liking for his job, reduces his
belief that he is underpaid, increases his loyalty to the
company, and improves his attitude toward general working
Meyer21 using as subjects 117 graduates of the indus-
trial arts department of Oregon.State College, conducted an
investigation to determine job satisfaction, The data were
collected through a careful study of'the records of the re-
gistrar's office and the industrial arts department. A
questionnaire was sent to the 117 graduates. More than
seventy per cent replied. According to the study sixty per
cent of the group showed a distinct liking for industrial
arts work, and eighty-eight per cent of those who expressed
this preference were satisfied with their jobs though several
indicated that prospects for promotion were not too bright,
Sarbin and Anderson22 checked the relation of measured
interest patterns and occupatLonal dissatisfaction among
seventy.-six men and twenty-four women who ceme to the Uni-
versity of Minnesota Testing Bureau during the period extend-
ing from 1937 to 19-10, These subjects were non-college
adults, tuernty-five year of age and over. Darleyy's occupa-
tional grouping of the Stron.:: Vocational Inte~est B~'l.nk was
employed in this invefst'r:tion an.l the data were cla-sified
according to (a) innpprc.priate vocationalchoice, (b) pri-
mary personality disorders, (c) insufficient training or
education, (d) inappropriate job placement, (e) others. The
data revealed that most adult males who complained of occupa-
tional dissatisfaction showed no primary pattern of interest
in the .roLup of occupations which embraced their D.pesent em-
ployment. This phenomenon was not so clear-cut for the
worEnr, probably bLc:use of the inadequacy of the Strong Voca-
tional Tnt-.- i; F' laLk for WoTmen, the paucity of cases, or
the se:;* dli'fea o ncesE in intensity and variety of interests,
SarLi-n and Anderson concluded that if vocational interests
are EtAble temporally, anC if they have the hi[h dynamic
character usually attributed to them, a high incidence of
occupational maladjustment may be expected when individuals
enter occupations for which they do not have the appropriate
Permanence of vocational choice. Wightwick,23 using the
interview method, made an investigation of the vocational
interests of college wo~en, the persistence of these interests,
and their relation to extracurricular activities. The group
consisted of 173 freshman rnim ers of the class of 1937 of a
college situat-.i. near ti-h city of New York. These girls were
intervi.-:Iwd early in t-he first semester, the chief purpose of
the interview being to crate a friendly feeling, to ascer-
tain the reason for choosing this college, and to discover
the student's problems of adjustment.
During the first semester, the students attended an
orientation c .ass, several periods of which were devoted to
a discussion of various occupations and the preparation ne-
cessary for entering th i,. Each girl was then asked to in-
dicate her choice of vocation and her reasons for that choice.
Toward the end of the course, each girl filled out the Strong
Vc.catio.nal I't.re. ,1.'.... oi o '1.-.I-on, Because no scores for
voj,~w hati bel. n dev- -.L:.F--.e t '.:t time, data were secured on
the preferences of there. .'--p for each item, and Oa seventy
p:,r ccnt preference by the grOLIp" was used as a measure of
the interest of the &-roup in that item. The value of the
blank was then stimulative.
An analysis of the data obtained revealed that over
fifty per cent of the group came to college to obtain greater
knowledge and culture and for that reason presumably selected
a liberal arts college; less than twenty-five per cent came
for vocational training; and ten per cent were attending col-
lege to please their parents. Under "Reason for Choice of
Major," one-third of the group indicated "preparation for
vocation," and one-fifth of the group gave "liking or inter-
est." Over fity per cent of the group wanted to teach, and
in many cases it was not interest in the profession but pres-
tige, hours of work, and salary which influenced their choice,
On the Strong Vocational Interest Blank for Women, "wife" led
the list of occupations, having been chosen by over seventy
per cent of the students. Of the group, ninety per cent
hoped to marry within five to ten years after graduation.
Wightwick24 conducted a study of the permanence of the
vocational interests of the same group of students used in
the above mentioned investigation. This study sought ans-
wers to the following questions:
1. What is the permanence and the predictive value of
expressed vocational choice?
2. What is the permanence and the predictive value of
3. What is the relation between vocational interest
and job satisfaction?
4. What part do avocational interests play in the in-
5. What vocational patterns are found among the indi-
The data for this study were obtained from several sour-
ces, including cumulative records, a questionnaire, inter-
views with students and direct observation. The conclusions
of the study were as follows:
1. Approximately one-fourth of the group reported that
their vocational choices had persisted since earliest re-
collection. Sixty-four per cent maintained their vocational
choice over the four year college period. Health, scholas-
tic ability, personality, and home conditions affected the
vocational choices of forty-three per cent and, of course,
in subtle ways influenced the choices of others.
2. Little agreement was found to exist between voca-
tional interest in college and the job finally secured.
3. The conclusion drawn from the study of the relation-
ship of vocational interest to job satisfaction was to the
effect that there were four times more satisfied than dissa-
tisfied young women when the job was related to the expressed
vocational interest, and four times more dissatisfied than
satisfied young women when the job was not related to ex-
pressed vocational interest.
4. One ef the most significant of the avocational acti-
vities was community service. The group data showed that
athletics, domestic arts, reading, music, and collecting
were the five most frequently mentioned activities which
were pursued as hobbies.
5. Interest patterns offer an excellent guide to the
analysis of vocational interests. This accounts for the fact
that greater constancy in vocational interest was evident in
the patterns than in vocational choice.
6. In the artist, librarian and author groups, a general
and pervasive factor underlying the specific vocational
interests and vocational choices appeared. The teachers
represented many examples of persistent vocational interest
supplemented by educational and avocational pursuits related
to teaching. The secretaries who majored in secretarial
studied in college revealed a consistent educational-
vocational-avocational pattern, but those who indicated
stenography as a vocational choice or a second choice had
A study conducted by Culver25 at Stanford University
endeavored to determine the definiteness of vocational inten-
tion by accumulating evidence in support of an individual's
statement of vocational choice. He sought to investigate the
question of permanence for both the general vocational field
and the specific occupation chosen within the field.
A Vocational Intention Blank containing ten items was
administered to 243 junior male students at Stanford Univer-
sity. This blank provided for the vocational field and the
specific occupation chosen, the reasons for making the choice
the degree of certainty in the individual's own mind as to
the permanency of the choice, and the character of the choice
with respect to the quality of interests involved. Only
students who had at least some idea of a vocational choice
were able to fill out the blank. One hundred fifty-three
usable blanks were returned.
In his conclusions, Culver stated that:
1. The largest percentage of students chose their voca-
tional fields while seniors in high school and their specific.
vocation while juniors in college.
2. By combining per cents he found that there existed a
permanence of 63 per cent in decision for the general voca-
tional fielL between high school and the junior year in
college, and a permanence of 80.2 per cent between the fresh-
man year and junior years in college.
3. There was a permanence of only 16.6 per cent between
high school and the junior year in college:when the choice of
a specific occupation was considered. However, a permanence
of 46.4 .existed between the freshman and junior years.
Culver26 concluded his investigation with the following
From the foregoing we find what it seems
logical to expect, namely that there appears to
be greater permanency of interest in the general
vocational field than in a specific occupation
within the field. It may be that counselLng at
the secondary level should pay greater'attention
to helping the student in the direction of a
general vocational area and avoid toe; early
narrowing toward a specific occupation.
Thus a search into the literature on the vocational
needs of adults and of youths reveals that:
1. Groups of college, high school and elementary school
students, in addition to some groups of adults, were used as
subjects in related investigations. No comparable studies
dealing with the vocaticnrl needs of a group of migrant
adult individuals, like the Puerto Ricans, were found.
2. The technique employed usually was the questionnaire
3. The data gathered usually covered information se-
cured over a'period of from two to six years,
4. The sampling was usually small, not exceeding 1,500
cases in any one of the studies.
5. The purposes of the studies were to determine either
vocational interests or vocational choices among children
6. Most of the investigations endeavored to determine
the relationship between vocational choices or vocational
interests and such factors as marks in school, intelligence
quotient, vocational proficiency, socio-economic status, em-
ployment opportunities and job satisfaction,
7. In general, the evidence presented in these inves-
tigations indicates that
a) There is a degree of relationship between
vocational choice and such factors as mental
ability, socio-economic status, job satisfac-
tion, employment opportunities, and occupa-
b) Vocational choices made by youth are often ill-
considered. There is much dissatisfaction among
workers due to unsatisfactory occupational status,
c) While there has been a constant and vital interest
in the needs of the students, there is a conspi-
cuous absence of studies which deal with semi-
skilled and unskilled workers. Because of a fun-
damental relationship between these vocations and
sociology, economics, and education, this field
shoudl be a very practical area for educational
APPENDIX B Footnotes
Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor of Puerto Rico
(Department of Labor, San Juan, Puerto Ricol 1939), pp. 32.
2Ibid., p. 36.
L.R.Chenault, The Puerto Rican Migrant in New York City
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 180 pp.
Ibid., p. 87.
Ibid., p. 76.
The Fortune Magazine, A Recent Study of Persons on Relief,
Occupations, 14:293-295, 1938,
L,D. Hartson, "Vocational Stability of Oberlin Alumni,"
Personnel Journal, 7:176-85, October 1928.
C. Menger, The Significance of Vocational Choices of
School Children and College Students (New York: privately
printed, 1932), 177 pp.
W.A, Bradley, "Correlates of Vocational Preferences," (un-
published Doctor's thesis, Syracuse University, Syracuse,
New York, 1943) 129 pp.
E.B.Hurlock and C. Jansin, "The.Vocational Attitudes
of Boys and Girls of High School Age," Journal of Genetic
Psychology, 44:175-91, April 1934.
E.J.Sparling, Do College Students Choose Vocations Wisely?
Contributions to Education, No. 561. (New York: Bureau of
Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1933)
H.H, Davidson, Personality and Economic Background
(New York: King's Crown Press, 1943) 192 pp.
13W.A. Bradley, .op. cit., p, 132.
SE. Nelson, "Fathers Occupations end Student Vocational
Choices," School and Society, 50:572-76, October, 1939.
1E.B. Hurlock and C. Jansing, opo cit3, p. 189.
1A.F. Southwick, "An Occupational Survey of Wooster
Graduates, 1926-1933," Occuations, 18:266-73, January,
17R.D..Hawley, "College Training as Preparetibn for Life
and for Living," School and Society 48:468-72, October,
18R. Hull, "Job Satisfaction Researches and Opinions of
1940-1941," Occunations, 21:457-63, February, 1943.
19D.E. Super, Avocational Interest Patterns (California:
Stanford University Press, 1940), 148 pp.
R.J. Cole, "A Survey of Employee Attitudes Public
Opinion Quarterly, 4:497-506, September, 1940.
1E.D. Meyer, "Follow-up Study of Industrial Arts Graduates,"
Industrial Arts and Vocational Education, 30:11-12,
T.R. Sarbin and H.C. Anderson, "A Preliminary Study of
the Relation of Measured Interest Patterns and Occupation-
al Dissatisfaction Educational and Psychological Meas-
urement, 2:23-36, January, 1942.
23.I. Wightwick, "The Function of Interest in Educational
and Vocational Guidance" (unpublished Master's thesis,
Teachers College, Columbia University, New York City,
1934) 89 pp,
24M.I. Wightwick Vocational Interest Patterns, Contribu-
tions to Education Ho. 900 (New York: Bureau of Publica-
tions, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1945),
B. Culver "When Students Choose Careers," Personnel
Journal, 14:64-70, October, 1935.
26 p. 70.
Ibid., P. 70.
T1E SUEJECTO. SPLYiaSS.
The aim of the present investigation was to determine
the vocational needs of the-Pu1r- -Rican- migrants in the.
city of New York, and the relationship, if any, between those
needs and such factors as age, marital status, employment
stability, religion, education, economic status, knowledge
of the English language, prison record, health, recreation,
occupational preferences, and parents' occupations. This
chapter is d-evor.ed to a description of the subjects who par-
ticipated in the study, of the devices and procedures em-
ployed in the investigation, and of the statistical treat-
ment of the data,
The preliminary problem of this investi~~at.on was to
delimit the sc.pe- of the study. It was consdr:'-:', there-
fore, that a complete survey of one distir.,: geoe..pij cal
area would constitute a definite contribution. Furthermore,
the results of an investigation of one spec. fic group such
as the white, male Puerto Rican migrants w.Tould be more
meaningful then a study which included a v.i.-r-ety of workers
of different national backgrounds,
Since there is a strong tendency for Puerto Ricans to
locate in certain areas, the most pr.-pil'r of these was
chosen for the study. This section is located in Harlem and
is bounded by Eighth a.d Manhattan Avenues on the West,
Third Avenue on cthe East. 1"Cth S3treet on the North and
Central PIark .v-~ '. .00th Street on the S'-.uth. (Fig, l1 The
area is pred.hini.,ly Sprilsh-Amer~rcan. Hee the newly
arrived Puerto Ricans may feel at ease among his own people,
One outstanding difficulty in connection with the se-
lection of this geographical area was the fact that very
little data about this group were given in census reports.
Puerto Ricans are classified in the census.as "native born,"
and are American citizens. The National Tuberculosis Asso-
ciation has, however, classified the persons born in Puerto
Rico and living in New York according to "statisticVl areas"l
of the city. The Welfare Council uPing these data has pre-
p t d a i i.:; sh.i.. the n.mnber of Puerto Ricans in etch sta-
tistica.l a.ea. ThtE ]oc.iLon of their settlee-nt conforms
to that given by the Department of Health of the city of
New York in the quarterly bulletin of 1934.
Using all the dats mentioned above, the boundaries of
the sectliraimnt were tentatively marked out. The selections
were submitted for corrections to such social agencies as the
Spanish-American Youth Bureau and the Union Settlement House
.loai;ed at '?7 23 .st LC2,th Strept, New York, agFnciei which
ar- doin-, -oclal work in this neighborhood,
Since the statistical areas were too large, it was ne-
cessary to divide the place of settlement in terms of census
"tracts," also called "sanitary districts". The boundaries
and the census tracts for this study are indicated in Figure 1.
From a total of eighteen census "tracts," ten were se-
lected at random for this study. The total number of Puerto
Rican males living within the boundaries of these census
"tracts" was 3,024. These subjects constituted a represen-
tative and adequate sample.3 The purpose in selecting this
sample was to secure as subjects for this investigation a
sufficiently large number of white, male Puerto Ricans who
had migrated to the city of New York to work within the years
1940 to 1944 and who were engaged in a wide variety of occu-
Procedure Employed in This Investigation
When this work was started, the first consideration was
the means of collecting the data. Previous studies were re-
viewed and letters requesting information were sent to the
following places: Department of Labor, San Juan, Puerto
Rico; United States Employment Office, New York; Department
of Agriculture and Commerce, San Juan, Puerto Rico; and to
the Office of Industry and Commerce of Puerto Rico, New York.,-
Interviews were held with personnel officers of the following
agencies: the Union Settlement, the Welfare Council, the
Migration Office, the Community Service Society, the Spanish-
American Youth Bureau, the Out Patient Office of the Mount
Sinai Hospital and the Health Department of New York City.
From all these sources, little statistical data that
might be of help for this investigation were available, owing
in part to the fact that there is no organization among the
Puerto Ricans in New York similar to the Urban League for the
Negroes, or other organizations which collect information of
a statistical nature abcut their own people.
The data for the present study were collected by the
interview technique.4 For an interview to be successful
there must be a proper approach, which includes judgment of
the individual, timing of the approach, and the choosing of
an effective locale for the interview. Of equal importance
to the approach is the art of directing the thinking of the
one interviewed into the channels of the information desired.
Finally, the organization of the material gained from the
interview into such form that it can be simply and readily
understood and interpreted is very important.
A period of eight months was spent visiting the homes
of the subjects studied. These visits were made during the
evenings, around the hours six to nine. During the inter-
view, several approaches were used to establish rapport. A
very effective one was to ask the individual from what town
of Puerto Rico he had come. This usually led to some common
After a few introductory remarks, the subject was asked
to cooperate in a scientific study which might be of help to
the Puerto Ricans. The individuals were assured that this
was general information, and that group tabulation would eli-
minate the possibility of individual identification. Finally,
they were informed that each question answered was of great
importance and that unless truthfulness in answers was
obtained, the results would be misleading.
While collecting the data, the interviewer was aware of
situations where bias might occur, such as influence of in-
formation previously obtained, errors in recording, poor in-
terpretation of answers to ciqueftions asked and faulty ques-
tioning. The-refore, a check list5 was devised for recording
the data obtained. The interview was conducted in such a
way that answers to the questions asked could be easily
recorded by means of a check mark or just a word. The check
list was planned in such a way that the information obtained
might aid in answering the questions formulated in the state-
ment of the problem of this investigation.
Classification of Occupations
The investigator of vocational information is often per-
plexed by the problem of classifying occupations. This is
especially true since there is a considerable overlapping
among occupations in most respects,
One of the most frequently used bases for classification
is that established by the United States Census Bureau. The
1920 classification grouped occupations, according to their
products or services, into ten divisions: agriculture,
forestry and fishing, extraction of minerals, manufacturing,
transportation and communication, trade, public service
domestic and personal service, and clerical service. This
classification was changed in 1940 to what was termed a
"social economic grouping" for ~ech of the census divisions.
The new grouping included nine different categories as
1. Proprietors, officials anne managers
2. Clerks and kindred workers
3. Skilled workers
4. Semi-skilled workers
7. Public officials
8. Semi-official public employees
9. Professional persons
Intelligence is usually considered an important factor
in determining the classification of occupations. It had
its widest application in the use of the Army Alpha Intelli-
gence Test with enlisted men during the first world war.
Scores received were compared with the stated occupations and
differences were shown to exist among men of different occu-
pations despite the high degree of overlapping which was
Barr6 compiled a list of 121 representative occupations
and had them rated by twenty judges according to their esti-
mate of the relative amount of intelligence required for the
occupation. The occupations ranged from "hobo" to the learn-
ed professions,. No attempt was made to grade occupations
except in terms of the subjective ratings given,
Fryer7 made an adaptation of the data collected on the
basis of the Army Alpha Intelligence Test. He arranged the
listing of occupations according to their average scores,
Fryer has marked off quite definitely five occupational
levels as follows:
1. Professional occupational level. (Superior
2. Technical occupational level. (High average
3. Skilled occupational level, (Average intelli-
4. Semi-skilled and low-skilled occupational level.
(Low average intelligence found,)
5. Unskilled occupational level. (Inferior intelli-
gence usually found,)
Fryer has gone as far as to make a list of ninety-six
occupations for each of which he gives the intelligence
group, the score average, and the score range in terms of
the Army Alpha Intelligence Test.
Beckman 8 in collaboration with the executives of the
Adjustment Service and Dr. Henry C. Link, devised a scale
for grouping occupational rank. This scale is occupational
as well as socic-economic in nature. It locates occupation-
al groups and is graded in terms of intelligence, capacity
or skill, education and training required for its pursuit.
The classification is as follows:
Grade (1) Unskilled manual occupations
Grade (2) Semi-skilled occupations
Grade (3) Skilled occupations
a) Skilled manual occupations
b) Skilled wbhte collar ohoupations
Grade (4) Semi-professional occupations
a) Sub-professional occupations
b) Business occupations
c) Minor supervisor occupations
Grade (5) Professional occupations
a) Linguistic occupations
b) Scientific occupations
c) Managerial and executive
Another basis for classifications is that of interest
This is the basis which was used by Strong9 and by Cleetoni0
in devising their interest inventories. Still there are many
other classifications of occupations including those devised
by Counts,11 Hartman,12 Edwards,1 and Anderson.14
The classification of occupations which is most widely
used, on account of its functional basis and its coding sys-
tem, is the one used by the United States Employment Service,
presented in the Dictionary of Occupational Titles.15 This
classification structure contains a number of occupational
groups established according to skill level, numerical fre-
auency, and significance of the occupations in America.
Specific jobs are classified in these groups according
to similarity of work performed and performance requirements.
Occupations that cannot be so classified are placed in
groups which are named for the industry or process within
which they are most commonly found. The occupations in this
classification are first divided into seven groups or cate-
gories. The occupations in each of these groups are then
sub-divided into twelve major subdivisions. Th'-" groups in
turn are further divided into more lio.itf> grcu~os of occupa-
tions, each of which has an occupational title. There are
571 such occupational title groups. These 571 occupational
groups in turn contain 8,869 specific cuciit-tional classifi-
The majoroccupational groups established by this classi-
fication and also the number of classifications.at the pre-
sent time is as follows:
MAJOR OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS
Ucde o. 'Major Occupational 3-digit: No. of :No. of
Groups groups Classi- Defini-
fl cfication: tion
0 I-Professional and 67 : 806 : 111
: managerial :
1 : II-Clerical and sales: 55 : 588 : 1331
2 :III-Service occupations: 42 296 : 567
3 IV-Agricultural, :
fishery & kindred:
occupations : 40 : 177 : 310
4-5 : V-Skilled occupations: 149 : 1761 : 3528
6-7 : VI-Semi-skilled n 133 : 4660 : 7423
8-9 :VII-Unskilled 85 : 581 : 6883
TOTAL.......: 571 8869 21653
The digits of the code numbers in this classification
initcete the relationship among the occupations. The first
digits show the broatn occupational groups. Each successive
*.igit indicates progressively more limited groups and con-
sequently closer occupational relationships. The code num-
bers also indicate skill level and other occupational fac-
tors, For example, the code numbers of Sheet-Metal-Fabrl-
cating-Machine Operator, 6-94.202 and Flange Breaker 6-94.
211 in the automobile manufacturing industry indicate that
t'".se jobs are semi-skilled, requiring: only a few months of
S-tlv-job training, and that the typical trade school gra-
uuate who has had courses in sheet metal work will be able
to acquire the specific skills dervv'e-l by the occupations
in a relatively .brief time. :
The chief use of this classification system is in in-
terviewing, when it is ,ssentiaB to have accurate information
concerning jobs and their relationships& In the;second world
war, this classification was employed by the: Army to assess
the occupational skills of men entering;the military service.
Industrial organizations use this classification in recruit-
ment anr placement, andL many other organizations:have also
adopted it in setting up their personnel records. Other
agencies which use it include the Bureau of Guidance of New
York. the State Education Department, the War Labor Board,
the United States Civil Service Commission the Board of War
Jomr,.Lnications, the War Production Board, Petroleum Adminis-
tration for War, and the Office of War Transportation.
Since the largest group in the present study of occupa-
tional status groups obtained their present jobs through the
United States Employment Service, not only was it a matter
of expediency to use the occupational classification devised
and used by the agency that placed them, but it was also a
fortunate circumstance that offered a classification of such
a functional nature.
Treatment of the Data
The first step in this investigation was to determine
the occupational status of the group. The classification of
occupations employed by the United States Employment Service
and discussed in the previous section was used for this pur-
pose. The results of the tabulation of this information are
presented in Chapter II of this study.
In the analysis of the results, the occupational status
of the group was correlated with each of the following fac-
tors: age, marital status and dependentS, employment stabi-
lity, religion, education, economic status, knowledge of the
English language, prison record, health, recreation, fathers'
occupation, and occupational preference. The means and
standard deviation were obtained for each group of the pre-
ceding items. In order to determine the degree of relation-
ship existing between some of the characteristics and occu-
pational status, the "Pearson Product Moment" formula for
coefficient of correlation16 was used. In places where the
data indicated a rough relationship, the Chi-Squarel7 test
was used. The Chi-Square technique is a criterion used for
testing the discrepancy between two sets of observed values
and the corresponding theoreticalal values on the basis of
some thesis as to the population.
The hypothesis which can be tested statistically are
always hypothesis about unknown population values, or para-
meters. The test always consists of an examination of the
hypothesis to ascertain whether it can reasonably account
for the statistics observed in a particular sample on the
assumption that the latter is a random sample from a popula-
tion in which the hypothesis is true. If the statistics in
the sample under observation differ so greatly from the po-
pulation parameters specified by the hypothesis that it is
not reasonable to maintain that the statistics might have
been produced by the fluctuations of random sampling from
the population in which the hypothesis holds, then the hy-
pothesis must be rejected as untenable. If the sample sta-
tistics are not inconsistent with the hypothesis about the
population parameters, the hypothesis is accepted.
Usually the rudb-of-thumb procedure is used. This
means to reject a hypothesis when if it were true, one per
cent or less of the random samples would be more extreme
than the sample under observation; reject a hypothesis when,
if it were true, five per cent or more of the random sample
would be more extreme than the sample under observation.18
The significance of the differences between the means of
certain items was determined by the use of analysis of var-
iance technique. This technique is explained by Linquist19
in the following way:
Analysis of variance is a method used for evalua-
ting the null hypothesis which states that each group
is a random sample from the same homogenous population.
If the group cannot be shown to be a random sample
from the same population homogenous with respect to
the characteristic being studied, they have not de-
monstrated to be the same with respect to that
characteristic. The analysis is accomplished by a
statistical procedure which compares the variation
among the means of two or more groups with an es-
timate of that variation-based upon the variation
of the scores within the groups. When the varia-
tion among the means is relatively large in relation
to 'this estimate, the group cannot be considered to
be 'random samples from the same homogenous popula-
tion. When the variation is relatively small, the
groups may be so considered.
Further the same author has added:20
If the groups are from different populations
the observed differences are significant inasmuch
as they reflect the presence of real or true dif-
ferences between populations. The test is: Can
the groups reasonably be considered to be from the
same homogenous population? If they cannot, a
significant reliable difference may be accepted.
Because of the large size of the sample in this inves-
tigation, namely 3,024 cases, all of the statistical calcu-
lations in this study were secured by means of machine
APPENDIX C Footnotes:
The statistical area is a unit used by the Bureau of the
Census and contains numerous census tracts equivalent to
four by six blocks in each one. L.R. Chenault, The
Puerto Rican Migrant in New York City (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1938), p. 63.
New York City Department of Health, Health-Quarterly
SBulletin, 2:78-79, 1934.
H.M. Walker, "Sample", The Encyclopedia of Educational
Research (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1941) p. 998.
4 C.M. Smith and M.M. Roos A Guide to Guidance (New York:
Prentice-Hall Inc., 1941), pp. 143-44.
See'Appendix D, pp. 79,
6F.E, Barr, "A Scale for Measuring Mental Ability in
Vocations and Some of its Applications," L.M. Terman,
Genetic Studies of Genius (California: Stanford Univer-
sity Press 1926), Vol. 1, Chapter IV.
D. Fryer, Occupational Intelligence Standards "
School and Society, 16:273-277, September, 1922.
8R.0, Beckman, "A New Scale for Gauging Occupational
Rank," Personnel Journal, 13:225-233, October, 1935.
E.K. Strong, Jr., Manual for Vocational Interest Blank,
(California: Stanford University Press, 1938).
10G.U. Cleeton, Vocational Interest Inventory (Blooming-
ton, Illinois: McKnight and McKnight, 1937).
G.S. Counts "Social Status of Occupations," School
Review, 13:16-25, August, 1925.
12G.W. Hartman "The Prestige of Occupations," Personnel
Journal, 13:152-157, February, 1934.
13A.M.Edwards "A Socio-Economic Grouping of Gainful
Workers in the United States," Journal of the American
Statistical Association, 28:377-384, June, 1933.
14H.D. Anderson, QOcupational Mobility in an American
Community (California: Stanford University Press, 1937).
15United States Department of Labor, Division of Standards
and Research, Dictionary of Occupational Titles Part I
(Washington, D.C.: U.5. Government Printing office, 1939)
16H.M. Walker, Elementary Statistical Methods (New York:
Henry Hold and'Co., Inc., 3943) pp. 222-245.
17G.U.Yule and M.G. Kendall, An Introduction to the Theory
of Statistics (London: C. Griffin & Co., Ltd., 1937),
18Ibi, pp. 370-378.
9E.F. Linqulst, Statistical Analysis in Educational
Research (New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1940), p. 251.
20Ibid., p. 252.
INTERVIEWER' S CHECK LIST
I. General Facts
Age: Under 21 ; 21-30_; 31-40__; 41-50 ;
Church attended: Catholic ; Protestant ;
Year of arrival in New York City: 1944 ; 1943_;
1942__; 1941 ; 1940 .
Reason for migration_
Ii. Facts concerning occupation
A. What is your present occupation __
What other jobs have you held in New York City?
B. How do you get these jobs?
1. Newspaper advertisement _
2, United States Employment Service
3. Private employment agency
4, Social agency
5 On recommendation
6, Other reason
C. Are you satisfied with your present employment?
Yes -No_ (If answer is tno', ask
T What kind of occupation would you prefer?')
What was your occupation in Puerto Rico?
For how long a time did you work in that job?
E. What is your. father's occupation? ___
III. Facts about marital status and-dependents
A. Are you married?
B. Is your wife'here or in Puerto Rico? _
Is she employed? What is her occupation?
C. I"o you have any children? How many?
D, Besides wife and children, does any other relative
live with you? Is he or she employed?
IV. Facts on education
A. What was the last grade in school which you reached?
Elementary High School _College
B, Have you attended any vocational or trade school?
Yes No How Long? Where?
V. Facts about income
A. Range of wages
Weeklye Les. than $18_ $18.-$25__ 25-.35__;
$355- 45_; $5-55 ; Over $55__
Per Hour: Lees then 500 __ 50--0.6C 600-700 ;
70o-80_; o00-9Q~_; 900-~ i ; Over iw,_.
D. Are you satisfied with the wages you received in
VI. Facts on knowledge of English language
A. Can you speak, read, write and understand English?
_____Speak and read with difficulty? Read
and write with much difficulty in speaking?
Understand a few words? Speak a few words?
B, Do you understand the directions given to you by
the foreman in the place where you work?.____
VII, Facts about prison record
A. Have you ever been imprisoned? Yes__ No
B. Did you learn a trade while in prison?
C, Are you working at that trade now?_______
D, Have you had any trouble in getting a job because
of your prison record?______
VIII, Facts about health
A. Do you have a health problem?___
B. How often have you been sick during the last five
C, Have you lost your job because of illness?
IX. Facts about recreation
A. How do you spend your leisure hours?
B. What is your preferred activity during your
C. bd you have any hobbies?_ ._____
X. Are you planning to return to Puerto Rico very soon?_
Occupational status of workers according to the
classification of occupations in the Dictionary
of Occupational Titles, War Manpower Commission
Professional and managerial occupations
Code Number Description Number Totals
0-24 Musicians 42
0-25 Pharmacist 8
0-30 Teacher (elementary) 27
0-33 Trained nurse 24
0-56 Photographer 11
0-65 Undertaker 9
Clerical and sales occupations
1-04 Clerks; general 72
1-23 Messengers, errand boys 14
1-27 Post office clerks 48
1-28 Mail carrier 8
1-37 Stenographer, typist 43
1-80 Salesman (to consumer) 27
2-27 Waiters, except private
2-32 Barbers 43
2-45 Doorman 75
2-48 Ushers 69
2-84 Janitors 152
2-86 Porters 146
2-95 Elevator operators 24
Agricultural, fishery, forestry
and kindred occupations
Code Number Description Number Totals
3-40 Gardener and ground
4-02 Occupations- in pro-
duction of bakery
4-25 Carpenter 46
4-12 Occupations.. 14 .manu-
facture of tobacco
4-36 Occupations in manu-
facture of furniture 21
4-75 Machinists 21
4-93 Febrication of-metal
6-79 Mechanics and-repair-
5-91 Foremen, manufacturing 32
7-36 Chauffeurs and drivers 15
6-78 Machine shop and re.-
lated occupations 152
7-03 Occupations in build--*
ing of aircraft 130
7-05 Occupations in build-
automobile and air-
7-27 Painters 72
7-64 Non-process occupations
in manufacturing 298
7-96 Plumber (apprentice) 51
7-97 Apprentice to other
hand trades 22 847
Code Number Description Number Totals
9-32 Construction occu-
9-64 Non-process occupa-
tions in manufac-
9-85 Garage laborer and
car washer and
9-89 Miscellaneous occu-