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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00241
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: November 28, 1976
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00241

Full Text

30 Cents


Ot4L) NiOVERIBER 28. 197


Vol. 6 No. 48


I 'rs* Andfrea Talbutt
Research InstitUte for
Study of Mnfor
12, East 8th Street
New York, N,y 1 .
Ph. Lehih y10021
SU. Lehi,h8 5 84487
WEEKLY REVIEW PRTrTEtu-AT- I-.c-- *P


IA HOUSE PUBLISHING CO. LTD., 91 TUNAPUNA RO.,TUNAPUNA TEL:662-5126 ANB 22 CIPRIANI BVD, P.O.S. 62-25241.


LABOUR education in
Trinidad and Tobago has
come to a dead halt at a
time when the country's
industrial relations climate
is far from stable.
Neither lecturers, stu-
dents nor Ministry of
Labour officials could say
last week what is happening
with the Cipriani Labour
College at Valsayn. The
College was closed two
months ago by sanitary
inspectors from the Ministry
of Health.
Since then, some nine
fulltime College lecturers
have been drawing their
$1200-plus salaries to stay
at home. Some 70 day
students are also cooling
their heels as are another
180 students who were
taking night classes at the
College.
Sanitary inspectors
ordered the College closed
early in October after con-
firming students' complaints
about unsanitary condi-
tions.
In spite of the fact that
the building housing the
College was relatively new,
there was no water, toilets
were never flushed and

Sweet Bad
"WITH the working Week
now drawing to a close,
your main preoccupation
today will be to round off
what has been'partially
completed. .." Tuesday
Horoscope in The Express.


LABOURR







C.LO S EDM b


simple facilities, like a
canteen, were never pro-
vided.
Miss Paula Granado, co-
ordinator of the Students'
Guild at the College, said
last week: "We had to use
a pipe in the yard for
water. After we com-
plained, two 500-gallon
water tanks were installed,
But the water just leaked
out."
Apart from the primitive
facilities at the College,
students were also involved
in a row with the Minist y
of Labour over the two-
year Diploma being issued
by the College.
"This National Diploma
was not recognized by the
Government or the private
sector", Miss Granado said.
So students found them-
selves spending two years
to get a diploma which
did not help them to get
jobs.


On October 19, the
Cipriani Labour College,
formerly housed on Long
Circular Road in Port-of-
Spain, was ten years old.
Problems at the College
had also cropped up because
of the sudden dropping of
a course on Social Studies
which had been advertised
but when students turned
up for the course they
were told there was no
money to continue it.

DIPLOMA
Another course on Inter-
national Relations was also
suddenly dropped.
A student meeting with
the Ministry of Labour on
the Diploma issue and
related problems has, to
date, produced no results.
One student commented
last week: "Perhaps they
don't mind the College
being closed. It might be a


strategy to keep the students
from meeting together."
The College has also
been without a Director
since September 1 this
year when Mr. John James
reportedly resigned in dis-
gust and returned to
England. Mr. James had
backed the students on the
Diploma issue.
Reports was last week
that Government were plan-
ning to re-appoint Mr.
Wilbert Winchester, who
had been Director of the
College until 1971 when
he successfully ran on a
PNM ticket in Tobago East
Mr. Winchester lost his
seat to A.N.R. Robinson
in the 1976 general elec-
tions. The other PNM can-
didate in Tobago who also
lost his seat, Mr. Basil Pitt,
has since been named Am-
bassador Plenipotentiary
by Prime Minister Dr. Eric
Williams.


SOME of the finest young
talent in the arts in Trini-
dad and Tobago converted
Tapia's Cipriani Boulevard
headquarters into a mini-
festival that went way
beyond the 4 p.m. sche-
duled closing time last
Sunday.
The occasion was a cul-
tural fiesta organised by
the Kairi Group to raise
funds for an Annual Journal
of the Arts which is to be
published by the end of
this month.
First half or the pro-.
gramme was devoted to
readings by poets Abdul
Malik, Victor Questel,
Joseph Cummings, Paul
Keens-Douglas, Christopher
Laird, and Raoul Pantin.
Then it was the turn of
the musicians, Lancelot
Layne and Andre Tanker,
backed up by Angus Nunes
and Mike Coryat.

PASTOR DSVINA

Tanker played and sang
some of his more popular
compositions and was
joined by a surprise guest
artiste in Syd Skipper who
sang the favourite "Divina
Pastora" from the Derek
Walcott play, "Joker of
Seville." Tanker was also
joined in two songs by
Marina Maxwell.
Novelist Earl Lovelace
read excerpts from a new
book he is working on and
sang along with the audience
when MC Wilbert Holder
introduced a song, "My
Name Is Village", taken
from a play which Lovelace
has staged in the Best Vil-
lage Competition.
Judith Laird, Maurice
Brash and Christopher
Pinheiro put on some
hilarious excerpts from
the Banyan Group's reper-
toire.
Towards evening, Andre
Tanker returned and kept
the place alive with music
until the show finally
came to an end.
There was enthusiastic
response from the small
audience and much dis-
cussion on the possibilities
of staging similar shows
in the future.

Best Away
T API1A Secretaryv Llo yd
IBest I'lics to Barbados Ilii
weekend to attend lhe
('ol 'crc ice on Montllar\
Stlidlies. The (' Conllfc.n.Icc
Hisin in Bridgeltowan ine\
ccI'k.


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PAGE 2 TAPIA SUNtJAY NOVEMBER 28, '976





To Choose A President


WHIEN Parliament gets around to
electing him or her, just what
would be the President's role in
the scheme of things? Chapter 3
of the Constitution states that
"there shall be a President of
Trinidad and Tobago who
shall be the Head of State and
Commander-in-Chief of the
armed forces". The chapter on
Executive powers adds that "the
executive authority of Trinidad
and Tobago shall be vested in
the President and, subject to this
Constitution, may be exercised
by him either directly or through
officers subordinate to him."
BUT it also states that there
shall be a Cabinet "which shall
have general direction and control
of the Government of Trinidad
and Tobago". The President
appoints the Prime Minister, but
the Prime Minister appoints the
Cabinet. Ard Section 80 (1)
requires the President "in the
exercise of his functions" to "act
in accordance with the advice of
the Cabinet -or a Minister acting
under the general authority of
the Cabinet. .." except where he
is empowered to act in his own
discretion, as in the appointment
of nine Senators.


OPPOSITION'

THE Parliamentary Opposition
does not appear to be concerned to
query the role assigned to the Presiden,
in the Constitution. In fact, implicit in
their argument, is an acceptance of
the current status of the Presidency,
and of the method of selection. Yet
even if Parliament were accorded the
status in this matter which the Opposi-
tion thinks it should have, the Gov-
Sernment would still be able, with their
built-in majority, to elect their own
candidate to the Presidency.
GIVEN the present composition
of the House, the Opposition mighT
find it impossible even to nominate


a candidate, since such a person
would need the signatures of at least
twelve members of the House on his
nomination form. Would the ULF nad
the DAC find ground for common
action? What would be Mr. Robinson's
quid pro quo? Nomination of a
Tobagonian, perhaps?
APPARENTLY, then, the Oppo-
sition is less concerned with the sub-
stance of power than with its semblance
more interested in appearing to be
deferred to, than in actually influenc-
ing the choice of President, or the
status of that job. Yet, larger issues
have been raised before in othei
quarters.-The Wooding Report saw the
.,ia1,u iui an~ elected President as
Head of State as "an expression of the
fact that independence must involve
the creation of indigenous symbols of
nationhood".


WOODING

PRESUMABLY, the iramers of
the 1976 Constitution, saw a new
system of selecting the Head of State,
once we had abandoned the Monarchy
as being necessary, one that would
incorporate, at least ostensibly, a
popular principle. Their solution was
to have Parliament elect the President,
who would occupy the same analogous
position to the British Monarch as the
Governor-General did previously.
THE question is whether a
warmed-over version of a British
institution represents an indigenouss
symbol of nationhood"? Our experi-
ence with the Governor-General has
not given much cause for hope. Some
critics have described the incumbent
as a lackey of the Government of the
day; and, indeed, the post has often
seemed to be little more than that of a
glorified PR man for the ruling party,
at most a lightning conductor; as the
Wooding Commissioners reported in
1974:

"Even today many educated and
intelligent people still think of
taking their complaints to the
Governor-General although, quite
clearly under the existing Con-
stitution, he cannot act in any


significant area except in accord-
ance with the -advice of the
Prime Minister." ,
Should it have been otherwise
Should we .expect anything more of
the President'!
THE Wooding Commission
glanced at the possibility) of combin-
ing the positions of Head of State
and Head of Government in other
words, an American-style presidency,

As one of the "powerful arguments's
in favour of such a scheme they
asserted that "most people would
agree that a Head of State in Trinidad
and Tobago is never as fully occupied
as he might be, so that there no
doubt would be substantial savings if
the offices were combined".
MORE persuasive was the argu-
ment that "Trinidad and Tobago itself
has had a long tradition of an all-
powerful executive the colonial
Governor". As the Commissioners put
it "there are .. advantages in com-
bining the appearance with the reality
of power, thus clearly identifying the
seat of responsibility".
THE Commissioners reported
that
"very few people supported that
point of view. The overwhelming
majority advocated a largely
ceremonial Head of State who
would have some powers in the
area of appointment to offices
of a national character and be a
symbol of national unity. The
-desire was to find a person
above the clash of race and class
and ideology which makes up
politics. .."


LOOSE ALLIANCES

A more weighty consideration
was suggested by the Commissioners
themselves in their booklet Outlines
of Four Model Constitutions:

"Introducing the American model
into a situation where there is
rigid and effective party discip-.
line may very well alter it com-
pletely. A President who can
control a majority in the Con-
gress committed by party dis-


Big Discounts on revalued prices


..it like Ole Tlinmes again?


THE AMERICAN STORES
throughout the Nation


I


ciplne tb pass all his measures
into law would be a person very
r different indeed from Presidents'
as they actually are in the system:
as it operates. The system works
best where the political ti ';-
LuuI favours loose worxng
alliances. .

THE question here is, do we
.not now have a Prime Minister who,
in the eyes of many, is above the
'clash of race and class and ideology"?
Who, in fact, has put himself above
his own party, having been acclaimed
.as its political leader in 1973, contrary
to the party constitution, and who
has castigated senior party members
as millstones and required of all his
party's Parliamentary candidates
,signed, undated letters of resignation.
Do we not now vote more for a
Lxauer man ior the several canamlate?
of a party, whether or not that Leadei
emerges as the leading representative.
of a race? And is not Dr. Williams
expressing the reality of his detached
status when he muses aloud that
perhaps the Prime Minister should
not be in the House at all?

AMERICAN-STYLE

DOES not the 1976 Constitution
formally sanction this role by accord-
ing the Prime Minister the right to
appoint an unlimited number of
ministers from outside of the House?
Have we, then, moved away from
Prime Ministerial government and
closer to Presidential government,
American-style? Or are we in an
entirely novel situation, with a Chief
Executive who, unlike the British
Prime Minister, is free of party
checks, and unlike the American
President, is free of legislative checks,
and unilikebotn,is free of the restraint,
of a strong public opinion and well-
organized interest groups? Is the
situation entirely novel, or are we well
within our "long tradition of an all-
powerful executive the colonial
Governor"?
THE Woodine Commissioners.
seemed to sense the reality of our
situation, but responded to it inade-
Continued on 'aYe 11


-T-.- -


- -----1-.-~~.1---~11~,irr-i:lr. -~~ I


I






SJ !'. ;!i-.A ?& AGE 3


DEAR FRIENDS, I went
back to see my friend the
Commissioner of Oaths
and Affidavits recently. As
I entered the dim, cramped
cubbyhole that he called
his office, I could see that
nothing had changed from
the last time I was there.
The Commissioner was
hunched over his type-
writer, slowly and carefully
pecking away at the keys.
He glanced up only to
wave me to one of the two
old, grime-encrusted morris
chairs which his office
boasted, and continued
with his labours.
For half and hour at
least, he kept me waiting
as a dusty silence settled
over the office punctuated
only by the clicking Qf
the keys and the muffled
sounds of world outside.
"I read your article.
Were you laughing at me?"
I hastened to assure
him tLiat I had no iicli
intention. If anI thing, I
rlopeu the article \o'ld
ha'e expressed m1 ,'_owni


-confusion and uncertainty
He peered at me awhile
over his wire-framed glasses
and then nodded. Yes, he
said, we had not really
spoken long enough on the
last occasion for himn to
say exactly what was in
his mind. He paused.
"You see son" he
began, so softly that I
strained to catch his words,
"Most of the people of
my generation and those
before and even some after
grew up in a system
which, whatever its faults,
was stable. The rules of
the game were known and
understood and therefore
there was a kind of security
to our existence."
He raised an arm as if
to stop me from speaking,
"Don't misunderstand me
now. I am not saying that
*we lived better then or
that there were no pro-
blems. I know that we
v, ere a colon\ I know llaut
all tlh rules were imposed
fro111i outside and that we
r-all\ had no chloicet in the


matter."
But even so, don't you
see that we belonged,
belonged to something
larger than ourselves?
Something so large, a
system so deeply rooted


Comment


Fillip

that even for the least or
us there was pride in what
we took to be our own.
"Moreover you must
remember that the real
genius of the colonial sys-
tem was that even though
it was imposed it was not
closed. There was always


a narrow opening to the
top through which a few
of us in every generation
might, pass.
"So that all our efforts
and energies were bent to
the task of seizing that
chance and in the process
and for that purpose we
had, to know and live the
rules. The whole ethic of
the Empire became ours
and we were almost indis-
tinguishable from Empire
men elsewhere. Part you
see, part of something."
He had stopped, appa-
rently waiting some com.
Sent from me. I remained
silent. "Now there is none
of that." he resumed slowly,
"Independence sure, but
the system is gone, the
rules are gone. And we
have replaced them with
nothing. Our society is so
open now that it is


Nothing but a snatch and
grab raid. No reterees, no
rules, no order.
He paused again shaking
his head slowly, "We can-
not continue like this. We
may be a wealthy country
but look around you, just
look at the decay, the
disorder and the nonsense
that is going on at every
level. I don't know son, I
just don't know. How and
where do we begin to put
the pieces back together
again? I am not advocating
any return to colonialism,
but what is wrong with
civility?"
He did not say another
word. We sat for awhile
staring at each other and
the silence once more crept
into the dim cubbyhole
shielding our thoughts
from each other, and from
the world outside.


THURSDAY 18, NOV.
\\ASA PKRU Bi.de,-, MjAlurj,
suspL-ndd ,o!th j ).
Ne \\ A..\SA B,.ajrd hi.:.,

PTSC irjbl [I' gije j\VI.
stuJi.nrrt pet!ij bus .er i.,..e.
FRIDAY 19,
Bufr,oug t..t,,ild Rjmdkajr 1;,
to \eiezil t, [,i-n .
Cubah rcpeat.ci al: ill e'..,el
U.S. trum Cubirn Inqrir
Food cr,:,p farmer, J..m:r

grc-ndsr FjIl t._ ..ee M Niri,ter
,:,rkl begins r .r Tir tli p.:lri
ing i-_,mple\ be!,ir Tr.Jeide
Board rioit :r- B .r,..ul ,C ,uli.u ii
j (i,;,.ji'! -,tj c- at. r.ai!. ':,u i [
C.P B A. mc,.-ing.
Grenada General Elections
to be held December 7. 31
candidates to contest 15

SATURDAY 20,
Bill to elect President
passed in Parliament.
SUNDAY 21,
AG directs Law Reform
Commission to speed up
work.
PM chairs party consulta-
lion on Citizens' grievances.


J.n ij i et, grel re i .hli
'_n M,-" J..|[ Srmcl lie

1'iii.]' Faitmi \r Jrn '
MONDAY 22,
ANRA r-.' Ioir t,,I

AL M I. .-- h, l i i, _,
b r i'- .-




TUESDAY 23.

Ci1arge. >,i J,,..i r ,.i In,,
f9 ort IlIe Ik.V
(1adlij. Si,, li j1 ij jI
Hjrr\ jn,,_rin I|I c ',.,.,n .L ,:
rir nihber.. iir,.-j l\ ,. luj L,....
IIIU seek 85% salary
increase.
Jamaica Election Decembei
15.

WEDNESDAY 24,
ULF Senators suip)ort all
Government Bills
Postmen to be suspended
pending trial.
Compleie take over ol'
Caroni by ,ovcrirhinini
mooted.
Conmmissior n o )plobe
finances of narrow's I)11I'.


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'AGE 4 TAPIA SUNDAY NOVEMBER 28, 19/b



I
A .


Bhoendradatt Tewarie
THE principal action in the
plot of Dennis Scotts' An
Echo in the Bone is the
killing of a white planter
by a black peasant named
Crew. The present of the
play is when Crew's wife
Rachel is holding a nine-
nights wake in his memory.
Since that fateful day
of the murder Crew has
not returned home and it is
generally assumed that he
is dead. Everyone gathers
at the wake: Sonson, Crew's
eldest son; Brigit, Sonson's
sister-in-law and former
lover; Rattler the dumb
drummer; Dreamboat, a
young carefree rum-drink-
ing womanizer; Madam
Love, Rachel's friend; P, a
marijuana planter; Lally, a
saucy little thing; Stone,
Crew's long-time friend
and Jacko, Crew's youngest
son, husband of Brigit.


tun punne


Action

THE Tunapuna Constitu-
ency Party of Tapia will
hold a Saturday Night Do
on December& 11. On hand
will be two DJ's and the
Old Oak Serenaders, Parang
Grand-Masters.
Venue is the home of
Fitz Baptiste on. Cheese-
man Avenue West, St.
Augustine. The damage is
$2 per head.
The fete is part of the
programme of activities
arranged by the party for
Tunapuna Week December
5-12.
The finale will be an All-
Fours Tournament on
Sunday 12 at the Tapia
House.
Friday afternoon, cadres
will be selling Tapia on
the streets with, the
Tunapuna Supplement.
Saturday morning is cake-
sale time, at the Super-
markets.


All the action in the
play focuses on Crew's
murder 6f the planter and
involves only the above
mentioned characters. All
the actors are black. When
the script calls for white
players, the very same
black actors play the
roles, aided by white half-
masks.
The structure of the
play is vertical rather than
horizontal and contains
multiple time shifts. The
play is replete with tensions
of stress, anxiety, dread
and anguish rather than
out and out human con-
flict. The conflict is more
a clash of forces. The play
presents a life condition
seen through the lens of
the playwright's imagina-
tion.
fhe only scene which
is rooted in the present is
the scene of the dead wake.
Every other scene takes
place in the past. The
present is a century after
the abolition of slavery.
There are four scenes
which deal directly with
the slave experience in
history. The first records
the brutality of the slaveship
the tongue ot a slave is
cut off; the second records
the selling of slaves in an
auctioneer's office; the
third involves the chasing
of a run-away by a planter
and his encounter some
maroons, shortly before
the abolition of slavery;
the fourth scene is the
night _of emancipation in
the Planter's Great House.
Of the other scenes
which relate more closely
to the present of the play,
one depicts life in Crew's
home about two years
ago, establishing the con-
flicts and tensions which
centre around the lives of
Sonson, Rachel, Crew,
Brigit and Jacko.
Another takes place a
few days after the murder
when we learn about
Crew's -bloodied cutlass -
evidence of murder and


murderer.
Then there are the
scenes on the day of the
murder itself demonstrat-
ing the events which lead
up to the murder as well as
the murder itself.
The connections from
scene to scene are not
causal. Many of the scenes
are episodes imaginatively
hung together.
The transitions are not
smooth; rather they are
abrupt, and the connec-
tions between events are
more surreal than real.
In addition, there is
song, dance and ritual. The
wake is being held to
establish contact with the
spirit of the dead Crew
through possession, so that
the play enters the realm
of the supernatural.

HIGHLIGHT

The play is a rather
difficult and complex one,
both for the audience and
the director but, Rawle
Gibbons and his Group 15
have done well in the
. execution of this play at
the Tapia House, Tuna-
puna.
In spite of very limited
lighting and a spare set,
An Echo in the Bone was
able to make an impact on
the audience.
The highlight of the
play was the ritual
murder, presented in 'slow
motion.
The use of space how-
ever, in its more adventur-
ous aspects proved to be a
hindrance rather than an
asset.
Much of the audience
could not see what was
going on at the end when
Crew's spirit took poses-
sion of Sonson and he
climbed the tree outside
the Tapia House.
Nor was the audience
pleased when a confronta-
tion between a planter and
Jacko-and Sonson went on
for five minutes or so in
the dark, at the back of
the viewers.


The attempts to extend
the stage beyond a mere
platform, to take advant-
age of the outdoor setting
to give the feel of realism,
and to involve the audience
in the experience of theatre.
need to be encouraged, but
these things must be done
with artistic restraint, with
a sense of theatre and most
of all with concern for the
audience.
In any case, one must
deal realistically with the
resources at one's disposal.
The audience cannot be
expected tolisten to words
because there is no spot-
light. People come to a
play expecting to see the
action.
Perhaps the most drama-
tically potent aspect of the
play is the ritualistic nature,
and although this came
over well sometimes, It
lacked a certain force.
As for the acting, the
cast did well together. Pat
McLeod as Madam Love
was a "natural". Cyril
Andalcio as Stone, in his
various roles, was compe-
tent. John Warner as P was
engaging.
But Belinda Barnes,. as
Rachel, should be singled
out for a truly magnificent
performance. She lent
dignity to blackness, to
womanhood to mother-
hood, and to wifehood.
She had that quiet power
so necessary to the role.
She was totally in com-
mand.
One got the impression,
however, that the major
difficulty of the produc-
tion was the play itself.
An- tcho in the Bone
needs to be tightened con-
siderably. It also needs to
be shorteineo. Too many
technical and theatrical
devices are crammed into
it.
Also, because of the
very real horror of me
slaveship, the indignity of
the auction block, the
inhumanity of the planter
class these are infinitely


difficult situations to
recreate on stage.
When one adds to this
the fact that all the white
characters in the play are
-stereotypes, who function
in stereotyped situations,
one begins to see the
potential for exaggeration
which could take the
credibility out of situations
and events.
An Echo in the Bone
had some problems in tmis
area. In addition, whew
ever dramatic situations
were used to portray racia.
tensions, the language was
ridden with cliches. Witt
themes that are not new
language is crucial tc
execution.

POINT FORTIN

Group 15 have been
bold and ambitious in
their first production.
They have attempted a
very difficult play. They
have presented it to the
Trinidad and Tobago
public for the first time
ever
They are carrying it
around the country begin-
ning with Point Fortin
and Scarborough. Their
premiere at the Tapia
House in Tunapuna broke
away from the traditional
obsession with Port-of-
Spain.
Group- 15 are young,
vibrant and full of poten-
tial. And they will improve.
The important things now
are to establish routines
and instil self-discipline.


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Major


AT the end of this month the 10,743 victorious candidates
in Cuba's municipal elections will elect delegates to the
provincial and national assemblies, 1,084 provincial dele-
gates and 455 national delegates.
The national assembly, to be constituted on 2 Dec-
ember, will in turn elect a 31-member council of state.
The president of the council of state,iho will also be
the head of government, will propose the names of the
council of ministers to the national assembly for its


approval.
The new electoral system
in Cuba, known as the
'people's power programme',
is aimed at allowing the
people, rather than the
Communist Party, to carry
out most of the tasks of
the Cuban state.
The attempt to institu-
tionalise democratic struc-
tures in Cuba dates back
to 1970 and the failure to
meet the much publicised
goal of a 10 million ton
sugar harvest.
At that time the Cuban
leadership identified as a
major weakness of the
revolution the fact that
the party had been assum-
ing both administrative
and political leadership
functions, centralising
power in a manner which
could not be justified.
Whatever critics may
say about the democratic
nature of the process, it
undoubtedly represents a
major reform of the
Cuban political system.

REFERENDUM

It has been careft;dly
planned, stage by stage,
with a dress rehearsal in
Matanzas province, where
elections were held in 1974.
The lew form of gov-
ernment was provided for
in me constitution which
was approved by referen-
dum last February, follow-
ing its adoption by the
first congress of the Cuban
Communist Party last Dec-
ember.
The new structure has
involved a complete-re-
arrangement of Cuba's
administrative units. In
pre-revolutionary Cuba
there were six provinces
and 126 municipalities.
In 1963, in order to
create an intermediate link
between the provinces and
the municipalities, 58
regions were created. The
number of municipalities
steadily increased until
there were .407 last year.
Under the new structure
the regions.have disappeared
and the old provinces have
been split up to make 14
new provinces with 169
municipalities. The new
units are roughly equal
in size and population.
The municipal assemblies
will be responsible for
schools, hospitals, stores,
hotels, cinemas, public
utilities and municipal
transport. They will also
select the magistrates to
preside over the municipal


people's courts.
The provincial assemblies
will regulate inter-city
transport and provincial
trade, and will elect judges
to the provincial courts;
the national assembly will
control all basic industries,
establish the national edu-
cational curriculum and
appoint supreme court
judges.
The national assembly
will also act as the national
legislature, considering all
laws proposed by the
council of ministers.
According to the new
r m u .


In


constitution, municipal ano
provincial delegates will
serve two and a half year
terms, and national dele-
gates will serve five year
terms.
All will continue work-
ing at, their existing jobs,
only receiving extra leave
when there is direct con-
flict between a meeting of
the assembly and normal
hours of work.
The delegates are unpaid
but if they have to be
absent from their other
jobs they receive 'a daily
allowance equivalent to
their salary and whatever
additional expenses they
may incur in the exercise
of their duties'. -


The constitution stresses
that 'the status of deputy
does not entail personal
privilege can be recalled by
those who elected them
'at any tihe of the day or
night', to quote Fidel
Castro.
The new assemblies are
designed to provide Cuba
with a more rational and
less haphazard system of
government, and marks a
final break with the post-
revolutionary ,riod when
often contradictory deci-
sions, involving,_he minutiae
of government, were taken
by. Fidel Castro or other
veterans of the Sierra
Maestra driving round the
island in jeeps.


AIM


e r or MI.





un


W to v;13Li* IC -0air ~t~I g~, IzI dr u A Au-, I,-% r TAQI- U


One important effect of
the reform should be actu-
ally to reduce the size of
the state bureacuracy by
an estimated 20 to 25
per cent, and the efforts
; of those who remain will
be concentrated at a
municipal level.
Under the new system
the regions have been
abolished and the day to
'day functions of govern-
ment have been concen-
trated at the municipal
rather than the provincial
level.
Obviously Cuba will not
change overnight as a result
of the new electoral sys-
tem. Despite efforts to
bring more women into
government, only 14 per
cent of the candidates, and
only 8 per cent of the
elected delegates, were
women.
Fidel Castro will remain
the head of the Cubani
government, and there are
unlikely to be dramatic
changes in the council of
ministers.
Nevertheless, Cuba con.
tinues to be a source of
major innovations some
18 years after t __over-
throw of Batista. (L.A.)






dE 6 TAPIA SUNDAY NOVEMBER 28, 1976


WE are now in a position to evaluate events
since the election, and of course we can see
that they are entirely in .keeping with the
portents we have examined.
I A reduction of portfolios with four Cabinet
members from the Senate, one from nowhere
Pitt and no ministry, or anything else,
for Tobago.
IN this context we must compare Williams'
1956 criticism of Albert Gomes' tenure of the port-
folios of Industry, Commerce, and Labour with his
bestowal in 1976 of the portfolios of Industry,
Commerce, Agriculture, Lands and Fisheries on
Chambers. We also have to ask what the relations
are supposed to be between Pitt !and Donaldson,let
alone between the two Permanent Secretaries in the
Ministry of Education.
The announcement of Consultations (within
the Party) to make recommendations or citizens'
grievances: power failures, indiscriminate excavation
of roads, non-collection of garbage, non-payment of
pensions, inefficiency of WASA, inefficiency of
Special Works. In typical fashion, the Doctor has not
only told them what to study, he has told them, what
conclusions to reach there must be a National
Garbage Authority. I only hope they decide to locate
it in the Beetham Dump.
I' The creation of a parallel government, or as
one might say, a. government of anti-matter, in the
form of the National Advisory Council, and a parallel


civu service in the form of the "independent" secre-
tariat set up to service it. There is a television comic
in the United States whose stock-in-trade is meaning.
less double-talk and who bills himself as "Professor
Irwin Corey, the World-renowned Expert." The
name "National Advisory Council" reminds one
overwhelmingly of this comedian. And in a surrealistic
sort of way a "National Advisory Council" is the
obvious and inexorable result of the progression
of National Advisory Councils on the economy, on
business, on science, Qn culture which we have had
in the past, and whose advice was either not given,
not accepted or not acceptable. If we can have
Advisory Councils on specific things that don't work,
why not go the whole hog and have a National
Advisory Council on everything? For it will certainly
not wurk either. Look at the areas includes in its
terms of reference"
"To advise Government on matters of public
concern".
I DON'T know what othei matters any govern-,
ment would want advice on, but you never know.
"To examine certain national objectives and
advise on their acceptance".
Are there national objectives that are not yet
accepted?
AS a first priority, "to look at the reports of
various committees of the recent symposium on the
mobilisation of domestic financial resources, viz
Revision of the Tax Structure; equalization of agri-
cultural and industrial wages; absorption of O-level
graduates into Capital-intensive industries; invest-'


ment ot National Insurance funds; incentives to
citizens in home construction and land acquisition.'
THEN to advise on: Improvement ot pubhc
utilities; development of an, efficient system of
public administration; preparation of the fourth 5-
year Development Plan; the-improvement of income
distribution; economic self-sufficiency; acceler-
ated urban development; regional development:;active
promotions of indigenous culture; rapid diversifica-
tion of the economy; improvement of infrastructure;
achievement of national ownership and control; the
role of the media; the physical environment; indus-
trial relations; youth in national development; and
no doubt the manufacture and distribution of sno-
cone and tooloom.
THAT is what you putting Conrad O'Brien,
Inskip Julien and Vernon Glean to do? You must be,
mad! But that is not the point the point is no
advisory council can do it. If Ken Julien oould
organise all of that, he should be Prime Minister.
What are they not supposed to be involved in? What
is the relationship of this mammoth to the regular
Civil Service? Who do they report to? Where are they
going to get the staff to man the "independent"
secretariat from the regular ministries? And does
"independent"; mean "not subject to Civil Service
regulations and procedures"? a condition in which
Williams claimed the "ambitious minority" of Civil
Servants were trying to place the Petroleum Secre-
tariat, on which grounds he abolished it.
THE only good thing about the NAC is that
it cannot possibly work, for if it could it wAuld be a


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SUNDAY NOVEMBER 28,197S TAPiA PGE 7
'mimiLl; '


tyranny.
THE concept of task forces set up from within
or from without the regular administrative machinery
to solve specific problems (after which they are
dissolved) is a legitimate device, increasingly resorted
in industry, commerce and government. But it can
only work in a context of representation and shared
power, because only in such a context do you have
the political sensitivity on the one hand and the
development of expertise on the other.
IN this context, it has been said that;Williams
is seeking to turn this country into a Presidential
republic, the implication being that tlis is a legitimate
ambition. He himself flew a kite on this when he
stated after the election that "perhaps the Prime
Minister should not be in the House". But if he has
such an ambition we must realise that he contem-
plates executive power going far beyond that of the
American president. He has already given himself far.
more power than the American president has, since
here there is a rubber-stamp Senate, no independent
legislature, no state or serious local government.
Williams is a king with a set of appointed advisers,
and a rudimentary parliament in the background to
give legality to his whims.
THOSE who compare this with the American
systemm would be well advised to consider that the
1976 election in the USA was not only a Presidential
election; Americans at the same time voted for one-
third of the Senate, the whole House of Representa-
tives, a number of state legislatures, and a vast number
of country city and even judicial officials; and (this is
especially interesting when we consider the cry of
-"too many parties" in our 1976 election) The
ballots contained not two candidates for the Presi-
dency but one-hundred and twenty-six, as well as
some three hundred referendum propositions in' one
part of the country or another.
THE latest development has been a tnth State
of Emergency and the second incursion of the
Defence Force into civil work. With a supposedly
labour opposition in Parliament Williams feels not
less but more confident of his capacity to solve indus-
trial disputes by, intervention with the troops and
of the inability of the general public to see beyond
its immediate wants.
THERE is much we could say about the
postal strike as a symptom of the malaise of labour
relations, particularly government union relations,
in this country, and above all as a constitutional
shortcoming, a. defeat in the distribution of power,
leading on the part of the unions to desperation and


CONCLUDES FROM LAST WE


goalless militancy or else svcophancv. and on the
government side to naked bribery or naked repres-
sion. But most of it was said in TAPIA of Sunday
November 7,. So let me just quote:
SThe cycle of crisis recurs over and over, with a
,deepening intensity each succeeding time. The
bland reassertion of the two-party democracy;
the celebration of illusion in the morning,
media and then, the return to the real politik
of guerrilla unionism, blind civic confrontation,
futile protest far and wide, followed by reaction,
repression, the strengthening of Executive
power and the inexorable march of the military
into the province of the civil.
And yet the Scribes and the pundits insist that
there exists no constitutional crisis; that there
existed none, that you simply cannot eat any
constitution reform.
The Ear of the Executive has become so mad-
deningly hard that the only way to get a proper
hearing is to disrupt the life of the country and
to aim your biggest blow at the softest under-
belly.
When else should the Postal workers go slow
but at Xmas when it hurts?
The only solution is a reform to give a tongue
and a voice to popular disadvantage. The only
institution to speak for the people is an
assembly of the valid leaders and the reputable
organizations, one designed to suit the habits of
the place.
All the reactionaries are content with one
Council or another troops of advisers hand-
picked from on high.
The Prime Minister has his National Advisory
Council; the secessionists from Tobago would
counsel two Senators chosen by democratic
action from above.
Until the fatter of representation is resolved,
the crisis will survive even if those who labour
are holding the reins of Opposition.
For as Lloyd Best said to Manswell in the
Great Debate, the unions are in the same trap as
everybody else, are victims of the system like every-
body else. This applied to the conventional opposi-


AI-
EK. -


tion parties at the time, and nor that there is a parlia-
mentary opposition, it applies to them. Just as the
PNM has settled for office without moral authority or
hope of progress, the ULF and the DAC have
settled for parliamentary seats without hope of
taking over or of effective opposition action now.
BOTH of them have been brambled by
Williams into the great integrity debate, and Panday
ends up making proposals for extension of the
powers of the i Integrity Commission which are the
same as those Williams promised in the PNM Mani-
festo.
NEITHER opposition party fought the election
on any platform that would suggest solutions to the
Constitutional mess of which they are now an
accredited part. The ULF had no proposals for the
reform of the conduct of wage negotiations; the DAC
shunned Constitution reform as unnecessary.
THE sum total of the ULF policy on economic
reforms is contained in that paragraph- of their
Manifesto which calls for "a new democracy backed
by the consolidated and invincible forces of the
people mainly of the working class."
Now Shah is reduced to complaining that the
government should have handled the postal strike
under the IRA instead of by a State of Emergency
Now the IRA is a piece of legislation to which the
militant unions were so implacably opposed that the
government had to declare a State of Emergency and
put Shah's colleague, Senator George Weekes, in
jail in order to get it passed. DAC's proposals on
Tobago are almost non-existent, except insofar as
Tobago fits into their scheme of "new commynities-'
in which;
"internal administrauves, will be organised on
the principle of representative government. The
New Community will be a unit in the local
govt. structure.
Their proposals for -Tobago specifically are
limited to
"involvement of residents in the planning of
their own future."
SO that now that Robinson finds himself in a
situation where Tobago has been spat out by Williams,
all he can do is call for a Tobago Secretariat with full
powers to handle internal matters and with consult.
tive status in external affairs, and for two Tobago
senators. The first proposal is ridiculous since once a
body is a secretariat or Council and not a Parliament
or Assembly any powers it may have belong not to
CONTINUED ON PAGE T


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PAGE 8 TAPIA SUNDAY NOVEMBER 28,1976


SSA DAY


From Page 7


it but to whoever would control
it, i.e. Williams. That is all the
Ministry of Tobago Affairs was
anvwav a secretariat.
THE second is obviously a
Constitutional proposal which
comes ill from a Tobagonian
who thought that constitution
reform was unnecessary, and
ridiculous too since Senators
are appointed by the regime
anyway or does he contem-
plate a permanent Tobago
opposition?
AS for the media, they are
caught in the self-same trap.
Listen to these quotations.
ON September 23, the
Express editorial said that the
new Upper House was:
"likely to be a useful and
vibrant Senate", because "in
this small country it is not


easy to get all the needed
skills from the House".
n is impossible to get all
the needed skills from the
House or the Senate, but size
ot the country has nothing to
do with it.
UN september 24, the
Express reminded us of the
Minister of Works saying that
the landslide on the Lady
Young Hill was not a landslide,
just some land sliding.
"We can look forward to
lively debates. .. while the
Senate is not a rubber stamp
the PNM still has a built-in
majority..."
ana need not fear
rejection of their bills. But
they certainly will have to
pass a most thorough scrunt-
ing and critical analysis.
This is precisely what the


Senate was designed for
and we should all be
pleased that this section of
our democratic process is
working again."
ON 'the 21, September,
again the Express said that the
Senate would be effective
because of its composition, and
continued with this weird
statement:
"Parliament is not a forum
for trade unionists as such
even though the majority
of their supporters came
from the Trade Unions. It is
San- opposition paid by the
people of Trinidad and
Tobago to defend their
interests in so far as such
interests might ne mreaten-
ed."

TRADES UNION

I PASS over all the possible
interpretations of this except
to say that if, as in the most
charitable interpretation, the
Express is saying that Trade
Unions should have no direct
parliamentary role but that
trade union interests, like all
others, should be mediated by
permanent political parties
then I agree wholeheartedly
but then the Express should
have drawn the opposite con-
clusion about the efficacy of
the present parliament. Wil-
liams knew very well what he
was doing when in 1956 he
said he did not want the formal
support of any Trade Union


inside his party. Only a dem-
ocratically structured party. in
a democratic country could
handle that kind of situation.
ON October 17, the Express,
predicting great things for the
National Advisory Council,
said:
"The problem of the country
is one of management."
Brothers and Sisters,
THE problem of our coun-
try is not one of management.
The problem is one of politics.
The net effect of events up to
and since the September 1976
elections is that in spite of the
deceptive Parliamentary calm,
politics has been more than
ever driven in the direction of
screaming protest, frantic agita-
tion, overnight mobilisation
and futile confrontation, and
further- away from a more
rational, more organised, more
sustained and therefore more
constructive and more effective
representation. The choice is
not between management and
politics.. We have always had
management, direction above;
we must inform it and instruct
it with politics, the thrust from
below. That is the only way
to make management dem-
ocratic and efficient rather
than authoritarian and slipshod
IN the years since Indepen-
dence, every interest in the
country has taken the point
that we need that thrust from
below; which is why we have a
free-for-all of enduring guerrilla;
protest. The challenge of the
Republic is to choose between


different orands of politics and
find one equal to the demands
of .a free and stable dem-
ocracy.
AS of today, that choice
is not between the Govern-
ment and the Oppositidn inside
of Parliament. Two of a kind,
they share the politics of con-
tinuing marches to Whitehall
and domination by the Prime
Minister and Cabinet. The chal-
lenge of the post-election
period is for us to fan outside
of Parliament the flames-of
representative and responsible
politics.



Asseubly


Ve ue

THE Third Sitting of the
Tapia Annual General
Assembly on Sunday Dec-
ember 5 will take place at
the Tapia House, Tuna-
puna.
The Lion's Civic Centre,
San Fernando, was not
available. The meeting of
the National Executive on
Monday November 22,
therefore changed the
Venue.
Starting time is .11.30
a.m. and not 10 a.m. as
previously announced.



zPlay

Friday

Group 15 will appear this
weekend at the Legion
Hall, Port-of-Spain.
On Friday November
26, the troupe will open
in the city for the first
time with Dennis Scott's'
Echo in the Bone.
Starting time is 8.15 p.m.


Fsb ikn


Show
AT the Tapia House,
Tunapuna, on Saturday
November 27, there will
be a Fashion Show and
Tea Party.
Sponsors are Ann's Dress
Shop and Cynthia Billy-
Montague.
Starting time is 4 p.m.
and the price is $5. Funds
raised are going partly
'Towards apia.


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THE Black- Research and
Cultural Committee has
declared its deep concern
for "the plight of our
brother Eusi Kwayana who
has been fighting a relent-
less struggle for freedom
and justice."
The Campus-based Com-
mittee held a solidarity
meeting for Kwayana last


A A A A A
-AIL


Wednesday November 24.
A BRACC Release
viewed "the continued re-
pression and incarceration
as not only an attack on
Brother Kwayana" but also
as "an injury to the revolu-


tionary movements through-
out the Caribbean".
Kwayana stands as
inspirational, added the
statement, -as a model of
honesty, strength, resist-
ance, and sincerity,


Eusi Kwayana is being
tried by the Brunham Gov-
ernment in Georgetown for
the publication of a
Bulletin, Dayclean.
Dayclean was first
printed by the Tapia House


~U~:~AY li~ylii~iV1Dt~


ANCE STRAL

WOMB

OF

RACIAL'

POLITICS
THE following Report was
filed by Raoul Pantin on Wed-
nesday September 15, the
week of the General Elections.
It found no space in the four-
page Tapia of that week. We
publish it today as part .of the
historical record. (Editor).
TAPIA'S LAST pre-elec-
tion meeting, held at the
Queen's Park Savannah last
Sunday, did more than
just draw a sizeable crowd.
It also helped to prepare
people for the shock results
on Monday night.
"Win, lose or draw,"
Lloyd Best told the crowd,
"we are going to pursue
the Utopia of Tapia's New
World."
Denis Solomon said:
"Even if the regime stays
in power, they will under-
stand for the first time
that they are dealing with
a political population and
they must therefore walk
very, very carefully."

ORATOR

But it was Syl Lowhar,
orator laureate, who pointed
to the danger of the
moment: "The people of
Trinidad and Tobago will
be put onjtrial tomorrow.
"We will be put to the
test to see whether we will
summon up the courage to
make a leap forward ... or
whether we shall crawl
back into the ancestral
womb of racial politics."
At the end of that long,
hard campaign, Best also
admitted on Sunday that
electioneering in Trinidad
and Tobago was something
else again.
He referred to "the
scandalous outrage of this
degraded campaign" and
added: "I have never in
Iny life imagined that an
election campaign could
be conducted in a manner
such as this by these so-
called opposition parties."
In the (;overnomnt's case,
it wns "lhiskey and Ioti
politics".
I\;n1 Laughlin also
.ippealred horrified by the


election campaign. His
voice breaking with emo-
tion, Laughlin described it
as "the most degrading
form of Carnival politics"
and as "the most degraded
attempt to pull the popula-
tion backwards."
Best charged the Gov-
ernment with a new version
of Seven Deadly Sins
against the people of
Trinidad and Tobago,
among them the Govern-
ment's creation of "a
grasping new oligarchy of
the privileged elite."
Trinidad and Tobago was
heading in the direction
of a Latin American Re-
public, Best said.
Solomon promised the
crowd that Tapia is "going
to carry the population to
a new level of politics in
Trinidad and Tobago."
Best added that Tapia had
already "lifted our people
to a higher and nobler
plane of electioneering."
Tapia's task, obviously,
is to lift all the people
as well.


------ -- '/**-i,
Uncle

Sam

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but the consignment was
confiscated by the Guyana
Customs and never reached
the publishers, a front of
some opposition groupings.
The Burnham Govern-
ment has maintained a
tight rein on all media of
communication. Kwayana's
trial has become a cause
celebre.


B
P9


-Ps ~1






PAGE 10 TAPi- SUNDAY NOVEMBER 28,1976 __ ________



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SUNlUAYS il.X''d '" -l C4, i1/t i, A kLlA iE 11


* From Page 2
quately. In the end, they came
down in favour of a continued
separation of functions, but
with a President who would
not be "purely ceremonial",
who was seen as offering the
counterweight which was lack-
ing in our system. The powers
of that office were to include
the right to refer back bills to
the legislature fpr reconsidera-
tion and as a means of alerting
"the nation to the dangers of
the proposed legislation".
THE President was able to
have the power to appoint the
Chief Justice, the Chairman and
members of the Service Com-
missions, the Attorney-General,
the Chairman of the Boundaries
Commission and the Chairman
and one member of the Com-
:mitteet exercising a regulating
function in regard to Radio and
Television. In addition, he was
to make nominations to the
posts of Auditor-General, Elec-
tions Commissioner and Om-
budsman, subject to the approval
of the le.islRture.
IT seemed little more than
a pious hope of the Commis-
sioners "that this method of
appointment (would) as far as
practicable remove these offices
from the area of direct political
patronage". Such' a President,
with these powers of patronage
and delay, would enjoy effective
clout. In addition, given the
composition of Wooding's
Electoral College, he might be
emboldened to claim a national
mandate.
WHAT such a splitting of
Executive power posed was
the obvious danger of confron-
tation between the President
and thP Prime Minister. Could
a Prime Minister under the
Wooding scheme easily un-
burden himself of a testy
President? If he could, there
we would be back where we
started. If he couldn't, then
we would have a perfect recipe
for governmental paralysis
which would in turn invite a
strone-man solution. And once
again, we woula be ngnt back
where we started.
SINCE it does not appear
that constitutional tinkering
can get us very far, is it impos-


sible for the Presidency, as at
present conceived, to develop
into an institution worthy of
our respect? Despite the many
handicaps, the President could
wield crucial power in abnormal
circumstances. It is he or she
who must make the decision to
appoint a Prime Minister, and
it may not always be the case
that the individual who can
command a majority of the
House stands out very plain
AT such times, the present
system could work to the
advantage of the previous in
cumbents, if the President
were merely the creature of a
politician. But if the office-
holder were independent, he or
she could perform a tremend-
ous service to the nation. What
chance is there of throwing up
such a person?
IN large measure it depends
on the building up of a tradi-
tion of independence in the
post. No President, within the
framework of the Westminster
system, will ever be able to
override a Prime Minister. But
there could be twilight situa-
tions, arising out of the manner
of the President's selection and
the presence of many parties
in Parliament. none of which
enjoys a decisive mandate,
where the nation could need
the services of a fearless,
honest and intelligent individual
in the post.
BUT it would be in error
to pin our hopes on one, single
individual or Agency of Gov-
ernment. Even less useful is any
notion that we can simply
borrow the institutions of other
countries. A President of
Trinidad and Tobago cannot,
for the foreseeable future
expect to play the same role a
a British Monarch, given all th
venerable traditions of that
institution. Perhaps the lov
status he has been accorded in
theory and practice is inevit-
able.
WHAT we need to do is to
create out ot our own tradi-
tions as a people institution,
appropriate to our needs. The
real alternative to what we
lave now is to give to the
people a place in the system, a
voice in the corridors of
power, to require of men and


women in all walks of life the
independence to stand up to
Executive power, when over it
counts.
ONE way of doing this
would be to accord them parlia-
mentary cover in a permanent
conference of citizens. Given
our history, there are two
forces we understand the
power of the Governor and
the unorganized might of the
people. The one is now well-,


entrenched. The other often
exists only as a potentiality.,
A People's Parliament is still
needed to provide the institu-
tional balance we lack. A
President, elected by, and
responsive to the kind of
Senate Tapia proposes, could
then more credibly symbolize,
the reserve powers of the
people.
ALLAN HARRIS


DtEGO

PARTY
TAPIA pepplei from Diego,
Carenage, Maraval and environs
are invitedd to a meeting on
Wednesday December 1, toi
discuss forming a Regional
Party.
Starting time is 7.30 pnm
at the St. Michael Parish Hal.
on Diamond Boulevard.
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AND DEALERS IN TRINIDAD & TOBAGO.
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I'AUE: 12 TAPI. ASUiNLAY
A STINGING ow is
brewing over refusal by
Bishop Anstey (Private)
Junior School to admit a
4-year-old boy who wears
his hair in 'locks'.
Headmistress Mrs. Jennifer
Als last week said she naa
"no comment" after the
child's parents, writer
Lennox and Cuqui Raphael,
said they had been
"insulted" and their child
had suffered "discrimina-
tion".
The Raphaels have
another boy, six-year-old
Sapo, who started going
to School in Septembei
but whose hair is not long
and platted as his-borther,
Sesame.
They said they been


NUV EIViBL 26. 1 76
trying to place Sesame in
the same school with his
brother. But Mrs. Raphael
said she had been told
bluntly by Mrs. Als the
child would not be able
to enter the school with
his hair "matted".
Mrs. Raphael said -last
week: "I explained to her
that the child's hair is
washed, parted and oiled
every day. But the Head-
mistress, according to Mrs.
Raphael, insisted that the
rules of the school did not
permit a child with "untidy
hair".
Lennox Raphael, who
also wears his hair in
'locks', is a former journal-
ist and playwrigltt now
living in Belmont, Trinidad.


He said he felt Mrs. Als
"is wrong" and pointed
out that another child had
been allowed to enter the
school to be with her
sister although the child
was "under age" and "un-
familiar with the English
language".
In a long letter to the
Headmistress on the sub-
ject, Raphael said: "We
know you are wrong. And


if you're not, then Trinidad
is."
The letter added: "But I
am certain also that you
do not speak for Trinidad
for I am Trinidad, and
Sesame is, and is also the
future of Trinidad."
Mrs. Raphael said:
"Sesame wants to go to
school now. He's very
bright and he should be in
school."


When Tapia called last
week to ask Mrs. Als if
there was a problem, she
said: "I'm sorry. I don't
have any comment to
make on this particular
problem at the moment."
Then there was a pro-
blem? "I wasn't aware it
was a problem. I don't
have anything to say except
to the people involved "


BWIA


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relax at a side-walk cafe on the swing-
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BWIA has also arranged a variety of
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